Mecsi, Beatrix: Bodhidharma in China, Korea and Japan: Models for representations and...

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Transcript of Mecsi, Beatrix: Bodhidharma in China, Korea and Japan: Models for representations and...

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Art in a Global Perspective is a programme initiated by Rui Oliveira Lopes in 2011 at the Artistic

Studies Research Centre (CIEBA) Faculty of Fine Arts University of Lisbon (FBAUL) The pro-

gramme is committed to the development of creative and academic research projects in the field

of Artistic Studies History of Art Museum Studies and Curatorial Practices related with the

artistic and cultural interactions between cultures throughout time As part of the programme Art

in a Global Perspective the Global Art Monograph Series presents recent academic research into

all aspects related with artistic interactions between cultures taking a wide range of approaches

in the field of History of Art Global Art Geography of Art and Transcultural Studies The series

publishes monographic works and collected essays on a specific theme Volumes are designed to

be of interest to researchers teachers and graduate students

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Copyright copy 2014 by Faculdade de Belas-Artes da Universidade de Lisboa and the authors

Face to Face The transcendence of the arts in China and beyond ndash Historical Perspectives

Edited by Rui Oliveira Lopes

All rights reserved No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means mechanical or electronic including photocopying recording or the use of any information and retrieval system without the permission in writing from the publisher and the authors except for the inclusion of brief quotations in a review

Illustration credits are listed in the caption on each image which constitutes an extension of this copyright page Every effort has been made to locate the copyright holders of images in this book if any oversight has been committed it will be corrected upon notification in writing in subsequent editions

Published in 2014 by Centro de Investigaccedilatildeo e Estudos em Belas-Artes (CIEBA)

Proofreading by Jared HawkeyDesigned by Jorge dos ReisTypesetting by Luacutecia BuiselPrinted by xxxx

ISBN 978-989-8300-49-2Legal Deposit xxxxFirst Edition

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This book is published on the occasion of the research project Face to Face The transcendence of the arts in China and beyond coordinated by Rui Oliveira Lopes and Fernando Antoacutenio Baptista Pereira from the Faculty of Fine Arts University of Lisbon

sponsorship partnership

1 3 5 7

The transcendence of the arts in China and beyondHistorical Perspectives

Edited by Rui Oliveira Lopes

The transcendence of the arts in China and beyondHistorical Perspectives

Edited by Rui Oliveira Lopes

8 9

Foreword ndash Rethinking the history of art in a global perspectiveRui Oliveira Lopes

The formation of artistic identities in the context of intercultural dialogue between China and the World

Rui Oliveira Lopes

Artistic identities in contrast The arts along the Silk Road and the South China Sea Routes

Han and Wei Jin tombs with murals artistic exchange in architecture and iconographyNataša Vampelj Suhadolnik

From Han to Koguryo The Spread of Stone Chamber Tombs in Northeast Asia (1stndash7th centuries)Chen Li

Buddha and bodhisattvas in the Koguryo tomb no 1 in Changchuan Jian Jilin province ChinaAriane Perrin

Exchange across Media in Northern Wei ChinaBonnie Cheng

Table of ContentsCentral Asia The Eastern Provincial Art of SassaniansParisa A Moghadam

Bodhidharma in China Korea and Japan Models for representations and commercialization of the legendary founder of Chan Buddhism in East AsiaBeatrix Mecsi

From the artistic sophistication of the Song dynasty to the legacy of the Mongol invasion

The Rock Carvings of Stone Seal Mountain A Specimen of Water and Land Ritual and the Unification of the Three Teachings in Stone from the Song dynasty (960ndash1279)Zhou Zhao

From Virtuous Paragons to Efficacious Images Paintings of Filial Sons in Song TombsFei Deng

Wenji Returns to China A Jin (1115ndash1234) Handscroll and Its Relevance to Changing Jurchen Cultural IdentitiesHang Lin

The Emperor Rejoiced with Great Joy How a gift from the Pope in 1342 came to be depicted as a tribute horse in a late-Yuan painting A case of cultural misunderstandingLauren Arnold

Artistic exchange between Korea and China The craft of lacquer with mother-of-pearl inlayPatricia Frick

Reading between the lines a potter a connoisseur and a curatorYupin Chung

Artistic exchange in Late imperial China

Repercussions of Chinese textiles in Portuguese decorative arts (16thndash17th centuries)Maria Joatildeo Ferreira

Chinese fashion crossed the oceans in the wake of the Portuguese trade with China during the late Ming and early Qing dynastiesRui DrsquoAacutevila Lourido

Church A ldquoSacred Eventrdquo and the Visual Perspective of an ldquoEtic Viewerrdquo

an 18th century Western-Style Chinese Painting held in the Bibliothegraveque nationale de FranceLianming Wang

Making sense of diplomatic gift exchange between East and West (1644ndash1820)Federica A Broilo

Western impact on the architecture and landscape paintings of the High Qing CourtShih-hua Chiu

Prints in Sino-European artistic interactions of the Early Modern PeriodCheng-hua Wang

The construction of Chinese style gardens in 18th century Germany by using the garden of Woumlrlitz (1764ndash1813)and the Chinese garden of Oranienbaum (1793ndash1797) as examplesSheng-Ching Chang

Urban Imaginaries The Framing of China Trade PaintingsYeewan Koon

About the Authors

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Bodhidharma in China Korea and JapanModels for representations and commercialization of the legendary founder of Chan Buddhism in East Asia

Beatrix Mecsi

ELTE University Budapest

Abstract

According to tradition the founder of Chan or meditational Buddhism Bodhidharma originated from India yet his legend and first representa-tions are more typically associated with China Known as Putidamo or Damo in Chinese Boridalma or Dalma in Korean and Bodai Daruma or Daruma in Japanese this legendary figure is frequently seen in the visual art and popular culture of East Asian countries In my paper I focus on the visual representa-tions of Bodhidharma as they became popular in China Japan and Korea

After summarizing the information about Bodhidharma revealed in primary and secondary textual sources I analyze them together with visual sources in order to investigate the formation of the legend and iconography of Bodhidharma from the very beginning and describe their dynamics Looking at text-image relationships I explain analysing a famous episode of the Bodhidharma leg-end ldquoCrossing the Yangzi River on a Reedrdquo that other images besides those of Bodhidharma had a considerable effect on influencing and altering later texts as well as consequent images thus changing and enriching religious traditions

The power of the image is seen through the commercialization of Bodhidharma representations particularly in Japan where their commercial use occurred much earlier than in Korea and developed different traditions compared to those of China where the legend had come from

Whereas most publications that examine Bodhidharma focus on the Chinese and Japanese developments this paper introduces Korean Bodhidharma imagery into the discussion stressing the importance of looking at the differ-ences and similarities in the creation of images of the same legendary figure in context (where do these models derive from how much they changed them) and how these cultures differ from one another or how they are similar in their means of image-production use and consumption

Introduction

According to tradition the founder of meditational Buddhism1 Bodhidharma originated from India and nowadays this legendary figure is frequently seen in the visual art and popular culture of East Asian countries Known as Putidamo or Damo in China Boridalma or Dalma in Korea and Bodai Daruma or Daruma in Japan Bo-dhi-dha-rmo-tta-ra in Tibet he can also be found in Vietnam

The aim of my research was to make a deeper investigation of Bodhidharma as his figure appears in visual arts

1 Dhyana in Sanskrit Chan in Chinese Seon in Korean Bsam gtan in Tibetan Thien in Vietnamese Since the Western world was first aware of it through Japan Chan is most frequently referred by its Japanese name (Zen) The name I use depends on the country in question otherwise I use ldquomeditational Buddhismrdquo or Chan

172 173

The prevailing Sino-Japanese perspective imposes limits on research but here I propose a more inclusive approach Thus I do not want to limit my research to a single country as do the majority of previous studies discussing this topic The visual images from Korea are relatively unknown because there are only a few publications on Korean imagery of the meditational school in Western languages and even in Korean where there are only a few scholarly studies available as compared to the dozens of books and articles devoted to Japanese Zen Therefore I will treat the material with more emphasis on the Korean Bodhidharma images and will not describe Japanese Bodhidharma images in any great depth In this paper I attempt to concentrate on more recent aspects and relatively undiscovered areas

Art and visual culture not only spreads nationally but also across borders influencing the artistic and creative thoughts of other regions It is particularly true of religion where monks were the carriers of Buddhism from one coun-try to another and alongside their religious beliefs they transmitted the visual culture of other territories in the form of religious imagery Here we should examine the artistic influences and the stylistic differences between the regions where Chan Buddhism was adopted

Images and texts have their own lives They are born (created) they are used in some way and exist in a specific context where they work in interaction with viewers and readers As for the creation of images we will have to answer the following questions by whom why and how were these images produced Regarding the imagesrsquo use there are then the following questions by whom where when how and for what purpose were the given images used In this context it is important to distinguish between how we see the surviving images today and how their contemporaries saw them in the past How they were seen in different eras at different points between their ldquocreationrdquo and the present day There are also images which even though they have not survived might have had an influence on later images and which we should thus try to keep in mind even though we may have no tangible evidence of their existence Images from the past live concurrently together with new images Any change from a previous scheme any innovation deserves our attention because they might reveal a great deal about the context and circumstances of an imagersquos production It is also necessary to discuss the idea of an image in East Asia and within this framework we can draw a more accurate picture of the Bodhidharma imagery

It is difficult to acquire knowledge of the intentions and motivations for repre-senting a visual image in this case representations of Bodhidharma but we can contrast the style of chinsō-type coloured paintings2 used for rituals with the more spontaneous monochrome ink-paintings Looking at both their function and production we can see that style had an importance in the use of these images

2 Chinsō Japanese pronounciation of the term for formal portraits of meditation masters usually made in a meticulous style using colour with great attention paid to the realistic depiction of the face

What is the role of representation in the case of Bodhidharma in different times and regions Is it true that the representation of the founder of this school follows the religious teaching practices of Chan Buddhism by rejecting a reliance on ldquowords and lettersrdquo This issue should be also discussed since its aim is to depict the iconography of an iconoclastic tradition which Chan Buddhism claimed to transmit

It is also necessary to discuss the possible reasons for Bodhidharmarsquos popu-larity especially in Japan where his figure is found almost everywhere even in the form of a roly-poly doll (Fig 1) (Mecsi 1999 2008)

How to Grasp Bodhidharma The Nature of Previous Studies Philology Art History Anthropology

For a long time studies of Chan Buddhism were dominated by a mainly uncriti-cal sectarian approach made by scholars who were mostly monks themselves and accepted many of the legends without question To analyse their own view-point was deemed unnecessary since legends and religious imagery served as settings for their own lives Explaining them was only important where they supported their beliefs3 Only in the first half of the 20th century when the Dunhuang manuscripts were rediscovered scholars such as Hu Shih Ui Hakuju Sekiguchi Shindai and Yanagida Seizan started to look at this tradi-tion from a more objective and critical point of view Following these scholars many Western academics mostly historians of religion began to examine Chan Buddhism and attempted to revise the still prevailing approach introduced to the West by D T Suzuki4 Unquestionably Suzuki contributed a lot to Western intellectual knowledge (for instance his influence on Martin Heidegger Erich Fromm Carl Gustav Jung Thomas Merton and Aldous Huxley) but he pre-sented a version of Zen Buddhism which had very little to do with real East

3 As is usually the case with religious art and thought where the ideas often wrapped in myths and legends in order to bring abstract ideas closer to practitioners and ease understanding For more on symbolism see Cassirer 1953

4 Suzuki Teitarō Daisetz (1870ndash1966) knowledgeable about Anglo-American culture and with a strong command of the English language his marriage to an American woman gave him deep roots in the West without weakening his fidelity to his former Zen Buddhist background The Ameri-can writer William James (1842ndash1910) had a great impact on him influencing him in his psycholo-gising style Though he never gave a systematic presentation of Zen throughout his world tours and activity in the West ldquohe was able to cover all aspects in a prolific output that included such influen-tial works as the three volumes of Essays in Zen Buddhism which first published in London between 1927 and 1934 and which have been reprinted and translated many times since then His other works were also popular such as the trilogy comprising An introduction to Zen Buddhism (1934) The Training of the Zen Buddhist Monk (1934) and the Manual of Zen Buddhism (1935) Suzuki was not a regurgitator but he constantly reinterpreted the message he transmitted adapting it to Western concerns and deliberately highlighting certain key themesrdquo (Dumoulin 1992 p 4ndash10)

Bod

hidharm

a in China K

orea and Jap

anMod

els for representations

and com

mercialization of the legend

ary founder of C

han Bud

dhism

in East A

siaB

eatr

ix M

ecsi

174 175

Asian practice5 The Zen which he introduced to the West was inflected by Western thought and delivered in a form that served mainly missionary pur-poses Emphasis was placed on common ideals and thoughts of human harmony found in Zen Buddhism for which one finds parallels in Christianity Using a different vocabulary and more exact psychological descriptions in place of spe-cific symbolic language helped to further the understanding of the psychological motifs of mysticism detached from either religion especially Christianity but it did not say much about the historical and intellectual background of the newly arrived belief system (Otto 1932 Somogyi 1973 Suler 1993 Fromm-Suzuki 1960 and for the activity of the Kyoto school Dumoulin 1992 p 20ndash66)

For a contemporary scholar it is important to approach ChanZenSeon Buddhism as one would do with any other historical phenomenon to define clearly the viewpoint of investigation and try not to be struck by the allure of the philosophical and religious discourse

Sharf draws attention to the fact that the visuality of a religious tradition was previously a very much neglected field in the traditional Western research which is surprising when we consider the profusion of images well documented by even the earliest European explorers (drsquoElia (ed) 1942ndash1949) and suggests that the division of academic labour prevented Western scholars from having a more accurate picture of the actual religious phenomena in East Asia includ-ing the role of visual imagery (Sharf 2001 p 5) In the West Buddhist studies grew out of philology the study of early texts composed in classical languages (Lopez 1995 Welbon 1968 Fong 1987 Almond 1988) The objective of these scholars was to read the scriptural sources and concentrated on the analysis of Buddhist thought and doctrines the narrative and mythological tradition biographies and the institutionalised history of the tradition

In India where Buddhism disappeared a long time ago and where material artefacts are relatively rare and of uncertain provenance this preoccupation with the ancient texts is not so surprising but in the field of East Asian Buddhism there is no such lack of alternative visual sources for a broader understanding of Buddhist tradition Here there are plentiful sources of archaeological and art historical remains and there is a living tradition which is more or less based on ancient religious practices In this case unlike their colleagues in Indological studies such scholarsrsquo fixation on ancient Buddhist textual sources without a sidelong glance at the living tradition or its visual aspects seems unnecessarily limited(Sharf 2001 p 5)

5 Suzuki used the term Zen for naming a way of thinking and practice cut off from its historical roots and elevating it to a universal truth thus enabling Western audiences to absorb more easily the central meaning of its mysticism He did not handle Zen as a historically definite phenomenon as he was more a missionary interested in spreading an updated spiritual message for contemporary Western society than a historian See the criticism of the historian Hu Shih who attempted to revise the views and method introduced to the West by Suzuki (Hu Shih 1953b 3) However Hu Shihrsquos approach was also historically determined (McRae 2001 p 59ndash102)

Fig 1

Daruma dolls in Japan

Photograph taken

by the author in 2007

Nov 21st

Fig 2

Gim Myeongguk b 1600-d

after 1662 Tryptich

17th century Ink on silk

hanging scroll 966sum388

cm each Collection of Tokyo

University of Arts

Reproduced in Choi Sun-taek

Korean Seon Painting pl21

Bod

hidharm

a in China K

orea and Jap

anMod

els for representations

and com

mercialization of the legend

ary founder of C

han Bud

dhism

in East A

siaB

eatr

ix M

ecsi

176 177

included their visual experiences Art historians have recently challenged the strongly held methodological assumption that ldquonarrative illustrationsrdquo are inevi-tably preceded by a literary text6 Therefore the suggestion of the primacy of the written sources which has long been an integral part of the iconographical and iconological studies is no longer accepted as being inherently self-evident The tendency to look at pictures in order to identify a background text ldquomay cause narratives to be found where they never intended to berdquo (Lachman 1993 p 242)

The other discipline relevant to our investigation is anthropology In the Judeo-Christian intellectual tradition image-veneration was regarded as idola-try and seen as a sign of ignorance superstition and a retarded cultural develop-ment (Marosi 1995) Early anthropologists such as Edward Tylor and Lucien Leacutevy-Bruhl saw animism where inanimate objects are imbued with animate qualities as a distinguishing feature of ldquoprimitive religionrdquo or ldquoprimitive men-talityrdquo (Tylor 1920 Leacutevy-Bruhl 1985 Sharf 2001 p 6 and p 206) Western scholars of Buddhist Studies who were familiar with the philosophical and liter-ary sophistication of researched Buddhist texts therefore had great difficulty in dealing with the image-veneration of those traditions which had once produced such textual references This issue becomes extremely interesting in the study of Chan Buddhism where Western scholars were often led to admire the icono-clastic and extreme statements of Chan Buddhist Masters These scholars have a tendency to interpret the whole tradition based on such textual sources and thus tend to misinterpret the clear differences in the religious-cultic practices of the believers There are scholars who even make a distinction within Chan Buddhist related art and concern themselves only with the monochrome ink paintings made in the style of the literati termed Zenga (Hempel 1960 Addiss 1976 1989 Stevens-Yelen 1990 Fukushima 1978) Stephen Addiss (1989 p 57) wrote in his book on Zen art that ldquoAs a rule Zen has had little use for miracu-lous deeds stressing instead the enlightenment of the everyday worldrdquo

In this way these scholars attempt to avoid the fact that in Zen Buddhist cir-cles too the veneration of images played a very important role and that some of the themes which appeared on the spontaneous ink paintings were actu-ally inspired by venerated icons Magic and miraculous deeds were also com-mon in ChanZen as seen in several studies published recently (Sharf 1992 Granoff and Shinohara 1988 p 119ndash228) Led by their roots in the study of religious texts scholars of East Asian Buddhism also tend to think of Chan Buddhism as an atheistic tradition and therefore also tend not to consider that

6 Erwin Panofsky argues it is not that texts influence images but that images also have genres as do texts (cited in Marosi 1995 p 26) James Cahill observed the types of text-object relationships in Chinese art and noted the same notion that ldquoolder studies took somewhat simplistic views (hellip) considering the text as primary and constant to which illustrations served as embellishment and amplification recent studies see a more organic interaction In the newer model the works in verbal and visual media adapt flexibly to each other For instance illustrations may generate a new version of the text or the choice of excerpts to be illustrated (hellip) leads to a shift of emphases within the narrativerdquo (Cahill 1983)

Obviously the work of translation in order to understand certain phenom-ena is crucial but scholars should be open to the other alternative sources which may help to provide a better understanding of their topic

The Japanese scholarly tradition namely the pre-modern sectarian scho-lasticism also had a strong influence on the training of scholars in the field of East Asian Buddhism Most Japanese scholars of Chinese and Japanese Buddhism are themselves ordained priests and teaching in private Buddhist Universities sponsored by certain Buddhist orders Japanese scholars of East Asian Buddhism also emphasise the importance of the textual tradition and they tend to impart this orientation to their foreign students Sharf points to the danger that often Western students of Buddhism hardly tend to notice the clerical aspects of their mentorsrsquo education while their Japanese teach-ers perhaps understandably avoid drawing attention to their sectarian inter-ests (Sharf 2001 p 5) The result is that many texts written about East Asian Buddhism by such Western scholars ndash especially on Zen a very popular topic among Westerners ndash adopt an uncritical text-oriented approach

The study of Buddhist art as a discipline also has its own history This is rooted in the classical art historical approach namely viewing a particular arte-fact in the context of other artefacts looking for stylistic similarities and dif-ferences In the hands of these scholars Buddhist textual sources are usually used to identify an image its symbolism and iconography The merit of this approach lies in its ability to identify objects and provide a reliable source for further studies but also often fails to acknowledge the broader context

The identification of an image by its iconography or authorship is useful for art dealers and collectors but for scholars who wish to reconstruct and under-stand a tradition it is only a tool for further research Recently this approach was challenged by art historians in the West where the art historian Hans Belting even went so far as to deny his disciplinersquos legacy by referring to the ldquoend of art historyrdquo suggesting that we should look further and deal with the context and place of the art objects (Belting 1987) Following Beltingrsquos approach much research has been done in the field of Christian art elucidating the place and use of artefacts within the rituals challenging long-held views and breathing fresh air into the scholarship of religious imagery

I discuss both written and pictorial visual sources of Bodhidharma In this respect my research attempts to show that visual sources had as enormous an impact on the written tradition as had previous written sources Accordingly one cannot regard written culture as the only inspirational source for the iconog-raphy of visual images Given the ability to write was not widespread not even among the majority of the monks and religious ldquointelligentsiardquo the oral tradition and visual imagination played an important role in the course of everyday life We also have to think that the writers of such sources were probably not only influ-enced by earlier written sources but also by their own knowledge which equally

Bod

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a in China K

orea and Jap

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mercialization of the legend

ary founder of C

han Bud

dhism

in East A

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Southern China in 5207 At that time Mahāyāna Buddhism was an already established religion so the Emperor Wu of the Liang dynasty (Liang Wudi r 502ndash549) who was a devout Buddhist led Buddhist assemblies wrote com-mentaries on several sutras and gave the religion his full support invited the Indian monk Bodhidharma to leave Buddhismrsquos homeland and come to his court After their short conversation it was no wonder that Bodhidharma could not stay any longer so he crossed the Yangzi River with the help of a single reed and headed north8 He stopped at the Shaolin monastery near Luoyang in Henan province9 Here he spent nine years in meditation in a cave facing a blank wall10 The novelty of his teachings came from the stress on the impor-tance of meditation (Skrt Dhyana Ch Chan(na) Kor Seon(na) Jp Zen(na)11 hence the name of the school) at a time when Mahāyāna Buddhism was mainly Sutra-oriented As a famous stanza attributed to Bodhidharma says

7 The exact date of his arrival differs in the written sources and is open to speculation in scholarly works (Pelliot 1923) Earlier textual sources indicate his arrival during the Wei or the Liu-Song periods but towards the second half of the 8th century the legend assumed a more stable arrival during the time of the Liang (Lidai fabao ji dated around 774 T 512075 p 179ndash196) This was probably influenced by the legend previously inserted to Bodhidharmarsquos biography about Bodhidharmarsquos audience with the famous Buddhist-patron and emperor Liang Wudi (r 502ndash549) (Putidamo nanzong ding shifei lun dated 732 Jacques Gernet (trans) 1949 p 81ndash91)We have to add that a text from around 730 called Lengqie shizi zhi mentions a Central Indian monk called Gunabhadra who arrived in Canton by ship during the Yuanjia era (425ndash453) He was welcomed by the emperor and among other works translated the Lankavatara Sutra which had great importance and was later associated with Bodhidharma as being the text he transmitted to his successor Huike (Yampolsky 1967 p 20) Based on this text Luo Xianglin (1960 p 14ndash15) believes that Bodhidharma was a disciple of Gunabhadra at the Guangxiao Temple However Hu Shi stated that Gunabhadra died before Bodhidharma arrived in China (Hu Shi 1994) But such speculations which give more credence to certain sources as reference points rather than others cannot be regarded as an acceptable method though they are important in the sense that the relationships between the given sources is telling

8 The earliest written source is the mid-11th century Chuan fa zhengzong ji (Transmission of the Dharma and the correct teaching in the true School) though there is no mention of the reed (T 512078 715ndash768) The earliest written source which mentions the reed is from the 13th century (Wujia zhengzong zan (Eulogies from the Five Houses in the True School) dated 1254 and Shi shi tongjian 1270) But these early 13th century textual sources do not mention that Bodhidharma actually used the reed to cross the river This we know from the visual sources where Bodhidharma is represented as standing on a reed while crossing the river (Lachman 1993 Mecsi 2008 2009)

9 The earliest reference to Bodhidharmarsquos stay at the Shaolin monastery is from the first decade of the 8th century (Chuan fabao ji (Record of the Transmission of the Dharma Jewel) dated around 710) Thereafter it remains a constant part of the legend

10 The wall-meditation was mostly understood as a meditation technique where the mind should be blank like a wall There is general reference to this technique in several sources from the 7th century onwards (Xu gaoseng zhuan (Continued Biographies of Eminent Monks) dated 645) but without mention of the cave where the wall meditation occurred the cave is often depicted in the visual sources from the 13th century onwards

11 Though practice of meditation was common from the 5th century onwards See Prajnaparamita and Yogacara meditation and the contemplative aspects of the Tiantai school (BDK English Tripitaka 75 1998 p 1)

the ldquoperformance of obeisances and offerings to images which appear within this tradition constitutes idolatry per serdquo (Sharf 2001 p 6)

In sum previous studies done in the field of Chan Buddhism can be sepa-rated to three main groups based on their approach The first is the philological approach of the Buddhologists which may grasp the ideals and aims of the tra-dition but not its real appearance and practice in the given milieu The second is that of classical art history which is concerned with the relationships of the visual images within the context of images but only considers their symbolism and style looking at them in their inner context rather than a broader one The third approach is that of anthropology rooted in the Judeo-Christian disdain of idolatry and the sectarian approach with its influence which both stood in the way of the critical scholarship of Chan Buddhist art in its historical context Each of these approaches has its own value and importance Philology gives us the translated texts to interpret the monastic ideals art history gives us the identifi-cation of artefacts that we can organize with more confidence while anthropol-ogy attempts to describe the living tradition While focusing on our questions we need to cross boundaries between disciplines to bring us closer to our answers

The Legend of Bodhidharma

Those familiar with the history of Chan Buddhism might assume that Bodhidharma is a relatively well-known personality but if we have a closer look at the sources referring to his life we can discern that the real person is somewhat hidden behind the hagiographical texts By looking more closely at the legendary life of Bodhidharma we understand that the story is not about one person but an amalgamation of many legends and traditions Historians with a critical approach can shed new light on the tradition of ChanZenSeon Buddhism and of ldquoits own naturerdquo but they often find themselves in a difficult situation when they wish to outline the proper historical facts behind the sur-viving legends If historians deal with texts concerning Bodhidharma as docu-ments from which they need to find historical facts then the research method can lead to misleading results As Bernard Faure very aptly commented ldquooften enough after this mortuary washing only a skeleton remains and it is this skel-eton that will enter the museum of history In fact some missing bones may have to be taken from other skeletons to complete the exhibitrdquo (1986 p 188)

Textual sources about Bodhidharmarsquos life are greatly inconsistent To avoid confusion I will summarize his life-story including all the available legends that surround Bodhidharma with occasional reference to the controversies and the original sources of the legends mentioned in the footnotes

Bodhidharma (c 470ndash532) founder of Chan Buddhism arrived in Canton

Bod

hidharm

a in China K

orea and Jap

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and com

mercialization of the legend

ary founder of C

han Bud

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in East A

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his left arm and presented it to Bodhidharma in an attempt to make him speak Finally he had Bodhidharmarsquos attention

There is no peace in my mind Please calm down my mind ndash asked HuikePut it in front of me then I will calm it down ndash replied BodhidharmaBut where shall I look for my mind ndash asked Huike ndash I donrsquot find it anywhereThere now ndash answered Bodhidharma ndash I have already calmed it down

Huike in this moment gained enlightenment16 One day Bodhidharma felt the urge to go back to India so he asked all his disciples to tell him what they had learnt from his teachings and how much they had understood17 When the disciples recounted their interpretations one by one Bodhidharma told Daofu ldquoYou only grasped the skinrdquo To nun Zongchi ldquoyou only grasped the bonerdquo Then to Huike ldquoYou grasped the marrowrdquo Thus Huike became the second Chinese Chan patriarch after Bodhidharma who is considered the 28th Patriarch of Chan Buddhism18 This identification follows a story which traces the Chan teachings back to the Buddha himself and how one day as he was sit-ting on a hill and without saying a word picked out a kumbala flower Nobody understood its significance except Mahakashyapa who became his successor the second patriarch after Shakyamuni Buddha Following an uninterrupted line Bodhidharma is the 28th in the Indian lineage and the first in the Chinese lineage of the Chan patriarchate19 Bodhidharma died before he could return to his homeland some say his rivals poisoned him20 He was buried in North

16 For more on Huike see Chapin 1945ndash1946 The calming of the mind (or in other words anxin dialogue first appears in the middle of the 10th century (See Zutang ji (Anthology of the Patriarch Hall) dated 952)

17 The number of his disciples differs across written sources In the first versions of the legend he only mentioned two disciples See Xu gaoseng zhuan (645) Chuan fabao ji (710) Lengqie shizi ji (c 730) From the second half of the 8th century three are mentioned in Lidai fabao ji (740) and four in Baolin zhuan (801) Zutang ji (952) Jingde chuandeng lu (1004) and in Chuan fa zhengzong ji (1061) Still he only has one disciple in Liuzu tan jing (c 830) and Song gaoseng zhuan (988) The first mention of the ldquoflesh bones and marrowrdquo story is in the Lidai fabao ji (774) thereafter it became a common part of the legend

18 The enumeration of the patriarchs first appeared in the Baolin zhuan (801) according to which Bodhidharma is considered 28th in line Later this numbering became widely accepted

19 Dafan tianwang wenfa jieyi jing (T 2006 p 48 325b7ndash12) Nukariya Kaiten writes that ldquothe book in which this incident is described is entitled Sutra on the Great Brahman Kingrsquos Questioning Buddha to Dispel a Doubt but there exists no original text or any Chinese translation in the Tripitaka It is highly probable that some early Chinese Chan scholar of the [Northern] Song dynasty (960ndash1126) fabricated the tradition because Wang An-shih a powerful minister under the emperor Shen-tsung is said to have seen a book in the Imperial Library There is however no evidence as far as we know pointing to the existence of the Sutra in China In Japan there exist in manuscript form two different translations of that book kept in secret veneration by some Zen masters which have been proved to be fictitious by the present writer after his close examination of the contentsrdquo (Kaiten 1913 p 3)

20 On Bodhidharmarsquos poisoning the earliest surviving document is from the 8th century (Chuan fabao ji c 710)

A special transmission outside the scripturesNot depending on words and lettersDirectly pointing to the humanrsquos mindUnderstanding onersquos own nature12

There is a legend which tells how once during meditation Bodhidharma was overcome by drowsiness and became so angry that he tore off his eyelids from which grew a tea shrub with the leaves that were used to provide a refreshing drink throughout East Asia13 And as he spent so much time without mov-ing his legs and arms atrophied and fell off14 But still he was also consid-ered as the founder of the famous martial art Shaolin gongfu (kungfu)15 While Bodhidharma was sitting meditating in the cave a man Senguang later known as Huike came asked him to accept him as a disciple and begged to be taught by the master however Bodhidharma failed to notice him It was snowing heav-ily but Huike continued to wait patiently outside the cave for Bodhidharma to respond and then in final despair and as a mark of sincere intention he cut off

12 My translation differs slightly from versions found in several different publications The important emphasis on personal experience versus written words was very possibly a Daoist influence (Laozi 1994)

13 I have not found the original version of this legend in the primary sources I have collected This episode might be an early 20th-century European creation possibly the result of an incorrect translation made by Engelbert Kaempfer (1651ndash1716) a German traveller and physician After Kaempfers death his mostly unpublished manuscripts were bought by Sir Hans Sloane and taken to England Among them was a History of Japan translated from the manuscript into English by JG Scheuchzer and published in London in 2 vols in 1727 The original German remains unpub-lished the extant German version being taken from the English (Engelbert Kaempfer MD (1727) The History of Japan Together with a Description of the Kingdom of Siam transl JG Scheuchzer 1906 James MacLehose eds reprint AMS New York 3 volumes) courtesy of Dr John Jor-gensen (Griffith University Australia) through personal communication in April 2007

14 This accounts for the armless and legless round-shaped popular dolls of Bodhidharma the so-called ldquoDaruma dollsrdquo found in Japan This episode is also not found in the primary written sources I con-sider it a secondary addition to the legend and some existing visual sources In my opinion there were some dolls shaped like the ldquowould-be Daruma dollsrdquo before people started to identify those dolls with the meditation monk who spent nine years in meditation without moving As the original meanings of such roly-poly dolls faded they gained popularity with the new meaning and the makers of such dolls deliberately altered the old form to fit the new meaning The oldest object I have come across in the form of a round-shaped legless and armless figure is a glazed earthenware whistle sancai from a Tang dynasty tomb (Pacific Asia Museum Pasadena California object number 1995 1025)

15 The text called Yijin Jing which was said to have been found in the Qing period (1644ndash1911) in Shaolin Temple and related to Bodhidharma stresses the cultivation of the body as well as the mind an idea which probably comes from Daoism The Lokapalas (Defenders of the Buddhist Law) in East Asian iconography are said to have shown a defending pose the arhat-pose associ-ated with the later gongfu [kung-fu] (Kim Cheol 1986 p 171) In Shaolin Temple in the Hall of the White Robe Avalokiteśvara a wall painting shows Indian and Chinese monks practising gongfu [kung-fu] (No date given by Choi 1995 p 76) Military monks used concentration and special mental techniques in martial arts This might be a reason why the warrior rulers the shōguns and the samurai in Japan favoured Zen Buddhism About the idea of Dao [Tao] as used for martial arts in East Asian Aesthetics and Art Theories (Nishiyama 1992 p 141ndash148)

Bod

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182 183

from the West and in addition that not only were tales about Western monks and religious figures mixed into the legend but that indigenous Chinese myths and beliefs were too as well as acting as a conduit for aspirations of religious power And as a later phenomenon there are accounts of Christian mission-aries who believed this man from the West was familiar with Christianity or more precisely that he was a Christian apostle (Faure 1993)

Iconography of Bodhidharma

Turning to the visual sources of Bodhidharma first we should describe the dif-ferent iconographical types of Bodhidharma and show examples of them from China Korea and Japan

Even for those familiar with the images of East Asia sometimes it is very dif-ficult to name depicted figures because of the lack of inscriptions especially in the late phases of the development of certain iconographies This is due to the tendency of using pre-existing patterns and giving them new meaning as was the case in the Western culture during the early Middle Ages when the pagan Apollo figure was used to represent Jesus Christ Rather than inventing completely new imagery combining existing intellectual and religious systems is an easier way to proceed Therefore we often find that artists were inspired by previous visual models rather than relying primarily on textual sources In many cases these textual sources themselves were also inspired by previous visual representations As the meaning of the depicted figure changed in soci-ety and in the mind of the artist inevitably certain forms merged and new pic-torial representations were produced Being careful with the identification of the earliest images is most important because they can give us vital clues for the history of certain iconographic types

Among the earliest images there are two distinct iconographic types which later became entangled One is a beardless figure in the other the more popu-lar representation Bodhidharma appears as a hairy bearded man with a stocky build exaggerated foreign features often wearing a hood The majority of the images of Bodhidharma are a half body or bust portrait The remaining group includes full body portraits where we can differentiate between standing and sitting images Among the standing images we find Bodhidharma crossing the Yangzi River on a reed carrying one shoe or sandal or a combination of the two themes or sometimes without any such objects Among sitting images we find Bodhidharma in a chair (especially in the earliest periods) or sitting in meditation occurring either in a landscape or entirely removed from time and space with no background or sense of surroundings The landscape set-ting varies For instance there is Bodhidharma in a cave (a more common

China on a mountain called Xiangershan (Bear Ear Mountain) Not long after his death a Chinese Wei official Song Yun21 on his way back to China having been sent by the empress dowager to search for Buddhist works encountered Bodhidharma on Congling (Onion Range) in the Pamir Mountains travelling in the direction of India holding one sandal22 When Song Yun told this story to the emperor Bodhidharmarsquos tomb was opened but nothing was found in the tomb except for a single sandal of the pair that Bodhidharma had been car-rying It is also known from legend that Bodhidharma was reborn as a beggar in Japan where he met Shōtoku Taishi the famous prince a great patron and champion of Buddhism in Japan at the Kataoka crossroads23 They exchanged poems and the prince gave him his mantle just as in Western tradition St Martin shares his cloak with a beggar who he recognizes as Jesus Christ The following day the prince ordered his servants to check on the man he had met but they told him that the beggar had died When the prince heard this story he became very sad and explained to his servants that the man he met was not a simple beggar but a saint He buried him and later sent a messenger to the tomb who returned with the news that the body had vanished and all that was there was the mantle given by the prince

The Textual Sources in the Light of the Nature of the Bodhidharma legend

There are many biographical accounts of Bodhidharma and several works attributed to him But we now know the majority of these works to be apoc-ryphal (Sekiguchi 1957) Some scholars such as Feng Youlan [Fung Yu-lan] (1953) and Paul Pelliot (1923) deny his historical existence and consider Bodhidharma a fictious character for religious purposes My opinion is close to these scholars but I do not deny so absolutely the lack of truth behind the leg-ends or consider them a deliberate ldquolierdquo Based on the Bodhidharma legends in literary and pictorial sources we can suppose the existence of monks who travelled to China from the West with the aim of spreading Buddhist doctrine in the East During the course of my research I have become convinced that the personality of Bodhidharma is an amalgamation of several persons coming

21 His travel record has been translated by Samuel Beal Travels of Fa-hsien and Sung-yun Buddhist Pilgrims from China to India London 1869 (Yampolsky 1967 p 10ndash11)

22 Bodhidharmarsquos meeting with the Wei official first appears in the Xu gaoseng zhuan (645) But reference to the sandal to claim the authenticity of identification of the man in the Pamirs with Bodhidharma only appears in textual sources from the end of the 8th century ( Lidai fabao ji 774)

23 The original story which served as the basis of this tale is in Nihon Shoki (Chronicle of Japan) written in 720 The identification of the beggar with Bodhidharma had already appeared in the 8th century (Ihon Jōgū Taishiden dated 771) Further details in Nishimura 1985 299-310

Bod

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184 185

version)24 situated under a tree25 or the combination of the two According to the type of representation we can differentiate between en-face three-quarter profile profile portraits and representations showing Bodhidharma from the back Within the simplified profile and back portraits in set against a timeless and spaceless background there developed a specific iconographic type the ldquoone-brushstroke Bodhidharmardquo which together with the circle (Jp ensō) had an interesting religious-spiritual significance in Chan Buddhism Depending on context one finds single Bodhidharma pictures as well as pictures that form part of a group and sometimes examples where he is represented on the middle panel of a triptych Among these the oldest type is the group representation Maintained genealogy was not the only reason for group portraits The multi-plication of images also had a religious-spiritual significance

Bodhidharma in KoreaPrevious researches on Korean Seon Painting

Compared to the published material and related pictorial art on the Chinese and Japanese meditation school there are only a few sources available on Seon the Korean meditation school There are not enough studies in Western lan-guages that view Buddhism in East Asia including Korea in detail This is partly because of the official ideology of the relatively recent Joseon dynasty (1392ndash1910) was based on Neo-Confucianism with Buddhism a reduced pres-ence following the immense political power Buddhist monasteries had held in the previous period (Goryeo 935ndash1392) when the clergy of the monasteries actively participated in politics

There is little research on the artistic practice associated with Korean medi-tational Buddhism which is more neglected than the religious doctrinal aspects of Seon There is virtually no material on this topic in Western languages but the few sources available in Korean are not always critical but do make a great contribution to our knowledge and provide good reference materials

Gim Myeongguk (Kim Myeongguk) and the problem of Bodhidharma as Huineng

The earliest surviving pictures of Bodhidharma made by Korean masters are from the 16th and the 17th centuries and have a strong connection with Japan

24 Apart from the fact that cave temples were common in India and China their symbolism also plays a role in the interpretation of Bodhidharma imagery

25 Sitting under a tree is a reference to Shakyamuni Buddharsquos enlightenment But the activity is also associated with Buddharsquos contemporary Mahavira the founder of Jainism (Eliade 1997 p 71)

Bod

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Fig 3

Unknown painter Huineng

(from Sancaituhui) Ming

period (1609) print

Reproduced in Sancaituhui

edited by Wang Qi

and Wang Siyi 317

Fig 4

Unknown painter

Bodhidharma with Huike

Joseon period wall painting

Geukrakjeon Daewonsa

Boseong South Jeolla

Province Republic of Korea

186 187

Among them the most famous are Gim Myeonggukrsquos (c 1600ndashafter 1662)26 Bodhidharma paintings which long remained a model for the later artists approaching the theme Gim Myeongguk was a member of the Dohwaseo Royal Painting Institute His contemporaries described him as a carefree drunkard a characterization that corresponds to the Chinese image of the eccentric artist and we know that during his stay in Japan his paintingsrsquo broad forceful brush-strokes suggest such an eccentricity27

In 1637 and 1643 Gim Myeongguk visited Japan as a member of an offi-cial delegation28 It has been said that like Han Sigak he was probably drawn to ZenSeon Buddhist figure painting through commissions from Japanese patrons who generally preferred Buddhist themes (Yi Tong-ju 1973 p 54-58) Many of his paintings held in Japanese collections are of this genre whereas contemporary painting in Korea was dominated by secular themes The style of both Gim Myeonggukrsquos landscapes and his figure paintings is very similar to that of the Chinese Zhe School particularly the works of the eccentric Wu Wei The Seoul National Museum has the most impressive example in this style and his most famous painting of Bodhidharma where the patriarch is captured with a few forceful yet delicate brushstrokes

Among Gim Myeonggukrsquos Bodhidharma paintings a triptychrsquos central panel in the Tokyo National University of Arts shows the Bodhidharma cross-ing water on a reed (Fig 2) His head is covered with a dark hood which is most unusual in this kind of representation yet we can find its source in the famous Ming Chinese printed book Sancai tuhui [Kor Samjaedohwi] an impor-tant resource for the artists with illustrations of famous Daoist and Buddhist masters on every page In this book the Sixth Chan patriarch Huineng is seen in a dark hood and similar facial expressions29 so we might suppose that Gim Myeongguk had used this pattern book adding a little modification to suit his subject (Fig 3) Using Huinengrsquos iconography based on the Sancai tuhui and followed by the Xianfo qizong [Kor Hongssiseonbulgijong] printed in 1602 the

26 According to the ldquoDongguk Munheon rokrdquo (Collection of Records of the Eastern Countries) chapter ldquoHwaga pyeonrdquo (Chapter on painters) his family comes from Ansan also called Yeonseong So maybe this is the origin of his pen name Yeondam (Lotus pond) But as he was connected to Buddhism the lotus in his pen name probably had Buddhist significance His other names were Cheonrsquoyeo (heavenly water) and Chui ong (drunken old man) (O SeChang chapter on Gim Myeongguk) Unfortunately we donrsquot have many written sources on him his birth and death dates are unknown He used three differently written forms of ldquoMyeongrdquo in his name but according to recent research there was no consistency in the way he used the different characters in his name so they do not help date his paintings (Deoksu 1999 see table for the chronology of his use of different characters p 49)

27 We know several stories about him written by Nam Yuyong (1698 ndash 1773) in the collection called Noe Yeon jip (Nam Yuyong Noeyeonjip Jinhwisok ko pp 35ndash36)

28 He stayed for ten months in 163729 Huinengrsquos dark hood existed as a visual formula from the 12th century where we can see Huineng

represented among the patriarchs wearing a separate hood which was darkened in later copies

Bod

hidharm

a in China K

orea and Jap

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Fig 5

Unknown painter Bodhidharma

with Huike Joseon period

wall painting 267sum140 cm

Eungjinjeon Tongdosa Yangsan

city South Gyeongsang

Province Republic of Korea

Fig 6

Unknown painter Bodhidharma

Ming period rubbing from a

stone relief Shaolin Monastery

Songshan Henan Province

Peoplersquos Republic of China

188 189

hood is no darker than the robe itself which we also find in other represen-tations of Bodhidharma The wall painting of the Geukrak Hall of Daewon temple in South Jeolla province shows Bodhidharma with the same features as the image of Huineng seen in both model books but we can be sure about the identity of the figure in the wall painting as it shows Huike presenting Bodhidharma a severed arm (Fig 4)

The ldquoOriginalrdquo Model from Shaolin Monastery

Other paintings showing Bodhidharma with Huike are quite different from the one discussed above One of Korearsquos three most famous temples the Tongdosa has a wall painting dated around 1670 where a bearded figure with large eyes is seen in profile sitting on a straw mat under a pine tree and holding a begging bowl A young noticeably smaller monk holds a book and bows before the seated man (Fig 5) There is no hint of the removed arm but then how do we know that this person is Bodhidharma Our question leads us back to China to the model preserved at the famous Shaolin monastery a place strongly connected with Bodhidharma him-self The image preserved here shows its subject in the same posture as the seated figure in the wall painting (Fig 6) Recently in 1992 the same face type was used as a model for a commission by a Chinese artist on a Bodhidharma sculpture for the Waujeong temple in Gyeonggi province in Korea (Fig 7)30 In Korearsquos other famous monastery the Haeinsa where the printing blocks of the Buddhist canon the Tripitaka Koreana are kept there is another Bodhidharma painting from the Joseon period which bears a resemblance to the wall painting at Tongdosa We can see its influence on other Bodhidharma paintings too where the facial expressions are similar though the setting is different (eg the painting in the Emille Museum)

Gim Hongdo (Kim Hongdo) and the Problems of Bodhidharma as an Immortal

In the oeuvre of another famous Korean artist Gim Hongdo (1745ndashafter 1814) who is considered one of the most outstanding artists of the Joseon period (1392ndash1910) we find paintings showing figures standing or sitting on a reed One of them where the figure is standing on a reed bears an inscription ldquoPicture of crossing the sea on a reedrdquo (Fig 8) Even though we know stories from Japan claiming that Bodhidharma actually crossed the sea and went to Japan this tra-dition can be also traced back to the depiction of the Daoist immortalsrsquo cross-ing the sea and has a long history in iconography that predates Bodhidharmarsquos

30 In the Korean Seon Buddhist magazine Seon Munhwa (Pyeon Jippu 2002 20ndash21) we read that the erection a sculpture made in China was an attempt to access the ldquorealrdquo image of Bodhidharma while also using the most authentic Chinese sources

Bod

hidharm

a in China K

orea and Jap

anMod

els for representations

and com

mercialization of the legend

ary founder of C

han Bud

dhism

in East A

siaB

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ix M

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Fig 7

Chinese sculptor (name

unknown) Bodhidharma

Sculpture in Korea 1992

[bronze] Waujeongsa

Yeongin Gyeonggi Province

Republic of Korea Photograph

taken by the author in 2006

Fig 8

Gim Hongdo (1745-1806)

Standing Figure on a Reed

19th century inscription

ldquoCrossing the sea on a reedrdquo

Colors on paper

Gansong Art Gallery Seoul

Reproduced in Choi Seon-taek

[Korean Seon Painting] pl 40

190 191

appearance In the case of Gim Hongdo we know that he painted Daoist topics too And if we look at the figure in his painting we see his East Asian rather than Western features and the fur around his waist which also suggests immor-tal qualities (as a parallel see Shen Choursquos painting of an immortal from China in the Nelson-Atkins Museum) The other painting shows a young boy sitting and sleeping on a reed a topic which was also popular among artists in 18th century Korea (see Sim Sajeongrsquos (1707ndash1769) painting of a similar theme) but even though there is still some confusion in identifying this crossing fig-ure with Bodhidharma (Kim Nami 2000 90ndash91) It is very probable that the young seated figure follows the iconography of an immortal (see other young immortal figures crossing seated without a reed) This is supported by the fact that Gim Hongdo painted very similar scenes of immortals crossing water for instance one such immortal crossing on a shrimp (Fig 9)

However the strongly held view is that Gim Hongdorsquos crossing paintings representing Bodhidharma resulted in later images using this iconography either showing Bodhidharma as a young boy or showing Bodhidharmarsquos cross-ing on a reed in a seated position

We have seen from the above examples that the identification of a certain per-sonality in visual arts is interlinked with the beliefs of a given society adding new qualities to an existing legend In the case of Korean Bodhidharma imagery the tradition of arhat paintings and the Daoist immortals was a great contribution and the existence of illustrative models and pattern books are evident though their use was not always from first-hand and there was a degree of freedom in their recon-figuration as seen in the use of Huinengrsquos model in an image of Bodhidharma

Bodhidharma Images in Contemporary South Korea

Anyone who visits Korea soon encounters the representations of Bodhidharma His figure and legend are usually represented in Buddhist temples but a recent phe-nomenon has taken his figure more and more into the secular and semi-secular context such as souvenir shops not only in the vicinity of temples but in other tour-istic areas and frequently visited places like at motorway service stations or even tube stations and restaurants Popular womenrsquos magazines and television channels often carry advertisements for Bodhidharma painters offering potential well-being

Many scholarly studies have been conducted about Bodhidharma but how the image of Bodhidharma came to be commercialized it is still an understud-ied side to the area As is how the Bodhidharmarsquos representations were distrib-uted in East Asia and influenced local imagination and further representations Also worthy of attention of visual arts scholars is how certain models were used in reproducing new objects with the intent of selling them to the wider public a real phenomenon in contemporary Korea This is similar to Japan in inten-tion but the chosen sources for promoting this saintly figure are very different

Bod

hidharm

a in China K

orea and Jap

anMod

els for representations

and com

mercialization of the legend

ary founder of C

han Bud

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in East A

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Fig 9

Gim Hongdo (1745-

1806) Immortal

crossing the sea on

a shrimp Ink and

light colors on paper

331sum41 cm Sun

Moon University

Museum Collection

(Sun Moon Collection

2001 pl83 p280)

Fig 10

Katsushika Hokusai

(1760-1849) Big

Daruma ca 1817 ink

on paper Reproduced

in Timon Screech

The Lens Within the

Heart The Western

Scientific Gaze and

Popular Imagery in

Later Edo Japan

London Routledge

Curzon 2002 p 243

pl140

192 193

The manner in which Bodhidharma images enter the secular world differs con-siderably between the Japanese islands and Korea

When we look at the ways Bodhidharma images are popularized in modern and contemporary East Asia we find some basic differences between China Korea and Japan

Among these countries Japan was the first one to popularize Bodhidharma on a large scale not only in simplified ink paintings usually executed by monk paint-ers and in popular colour prints but in a form of a roly-poly doll called Daruma

The transformation of the image of a religious founder into a doll is an interesting phenomenon which only appeared in Japan and this form of representation entered Korea as a symbol of Japaneseness rather than the representation of Bodhidharma himself (for example as a sign in Japanese restaurants like the waving cat)

In China the popularization of Bodhidharma only happened recently but here the visual appearance does not play as such an important role as it does in Japan or Korea Here the cult flourishes especially around the Shaolin mon-astery and mainly among martial arts practitioners to whom Bodhidharma is venerated as the founder of Shaolin kungfu

In Korea producing Bodhidharma images and objects was a fashion in the last decades and increased considerably in the last couple of years It started in 1988 with the Seoul Olympics when the so-called gold cards were launched the market These gold cards are small cards painted with real gold paint usu-ally with some lucky representations like the twelve Oriental zodiac animals Taoist talismans and for Westerners four-leaf clovers images of Jesus Christ but more and more with the image of Bodhidharma

Contemporary painters also turned towards the image of the saint and we find not only monks but some professional painters also started to revitalize his image We clearly see this not only in art shops and exhibitions but also in the publica-tions of several books and albums devoted exclusively to Bodhidharma paintings31

The structure of these books is the same where each painting (usually 100 or more often 108) is followed by a poem or explanation related to the legend or some Buddhist teaching These books often combine the pattern book for-mat with the drawing manual with tips on how to draw Bodhidharma Korean painters of Bodhidharma generally use such pattern books together with other publications on Buddhist imagery and in many cases it is obvious where their models came from showing clear formal affinities with their models However at the same time spontaneous ink paintings require some expression from the artist thus making them very personal and spiritually charged pieces

31 For example Hong Ip-Yo Yi Byoung-kyo Dalmado (Bodhidharma-paintings) Seoul Jayu Segye Publ 1993 Gim Chrsquoangbae Hangukeui Dalmado (Korean Bodhidhma Paintings) Seoul Ehwa Munhwa Publishing 1999 Gim Nami Geurimeuro mannaneun Dalma (Meeting Bodhidharma on Pictures) Seoul Shikongsa Publ 2000 Beomju seunim Dalma seonmuk (Monk Beomju Ink Paintings of Bodhidharma) Seoul Hakmunsa Publishing 2001 Yu Hyeongjae 108 Dalma (108 Bodhidharma) Seoul Baekam Publishing 2002

Bod

hidharm

a in China K

orea and Jap

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and com

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ary founder of C

han Bud

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in East A

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ecsi

When talking about popularization we have to mention the importance of major public events and how some artists have used these occasions to propa-gate the image of Bodhidharma

In 2002 when Korea and Japan held the FIFA World Cup monk-painter Gim Dongseong (b 1954) showed his new works in both countries representing Bodhidharma with a football updating the figure in a manner appropriate for the event However he also included a philosophical explanation for his paintings referring to the basic qualities and shared pronunciation for the word ldquoballrdquo (Kor gong) and emptiness (also gong) an important concept in Buddhism (Skt śunyata)

In 2005 during the International APEC (Asian Pacific Economic Cooperation) meeting in Busan monk Beomju (b 1943) made a public performance by making a huge Bodhidharma painting Painting large scale Bodhidharma images for public events can be traced back to earlier traditions It is recorded that the famous Ukiyo-e artist Hokusai (1760ndash1849) also made a similarly giant image in year 1804 (Fig 10)32

Painting Bodhidharma as a performance is not so rare among Korean monk-artists and Jung Gwang the ldquomad monkrdquo (1934ndash2002) who gained interna-tional reputation with his daring Bodhidharma paintings and performances even influenced contemporary expressionist art in the West

In sum in Korean visual arts and Buddhism there is a burgeoning trend in the production and distribution of images of the first Chan patriarch which requires an attempt to understand it in the context of its inner developments and history while placing it within the larger context of other Asian countries

Bibliography

Addiss S (1989) The Art of Zen Paintings and Calligraphy by Japanese Monks 1600-1925 New York Charles Miers

Addiss S and Seo A Y (1998) The Art of 20th Century Zen Paintings and Calligraphy by Japanese Masters Boston Shambala

AwAkAwA Y (1970) Zen Painting Tokyo Kodansha InternationalBDK English Tripitaka (2006) Numata Center for Buddhist TraditionBukkyō Daijiten (1933) compiled by Mochizuki ShinkyōBukkyō Daijiten HakkōshoBArnet S and Burto W (1982) Zen Ink Paintings Tokyo KodanshaBelting H (1987) The End of the History of Art (trans C Wood) Chicago University of Chicago

Press[Beomju seunim Dalma seonmuk] (2001) 범주스님 달마 선묵 [Monk Beomjursquos ink paintings of

Bodhidharma] Seoul Hakmunsa[Boun Jippu] 보운 집부 (2002) ldquo1300yeonyeonmane Dalma daesa uri nara e bongrsquoandwaedardquo

1300 여년만에 달마 대사 우리나라에 봉안되다 [ldquoIt was more than 1300 years since Grand Master Bodhidharma was enshrined in Koreardquo] Seon Munhwa 4 p 20ndash21

Brinker H (1973) Die Zen-buddhistische Bildnismalerei in China und Japan Muumlnchener Ostasiatische Studien vol 10 Wiesbaden Franz Steiner

32 Kōriki Enkōan from Hokusai taiga sokusho saizu c 1817 Nagoya City Museum

194 195

mdash (1987) ldquoThe Daruma-shū Dōgen and Sōtō Zenrdquo in Monumenta Nipponica vol 42 nordm 1 p 25ndash55

mdash (1991) The Rhetoric of Immediacy A Cultural Critique of ChanZen Buddhism Princeton New Jersey Princeton University Press

mdash (1993) Chan Insights and Oversights (An Epistemological Critique of the Chan Tradition) Princeton New Jersey Princeton University Press

mdash (1996) Visions of Power Princeton Princeton University Pressmdash (1997) The Will to Orthodoxy A Critical Genealogy of Northern Chan Buddhism Stanford

California Stanford University Pressmdash (2003) ldquoLa double vie du patriacherdquo in Kyburz J A et al (eds) Eloge des sources

Reflets du Japon ancien et moderne Paris Editions Philippe Picquier p 509ndash538Fo-jih Chi-sung (1007-1072) and Tōrei Enji (1721ndash1792) Damoduolo Chanjing 達摩多羅禪

經 [ldquoBodhidharma Zen Sūtrardquo] (1964) Taishō Shinshū Daizōkyō Kankokai 大正新脩大蔵蔵 [ldquoTripitaka in Chineserdquo] Tōkyō Taishō Issaikyō Kankōkai (T15 No618)

Foulk G T and Sharf R H (1993ndash1994) ldquoOn the Ritual Use of Chrsquoan Portraiture in Medieval Chinardquo in Cahiers drsquoExtrecircme-Asie [Revue bilingue de lrsquoEcole Franccedilaise drsquoExtrecircme Orient Section de Kyoto] Special Issue Chrsquoan Zen Studies vol 7 p 155ndash219

Fontein J and Hickman M L (1970) Zen Painting and Calligraphy Boston Museum of Fine Arts

Fromm E Suzuki DT and DeMartino R (1960) Zen Buddhism and Psychoanalysis New York Harper and Row

gernet J (1949) Les entretiens du maicirctre de dhyāna Chen-houei du Ho-tsouml (668-760) Paris Adrian Maisonneuve

gomBrich E H (1960) Art and Illusion A Study in the Psychology of Pictorial Representation London Phaidon

mdash (1982) The Image and the Eye Further studies in the Psychology of Pictorial Representation London Phaidon

goodAll J (1979) Heaven and Earth 120 Album Leaves from a Ming Encyclopaedia San-tsrsquoai trsquou-hui 1610 London Lund Humphries

grAnoFF PH and shinohArA K (1988) Monks and Magicians Religious Biographies in Asia Motilal Banarsidass India

heine S and Wright D S (eds) (2004) The Zen Canon Oxford Oxford University Press[Hong Ip-ik and Yi Byeong-gyo] 홍입익middot이병교 (1993) Dalmado Hwabeop immun gamsang

baektae 달마도 畵法入門 鑑賞百態 [Painting Bodhidharma hundred great ways to achieve enlightenment through painting] Seoul Jayu Segye

[Hong Cha-seong and So Cheon-seok] 홍자성소천석 (1974) Hongssi seonbulgijong 홍씨 선불

기종 [Marvellous tales of immortals] Sakbuk JayuhisAmAtsu S (1971) Zen and Fine Arts from original Zen to Bijutsu (trans T Gishin) Tokyo

Kodansha Internationalhu S (1953) ldquoChan (Zen) Buddhism in China Its History and Methodrdquo in Philosophy East and

West vol 3 nordm 1 p 3ndash24mdash (1994) ldquoPutidamo gaordquo in Hu Shih Wencun Taibei Yuanliu Khuban Shiyegufen Youxian

Gongsi c Ltd vol12 p 137ndash150hyers C (1973) Zen and the Comic Spirit Philadelphia Westminster Press

Brinker H (1994) Zen in der Kunst des Malens Bern Muumlnchen Wien Otto Wilhelm Barth Verlag

Brinker H and Kanazawa H (1996) Zen Masters of Meditation in Images and Writings Based on a Catalogue of an Exhibition at the Museum Rietberg and Kyoto National Museum

Brinker H Kramers R P and Ouwehand C (eds) (1982) Zen in China Japan East Asian Art Papers of the International Symposium on Zen Zuumlrich University

BAten L (1992) Japanese Folktoys The Playful Arts Tokyo ShufunotomoBuddhist Paintings of Korea (1997ndash2004) Seoul Buddhist Cultural Properties Research

Institute vols1ndash31Buswell R (1992) The Zen Monastic Experience Buddhist Practice in Contemporary Korea

Princeton Princeton University PresscAhill J (1983) ldquoTypes of Text-Object Relationships in Chinese Artrdquo in 31st International

Congress of Human Sciences in Asia and North America (CIISHAN) Abstracts of Papers TōkyōTōhō Gakkai vol 2 p 276

cAssirer E (1953) The Philosophy of Symbolic Forms Vol1 Language (trans R Mannheim) New Haven Yale University Press

[Chang Hee-jeong] 張姬貞 (1996) Joseon hugi Jogyesan jiyeok bulhwaeui yeonrsquogu 朝鮮 後

期 曹溪山地域 佛畵의 硏究 ldquoA Study of Buddhist Paintings of Late Joseon dynasty in Monasteries on Mt Chogyerdquo in Misul Sahak Yeonrsquogu nordm 210 p 71ndash104

chApin H B (1945ndash1946) ldquoThree Early Portraits of Bodhidharmardquo in Archives of the Chinese Art Society of America nordm 1 p 66ndash95

[Choi Seok-hwan] 최석환 (2002) ldquoDalmawa yutopiardquo 달마와 유토피아 [ldquoBodhidharma and Utopiardquo] in Seon Munhwa nordm 4 p 26ndash31

[Choi Sun-taek] 최순택 (1995) Dalmadorsquoeui segye 達磨圖의 世界 [The world of Bodhidharma-paintings] Seoul Hakmunsa

mdash ldquoDalmadorsquoeui yeonrsquogurdquo 達磨圖의 硏究 (1996) [ldquoResearch on Bodhidharma-paintingsrdquo] in Gukje seonmuhakhoe 國際禪武學會 [International Association of Zen and Martial Arts] vol 5 nordm 1 p 21ndash107

mdash Hangukeui seonseohwa 한국의 선서화 (1998) [Korean Seon Painting] Seoul Hakmun[Choi Wan-su] 최완수 (1996) Seokjeong sohwajip 석정 소화집 [Painting collection of monk

Seokjeong] Seoul BeomhaDaruma ten 達磨展 (1988) [ldquoBodhidharma Exhibitionrdquo] Tōkyō Shinjuku Isetan Bijutsukan

vol 4 np 10 p 16drsquoeliA m P (ed) (1942-49) Fonti Ricciane documenti originali concernenti Matteo Ricci e la sto-

ria delle prime relazioni tra lEuropa e la Cina 1579-1615 3 vols Rome Libreria dello Statodukes T [Shifu Nagaboshi Tomio] (1994) The Bodhisattva Warriors The Origin Inner

Philosophy History and Symbolism of the Buddhist Martial Art within India and China York Beach Samuel Weiser

dumoulin H (1992) Zen Buddhism in the 20th Century (trans J S OrsquoLeary) New York and Tokyo Weatherhill

eliAde M (1997 [1978]) Vallaacutesi hiedelmek eacutes eszmeacutek toumlrteacutenete (original title Histoire des croy-ances et des ideacutees religieuses) Budapest Osiris Kiadoacute

FAure B (1986) ldquoBodhidharma as a Textual and Religious Paradigmrdquo in History of Religions vol 25 nordm3 p 187ndash198

Bod

hidharm

a in China K

orea and Jap

anMod

els for representations

and com

mercialization of the legend

ary founder of C

han Bud

dhism

in East A

siaB

eatr

ix M

ecsi

196 197

im deok-su (1999) Yeondam Kim Myeongguk eui Seonhwa yeongu [A Study of the Zen Painting by Kim Myeongguk] MA-diss Department of Buddhist Art and Culture The Graduate School of Buddhism Dongguk University Seoul Korea

JArAnd U (trans) (1987) Dialog uumlber das Ausloumlchen der Anschaung ein fruumlher Chinesischer text aus Tunhuang Frankfurt [Main] RG Fischer

Jing A (1996) ldquoThe Eight Immortals The Transformation of Trsquoang and Sung Taoist Eccentrics during the Yuumlan dynastyrdquo in Hearn M K and Smith J G (eds) Arts of The Sung and Yuumlan New York Metropolitan Museum of Art p 213ndash227

Jung K (1979) The Mad Monk Paintings of Unlimited Action Berkeley Lancaster-Miller Publishers

kAnAZAwA H (1979) Japanese Ink Painting Early Zen Masterpieces Japanese Arts Library Tokyo Kodansha International and Shibundo

kidō C (1978 [1932]) Daruma to sono shosō 達磨と其諸相 [Bodhidharma and his representa-tions] Tokyo Heigo Shuppan-sha

[Kim Chang-bae] 김장배 (1999) Hangug eui Dalmado 한국의 달마도 [Korean Bodhidharma paintings] Seoul Ehwa Munhwa

[Kim Chang-bae] 김장배 (2007) Hangug eui Modeun Dalma 한국의 모든달마 [The all Korean Bodhidharma] Seoul Seoyemunrsquoinhwa

[Kim Cheol] 김철 (1986) Taekwondo Kyoyukron (Education of Taekwondo) Seoul Wonkwang Univervisty Publlishers

[Kim Hye-jeong] 김혜정 (2002) ldquoDalma Chukgu gongeul deulda Dongseong seunimeui Dalmadordquo달마 축구공을 들다 동성스님의 달마도 [ldquoBodhidharma holds a footballrdquo] Seon Munhwa vol 4 p 22ndash25

[Kim Na-mi] 김나미 (2000) Geurimeuro mannaneun Dalma 그림으로 만나는 달마 [Meeting Bodhidharma on pictures] Seoul Shikongsa

[Kim Yong-jae] 김영재 (2001) Bulgyo misureul boneun nun 불교미술을 보는 눈 [Eye for Buddhist art] Seoul Sakyejul

[Koam] 고암 (2006) ldquoDalmado geinjeon yeoneun deuksan hwabaek ilneomeseo munyeo-muirordquo 달마도 개인전 여는 득산 화백 일념에서 무념으로 [ldquoHwabaekrsquos private exhibition of Bodhidharma-paintings From one-attachment to no-attachmentrdquo] Seon Munhwa vol 6 p 50ndash55

koderA T J (1980) Dōgenrsquos Formative Years in China London Routledge and Kegan Paul[Kōjō] 光定 (1964) ldquoDenjutsu Isshin Kaimonrdquo 伝述一心戒文 (ldquoThe Record of the Precepts in a

Mindrdquo) in Taishō Shinshū Daizōkyō Kankokai 大正新脩大蔵経 [ldquoTripitaka in Chineserdquo] Tokyo Taisho Issaikyo Kankokai nordm 74 p 639

[Kōkan Shiren] 虎関師錬 (1278-1348) (1921ndash1922) Genkō Shakusho 元亨釈書 [Buddhist his-tory of the Genkō era] vol15ndash16 Takakusu Junjirō et al (eds) Dai Nihon Bukkyō zensho Tōkyō Yoseido Reprinted Suzuki gakujutsu zaidan edition Tōkyō Kodansha 1970ndash1973 vol 62 p 66ndash230

[Kōshū] 光宗 (1276-1350) Keiran Shūyōshū 渓嵐拾葉集 (A Collection of Leaves Gathered in Stormy Streams) (T762410 532b)

kurAnAkA S (1996) ldquoShōtoku Taishi Kataoka Setsuwa no Keiseirdquo 聖徳太子片岡説話の形成 [ldquoThe formation of Prince Shōtokursquos Kataoka-talerdquo] Manrsquoyo vol 10 p 61

[Kwanjo Monk] 관조스님 (1999) Sachrsquoal Byeokhwa 사찰 벽화 [The mural paintings of Buddhist

temples] Seoul Misul Munhwa [Photographs]lAchmAn C (1993) ldquoWhy Did the Patriarch Cross the River The Rushleaf Bodhidharma

Reconsideredrdquo in Asia Major nordm 6 p 237ndash268lAncAster L R (1983) The Dirty Mop Unlimited Action Paintings and Poems by Jung Kwang the

Mad Monk Berkeley and Seoul Asian Humanities Press and Po Chin ChailAo-ce (1994) Tao Te King Az Uacutet eacutes Ereacuteny koumlnyve (Original title Laozi Daode qing (trans

Weoumlres Saacutendor and Tőkei Ferenc) Budapest TericumlopeZ D Jr (ed) (1995) Curators of the Buddha The Study of Buddhism Under Colonialism

Chicago University of Chicago Pressluo XiAnglin (1960) Tang dai Guangzhou Guangxiao si yu Zhong Yin jiao tong zhi guan xi Jiulong

Zhongguo xue she[Manbong seunim chungyo munhwajae je 48 ho] 만봉스님 중요문화재 제 48 호 [Monk Manbong

living cultural asset no48] (2002) Seoul BongwonsamArosi E (1995) Keacutep eacutes hasonmaacutes Műveacuteszet eacutes valoacutesaacuteg a 14-15 szaacutezadi Magyarorszaacutegon [Image

and likeness Art and reality in the 14th and 15th centuries in Hungary] Budapest Akadeacutemiai KiadoacutemcFArlAnd H N (1986) ldquoFeminine Motifs in Bodhidharma Symbology in Japanrdquo in Asian

Folklore Studies [Nagoya Asian Folklore Institute] nordm 14 p 167ndash191mdash (1987) Daruma The Founder of Zen in Japanese Art and Popular Culture Tokyo and New York

Kodansha InternationalmcrAe J (2001) ldquoReligion as Revolution in Chinese Historiography Hu Shih (1891-1962) on

Shen-Hui (684-758)rdquo in Cahiers drsquoExtrecircme-Asie nordm 12 p 59ndash102mecsi B (1999) ldquoHogyan lett a szentből jaacuteteacutekbabardquo [ldquoHow did a saint become a dollrdquo]

Műhely [Atelier] p 116ndash118mdash (2000) ldquoHogyan eacuterkezett Bodhidharma Japaacutenbardquo [ldquoHow did Bodhidharma arrive

to Japanrdquo] in Orientalista Nap MTA Orientalisztikai Bizottsaacuteg amp ELTE Budapest p 120ndash126 and 245ndash257

mdash (2003) ldquoIdentification problems of Korean Bodhidharma-paintingsrdquo University of Rome ldquoLa Sapienziardquo Faculty of Oriental Studies 21st AKSE Conference-papers p 155ndash162

mdash 2005 ldquoWhy did Bodhidharma Come from the West Origins of Representations of the First Zen Patriarchrdquo in Proceedings of the Hawaii International Conference on Arts and Humanities

mdash (2007) ldquoBodhidharma Images in Contemporary Korea Methods and Strategies of Using and Popularizing the Representations of the First Zen Patriarchrdquo in International Biannual Conference for the Association of Korean Studies Europe Dourdan (AKSE)-Publications

mdash (2007) ldquoBuddhist Saints Crossing the Sea Reconsidering Text-Image Relationships for Understanding the Iconography of the First Zen Patriarchrdquo in Proceedings of the Hawaii International Conference on Arts and Humanities

mdash (2007) ldquoA Szent eacutes a Jaacuteteacutekbaba A Zen Buddhizmus alapiacutetoacutejaacutenak alakja a nem-zen hagy-omaacutenyok tuumlkreacutebenrdquo [ldquoThe Saint and the DollThe founder of Zen Buddhism in the con-text of non-Zen Studiesrdquo] Japanisztika a Boumllcseacutesztudomaacutenyban Kaacuteroli Gaacutespaacuter Reformaacutetus Egyetem Budapest p 203ndash210

mdash (2007) ldquoEvolution Distribution and Commercialization of the Images of Bodhidharma Or How did a Religious Founder Become a Toyrdquo in Japanoloacutegiai Koumlrkeacutep (Istvaacuten Szerdahelyi Peacuteter Wintermantel eds) ELTE Eoumltvoumls Kiadoacute p 245ndash254

mdash (2008) ldquoThe Power on Images on Texts Re-Examined The Case of Bodhidharmarsquos Crossing

Bod

hidharm

a in China K

orea and Jap

anMod

els for representations

and com

mercialization of the legend

ary founder of C

han Bud

dhism

in East A

siaB

eatr

ix M

ecsi

198 199

and the Mass-Consumtion of Bodhidharma-images in Japan and Contemporary South Koreardquo in Oriental Archive (Archiv Orientalniacute) Quarterly Journal of African and Asian Studies Oriental Institute Prague vol 76 p 217ndash249

mdash (2008) ldquoAacutetkeleacutes a naacutedszaacutelon Keacutep eacutes szoumlveg kapcsolata a kelet-aacutezsiai vallaacutesos műveacuteszetbenrdquo [ldquoCrossing on a Reed Text-image relationships in East Asian Religious Paintingrdquo] in Kaposvaacuter Szele Baacutelint (ed) Pro Scientia Aranyeacutermesek IX Tudomaacutenyos konferenciaacuteja Pro Scientia Aranyeacutermesek Taacutersasaacutega Budapest p 46ndash58

mdash (2009) ldquoAz lsquoaacutetkeleacutes a naacutedszaacutelonrsquo legenda eredeteacutenek keacuterdeacuteseacuterőlrdquo [ldquoThe problem of the Legend of Crossing on a Reedrdquo] in Taacutevol-keleti Tanulmaacutenyok Budapest Taacutevol-keleti Inteacutezet vol 2 p 103ndash122

mdash (2010) ldquoBodhidharma in Contemporary South Korea The Founder of Chan Buddhism from Sacral to Popular Culturerdquo in Govindasamy G Park C K and Tan S K (eds) Korean affaris A contemporary view Kuala Lumpur Perpustakaan Negara Malaysia p 135ndash147

mdash (2013) Szentből jaacuteteacutekbaba A Daruma baba nyomaacuteban a Taacutevol-Keleten [ldquoDoll from a saint In Search for the Daruma doll in East Asiardquo]Lecture on 28th May 2013 Kaacuteroli Gaacutespaacuter Reformaacutetus Egyetem (12th July 2013) [online] httpwwwyoutubecomwatchv=QBCV11LGXhQampfeature=c4-overviewamplist=UUeXTAOGzx8xduHtd71ZGICQ

Nihon shoki 日本書記 [ldquoChronicle of Japanrdquo] (1987) (trans Inoue Mitsusada) Tōkyō Chūō Koronsha (Shōwa 62) p 98ndash99

nishimurA S (1985) ldquoThe Prince and the Pauper The Dynamics of a Shotoku Legendrdquo in Monumenta Nipponica vol40 Issue 3 p 299ndash310

nishiyAmA I (1992) Nihon Shisō no genryū to tenkai Ise-shi Kogakkan Daigaku ShuppanbunukAriyA K (1913) The Religion of the Samurai London Luzac amp Cootto R (1932) Mysticism East and West a Comparative Analysis of the Nature of Mysticism

(trans B L Bracey and R C Payne) London Macmillanorsquoriley M K (2001) Art Beyond the West London Laurence KingpAnoFsky E (1984) Jelenteacutes a vizuaacutelis műveacuteszetekben [The Meaning in Visual Arts]

Budapest Gondolatpelliot P (1923) ldquoNotes sur quelques artistes des six dynasties et des Trsquoangrdquo in Trsquooung Pao

vol 22 p 215ndash291Wag Qi 王圻 and Wang Siyi 王思義 (eds) (1988) Sancaituhui [Kor Samjaedohwi] 三才圖會

(Collected Illustrations of the Three Realms) Shanghai Shanghai guji chubansheSancaituhui [Kor Samjaedohwi] 三才圖會 (Collected Illustrations of the Three Realms) (2001)

Seoul Dongguk Universityseckel D (1997) Das Portraumlt in Ostasien Heidelberg Universitis Verlagsekiguchi S (1957) Daruma no Kenkyū Tokyo IwanamishArF R H (1922) ldquoThe Idolization of Enlightenment On the Mummification of Chrsquoan

Masters in Mediaeval Chinardquo in History of Religions vol 32 nordm 1 p 1ndash31mdash (1995) ldquoThe Zen of Japanese Nationalismrdquo in Lopez S and Donald Jr (eds) Curators of

the Buddha The Study of Buddhism under Colonialism Chicago and London University of Chicago Press

mdash and Sharf E H (eds) (2001) Living Images Japanese Buddhist Icons in Context Stanford Stanford University Press

[Seokcheon] 석천 (2001) ldquoDalmadowa hamkke ilcheonobaeknyeon jeoneuiroui gihaengrdquo 달

마도와 함께 일천오백년전의로의 기행 [ldquo150 years with Bodhidharma-paintingsrdquo] in Seon Munhwa nordm 8 p 99ndash105

mdash (2003) ldquoMeokseonrsquoi ppumeonaedeut dongyangeui yeokdongjeogin seonrdquo 먹선이 뿜어내

듯 동양의 역동적인 禪 [ ldquoInk-strokes eliminating the Dynamic Sŏn of the Eastrdquo] in Seon Munhwa nordm 7 p 20ndash23

mdash (2005) ldquoDalmaeui seonbeopi dongtoro gan katalgeun han pok eui dalmadoro dwesala nan dalmaseonrdquo 달마의 선법이 동토東土로 간 까닭은 한 폭의 달마도로 되살아 난 달마선 [ldquoWhy did Bodhidharmarsquos Zen teaching went to the Eastrdquo] in Seon Munhwa nordm 12 p 30ndash37

Korean Buddhist Research Institute (ed) (1998) Sǒn Thought in Korean Buddhism Seoul Dongguk University Press

spiro A (1988) ldquoNew Light on Gu Kaizhirdquo in Journal of Chinese Religions nordm 16 p 1ndash17stevens J Y and Rae A (1990) ZENGA Brushstrokes of Enlightenment New Orleans

Museum of Artsuler J R (1993) Contemporary Psychoanalysis and Eastern Thought Albany State

University of New Yorktylor E B (1920) Primitive Culture Researches into the Development of Mythology Philosophy

Religion Language Art and Custom 2 vols London John MurrayyAmpolsky P B (1967) The Platform Sutra of the 6th Patriarch New Yorkmdash (1983) ldquoNew Japanese Studies in Early Chrsquoan Historyrdquo in W Lai and L R Lancaster

(eds) Early Chrsquoan in China and Tibet Berkeley Buddhist Studies Series p 1ndash11Yi Dong-Ju (1973) Hanguk hwehwa saron (Korean Art History) Seoul Yeolhwadang[Yi Jeong-hwa] 이정화 (2002) ldquoDalmadorsquoe damgyeojin munyeom musin eui hyanggiro cham-

nareul Channeunda Beomju seunimrdquo 달마도에 담겨진 무념 무심의 향기로 참나를 찾는다

범주스님 [ldquoThe fragrance of no-mind is within Bodhidharma-paintings Through this fra-grance we try to find the truthrdquo] in Seon Munhwa nordm 5 p 52ndash55

[Yi Ju-yeon] 이주연 (2005) ldquoGibokeul dwieoneom neun bosihaengeui Dalmadordquo 기복을 뛰

어넘는 보시행의 달마도 [ldquoOffering Bodhidharma-paintigs for transcending fluctuationrdquo] in Seon Munhwa nordm 7 p 96ndash99

[Yi Yeong-hui] 이영희 (1997) Hanguk sawoneui bubyeokhwa e Daehan gochal 한국 사원의 부벽

화에 대한 고찰 [A study of the Pu-wall painting of Korean temples] unpublished MA thesis Seoul Deptartment of Art Education Graduate School of Education Dongguk University

ying Z (1981) Shaolin Kung-fu Hong Kong Kingsway Internationalyoshino H 吉野裕子 (1995) Daruma no Minzokugaku Onrsquoyo gogyo kara toku ダルマの民俗

蔵 陰陽五行から解く [The folklore of Daruma from Yin-Yangto the Five Elements Theory] Tokyo Iwanami Shoten

[Yu Hyeong-jae] 유형재 (2002) 108 Dalma 108 달마 [108 Bodhidharmas] Seoul BaekamweitZmAnn K (1996) The Cotton Genesis British Library Codex Cotton Otho B VI Princeton

University PresswelBon G R (1968) The Buddhist Nirvāna and Its Western Interpreters Chicago University of

Chicago Presswu T (1996) Masterpieces of Chinese Painting from the Museum of Fine Arts Boston Tang

through Yuan Dynasties Tōkyō Otsuka Kogeishahempel R (1960) ZENGA Malerei des Zen-buddhismus Muumlnchen R Piper

Bod

hidharm

a in China K

orea and Jap

anMod

els for representations

and com

mercialization of the legend

ary founder of C

han Bud

dhism

in East A

siaB

eatr

ix M

ecsi

  • capa face to face SEGUNDO VOL
  • Index Face to Face
  • Beatrix Mecsi

4 5

Copyright copy 2014 by Faculdade de Belas-Artes da Universidade de Lisboa and the authors

Face to Face The transcendence of the arts in China and beyond ndash Historical Perspectives

Edited by Rui Oliveira Lopes

All rights reserved No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means mechanical or electronic including photocopying recording or the use of any information and retrieval system without the permission in writing from the publisher and the authors except for the inclusion of brief quotations in a review

Illustration credits are listed in the caption on each image which constitutes an extension of this copyright page Every effort has been made to locate the copyright holders of images in this book if any oversight has been committed it will be corrected upon notification in writing in subsequent editions

Published in 2014 by Centro de Investigaccedilatildeo e Estudos em Belas-Artes (CIEBA)

Proofreading by Jared HawkeyDesigned by Jorge dos ReisTypesetting by Luacutecia BuiselPrinted by xxxx

ISBN 978-989-8300-49-2Legal Deposit xxxxFirst Edition

6 7

This book is published on the occasion of the research project Face to Face The transcendence of the arts in China and beyond coordinated by Rui Oliveira Lopes and Fernando Antoacutenio Baptista Pereira from the Faculty of Fine Arts University of Lisbon

sponsorship partnership

1 3 5 7

The transcendence of the arts in China and beyondHistorical Perspectives

Edited by Rui Oliveira Lopes

The transcendence of the arts in China and beyondHistorical Perspectives

Edited by Rui Oliveira Lopes

8 9

Foreword ndash Rethinking the history of art in a global perspectiveRui Oliveira Lopes

The formation of artistic identities in the context of intercultural dialogue between China and the World

Rui Oliveira Lopes

Artistic identities in contrast The arts along the Silk Road and the South China Sea Routes

Han and Wei Jin tombs with murals artistic exchange in architecture and iconographyNataša Vampelj Suhadolnik

From Han to Koguryo The Spread of Stone Chamber Tombs in Northeast Asia (1stndash7th centuries)Chen Li

Buddha and bodhisattvas in the Koguryo tomb no 1 in Changchuan Jian Jilin province ChinaAriane Perrin

Exchange across Media in Northern Wei ChinaBonnie Cheng

Table of ContentsCentral Asia The Eastern Provincial Art of SassaniansParisa A Moghadam

Bodhidharma in China Korea and Japan Models for representations and commercialization of the legendary founder of Chan Buddhism in East AsiaBeatrix Mecsi

From the artistic sophistication of the Song dynasty to the legacy of the Mongol invasion

The Rock Carvings of Stone Seal Mountain A Specimen of Water and Land Ritual and the Unification of the Three Teachings in Stone from the Song dynasty (960ndash1279)Zhou Zhao

From Virtuous Paragons to Efficacious Images Paintings of Filial Sons in Song TombsFei Deng

Wenji Returns to China A Jin (1115ndash1234) Handscroll and Its Relevance to Changing Jurchen Cultural IdentitiesHang Lin

The Emperor Rejoiced with Great Joy How a gift from the Pope in 1342 came to be depicted as a tribute horse in a late-Yuan painting A case of cultural misunderstandingLauren Arnold

Artistic exchange between Korea and China The craft of lacquer with mother-of-pearl inlayPatricia Frick

Reading between the lines a potter a connoisseur and a curatorYupin Chung

Artistic exchange in Late imperial China

Repercussions of Chinese textiles in Portuguese decorative arts (16thndash17th centuries)Maria Joatildeo Ferreira

Chinese fashion crossed the oceans in the wake of the Portuguese trade with China during the late Ming and early Qing dynastiesRui DrsquoAacutevila Lourido

Church A ldquoSacred Eventrdquo and the Visual Perspective of an ldquoEtic Viewerrdquo

an 18th century Western-Style Chinese Painting held in the Bibliothegraveque nationale de FranceLianming Wang

Making sense of diplomatic gift exchange between East and West (1644ndash1820)Federica A Broilo

Western impact on the architecture and landscape paintings of the High Qing CourtShih-hua Chiu

Prints in Sino-European artistic interactions of the Early Modern PeriodCheng-hua Wang

The construction of Chinese style gardens in 18th century Germany by using the garden of Woumlrlitz (1764ndash1813)and the Chinese garden of Oranienbaum (1793ndash1797) as examplesSheng-Ching Chang

Urban Imaginaries The Framing of China Trade PaintingsYeewan Koon

About the Authors

10

14

39

40

72

97

114

146

170

201

202

229

252

274

290

312

335

336

356

370

398

414

424

458

474

485

170 171

Bodhidharma in China Korea and JapanModels for representations and commercialization of the legendary founder of Chan Buddhism in East Asia

Beatrix Mecsi

ELTE University Budapest

Abstract

According to tradition the founder of Chan or meditational Buddhism Bodhidharma originated from India yet his legend and first representa-tions are more typically associated with China Known as Putidamo or Damo in Chinese Boridalma or Dalma in Korean and Bodai Daruma or Daruma in Japanese this legendary figure is frequently seen in the visual art and popular culture of East Asian countries In my paper I focus on the visual representa-tions of Bodhidharma as they became popular in China Japan and Korea

After summarizing the information about Bodhidharma revealed in primary and secondary textual sources I analyze them together with visual sources in order to investigate the formation of the legend and iconography of Bodhidharma from the very beginning and describe their dynamics Looking at text-image relationships I explain analysing a famous episode of the Bodhidharma leg-end ldquoCrossing the Yangzi River on a Reedrdquo that other images besides those of Bodhidharma had a considerable effect on influencing and altering later texts as well as consequent images thus changing and enriching religious traditions

The power of the image is seen through the commercialization of Bodhidharma representations particularly in Japan where their commercial use occurred much earlier than in Korea and developed different traditions compared to those of China where the legend had come from

Whereas most publications that examine Bodhidharma focus on the Chinese and Japanese developments this paper introduces Korean Bodhidharma imagery into the discussion stressing the importance of looking at the differ-ences and similarities in the creation of images of the same legendary figure in context (where do these models derive from how much they changed them) and how these cultures differ from one another or how they are similar in their means of image-production use and consumption

Introduction

According to tradition the founder of meditational Buddhism1 Bodhidharma originated from India and nowadays this legendary figure is frequently seen in the visual art and popular culture of East Asian countries Known as Putidamo or Damo in China Boridalma or Dalma in Korea and Bodai Daruma or Daruma in Japan Bo-dhi-dha-rmo-tta-ra in Tibet he can also be found in Vietnam

The aim of my research was to make a deeper investigation of Bodhidharma as his figure appears in visual arts

1 Dhyana in Sanskrit Chan in Chinese Seon in Korean Bsam gtan in Tibetan Thien in Vietnamese Since the Western world was first aware of it through Japan Chan is most frequently referred by its Japanese name (Zen) The name I use depends on the country in question otherwise I use ldquomeditational Buddhismrdquo or Chan

172 173

The prevailing Sino-Japanese perspective imposes limits on research but here I propose a more inclusive approach Thus I do not want to limit my research to a single country as do the majority of previous studies discussing this topic The visual images from Korea are relatively unknown because there are only a few publications on Korean imagery of the meditational school in Western languages and even in Korean where there are only a few scholarly studies available as compared to the dozens of books and articles devoted to Japanese Zen Therefore I will treat the material with more emphasis on the Korean Bodhidharma images and will not describe Japanese Bodhidharma images in any great depth In this paper I attempt to concentrate on more recent aspects and relatively undiscovered areas

Art and visual culture not only spreads nationally but also across borders influencing the artistic and creative thoughts of other regions It is particularly true of religion where monks were the carriers of Buddhism from one coun-try to another and alongside their religious beliefs they transmitted the visual culture of other territories in the form of religious imagery Here we should examine the artistic influences and the stylistic differences between the regions where Chan Buddhism was adopted

Images and texts have their own lives They are born (created) they are used in some way and exist in a specific context where they work in interaction with viewers and readers As for the creation of images we will have to answer the following questions by whom why and how were these images produced Regarding the imagesrsquo use there are then the following questions by whom where when how and for what purpose were the given images used In this context it is important to distinguish between how we see the surviving images today and how their contemporaries saw them in the past How they were seen in different eras at different points between their ldquocreationrdquo and the present day There are also images which even though they have not survived might have had an influence on later images and which we should thus try to keep in mind even though we may have no tangible evidence of their existence Images from the past live concurrently together with new images Any change from a previous scheme any innovation deserves our attention because they might reveal a great deal about the context and circumstances of an imagersquos production It is also necessary to discuss the idea of an image in East Asia and within this framework we can draw a more accurate picture of the Bodhidharma imagery

It is difficult to acquire knowledge of the intentions and motivations for repre-senting a visual image in this case representations of Bodhidharma but we can contrast the style of chinsō-type coloured paintings2 used for rituals with the more spontaneous monochrome ink-paintings Looking at both their function and production we can see that style had an importance in the use of these images

2 Chinsō Japanese pronounciation of the term for formal portraits of meditation masters usually made in a meticulous style using colour with great attention paid to the realistic depiction of the face

What is the role of representation in the case of Bodhidharma in different times and regions Is it true that the representation of the founder of this school follows the religious teaching practices of Chan Buddhism by rejecting a reliance on ldquowords and lettersrdquo This issue should be also discussed since its aim is to depict the iconography of an iconoclastic tradition which Chan Buddhism claimed to transmit

It is also necessary to discuss the possible reasons for Bodhidharmarsquos popu-larity especially in Japan where his figure is found almost everywhere even in the form of a roly-poly doll (Fig 1) (Mecsi 1999 2008)

How to Grasp Bodhidharma The Nature of Previous Studies Philology Art History Anthropology

For a long time studies of Chan Buddhism were dominated by a mainly uncriti-cal sectarian approach made by scholars who were mostly monks themselves and accepted many of the legends without question To analyse their own view-point was deemed unnecessary since legends and religious imagery served as settings for their own lives Explaining them was only important where they supported their beliefs3 Only in the first half of the 20th century when the Dunhuang manuscripts were rediscovered scholars such as Hu Shih Ui Hakuju Sekiguchi Shindai and Yanagida Seizan started to look at this tradi-tion from a more objective and critical point of view Following these scholars many Western academics mostly historians of religion began to examine Chan Buddhism and attempted to revise the still prevailing approach introduced to the West by D T Suzuki4 Unquestionably Suzuki contributed a lot to Western intellectual knowledge (for instance his influence on Martin Heidegger Erich Fromm Carl Gustav Jung Thomas Merton and Aldous Huxley) but he pre-sented a version of Zen Buddhism which had very little to do with real East

3 As is usually the case with religious art and thought where the ideas often wrapped in myths and legends in order to bring abstract ideas closer to practitioners and ease understanding For more on symbolism see Cassirer 1953

4 Suzuki Teitarō Daisetz (1870ndash1966) knowledgeable about Anglo-American culture and with a strong command of the English language his marriage to an American woman gave him deep roots in the West without weakening his fidelity to his former Zen Buddhist background The Ameri-can writer William James (1842ndash1910) had a great impact on him influencing him in his psycholo-gising style Though he never gave a systematic presentation of Zen throughout his world tours and activity in the West ldquohe was able to cover all aspects in a prolific output that included such influen-tial works as the three volumes of Essays in Zen Buddhism which first published in London between 1927 and 1934 and which have been reprinted and translated many times since then His other works were also popular such as the trilogy comprising An introduction to Zen Buddhism (1934) The Training of the Zen Buddhist Monk (1934) and the Manual of Zen Buddhism (1935) Suzuki was not a regurgitator but he constantly reinterpreted the message he transmitted adapting it to Western concerns and deliberately highlighting certain key themesrdquo (Dumoulin 1992 p 4ndash10)

Bod

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174 175

Asian practice5 The Zen which he introduced to the West was inflected by Western thought and delivered in a form that served mainly missionary pur-poses Emphasis was placed on common ideals and thoughts of human harmony found in Zen Buddhism for which one finds parallels in Christianity Using a different vocabulary and more exact psychological descriptions in place of spe-cific symbolic language helped to further the understanding of the psychological motifs of mysticism detached from either religion especially Christianity but it did not say much about the historical and intellectual background of the newly arrived belief system (Otto 1932 Somogyi 1973 Suler 1993 Fromm-Suzuki 1960 and for the activity of the Kyoto school Dumoulin 1992 p 20ndash66)

For a contemporary scholar it is important to approach ChanZenSeon Buddhism as one would do with any other historical phenomenon to define clearly the viewpoint of investigation and try not to be struck by the allure of the philosophical and religious discourse

Sharf draws attention to the fact that the visuality of a religious tradition was previously a very much neglected field in the traditional Western research which is surprising when we consider the profusion of images well documented by even the earliest European explorers (drsquoElia (ed) 1942ndash1949) and suggests that the division of academic labour prevented Western scholars from having a more accurate picture of the actual religious phenomena in East Asia includ-ing the role of visual imagery (Sharf 2001 p 5) In the West Buddhist studies grew out of philology the study of early texts composed in classical languages (Lopez 1995 Welbon 1968 Fong 1987 Almond 1988) The objective of these scholars was to read the scriptural sources and concentrated on the analysis of Buddhist thought and doctrines the narrative and mythological tradition biographies and the institutionalised history of the tradition

In India where Buddhism disappeared a long time ago and where material artefacts are relatively rare and of uncertain provenance this preoccupation with the ancient texts is not so surprising but in the field of East Asian Buddhism there is no such lack of alternative visual sources for a broader understanding of Buddhist tradition Here there are plentiful sources of archaeological and art historical remains and there is a living tradition which is more or less based on ancient religious practices In this case unlike their colleagues in Indological studies such scholarsrsquo fixation on ancient Buddhist textual sources without a sidelong glance at the living tradition or its visual aspects seems unnecessarily limited(Sharf 2001 p 5)

5 Suzuki used the term Zen for naming a way of thinking and practice cut off from its historical roots and elevating it to a universal truth thus enabling Western audiences to absorb more easily the central meaning of its mysticism He did not handle Zen as a historically definite phenomenon as he was more a missionary interested in spreading an updated spiritual message for contemporary Western society than a historian See the criticism of the historian Hu Shih who attempted to revise the views and method introduced to the West by Suzuki (Hu Shih 1953b 3) However Hu Shihrsquos approach was also historically determined (McRae 2001 p 59ndash102)

Fig 1

Daruma dolls in Japan

Photograph taken

by the author in 2007

Nov 21st

Fig 2

Gim Myeongguk b 1600-d

after 1662 Tryptich

17th century Ink on silk

hanging scroll 966sum388

cm each Collection of Tokyo

University of Arts

Reproduced in Choi Sun-taek

Korean Seon Painting pl21

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included their visual experiences Art historians have recently challenged the strongly held methodological assumption that ldquonarrative illustrationsrdquo are inevi-tably preceded by a literary text6 Therefore the suggestion of the primacy of the written sources which has long been an integral part of the iconographical and iconological studies is no longer accepted as being inherently self-evident The tendency to look at pictures in order to identify a background text ldquomay cause narratives to be found where they never intended to berdquo (Lachman 1993 p 242)

The other discipline relevant to our investigation is anthropology In the Judeo-Christian intellectual tradition image-veneration was regarded as idola-try and seen as a sign of ignorance superstition and a retarded cultural develop-ment (Marosi 1995) Early anthropologists such as Edward Tylor and Lucien Leacutevy-Bruhl saw animism where inanimate objects are imbued with animate qualities as a distinguishing feature of ldquoprimitive religionrdquo or ldquoprimitive men-talityrdquo (Tylor 1920 Leacutevy-Bruhl 1985 Sharf 2001 p 6 and p 206) Western scholars of Buddhist Studies who were familiar with the philosophical and liter-ary sophistication of researched Buddhist texts therefore had great difficulty in dealing with the image-veneration of those traditions which had once produced such textual references This issue becomes extremely interesting in the study of Chan Buddhism where Western scholars were often led to admire the icono-clastic and extreme statements of Chan Buddhist Masters These scholars have a tendency to interpret the whole tradition based on such textual sources and thus tend to misinterpret the clear differences in the religious-cultic practices of the believers There are scholars who even make a distinction within Chan Buddhist related art and concern themselves only with the monochrome ink paintings made in the style of the literati termed Zenga (Hempel 1960 Addiss 1976 1989 Stevens-Yelen 1990 Fukushima 1978) Stephen Addiss (1989 p 57) wrote in his book on Zen art that ldquoAs a rule Zen has had little use for miracu-lous deeds stressing instead the enlightenment of the everyday worldrdquo

In this way these scholars attempt to avoid the fact that in Zen Buddhist cir-cles too the veneration of images played a very important role and that some of the themes which appeared on the spontaneous ink paintings were actu-ally inspired by venerated icons Magic and miraculous deeds were also com-mon in ChanZen as seen in several studies published recently (Sharf 1992 Granoff and Shinohara 1988 p 119ndash228) Led by their roots in the study of religious texts scholars of East Asian Buddhism also tend to think of Chan Buddhism as an atheistic tradition and therefore also tend not to consider that

6 Erwin Panofsky argues it is not that texts influence images but that images also have genres as do texts (cited in Marosi 1995 p 26) James Cahill observed the types of text-object relationships in Chinese art and noted the same notion that ldquoolder studies took somewhat simplistic views (hellip) considering the text as primary and constant to which illustrations served as embellishment and amplification recent studies see a more organic interaction In the newer model the works in verbal and visual media adapt flexibly to each other For instance illustrations may generate a new version of the text or the choice of excerpts to be illustrated (hellip) leads to a shift of emphases within the narrativerdquo (Cahill 1983)

Obviously the work of translation in order to understand certain phenom-ena is crucial but scholars should be open to the other alternative sources which may help to provide a better understanding of their topic

The Japanese scholarly tradition namely the pre-modern sectarian scho-lasticism also had a strong influence on the training of scholars in the field of East Asian Buddhism Most Japanese scholars of Chinese and Japanese Buddhism are themselves ordained priests and teaching in private Buddhist Universities sponsored by certain Buddhist orders Japanese scholars of East Asian Buddhism also emphasise the importance of the textual tradition and they tend to impart this orientation to their foreign students Sharf points to the danger that often Western students of Buddhism hardly tend to notice the clerical aspects of their mentorsrsquo education while their Japanese teach-ers perhaps understandably avoid drawing attention to their sectarian inter-ests (Sharf 2001 p 5) The result is that many texts written about East Asian Buddhism by such Western scholars ndash especially on Zen a very popular topic among Westerners ndash adopt an uncritical text-oriented approach

The study of Buddhist art as a discipline also has its own history This is rooted in the classical art historical approach namely viewing a particular arte-fact in the context of other artefacts looking for stylistic similarities and dif-ferences In the hands of these scholars Buddhist textual sources are usually used to identify an image its symbolism and iconography The merit of this approach lies in its ability to identify objects and provide a reliable source for further studies but also often fails to acknowledge the broader context

The identification of an image by its iconography or authorship is useful for art dealers and collectors but for scholars who wish to reconstruct and under-stand a tradition it is only a tool for further research Recently this approach was challenged by art historians in the West where the art historian Hans Belting even went so far as to deny his disciplinersquos legacy by referring to the ldquoend of art historyrdquo suggesting that we should look further and deal with the context and place of the art objects (Belting 1987) Following Beltingrsquos approach much research has been done in the field of Christian art elucidating the place and use of artefacts within the rituals challenging long-held views and breathing fresh air into the scholarship of religious imagery

I discuss both written and pictorial visual sources of Bodhidharma In this respect my research attempts to show that visual sources had as enormous an impact on the written tradition as had previous written sources Accordingly one cannot regard written culture as the only inspirational source for the iconog-raphy of visual images Given the ability to write was not widespread not even among the majority of the monks and religious ldquointelligentsiardquo the oral tradition and visual imagination played an important role in the course of everyday life We also have to think that the writers of such sources were probably not only influ-enced by earlier written sources but also by their own knowledge which equally

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Southern China in 5207 At that time Mahāyāna Buddhism was an already established religion so the Emperor Wu of the Liang dynasty (Liang Wudi r 502ndash549) who was a devout Buddhist led Buddhist assemblies wrote com-mentaries on several sutras and gave the religion his full support invited the Indian monk Bodhidharma to leave Buddhismrsquos homeland and come to his court After their short conversation it was no wonder that Bodhidharma could not stay any longer so he crossed the Yangzi River with the help of a single reed and headed north8 He stopped at the Shaolin monastery near Luoyang in Henan province9 Here he spent nine years in meditation in a cave facing a blank wall10 The novelty of his teachings came from the stress on the impor-tance of meditation (Skrt Dhyana Ch Chan(na) Kor Seon(na) Jp Zen(na)11 hence the name of the school) at a time when Mahāyāna Buddhism was mainly Sutra-oriented As a famous stanza attributed to Bodhidharma says

7 The exact date of his arrival differs in the written sources and is open to speculation in scholarly works (Pelliot 1923) Earlier textual sources indicate his arrival during the Wei or the Liu-Song periods but towards the second half of the 8th century the legend assumed a more stable arrival during the time of the Liang (Lidai fabao ji dated around 774 T 512075 p 179ndash196) This was probably influenced by the legend previously inserted to Bodhidharmarsquos biography about Bodhidharmarsquos audience with the famous Buddhist-patron and emperor Liang Wudi (r 502ndash549) (Putidamo nanzong ding shifei lun dated 732 Jacques Gernet (trans) 1949 p 81ndash91)We have to add that a text from around 730 called Lengqie shizi zhi mentions a Central Indian monk called Gunabhadra who arrived in Canton by ship during the Yuanjia era (425ndash453) He was welcomed by the emperor and among other works translated the Lankavatara Sutra which had great importance and was later associated with Bodhidharma as being the text he transmitted to his successor Huike (Yampolsky 1967 p 20) Based on this text Luo Xianglin (1960 p 14ndash15) believes that Bodhidharma was a disciple of Gunabhadra at the Guangxiao Temple However Hu Shi stated that Gunabhadra died before Bodhidharma arrived in China (Hu Shi 1994) But such speculations which give more credence to certain sources as reference points rather than others cannot be regarded as an acceptable method though they are important in the sense that the relationships between the given sources is telling

8 The earliest written source is the mid-11th century Chuan fa zhengzong ji (Transmission of the Dharma and the correct teaching in the true School) though there is no mention of the reed (T 512078 715ndash768) The earliest written source which mentions the reed is from the 13th century (Wujia zhengzong zan (Eulogies from the Five Houses in the True School) dated 1254 and Shi shi tongjian 1270) But these early 13th century textual sources do not mention that Bodhidharma actually used the reed to cross the river This we know from the visual sources where Bodhidharma is represented as standing on a reed while crossing the river (Lachman 1993 Mecsi 2008 2009)

9 The earliest reference to Bodhidharmarsquos stay at the Shaolin monastery is from the first decade of the 8th century (Chuan fabao ji (Record of the Transmission of the Dharma Jewel) dated around 710) Thereafter it remains a constant part of the legend

10 The wall-meditation was mostly understood as a meditation technique where the mind should be blank like a wall There is general reference to this technique in several sources from the 7th century onwards (Xu gaoseng zhuan (Continued Biographies of Eminent Monks) dated 645) but without mention of the cave where the wall meditation occurred the cave is often depicted in the visual sources from the 13th century onwards

11 Though practice of meditation was common from the 5th century onwards See Prajnaparamita and Yogacara meditation and the contemplative aspects of the Tiantai school (BDK English Tripitaka 75 1998 p 1)

the ldquoperformance of obeisances and offerings to images which appear within this tradition constitutes idolatry per serdquo (Sharf 2001 p 6)

In sum previous studies done in the field of Chan Buddhism can be sepa-rated to three main groups based on their approach The first is the philological approach of the Buddhologists which may grasp the ideals and aims of the tra-dition but not its real appearance and practice in the given milieu The second is that of classical art history which is concerned with the relationships of the visual images within the context of images but only considers their symbolism and style looking at them in their inner context rather than a broader one The third approach is that of anthropology rooted in the Judeo-Christian disdain of idolatry and the sectarian approach with its influence which both stood in the way of the critical scholarship of Chan Buddhist art in its historical context Each of these approaches has its own value and importance Philology gives us the translated texts to interpret the monastic ideals art history gives us the identifi-cation of artefacts that we can organize with more confidence while anthropol-ogy attempts to describe the living tradition While focusing on our questions we need to cross boundaries between disciplines to bring us closer to our answers

The Legend of Bodhidharma

Those familiar with the history of Chan Buddhism might assume that Bodhidharma is a relatively well-known personality but if we have a closer look at the sources referring to his life we can discern that the real person is somewhat hidden behind the hagiographical texts By looking more closely at the legendary life of Bodhidharma we understand that the story is not about one person but an amalgamation of many legends and traditions Historians with a critical approach can shed new light on the tradition of ChanZenSeon Buddhism and of ldquoits own naturerdquo but they often find themselves in a difficult situation when they wish to outline the proper historical facts behind the sur-viving legends If historians deal with texts concerning Bodhidharma as docu-ments from which they need to find historical facts then the research method can lead to misleading results As Bernard Faure very aptly commented ldquooften enough after this mortuary washing only a skeleton remains and it is this skel-eton that will enter the museum of history In fact some missing bones may have to be taken from other skeletons to complete the exhibitrdquo (1986 p 188)

Textual sources about Bodhidharmarsquos life are greatly inconsistent To avoid confusion I will summarize his life-story including all the available legends that surround Bodhidharma with occasional reference to the controversies and the original sources of the legends mentioned in the footnotes

Bodhidharma (c 470ndash532) founder of Chan Buddhism arrived in Canton

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his left arm and presented it to Bodhidharma in an attempt to make him speak Finally he had Bodhidharmarsquos attention

There is no peace in my mind Please calm down my mind ndash asked HuikePut it in front of me then I will calm it down ndash replied BodhidharmaBut where shall I look for my mind ndash asked Huike ndash I donrsquot find it anywhereThere now ndash answered Bodhidharma ndash I have already calmed it down

Huike in this moment gained enlightenment16 One day Bodhidharma felt the urge to go back to India so he asked all his disciples to tell him what they had learnt from his teachings and how much they had understood17 When the disciples recounted their interpretations one by one Bodhidharma told Daofu ldquoYou only grasped the skinrdquo To nun Zongchi ldquoyou only grasped the bonerdquo Then to Huike ldquoYou grasped the marrowrdquo Thus Huike became the second Chinese Chan patriarch after Bodhidharma who is considered the 28th Patriarch of Chan Buddhism18 This identification follows a story which traces the Chan teachings back to the Buddha himself and how one day as he was sit-ting on a hill and without saying a word picked out a kumbala flower Nobody understood its significance except Mahakashyapa who became his successor the second patriarch after Shakyamuni Buddha Following an uninterrupted line Bodhidharma is the 28th in the Indian lineage and the first in the Chinese lineage of the Chan patriarchate19 Bodhidharma died before he could return to his homeland some say his rivals poisoned him20 He was buried in North

16 For more on Huike see Chapin 1945ndash1946 The calming of the mind (or in other words anxin dialogue first appears in the middle of the 10th century (See Zutang ji (Anthology of the Patriarch Hall) dated 952)

17 The number of his disciples differs across written sources In the first versions of the legend he only mentioned two disciples See Xu gaoseng zhuan (645) Chuan fabao ji (710) Lengqie shizi ji (c 730) From the second half of the 8th century three are mentioned in Lidai fabao ji (740) and four in Baolin zhuan (801) Zutang ji (952) Jingde chuandeng lu (1004) and in Chuan fa zhengzong ji (1061) Still he only has one disciple in Liuzu tan jing (c 830) and Song gaoseng zhuan (988) The first mention of the ldquoflesh bones and marrowrdquo story is in the Lidai fabao ji (774) thereafter it became a common part of the legend

18 The enumeration of the patriarchs first appeared in the Baolin zhuan (801) according to which Bodhidharma is considered 28th in line Later this numbering became widely accepted

19 Dafan tianwang wenfa jieyi jing (T 2006 p 48 325b7ndash12) Nukariya Kaiten writes that ldquothe book in which this incident is described is entitled Sutra on the Great Brahman Kingrsquos Questioning Buddha to Dispel a Doubt but there exists no original text or any Chinese translation in the Tripitaka It is highly probable that some early Chinese Chan scholar of the [Northern] Song dynasty (960ndash1126) fabricated the tradition because Wang An-shih a powerful minister under the emperor Shen-tsung is said to have seen a book in the Imperial Library There is however no evidence as far as we know pointing to the existence of the Sutra in China In Japan there exist in manuscript form two different translations of that book kept in secret veneration by some Zen masters which have been proved to be fictitious by the present writer after his close examination of the contentsrdquo (Kaiten 1913 p 3)

20 On Bodhidharmarsquos poisoning the earliest surviving document is from the 8th century (Chuan fabao ji c 710)

A special transmission outside the scripturesNot depending on words and lettersDirectly pointing to the humanrsquos mindUnderstanding onersquos own nature12

There is a legend which tells how once during meditation Bodhidharma was overcome by drowsiness and became so angry that he tore off his eyelids from which grew a tea shrub with the leaves that were used to provide a refreshing drink throughout East Asia13 And as he spent so much time without mov-ing his legs and arms atrophied and fell off14 But still he was also consid-ered as the founder of the famous martial art Shaolin gongfu (kungfu)15 While Bodhidharma was sitting meditating in the cave a man Senguang later known as Huike came asked him to accept him as a disciple and begged to be taught by the master however Bodhidharma failed to notice him It was snowing heav-ily but Huike continued to wait patiently outside the cave for Bodhidharma to respond and then in final despair and as a mark of sincere intention he cut off

12 My translation differs slightly from versions found in several different publications The important emphasis on personal experience versus written words was very possibly a Daoist influence (Laozi 1994)

13 I have not found the original version of this legend in the primary sources I have collected This episode might be an early 20th-century European creation possibly the result of an incorrect translation made by Engelbert Kaempfer (1651ndash1716) a German traveller and physician After Kaempfers death his mostly unpublished manuscripts were bought by Sir Hans Sloane and taken to England Among them was a History of Japan translated from the manuscript into English by JG Scheuchzer and published in London in 2 vols in 1727 The original German remains unpub-lished the extant German version being taken from the English (Engelbert Kaempfer MD (1727) The History of Japan Together with a Description of the Kingdom of Siam transl JG Scheuchzer 1906 James MacLehose eds reprint AMS New York 3 volumes) courtesy of Dr John Jor-gensen (Griffith University Australia) through personal communication in April 2007

14 This accounts for the armless and legless round-shaped popular dolls of Bodhidharma the so-called ldquoDaruma dollsrdquo found in Japan This episode is also not found in the primary written sources I con-sider it a secondary addition to the legend and some existing visual sources In my opinion there were some dolls shaped like the ldquowould-be Daruma dollsrdquo before people started to identify those dolls with the meditation monk who spent nine years in meditation without moving As the original meanings of such roly-poly dolls faded they gained popularity with the new meaning and the makers of such dolls deliberately altered the old form to fit the new meaning The oldest object I have come across in the form of a round-shaped legless and armless figure is a glazed earthenware whistle sancai from a Tang dynasty tomb (Pacific Asia Museum Pasadena California object number 1995 1025)

15 The text called Yijin Jing which was said to have been found in the Qing period (1644ndash1911) in Shaolin Temple and related to Bodhidharma stresses the cultivation of the body as well as the mind an idea which probably comes from Daoism The Lokapalas (Defenders of the Buddhist Law) in East Asian iconography are said to have shown a defending pose the arhat-pose associ-ated with the later gongfu [kung-fu] (Kim Cheol 1986 p 171) In Shaolin Temple in the Hall of the White Robe Avalokiteśvara a wall painting shows Indian and Chinese monks practising gongfu [kung-fu] (No date given by Choi 1995 p 76) Military monks used concentration and special mental techniques in martial arts This might be a reason why the warrior rulers the shōguns and the samurai in Japan favoured Zen Buddhism About the idea of Dao [Tao] as used for martial arts in East Asian Aesthetics and Art Theories (Nishiyama 1992 p 141ndash148)

Bod

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from the West and in addition that not only were tales about Western monks and religious figures mixed into the legend but that indigenous Chinese myths and beliefs were too as well as acting as a conduit for aspirations of religious power And as a later phenomenon there are accounts of Christian mission-aries who believed this man from the West was familiar with Christianity or more precisely that he was a Christian apostle (Faure 1993)

Iconography of Bodhidharma

Turning to the visual sources of Bodhidharma first we should describe the dif-ferent iconographical types of Bodhidharma and show examples of them from China Korea and Japan

Even for those familiar with the images of East Asia sometimes it is very dif-ficult to name depicted figures because of the lack of inscriptions especially in the late phases of the development of certain iconographies This is due to the tendency of using pre-existing patterns and giving them new meaning as was the case in the Western culture during the early Middle Ages when the pagan Apollo figure was used to represent Jesus Christ Rather than inventing completely new imagery combining existing intellectual and religious systems is an easier way to proceed Therefore we often find that artists were inspired by previous visual models rather than relying primarily on textual sources In many cases these textual sources themselves were also inspired by previous visual representations As the meaning of the depicted figure changed in soci-ety and in the mind of the artist inevitably certain forms merged and new pic-torial representations were produced Being careful with the identification of the earliest images is most important because they can give us vital clues for the history of certain iconographic types

Among the earliest images there are two distinct iconographic types which later became entangled One is a beardless figure in the other the more popu-lar representation Bodhidharma appears as a hairy bearded man with a stocky build exaggerated foreign features often wearing a hood The majority of the images of Bodhidharma are a half body or bust portrait The remaining group includes full body portraits where we can differentiate between standing and sitting images Among the standing images we find Bodhidharma crossing the Yangzi River on a reed carrying one shoe or sandal or a combination of the two themes or sometimes without any such objects Among sitting images we find Bodhidharma in a chair (especially in the earliest periods) or sitting in meditation occurring either in a landscape or entirely removed from time and space with no background or sense of surroundings The landscape set-ting varies For instance there is Bodhidharma in a cave (a more common

China on a mountain called Xiangershan (Bear Ear Mountain) Not long after his death a Chinese Wei official Song Yun21 on his way back to China having been sent by the empress dowager to search for Buddhist works encountered Bodhidharma on Congling (Onion Range) in the Pamir Mountains travelling in the direction of India holding one sandal22 When Song Yun told this story to the emperor Bodhidharmarsquos tomb was opened but nothing was found in the tomb except for a single sandal of the pair that Bodhidharma had been car-rying It is also known from legend that Bodhidharma was reborn as a beggar in Japan where he met Shōtoku Taishi the famous prince a great patron and champion of Buddhism in Japan at the Kataoka crossroads23 They exchanged poems and the prince gave him his mantle just as in Western tradition St Martin shares his cloak with a beggar who he recognizes as Jesus Christ The following day the prince ordered his servants to check on the man he had met but they told him that the beggar had died When the prince heard this story he became very sad and explained to his servants that the man he met was not a simple beggar but a saint He buried him and later sent a messenger to the tomb who returned with the news that the body had vanished and all that was there was the mantle given by the prince

The Textual Sources in the Light of the Nature of the Bodhidharma legend

There are many biographical accounts of Bodhidharma and several works attributed to him But we now know the majority of these works to be apoc-ryphal (Sekiguchi 1957) Some scholars such as Feng Youlan [Fung Yu-lan] (1953) and Paul Pelliot (1923) deny his historical existence and consider Bodhidharma a fictious character for religious purposes My opinion is close to these scholars but I do not deny so absolutely the lack of truth behind the leg-ends or consider them a deliberate ldquolierdquo Based on the Bodhidharma legends in literary and pictorial sources we can suppose the existence of monks who travelled to China from the West with the aim of spreading Buddhist doctrine in the East During the course of my research I have become convinced that the personality of Bodhidharma is an amalgamation of several persons coming

21 His travel record has been translated by Samuel Beal Travels of Fa-hsien and Sung-yun Buddhist Pilgrims from China to India London 1869 (Yampolsky 1967 p 10ndash11)

22 Bodhidharmarsquos meeting with the Wei official first appears in the Xu gaoseng zhuan (645) But reference to the sandal to claim the authenticity of identification of the man in the Pamirs with Bodhidharma only appears in textual sources from the end of the 8th century ( Lidai fabao ji 774)

23 The original story which served as the basis of this tale is in Nihon Shoki (Chronicle of Japan) written in 720 The identification of the beggar with Bodhidharma had already appeared in the 8th century (Ihon Jōgū Taishiden dated 771) Further details in Nishimura 1985 299-310

Bod

hidharm

a in China K

orea and Jap

anMod

els for representations

and com

mercialization of the legend

ary founder of C

han Bud

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in East A

siaB

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184 185

version)24 situated under a tree25 or the combination of the two According to the type of representation we can differentiate between en-face three-quarter profile profile portraits and representations showing Bodhidharma from the back Within the simplified profile and back portraits in set against a timeless and spaceless background there developed a specific iconographic type the ldquoone-brushstroke Bodhidharmardquo which together with the circle (Jp ensō) had an interesting religious-spiritual significance in Chan Buddhism Depending on context one finds single Bodhidharma pictures as well as pictures that form part of a group and sometimes examples where he is represented on the middle panel of a triptych Among these the oldest type is the group representation Maintained genealogy was not the only reason for group portraits The multi-plication of images also had a religious-spiritual significance

Bodhidharma in KoreaPrevious researches on Korean Seon Painting

Compared to the published material and related pictorial art on the Chinese and Japanese meditation school there are only a few sources available on Seon the Korean meditation school There are not enough studies in Western lan-guages that view Buddhism in East Asia including Korea in detail This is partly because of the official ideology of the relatively recent Joseon dynasty (1392ndash1910) was based on Neo-Confucianism with Buddhism a reduced pres-ence following the immense political power Buddhist monasteries had held in the previous period (Goryeo 935ndash1392) when the clergy of the monasteries actively participated in politics

There is little research on the artistic practice associated with Korean medi-tational Buddhism which is more neglected than the religious doctrinal aspects of Seon There is virtually no material on this topic in Western languages but the few sources available in Korean are not always critical but do make a great contribution to our knowledge and provide good reference materials

Gim Myeongguk (Kim Myeongguk) and the problem of Bodhidharma as Huineng

The earliest surviving pictures of Bodhidharma made by Korean masters are from the 16th and the 17th centuries and have a strong connection with Japan

24 Apart from the fact that cave temples were common in India and China their symbolism also plays a role in the interpretation of Bodhidharma imagery

25 Sitting under a tree is a reference to Shakyamuni Buddharsquos enlightenment But the activity is also associated with Buddharsquos contemporary Mahavira the founder of Jainism (Eliade 1997 p 71)

Bod

hidharm

a in China K

orea and Jap

anMod

els for representations

and com

mercialization of the legend

ary founder of C

han Bud

dhism

in East A

siaB

eatr

ix M

ecsi

Fig 3

Unknown painter Huineng

(from Sancaituhui) Ming

period (1609) print

Reproduced in Sancaituhui

edited by Wang Qi

and Wang Siyi 317

Fig 4

Unknown painter

Bodhidharma with Huike

Joseon period wall painting

Geukrakjeon Daewonsa

Boseong South Jeolla

Province Republic of Korea

186 187

Among them the most famous are Gim Myeonggukrsquos (c 1600ndashafter 1662)26 Bodhidharma paintings which long remained a model for the later artists approaching the theme Gim Myeongguk was a member of the Dohwaseo Royal Painting Institute His contemporaries described him as a carefree drunkard a characterization that corresponds to the Chinese image of the eccentric artist and we know that during his stay in Japan his paintingsrsquo broad forceful brush-strokes suggest such an eccentricity27

In 1637 and 1643 Gim Myeongguk visited Japan as a member of an offi-cial delegation28 It has been said that like Han Sigak he was probably drawn to ZenSeon Buddhist figure painting through commissions from Japanese patrons who generally preferred Buddhist themes (Yi Tong-ju 1973 p 54-58) Many of his paintings held in Japanese collections are of this genre whereas contemporary painting in Korea was dominated by secular themes The style of both Gim Myeonggukrsquos landscapes and his figure paintings is very similar to that of the Chinese Zhe School particularly the works of the eccentric Wu Wei The Seoul National Museum has the most impressive example in this style and his most famous painting of Bodhidharma where the patriarch is captured with a few forceful yet delicate brushstrokes

Among Gim Myeonggukrsquos Bodhidharma paintings a triptychrsquos central panel in the Tokyo National University of Arts shows the Bodhidharma cross-ing water on a reed (Fig 2) His head is covered with a dark hood which is most unusual in this kind of representation yet we can find its source in the famous Ming Chinese printed book Sancai tuhui [Kor Samjaedohwi] an impor-tant resource for the artists with illustrations of famous Daoist and Buddhist masters on every page In this book the Sixth Chan patriarch Huineng is seen in a dark hood and similar facial expressions29 so we might suppose that Gim Myeongguk had used this pattern book adding a little modification to suit his subject (Fig 3) Using Huinengrsquos iconography based on the Sancai tuhui and followed by the Xianfo qizong [Kor Hongssiseonbulgijong] printed in 1602 the

26 According to the ldquoDongguk Munheon rokrdquo (Collection of Records of the Eastern Countries) chapter ldquoHwaga pyeonrdquo (Chapter on painters) his family comes from Ansan also called Yeonseong So maybe this is the origin of his pen name Yeondam (Lotus pond) But as he was connected to Buddhism the lotus in his pen name probably had Buddhist significance His other names were Cheonrsquoyeo (heavenly water) and Chui ong (drunken old man) (O SeChang chapter on Gim Myeongguk) Unfortunately we donrsquot have many written sources on him his birth and death dates are unknown He used three differently written forms of ldquoMyeongrdquo in his name but according to recent research there was no consistency in the way he used the different characters in his name so they do not help date his paintings (Deoksu 1999 see table for the chronology of his use of different characters p 49)

27 We know several stories about him written by Nam Yuyong (1698 ndash 1773) in the collection called Noe Yeon jip (Nam Yuyong Noeyeonjip Jinhwisok ko pp 35ndash36)

28 He stayed for ten months in 163729 Huinengrsquos dark hood existed as a visual formula from the 12th century where we can see Huineng

represented among the patriarchs wearing a separate hood which was darkened in later copies

Bod

hidharm

a in China K

orea and Jap

anMod

els for representations

and com

mercialization of the legend

ary founder of C

han Bud

dhism

in East A

siaB

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Fig 5

Unknown painter Bodhidharma

with Huike Joseon period

wall painting 267sum140 cm

Eungjinjeon Tongdosa Yangsan

city South Gyeongsang

Province Republic of Korea

Fig 6

Unknown painter Bodhidharma

Ming period rubbing from a

stone relief Shaolin Monastery

Songshan Henan Province

Peoplersquos Republic of China

188 189

hood is no darker than the robe itself which we also find in other represen-tations of Bodhidharma The wall painting of the Geukrak Hall of Daewon temple in South Jeolla province shows Bodhidharma with the same features as the image of Huineng seen in both model books but we can be sure about the identity of the figure in the wall painting as it shows Huike presenting Bodhidharma a severed arm (Fig 4)

The ldquoOriginalrdquo Model from Shaolin Monastery

Other paintings showing Bodhidharma with Huike are quite different from the one discussed above One of Korearsquos three most famous temples the Tongdosa has a wall painting dated around 1670 where a bearded figure with large eyes is seen in profile sitting on a straw mat under a pine tree and holding a begging bowl A young noticeably smaller monk holds a book and bows before the seated man (Fig 5) There is no hint of the removed arm but then how do we know that this person is Bodhidharma Our question leads us back to China to the model preserved at the famous Shaolin monastery a place strongly connected with Bodhidharma him-self The image preserved here shows its subject in the same posture as the seated figure in the wall painting (Fig 6) Recently in 1992 the same face type was used as a model for a commission by a Chinese artist on a Bodhidharma sculpture for the Waujeong temple in Gyeonggi province in Korea (Fig 7)30 In Korearsquos other famous monastery the Haeinsa where the printing blocks of the Buddhist canon the Tripitaka Koreana are kept there is another Bodhidharma painting from the Joseon period which bears a resemblance to the wall painting at Tongdosa We can see its influence on other Bodhidharma paintings too where the facial expressions are similar though the setting is different (eg the painting in the Emille Museum)

Gim Hongdo (Kim Hongdo) and the Problems of Bodhidharma as an Immortal

In the oeuvre of another famous Korean artist Gim Hongdo (1745ndashafter 1814) who is considered one of the most outstanding artists of the Joseon period (1392ndash1910) we find paintings showing figures standing or sitting on a reed One of them where the figure is standing on a reed bears an inscription ldquoPicture of crossing the sea on a reedrdquo (Fig 8) Even though we know stories from Japan claiming that Bodhidharma actually crossed the sea and went to Japan this tra-dition can be also traced back to the depiction of the Daoist immortalsrsquo cross-ing the sea and has a long history in iconography that predates Bodhidharmarsquos

30 In the Korean Seon Buddhist magazine Seon Munhwa (Pyeon Jippu 2002 20ndash21) we read that the erection a sculpture made in China was an attempt to access the ldquorealrdquo image of Bodhidharma while also using the most authentic Chinese sources

Bod

hidharm

a in China K

orea and Jap

anMod

els for representations

and com

mercialization of the legend

ary founder of C

han Bud

dhism

in East A

siaB

eatr

ix M

ecsi

Fig 7

Chinese sculptor (name

unknown) Bodhidharma

Sculpture in Korea 1992

[bronze] Waujeongsa

Yeongin Gyeonggi Province

Republic of Korea Photograph

taken by the author in 2006

Fig 8

Gim Hongdo (1745-1806)

Standing Figure on a Reed

19th century inscription

ldquoCrossing the sea on a reedrdquo

Colors on paper

Gansong Art Gallery Seoul

Reproduced in Choi Seon-taek

[Korean Seon Painting] pl 40

190 191

appearance In the case of Gim Hongdo we know that he painted Daoist topics too And if we look at the figure in his painting we see his East Asian rather than Western features and the fur around his waist which also suggests immor-tal qualities (as a parallel see Shen Choursquos painting of an immortal from China in the Nelson-Atkins Museum) The other painting shows a young boy sitting and sleeping on a reed a topic which was also popular among artists in 18th century Korea (see Sim Sajeongrsquos (1707ndash1769) painting of a similar theme) but even though there is still some confusion in identifying this crossing fig-ure with Bodhidharma (Kim Nami 2000 90ndash91) It is very probable that the young seated figure follows the iconography of an immortal (see other young immortal figures crossing seated without a reed) This is supported by the fact that Gim Hongdo painted very similar scenes of immortals crossing water for instance one such immortal crossing on a shrimp (Fig 9)

However the strongly held view is that Gim Hongdorsquos crossing paintings representing Bodhidharma resulted in later images using this iconography either showing Bodhidharma as a young boy or showing Bodhidharmarsquos cross-ing on a reed in a seated position

We have seen from the above examples that the identification of a certain per-sonality in visual arts is interlinked with the beliefs of a given society adding new qualities to an existing legend In the case of Korean Bodhidharma imagery the tradition of arhat paintings and the Daoist immortals was a great contribution and the existence of illustrative models and pattern books are evident though their use was not always from first-hand and there was a degree of freedom in their recon-figuration as seen in the use of Huinengrsquos model in an image of Bodhidharma

Bodhidharma Images in Contemporary South Korea

Anyone who visits Korea soon encounters the representations of Bodhidharma His figure and legend are usually represented in Buddhist temples but a recent phe-nomenon has taken his figure more and more into the secular and semi-secular context such as souvenir shops not only in the vicinity of temples but in other tour-istic areas and frequently visited places like at motorway service stations or even tube stations and restaurants Popular womenrsquos magazines and television channels often carry advertisements for Bodhidharma painters offering potential well-being

Many scholarly studies have been conducted about Bodhidharma but how the image of Bodhidharma came to be commercialized it is still an understud-ied side to the area As is how the Bodhidharmarsquos representations were distrib-uted in East Asia and influenced local imagination and further representations Also worthy of attention of visual arts scholars is how certain models were used in reproducing new objects with the intent of selling them to the wider public a real phenomenon in contemporary Korea This is similar to Japan in inten-tion but the chosen sources for promoting this saintly figure are very different

Bod

hidharm

a in China K

orea and Jap

anMod

els for representations

and com

mercialization of the legend

ary founder of C

han Bud

dhism

in East A

siaB

eatr

ix M

ecsi

Fig 9

Gim Hongdo (1745-

1806) Immortal

crossing the sea on

a shrimp Ink and

light colors on paper

331sum41 cm Sun

Moon University

Museum Collection

(Sun Moon Collection

2001 pl83 p280)

Fig 10

Katsushika Hokusai

(1760-1849) Big

Daruma ca 1817 ink

on paper Reproduced

in Timon Screech

The Lens Within the

Heart The Western

Scientific Gaze and

Popular Imagery in

Later Edo Japan

London Routledge

Curzon 2002 p 243

pl140

192 193

The manner in which Bodhidharma images enter the secular world differs con-siderably between the Japanese islands and Korea

When we look at the ways Bodhidharma images are popularized in modern and contemporary East Asia we find some basic differences between China Korea and Japan

Among these countries Japan was the first one to popularize Bodhidharma on a large scale not only in simplified ink paintings usually executed by monk paint-ers and in popular colour prints but in a form of a roly-poly doll called Daruma

The transformation of the image of a religious founder into a doll is an interesting phenomenon which only appeared in Japan and this form of representation entered Korea as a symbol of Japaneseness rather than the representation of Bodhidharma himself (for example as a sign in Japanese restaurants like the waving cat)

In China the popularization of Bodhidharma only happened recently but here the visual appearance does not play as such an important role as it does in Japan or Korea Here the cult flourishes especially around the Shaolin mon-astery and mainly among martial arts practitioners to whom Bodhidharma is venerated as the founder of Shaolin kungfu

In Korea producing Bodhidharma images and objects was a fashion in the last decades and increased considerably in the last couple of years It started in 1988 with the Seoul Olympics when the so-called gold cards were launched the market These gold cards are small cards painted with real gold paint usu-ally with some lucky representations like the twelve Oriental zodiac animals Taoist talismans and for Westerners four-leaf clovers images of Jesus Christ but more and more with the image of Bodhidharma

Contemporary painters also turned towards the image of the saint and we find not only monks but some professional painters also started to revitalize his image We clearly see this not only in art shops and exhibitions but also in the publica-tions of several books and albums devoted exclusively to Bodhidharma paintings31

The structure of these books is the same where each painting (usually 100 or more often 108) is followed by a poem or explanation related to the legend or some Buddhist teaching These books often combine the pattern book for-mat with the drawing manual with tips on how to draw Bodhidharma Korean painters of Bodhidharma generally use such pattern books together with other publications on Buddhist imagery and in many cases it is obvious where their models came from showing clear formal affinities with their models However at the same time spontaneous ink paintings require some expression from the artist thus making them very personal and spiritually charged pieces

31 For example Hong Ip-Yo Yi Byoung-kyo Dalmado (Bodhidharma-paintings) Seoul Jayu Segye Publ 1993 Gim Chrsquoangbae Hangukeui Dalmado (Korean Bodhidhma Paintings) Seoul Ehwa Munhwa Publishing 1999 Gim Nami Geurimeuro mannaneun Dalma (Meeting Bodhidharma on Pictures) Seoul Shikongsa Publ 2000 Beomju seunim Dalma seonmuk (Monk Beomju Ink Paintings of Bodhidharma) Seoul Hakmunsa Publishing 2001 Yu Hyeongjae 108 Dalma (108 Bodhidharma) Seoul Baekam Publishing 2002

Bod

hidharm

a in China K

orea and Jap

anMod

els for representations

and com

mercialization of the legend

ary founder of C

han Bud

dhism

in East A

siaB

eatr

ix M

ecsi

When talking about popularization we have to mention the importance of major public events and how some artists have used these occasions to propa-gate the image of Bodhidharma

In 2002 when Korea and Japan held the FIFA World Cup monk-painter Gim Dongseong (b 1954) showed his new works in both countries representing Bodhidharma with a football updating the figure in a manner appropriate for the event However he also included a philosophical explanation for his paintings referring to the basic qualities and shared pronunciation for the word ldquoballrdquo (Kor gong) and emptiness (also gong) an important concept in Buddhism (Skt śunyata)

In 2005 during the International APEC (Asian Pacific Economic Cooperation) meeting in Busan monk Beomju (b 1943) made a public performance by making a huge Bodhidharma painting Painting large scale Bodhidharma images for public events can be traced back to earlier traditions It is recorded that the famous Ukiyo-e artist Hokusai (1760ndash1849) also made a similarly giant image in year 1804 (Fig 10)32

Painting Bodhidharma as a performance is not so rare among Korean monk-artists and Jung Gwang the ldquomad monkrdquo (1934ndash2002) who gained interna-tional reputation with his daring Bodhidharma paintings and performances even influenced contemporary expressionist art in the West

In sum in Korean visual arts and Buddhism there is a burgeoning trend in the production and distribution of images of the first Chan patriarch which requires an attempt to understand it in the context of its inner developments and history while placing it within the larger context of other Asian countries

Bibliography

Addiss S (1989) The Art of Zen Paintings and Calligraphy by Japanese Monks 1600-1925 New York Charles Miers

Addiss S and Seo A Y (1998) The Art of 20th Century Zen Paintings and Calligraphy by Japanese Masters Boston Shambala

AwAkAwA Y (1970) Zen Painting Tokyo Kodansha InternationalBDK English Tripitaka (2006) Numata Center for Buddhist TraditionBukkyō Daijiten (1933) compiled by Mochizuki ShinkyōBukkyō Daijiten HakkōshoBArnet S and Burto W (1982) Zen Ink Paintings Tokyo KodanshaBelting H (1987) The End of the History of Art (trans C Wood) Chicago University of Chicago

Press[Beomju seunim Dalma seonmuk] (2001) 범주스님 달마 선묵 [Monk Beomjursquos ink paintings of

Bodhidharma] Seoul Hakmunsa[Boun Jippu] 보운 집부 (2002) ldquo1300yeonyeonmane Dalma daesa uri nara e bongrsquoandwaedardquo

1300 여년만에 달마 대사 우리나라에 봉안되다 [ldquoIt was more than 1300 years since Grand Master Bodhidharma was enshrined in Koreardquo] Seon Munhwa 4 p 20ndash21

Brinker H (1973) Die Zen-buddhistische Bildnismalerei in China und Japan Muumlnchener Ostasiatische Studien vol 10 Wiesbaden Franz Steiner

32 Kōriki Enkōan from Hokusai taiga sokusho saizu c 1817 Nagoya City Museum

194 195

mdash (1987) ldquoThe Daruma-shū Dōgen and Sōtō Zenrdquo in Monumenta Nipponica vol 42 nordm 1 p 25ndash55

mdash (1991) The Rhetoric of Immediacy A Cultural Critique of ChanZen Buddhism Princeton New Jersey Princeton University Press

mdash (1993) Chan Insights and Oversights (An Epistemological Critique of the Chan Tradition) Princeton New Jersey Princeton University Press

mdash (1996) Visions of Power Princeton Princeton University Pressmdash (1997) The Will to Orthodoxy A Critical Genealogy of Northern Chan Buddhism Stanford

California Stanford University Pressmdash (2003) ldquoLa double vie du patriacherdquo in Kyburz J A et al (eds) Eloge des sources

Reflets du Japon ancien et moderne Paris Editions Philippe Picquier p 509ndash538Fo-jih Chi-sung (1007-1072) and Tōrei Enji (1721ndash1792) Damoduolo Chanjing 達摩多羅禪

經 [ldquoBodhidharma Zen Sūtrardquo] (1964) Taishō Shinshū Daizōkyō Kankokai 大正新脩大蔵蔵 [ldquoTripitaka in Chineserdquo] Tōkyō Taishō Issaikyō Kankōkai (T15 No618)

Foulk G T and Sharf R H (1993ndash1994) ldquoOn the Ritual Use of Chrsquoan Portraiture in Medieval Chinardquo in Cahiers drsquoExtrecircme-Asie [Revue bilingue de lrsquoEcole Franccedilaise drsquoExtrecircme Orient Section de Kyoto] Special Issue Chrsquoan Zen Studies vol 7 p 155ndash219

Fontein J and Hickman M L (1970) Zen Painting and Calligraphy Boston Museum of Fine Arts

Fromm E Suzuki DT and DeMartino R (1960) Zen Buddhism and Psychoanalysis New York Harper and Row

gernet J (1949) Les entretiens du maicirctre de dhyāna Chen-houei du Ho-tsouml (668-760) Paris Adrian Maisonneuve

gomBrich E H (1960) Art and Illusion A Study in the Psychology of Pictorial Representation London Phaidon

mdash (1982) The Image and the Eye Further studies in the Psychology of Pictorial Representation London Phaidon

goodAll J (1979) Heaven and Earth 120 Album Leaves from a Ming Encyclopaedia San-tsrsquoai trsquou-hui 1610 London Lund Humphries

grAnoFF PH and shinohArA K (1988) Monks and Magicians Religious Biographies in Asia Motilal Banarsidass India

heine S and Wright D S (eds) (2004) The Zen Canon Oxford Oxford University Press[Hong Ip-ik and Yi Byeong-gyo] 홍입익middot이병교 (1993) Dalmado Hwabeop immun gamsang

baektae 달마도 畵法入門 鑑賞百態 [Painting Bodhidharma hundred great ways to achieve enlightenment through painting] Seoul Jayu Segye

[Hong Cha-seong and So Cheon-seok] 홍자성소천석 (1974) Hongssi seonbulgijong 홍씨 선불

기종 [Marvellous tales of immortals] Sakbuk JayuhisAmAtsu S (1971) Zen and Fine Arts from original Zen to Bijutsu (trans T Gishin) Tokyo

Kodansha Internationalhu S (1953) ldquoChan (Zen) Buddhism in China Its History and Methodrdquo in Philosophy East and

West vol 3 nordm 1 p 3ndash24mdash (1994) ldquoPutidamo gaordquo in Hu Shih Wencun Taibei Yuanliu Khuban Shiyegufen Youxian

Gongsi c Ltd vol12 p 137ndash150hyers C (1973) Zen and the Comic Spirit Philadelphia Westminster Press

Brinker H (1994) Zen in der Kunst des Malens Bern Muumlnchen Wien Otto Wilhelm Barth Verlag

Brinker H and Kanazawa H (1996) Zen Masters of Meditation in Images and Writings Based on a Catalogue of an Exhibition at the Museum Rietberg and Kyoto National Museum

Brinker H Kramers R P and Ouwehand C (eds) (1982) Zen in China Japan East Asian Art Papers of the International Symposium on Zen Zuumlrich University

BAten L (1992) Japanese Folktoys The Playful Arts Tokyo ShufunotomoBuddhist Paintings of Korea (1997ndash2004) Seoul Buddhist Cultural Properties Research

Institute vols1ndash31Buswell R (1992) The Zen Monastic Experience Buddhist Practice in Contemporary Korea

Princeton Princeton University PresscAhill J (1983) ldquoTypes of Text-Object Relationships in Chinese Artrdquo in 31st International

Congress of Human Sciences in Asia and North America (CIISHAN) Abstracts of Papers TōkyōTōhō Gakkai vol 2 p 276

cAssirer E (1953) The Philosophy of Symbolic Forms Vol1 Language (trans R Mannheim) New Haven Yale University Press

[Chang Hee-jeong] 張姬貞 (1996) Joseon hugi Jogyesan jiyeok bulhwaeui yeonrsquogu 朝鮮 後

期 曹溪山地域 佛畵의 硏究 ldquoA Study of Buddhist Paintings of Late Joseon dynasty in Monasteries on Mt Chogyerdquo in Misul Sahak Yeonrsquogu nordm 210 p 71ndash104

chApin H B (1945ndash1946) ldquoThree Early Portraits of Bodhidharmardquo in Archives of the Chinese Art Society of America nordm 1 p 66ndash95

[Choi Seok-hwan] 최석환 (2002) ldquoDalmawa yutopiardquo 달마와 유토피아 [ldquoBodhidharma and Utopiardquo] in Seon Munhwa nordm 4 p 26ndash31

[Choi Sun-taek] 최순택 (1995) Dalmadorsquoeui segye 達磨圖의 世界 [The world of Bodhidharma-paintings] Seoul Hakmunsa

mdash ldquoDalmadorsquoeui yeonrsquogurdquo 達磨圖의 硏究 (1996) [ldquoResearch on Bodhidharma-paintingsrdquo] in Gukje seonmuhakhoe 國際禪武學會 [International Association of Zen and Martial Arts] vol 5 nordm 1 p 21ndash107

mdash Hangukeui seonseohwa 한국의 선서화 (1998) [Korean Seon Painting] Seoul Hakmun[Choi Wan-su] 최완수 (1996) Seokjeong sohwajip 석정 소화집 [Painting collection of monk

Seokjeong] Seoul BeomhaDaruma ten 達磨展 (1988) [ldquoBodhidharma Exhibitionrdquo] Tōkyō Shinjuku Isetan Bijutsukan

vol 4 np 10 p 16drsquoeliA m P (ed) (1942-49) Fonti Ricciane documenti originali concernenti Matteo Ricci e la sto-

ria delle prime relazioni tra lEuropa e la Cina 1579-1615 3 vols Rome Libreria dello Statodukes T [Shifu Nagaboshi Tomio] (1994) The Bodhisattva Warriors The Origin Inner

Philosophy History and Symbolism of the Buddhist Martial Art within India and China York Beach Samuel Weiser

dumoulin H (1992) Zen Buddhism in the 20th Century (trans J S OrsquoLeary) New York and Tokyo Weatherhill

eliAde M (1997 [1978]) Vallaacutesi hiedelmek eacutes eszmeacutek toumlrteacutenete (original title Histoire des croy-ances et des ideacutees religieuses) Budapest Osiris Kiadoacute

FAure B (1986) ldquoBodhidharma as a Textual and Religious Paradigmrdquo in History of Religions vol 25 nordm3 p 187ndash198

Bod

hidharm

a in China K

orea and Jap

anMod

els for representations

and com

mercialization of the legend

ary founder of C

han Bud

dhism

in East A

siaB

eatr

ix M

ecsi

196 197

im deok-su (1999) Yeondam Kim Myeongguk eui Seonhwa yeongu [A Study of the Zen Painting by Kim Myeongguk] MA-diss Department of Buddhist Art and Culture The Graduate School of Buddhism Dongguk University Seoul Korea

JArAnd U (trans) (1987) Dialog uumlber das Ausloumlchen der Anschaung ein fruumlher Chinesischer text aus Tunhuang Frankfurt [Main] RG Fischer

Jing A (1996) ldquoThe Eight Immortals The Transformation of Trsquoang and Sung Taoist Eccentrics during the Yuumlan dynastyrdquo in Hearn M K and Smith J G (eds) Arts of The Sung and Yuumlan New York Metropolitan Museum of Art p 213ndash227

Jung K (1979) The Mad Monk Paintings of Unlimited Action Berkeley Lancaster-Miller Publishers

kAnAZAwA H (1979) Japanese Ink Painting Early Zen Masterpieces Japanese Arts Library Tokyo Kodansha International and Shibundo

kidō C (1978 [1932]) Daruma to sono shosō 達磨と其諸相 [Bodhidharma and his representa-tions] Tokyo Heigo Shuppan-sha

[Kim Chang-bae] 김장배 (1999) Hangug eui Dalmado 한국의 달마도 [Korean Bodhidharma paintings] Seoul Ehwa Munhwa

[Kim Chang-bae] 김장배 (2007) Hangug eui Modeun Dalma 한국의 모든달마 [The all Korean Bodhidharma] Seoul Seoyemunrsquoinhwa

[Kim Cheol] 김철 (1986) Taekwondo Kyoyukron (Education of Taekwondo) Seoul Wonkwang Univervisty Publlishers

[Kim Hye-jeong] 김혜정 (2002) ldquoDalma Chukgu gongeul deulda Dongseong seunimeui Dalmadordquo달마 축구공을 들다 동성스님의 달마도 [ldquoBodhidharma holds a footballrdquo] Seon Munhwa vol 4 p 22ndash25

[Kim Na-mi] 김나미 (2000) Geurimeuro mannaneun Dalma 그림으로 만나는 달마 [Meeting Bodhidharma on pictures] Seoul Shikongsa

[Kim Yong-jae] 김영재 (2001) Bulgyo misureul boneun nun 불교미술을 보는 눈 [Eye for Buddhist art] Seoul Sakyejul

[Koam] 고암 (2006) ldquoDalmado geinjeon yeoneun deuksan hwabaek ilneomeseo munyeo-muirordquo 달마도 개인전 여는 득산 화백 일념에서 무념으로 [ldquoHwabaekrsquos private exhibition of Bodhidharma-paintings From one-attachment to no-attachmentrdquo] Seon Munhwa vol 6 p 50ndash55

koderA T J (1980) Dōgenrsquos Formative Years in China London Routledge and Kegan Paul[Kōjō] 光定 (1964) ldquoDenjutsu Isshin Kaimonrdquo 伝述一心戒文 (ldquoThe Record of the Precepts in a

Mindrdquo) in Taishō Shinshū Daizōkyō Kankokai 大正新脩大蔵経 [ldquoTripitaka in Chineserdquo] Tokyo Taisho Issaikyo Kankokai nordm 74 p 639

[Kōkan Shiren] 虎関師錬 (1278-1348) (1921ndash1922) Genkō Shakusho 元亨釈書 [Buddhist his-tory of the Genkō era] vol15ndash16 Takakusu Junjirō et al (eds) Dai Nihon Bukkyō zensho Tōkyō Yoseido Reprinted Suzuki gakujutsu zaidan edition Tōkyō Kodansha 1970ndash1973 vol 62 p 66ndash230

[Kōshū] 光宗 (1276-1350) Keiran Shūyōshū 渓嵐拾葉集 (A Collection of Leaves Gathered in Stormy Streams) (T762410 532b)

kurAnAkA S (1996) ldquoShōtoku Taishi Kataoka Setsuwa no Keiseirdquo 聖徳太子片岡説話の形成 [ldquoThe formation of Prince Shōtokursquos Kataoka-talerdquo] Manrsquoyo vol 10 p 61

[Kwanjo Monk] 관조스님 (1999) Sachrsquoal Byeokhwa 사찰 벽화 [The mural paintings of Buddhist

temples] Seoul Misul Munhwa [Photographs]lAchmAn C (1993) ldquoWhy Did the Patriarch Cross the River The Rushleaf Bodhidharma

Reconsideredrdquo in Asia Major nordm 6 p 237ndash268lAncAster L R (1983) The Dirty Mop Unlimited Action Paintings and Poems by Jung Kwang the

Mad Monk Berkeley and Seoul Asian Humanities Press and Po Chin ChailAo-ce (1994) Tao Te King Az Uacutet eacutes Ereacuteny koumlnyve (Original title Laozi Daode qing (trans

Weoumlres Saacutendor and Tőkei Ferenc) Budapest TericumlopeZ D Jr (ed) (1995) Curators of the Buddha The Study of Buddhism Under Colonialism

Chicago University of Chicago Pressluo XiAnglin (1960) Tang dai Guangzhou Guangxiao si yu Zhong Yin jiao tong zhi guan xi Jiulong

Zhongguo xue she[Manbong seunim chungyo munhwajae je 48 ho] 만봉스님 중요문화재 제 48 호 [Monk Manbong

living cultural asset no48] (2002) Seoul BongwonsamArosi E (1995) Keacutep eacutes hasonmaacutes Műveacuteszet eacutes valoacutesaacuteg a 14-15 szaacutezadi Magyarorszaacutegon [Image

and likeness Art and reality in the 14th and 15th centuries in Hungary] Budapest Akadeacutemiai KiadoacutemcFArlAnd H N (1986) ldquoFeminine Motifs in Bodhidharma Symbology in Japanrdquo in Asian

Folklore Studies [Nagoya Asian Folklore Institute] nordm 14 p 167ndash191mdash (1987) Daruma The Founder of Zen in Japanese Art and Popular Culture Tokyo and New York

Kodansha InternationalmcrAe J (2001) ldquoReligion as Revolution in Chinese Historiography Hu Shih (1891-1962) on

Shen-Hui (684-758)rdquo in Cahiers drsquoExtrecircme-Asie nordm 12 p 59ndash102mecsi B (1999) ldquoHogyan lett a szentből jaacuteteacutekbabardquo [ldquoHow did a saint become a dollrdquo]

Műhely [Atelier] p 116ndash118mdash (2000) ldquoHogyan eacuterkezett Bodhidharma Japaacutenbardquo [ldquoHow did Bodhidharma arrive

to Japanrdquo] in Orientalista Nap MTA Orientalisztikai Bizottsaacuteg amp ELTE Budapest p 120ndash126 and 245ndash257

mdash (2003) ldquoIdentification problems of Korean Bodhidharma-paintingsrdquo University of Rome ldquoLa Sapienziardquo Faculty of Oriental Studies 21st AKSE Conference-papers p 155ndash162

mdash 2005 ldquoWhy did Bodhidharma Come from the West Origins of Representations of the First Zen Patriarchrdquo in Proceedings of the Hawaii International Conference on Arts and Humanities

mdash (2007) ldquoBodhidharma Images in Contemporary Korea Methods and Strategies of Using and Popularizing the Representations of the First Zen Patriarchrdquo in International Biannual Conference for the Association of Korean Studies Europe Dourdan (AKSE)-Publications

mdash (2007) ldquoBuddhist Saints Crossing the Sea Reconsidering Text-Image Relationships for Understanding the Iconography of the First Zen Patriarchrdquo in Proceedings of the Hawaii International Conference on Arts and Humanities

mdash (2007) ldquoA Szent eacutes a Jaacuteteacutekbaba A Zen Buddhizmus alapiacutetoacutejaacutenak alakja a nem-zen hagy-omaacutenyok tuumlkreacutebenrdquo [ldquoThe Saint and the DollThe founder of Zen Buddhism in the con-text of non-Zen Studiesrdquo] Japanisztika a Boumllcseacutesztudomaacutenyban Kaacuteroli Gaacutespaacuter Reformaacutetus Egyetem Budapest p 203ndash210

mdash (2007) ldquoEvolution Distribution and Commercialization of the Images of Bodhidharma Or How did a Religious Founder Become a Toyrdquo in Japanoloacutegiai Koumlrkeacutep (Istvaacuten Szerdahelyi Peacuteter Wintermantel eds) ELTE Eoumltvoumls Kiadoacute p 245ndash254

mdash (2008) ldquoThe Power on Images on Texts Re-Examined The Case of Bodhidharmarsquos Crossing

Bod

hidharm

a in China K

orea and Jap

anMod

els for representations

and com

mercialization of the legend

ary founder of C

han Bud

dhism

in East A

siaB

eatr

ix M

ecsi

198 199

and the Mass-Consumtion of Bodhidharma-images in Japan and Contemporary South Koreardquo in Oriental Archive (Archiv Orientalniacute) Quarterly Journal of African and Asian Studies Oriental Institute Prague vol 76 p 217ndash249

mdash (2008) ldquoAacutetkeleacutes a naacutedszaacutelon Keacutep eacutes szoumlveg kapcsolata a kelet-aacutezsiai vallaacutesos műveacuteszetbenrdquo [ldquoCrossing on a Reed Text-image relationships in East Asian Religious Paintingrdquo] in Kaposvaacuter Szele Baacutelint (ed) Pro Scientia Aranyeacutermesek IX Tudomaacutenyos konferenciaacuteja Pro Scientia Aranyeacutermesek Taacutersasaacutega Budapest p 46ndash58

mdash (2009) ldquoAz lsquoaacutetkeleacutes a naacutedszaacutelonrsquo legenda eredeteacutenek keacuterdeacuteseacuterőlrdquo [ldquoThe problem of the Legend of Crossing on a Reedrdquo] in Taacutevol-keleti Tanulmaacutenyok Budapest Taacutevol-keleti Inteacutezet vol 2 p 103ndash122

mdash (2010) ldquoBodhidharma in Contemporary South Korea The Founder of Chan Buddhism from Sacral to Popular Culturerdquo in Govindasamy G Park C K and Tan S K (eds) Korean affaris A contemporary view Kuala Lumpur Perpustakaan Negara Malaysia p 135ndash147

mdash (2013) Szentből jaacuteteacutekbaba A Daruma baba nyomaacuteban a Taacutevol-Keleten [ldquoDoll from a saint In Search for the Daruma doll in East Asiardquo]Lecture on 28th May 2013 Kaacuteroli Gaacutespaacuter Reformaacutetus Egyetem (12th July 2013) [online] httpwwwyoutubecomwatchv=QBCV11LGXhQampfeature=c4-overviewamplist=UUeXTAOGzx8xduHtd71ZGICQ

Nihon shoki 日本書記 [ldquoChronicle of Japanrdquo] (1987) (trans Inoue Mitsusada) Tōkyō Chūō Koronsha (Shōwa 62) p 98ndash99

nishimurA S (1985) ldquoThe Prince and the Pauper The Dynamics of a Shotoku Legendrdquo in Monumenta Nipponica vol40 Issue 3 p 299ndash310

nishiyAmA I (1992) Nihon Shisō no genryū to tenkai Ise-shi Kogakkan Daigaku ShuppanbunukAriyA K (1913) The Religion of the Samurai London Luzac amp Cootto R (1932) Mysticism East and West a Comparative Analysis of the Nature of Mysticism

(trans B L Bracey and R C Payne) London Macmillanorsquoriley M K (2001) Art Beyond the West London Laurence KingpAnoFsky E (1984) Jelenteacutes a vizuaacutelis műveacuteszetekben [The Meaning in Visual Arts]

Budapest Gondolatpelliot P (1923) ldquoNotes sur quelques artistes des six dynasties et des Trsquoangrdquo in Trsquooung Pao

vol 22 p 215ndash291Wag Qi 王圻 and Wang Siyi 王思義 (eds) (1988) Sancaituhui [Kor Samjaedohwi] 三才圖會

(Collected Illustrations of the Three Realms) Shanghai Shanghai guji chubansheSancaituhui [Kor Samjaedohwi] 三才圖會 (Collected Illustrations of the Three Realms) (2001)

Seoul Dongguk Universityseckel D (1997) Das Portraumlt in Ostasien Heidelberg Universitis Verlagsekiguchi S (1957) Daruma no Kenkyū Tokyo IwanamishArF R H (1922) ldquoThe Idolization of Enlightenment On the Mummification of Chrsquoan

Masters in Mediaeval Chinardquo in History of Religions vol 32 nordm 1 p 1ndash31mdash (1995) ldquoThe Zen of Japanese Nationalismrdquo in Lopez S and Donald Jr (eds) Curators of

the Buddha The Study of Buddhism under Colonialism Chicago and London University of Chicago Press

mdash and Sharf E H (eds) (2001) Living Images Japanese Buddhist Icons in Context Stanford Stanford University Press

[Seokcheon] 석천 (2001) ldquoDalmadowa hamkke ilcheonobaeknyeon jeoneuiroui gihaengrdquo 달

마도와 함께 일천오백년전의로의 기행 [ldquo150 years with Bodhidharma-paintingsrdquo] in Seon Munhwa nordm 8 p 99ndash105

mdash (2003) ldquoMeokseonrsquoi ppumeonaedeut dongyangeui yeokdongjeogin seonrdquo 먹선이 뿜어내

듯 동양의 역동적인 禪 [ ldquoInk-strokes eliminating the Dynamic Sŏn of the Eastrdquo] in Seon Munhwa nordm 7 p 20ndash23

mdash (2005) ldquoDalmaeui seonbeopi dongtoro gan katalgeun han pok eui dalmadoro dwesala nan dalmaseonrdquo 달마의 선법이 동토東土로 간 까닭은 한 폭의 달마도로 되살아 난 달마선 [ldquoWhy did Bodhidharmarsquos Zen teaching went to the Eastrdquo] in Seon Munhwa nordm 12 p 30ndash37

Korean Buddhist Research Institute (ed) (1998) Sǒn Thought in Korean Buddhism Seoul Dongguk University Press

spiro A (1988) ldquoNew Light on Gu Kaizhirdquo in Journal of Chinese Religions nordm 16 p 1ndash17stevens J Y and Rae A (1990) ZENGA Brushstrokes of Enlightenment New Orleans

Museum of Artsuler J R (1993) Contemporary Psychoanalysis and Eastern Thought Albany State

University of New Yorktylor E B (1920) Primitive Culture Researches into the Development of Mythology Philosophy

Religion Language Art and Custom 2 vols London John MurrayyAmpolsky P B (1967) The Platform Sutra of the 6th Patriarch New Yorkmdash (1983) ldquoNew Japanese Studies in Early Chrsquoan Historyrdquo in W Lai and L R Lancaster

(eds) Early Chrsquoan in China and Tibet Berkeley Buddhist Studies Series p 1ndash11Yi Dong-Ju (1973) Hanguk hwehwa saron (Korean Art History) Seoul Yeolhwadang[Yi Jeong-hwa] 이정화 (2002) ldquoDalmadorsquoe damgyeojin munyeom musin eui hyanggiro cham-

nareul Channeunda Beomju seunimrdquo 달마도에 담겨진 무념 무심의 향기로 참나를 찾는다

범주스님 [ldquoThe fragrance of no-mind is within Bodhidharma-paintings Through this fra-grance we try to find the truthrdquo] in Seon Munhwa nordm 5 p 52ndash55

[Yi Ju-yeon] 이주연 (2005) ldquoGibokeul dwieoneom neun bosihaengeui Dalmadordquo 기복을 뛰

어넘는 보시행의 달마도 [ldquoOffering Bodhidharma-paintigs for transcending fluctuationrdquo] in Seon Munhwa nordm 7 p 96ndash99

[Yi Yeong-hui] 이영희 (1997) Hanguk sawoneui bubyeokhwa e Daehan gochal 한국 사원의 부벽

화에 대한 고찰 [A study of the Pu-wall painting of Korean temples] unpublished MA thesis Seoul Deptartment of Art Education Graduate School of Education Dongguk University

ying Z (1981) Shaolin Kung-fu Hong Kong Kingsway Internationalyoshino H 吉野裕子 (1995) Daruma no Minzokugaku Onrsquoyo gogyo kara toku ダルマの民俗

蔵 陰陽五行から解く [The folklore of Daruma from Yin-Yangto the Five Elements Theory] Tokyo Iwanami Shoten

[Yu Hyeong-jae] 유형재 (2002) 108 Dalma 108 달마 [108 Bodhidharmas] Seoul BaekamweitZmAnn K (1996) The Cotton Genesis British Library Codex Cotton Otho B VI Princeton

University PresswelBon G R (1968) The Buddhist Nirvāna and Its Western Interpreters Chicago University of

Chicago Presswu T (1996) Masterpieces of Chinese Painting from the Museum of Fine Arts Boston Tang

through Yuan Dynasties Tōkyō Otsuka Kogeishahempel R (1960) ZENGA Malerei des Zen-buddhismus Muumlnchen R Piper

Bod

hidharm

a in China K

orea and Jap

anMod

els for representations

and com

mercialization of the legend

ary founder of C

han Bud

dhism

in East A

siaB

eatr

ix M

ecsi

  • capa face to face SEGUNDO VOL
  • Index Face to Face
  • Beatrix Mecsi

6 7

This book is published on the occasion of the research project Face to Face The transcendence of the arts in China and beyond coordinated by Rui Oliveira Lopes and Fernando Antoacutenio Baptista Pereira from the Faculty of Fine Arts University of Lisbon

sponsorship partnership

1 3 5 7

The transcendence of the arts in China and beyondHistorical Perspectives

Edited by Rui Oliveira Lopes

The transcendence of the arts in China and beyondHistorical Perspectives

Edited by Rui Oliveira Lopes

8 9

Foreword ndash Rethinking the history of art in a global perspectiveRui Oliveira Lopes

The formation of artistic identities in the context of intercultural dialogue between China and the World

Rui Oliveira Lopes

Artistic identities in contrast The arts along the Silk Road and the South China Sea Routes

Han and Wei Jin tombs with murals artistic exchange in architecture and iconographyNataša Vampelj Suhadolnik

From Han to Koguryo The Spread of Stone Chamber Tombs in Northeast Asia (1stndash7th centuries)Chen Li

Buddha and bodhisattvas in the Koguryo tomb no 1 in Changchuan Jian Jilin province ChinaAriane Perrin

Exchange across Media in Northern Wei ChinaBonnie Cheng

Table of ContentsCentral Asia The Eastern Provincial Art of SassaniansParisa A Moghadam

Bodhidharma in China Korea and Japan Models for representations and commercialization of the legendary founder of Chan Buddhism in East AsiaBeatrix Mecsi

From the artistic sophistication of the Song dynasty to the legacy of the Mongol invasion

The Rock Carvings of Stone Seal Mountain A Specimen of Water and Land Ritual and the Unification of the Three Teachings in Stone from the Song dynasty (960ndash1279)Zhou Zhao

From Virtuous Paragons to Efficacious Images Paintings of Filial Sons in Song TombsFei Deng

Wenji Returns to China A Jin (1115ndash1234) Handscroll and Its Relevance to Changing Jurchen Cultural IdentitiesHang Lin

The Emperor Rejoiced with Great Joy How a gift from the Pope in 1342 came to be depicted as a tribute horse in a late-Yuan painting A case of cultural misunderstandingLauren Arnold

Artistic exchange between Korea and China The craft of lacquer with mother-of-pearl inlayPatricia Frick

Reading between the lines a potter a connoisseur and a curatorYupin Chung

Artistic exchange in Late imperial China

Repercussions of Chinese textiles in Portuguese decorative arts (16thndash17th centuries)Maria Joatildeo Ferreira

Chinese fashion crossed the oceans in the wake of the Portuguese trade with China during the late Ming and early Qing dynastiesRui DrsquoAacutevila Lourido

Church A ldquoSacred Eventrdquo and the Visual Perspective of an ldquoEtic Viewerrdquo

an 18th century Western-Style Chinese Painting held in the Bibliothegraveque nationale de FranceLianming Wang

Making sense of diplomatic gift exchange between East and West (1644ndash1820)Federica A Broilo

Western impact on the architecture and landscape paintings of the High Qing CourtShih-hua Chiu

Prints in Sino-European artistic interactions of the Early Modern PeriodCheng-hua Wang

The construction of Chinese style gardens in 18th century Germany by using the garden of Woumlrlitz (1764ndash1813)and the Chinese garden of Oranienbaum (1793ndash1797) as examplesSheng-Ching Chang

Urban Imaginaries The Framing of China Trade PaintingsYeewan Koon

About the Authors

10

14

39

40

72

97

114

146

170

201

202

229

252

274

290

312

335

336

356

370

398

414

424

458

474

485

170 171

Bodhidharma in China Korea and JapanModels for representations and commercialization of the legendary founder of Chan Buddhism in East Asia

Beatrix Mecsi

ELTE University Budapest

Abstract

According to tradition the founder of Chan or meditational Buddhism Bodhidharma originated from India yet his legend and first representa-tions are more typically associated with China Known as Putidamo or Damo in Chinese Boridalma or Dalma in Korean and Bodai Daruma or Daruma in Japanese this legendary figure is frequently seen in the visual art and popular culture of East Asian countries In my paper I focus on the visual representa-tions of Bodhidharma as they became popular in China Japan and Korea

After summarizing the information about Bodhidharma revealed in primary and secondary textual sources I analyze them together with visual sources in order to investigate the formation of the legend and iconography of Bodhidharma from the very beginning and describe their dynamics Looking at text-image relationships I explain analysing a famous episode of the Bodhidharma leg-end ldquoCrossing the Yangzi River on a Reedrdquo that other images besides those of Bodhidharma had a considerable effect on influencing and altering later texts as well as consequent images thus changing and enriching religious traditions

The power of the image is seen through the commercialization of Bodhidharma representations particularly in Japan where their commercial use occurred much earlier than in Korea and developed different traditions compared to those of China where the legend had come from

Whereas most publications that examine Bodhidharma focus on the Chinese and Japanese developments this paper introduces Korean Bodhidharma imagery into the discussion stressing the importance of looking at the differ-ences and similarities in the creation of images of the same legendary figure in context (where do these models derive from how much they changed them) and how these cultures differ from one another or how they are similar in their means of image-production use and consumption

Introduction

According to tradition the founder of meditational Buddhism1 Bodhidharma originated from India and nowadays this legendary figure is frequently seen in the visual art and popular culture of East Asian countries Known as Putidamo or Damo in China Boridalma or Dalma in Korea and Bodai Daruma or Daruma in Japan Bo-dhi-dha-rmo-tta-ra in Tibet he can also be found in Vietnam

The aim of my research was to make a deeper investigation of Bodhidharma as his figure appears in visual arts

1 Dhyana in Sanskrit Chan in Chinese Seon in Korean Bsam gtan in Tibetan Thien in Vietnamese Since the Western world was first aware of it through Japan Chan is most frequently referred by its Japanese name (Zen) The name I use depends on the country in question otherwise I use ldquomeditational Buddhismrdquo or Chan

172 173

The prevailing Sino-Japanese perspective imposes limits on research but here I propose a more inclusive approach Thus I do not want to limit my research to a single country as do the majority of previous studies discussing this topic The visual images from Korea are relatively unknown because there are only a few publications on Korean imagery of the meditational school in Western languages and even in Korean where there are only a few scholarly studies available as compared to the dozens of books and articles devoted to Japanese Zen Therefore I will treat the material with more emphasis on the Korean Bodhidharma images and will not describe Japanese Bodhidharma images in any great depth In this paper I attempt to concentrate on more recent aspects and relatively undiscovered areas

Art and visual culture not only spreads nationally but also across borders influencing the artistic and creative thoughts of other regions It is particularly true of religion where monks were the carriers of Buddhism from one coun-try to another and alongside their religious beliefs they transmitted the visual culture of other territories in the form of religious imagery Here we should examine the artistic influences and the stylistic differences between the regions where Chan Buddhism was adopted

Images and texts have their own lives They are born (created) they are used in some way and exist in a specific context where they work in interaction with viewers and readers As for the creation of images we will have to answer the following questions by whom why and how were these images produced Regarding the imagesrsquo use there are then the following questions by whom where when how and for what purpose were the given images used In this context it is important to distinguish between how we see the surviving images today and how their contemporaries saw them in the past How they were seen in different eras at different points between their ldquocreationrdquo and the present day There are also images which even though they have not survived might have had an influence on later images and which we should thus try to keep in mind even though we may have no tangible evidence of their existence Images from the past live concurrently together with new images Any change from a previous scheme any innovation deserves our attention because they might reveal a great deal about the context and circumstances of an imagersquos production It is also necessary to discuss the idea of an image in East Asia and within this framework we can draw a more accurate picture of the Bodhidharma imagery

It is difficult to acquire knowledge of the intentions and motivations for repre-senting a visual image in this case representations of Bodhidharma but we can contrast the style of chinsō-type coloured paintings2 used for rituals with the more spontaneous monochrome ink-paintings Looking at both their function and production we can see that style had an importance in the use of these images

2 Chinsō Japanese pronounciation of the term for formal portraits of meditation masters usually made in a meticulous style using colour with great attention paid to the realistic depiction of the face

What is the role of representation in the case of Bodhidharma in different times and regions Is it true that the representation of the founder of this school follows the religious teaching practices of Chan Buddhism by rejecting a reliance on ldquowords and lettersrdquo This issue should be also discussed since its aim is to depict the iconography of an iconoclastic tradition which Chan Buddhism claimed to transmit

It is also necessary to discuss the possible reasons for Bodhidharmarsquos popu-larity especially in Japan where his figure is found almost everywhere even in the form of a roly-poly doll (Fig 1) (Mecsi 1999 2008)

How to Grasp Bodhidharma The Nature of Previous Studies Philology Art History Anthropology

For a long time studies of Chan Buddhism were dominated by a mainly uncriti-cal sectarian approach made by scholars who were mostly monks themselves and accepted many of the legends without question To analyse their own view-point was deemed unnecessary since legends and religious imagery served as settings for their own lives Explaining them was only important where they supported their beliefs3 Only in the first half of the 20th century when the Dunhuang manuscripts were rediscovered scholars such as Hu Shih Ui Hakuju Sekiguchi Shindai and Yanagida Seizan started to look at this tradi-tion from a more objective and critical point of view Following these scholars many Western academics mostly historians of religion began to examine Chan Buddhism and attempted to revise the still prevailing approach introduced to the West by D T Suzuki4 Unquestionably Suzuki contributed a lot to Western intellectual knowledge (for instance his influence on Martin Heidegger Erich Fromm Carl Gustav Jung Thomas Merton and Aldous Huxley) but he pre-sented a version of Zen Buddhism which had very little to do with real East

3 As is usually the case with religious art and thought where the ideas often wrapped in myths and legends in order to bring abstract ideas closer to practitioners and ease understanding For more on symbolism see Cassirer 1953

4 Suzuki Teitarō Daisetz (1870ndash1966) knowledgeable about Anglo-American culture and with a strong command of the English language his marriage to an American woman gave him deep roots in the West without weakening his fidelity to his former Zen Buddhist background The Ameri-can writer William James (1842ndash1910) had a great impact on him influencing him in his psycholo-gising style Though he never gave a systematic presentation of Zen throughout his world tours and activity in the West ldquohe was able to cover all aspects in a prolific output that included such influen-tial works as the three volumes of Essays in Zen Buddhism which first published in London between 1927 and 1934 and which have been reprinted and translated many times since then His other works were also popular such as the trilogy comprising An introduction to Zen Buddhism (1934) The Training of the Zen Buddhist Monk (1934) and the Manual of Zen Buddhism (1935) Suzuki was not a regurgitator but he constantly reinterpreted the message he transmitted adapting it to Western concerns and deliberately highlighting certain key themesrdquo (Dumoulin 1992 p 4ndash10)

Bod

hidharm

a in China K

orea and Jap

anMod

els for representations

and com

mercialization of the legend

ary founder of C

han Bud

dhism

in East A

siaB

eatr

ix M

ecsi

174 175

Asian practice5 The Zen which he introduced to the West was inflected by Western thought and delivered in a form that served mainly missionary pur-poses Emphasis was placed on common ideals and thoughts of human harmony found in Zen Buddhism for which one finds parallels in Christianity Using a different vocabulary and more exact psychological descriptions in place of spe-cific symbolic language helped to further the understanding of the psychological motifs of mysticism detached from either religion especially Christianity but it did not say much about the historical and intellectual background of the newly arrived belief system (Otto 1932 Somogyi 1973 Suler 1993 Fromm-Suzuki 1960 and for the activity of the Kyoto school Dumoulin 1992 p 20ndash66)

For a contemporary scholar it is important to approach ChanZenSeon Buddhism as one would do with any other historical phenomenon to define clearly the viewpoint of investigation and try not to be struck by the allure of the philosophical and religious discourse

Sharf draws attention to the fact that the visuality of a religious tradition was previously a very much neglected field in the traditional Western research which is surprising when we consider the profusion of images well documented by even the earliest European explorers (drsquoElia (ed) 1942ndash1949) and suggests that the division of academic labour prevented Western scholars from having a more accurate picture of the actual religious phenomena in East Asia includ-ing the role of visual imagery (Sharf 2001 p 5) In the West Buddhist studies grew out of philology the study of early texts composed in classical languages (Lopez 1995 Welbon 1968 Fong 1987 Almond 1988) The objective of these scholars was to read the scriptural sources and concentrated on the analysis of Buddhist thought and doctrines the narrative and mythological tradition biographies and the institutionalised history of the tradition

In India where Buddhism disappeared a long time ago and where material artefacts are relatively rare and of uncertain provenance this preoccupation with the ancient texts is not so surprising but in the field of East Asian Buddhism there is no such lack of alternative visual sources for a broader understanding of Buddhist tradition Here there are plentiful sources of archaeological and art historical remains and there is a living tradition which is more or less based on ancient religious practices In this case unlike their colleagues in Indological studies such scholarsrsquo fixation on ancient Buddhist textual sources without a sidelong glance at the living tradition or its visual aspects seems unnecessarily limited(Sharf 2001 p 5)

5 Suzuki used the term Zen for naming a way of thinking and practice cut off from its historical roots and elevating it to a universal truth thus enabling Western audiences to absorb more easily the central meaning of its mysticism He did not handle Zen as a historically definite phenomenon as he was more a missionary interested in spreading an updated spiritual message for contemporary Western society than a historian See the criticism of the historian Hu Shih who attempted to revise the views and method introduced to the West by Suzuki (Hu Shih 1953b 3) However Hu Shihrsquos approach was also historically determined (McRae 2001 p 59ndash102)

Fig 1

Daruma dolls in Japan

Photograph taken

by the author in 2007

Nov 21st

Fig 2

Gim Myeongguk b 1600-d

after 1662 Tryptich

17th century Ink on silk

hanging scroll 966sum388

cm each Collection of Tokyo

University of Arts

Reproduced in Choi Sun-taek

Korean Seon Painting pl21

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mercialization of the legend

ary founder of C

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included their visual experiences Art historians have recently challenged the strongly held methodological assumption that ldquonarrative illustrationsrdquo are inevi-tably preceded by a literary text6 Therefore the suggestion of the primacy of the written sources which has long been an integral part of the iconographical and iconological studies is no longer accepted as being inherently self-evident The tendency to look at pictures in order to identify a background text ldquomay cause narratives to be found where they never intended to berdquo (Lachman 1993 p 242)

The other discipline relevant to our investigation is anthropology In the Judeo-Christian intellectual tradition image-veneration was regarded as idola-try and seen as a sign of ignorance superstition and a retarded cultural develop-ment (Marosi 1995) Early anthropologists such as Edward Tylor and Lucien Leacutevy-Bruhl saw animism where inanimate objects are imbued with animate qualities as a distinguishing feature of ldquoprimitive religionrdquo or ldquoprimitive men-talityrdquo (Tylor 1920 Leacutevy-Bruhl 1985 Sharf 2001 p 6 and p 206) Western scholars of Buddhist Studies who were familiar with the philosophical and liter-ary sophistication of researched Buddhist texts therefore had great difficulty in dealing with the image-veneration of those traditions which had once produced such textual references This issue becomes extremely interesting in the study of Chan Buddhism where Western scholars were often led to admire the icono-clastic and extreme statements of Chan Buddhist Masters These scholars have a tendency to interpret the whole tradition based on such textual sources and thus tend to misinterpret the clear differences in the religious-cultic practices of the believers There are scholars who even make a distinction within Chan Buddhist related art and concern themselves only with the monochrome ink paintings made in the style of the literati termed Zenga (Hempel 1960 Addiss 1976 1989 Stevens-Yelen 1990 Fukushima 1978) Stephen Addiss (1989 p 57) wrote in his book on Zen art that ldquoAs a rule Zen has had little use for miracu-lous deeds stressing instead the enlightenment of the everyday worldrdquo

In this way these scholars attempt to avoid the fact that in Zen Buddhist cir-cles too the veneration of images played a very important role and that some of the themes which appeared on the spontaneous ink paintings were actu-ally inspired by venerated icons Magic and miraculous deeds were also com-mon in ChanZen as seen in several studies published recently (Sharf 1992 Granoff and Shinohara 1988 p 119ndash228) Led by their roots in the study of religious texts scholars of East Asian Buddhism also tend to think of Chan Buddhism as an atheistic tradition and therefore also tend not to consider that

6 Erwin Panofsky argues it is not that texts influence images but that images also have genres as do texts (cited in Marosi 1995 p 26) James Cahill observed the types of text-object relationships in Chinese art and noted the same notion that ldquoolder studies took somewhat simplistic views (hellip) considering the text as primary and constant to which illustrations served as embellishment and amplification recent studies see a more organic interaction In the newer model the works in verbal and visual media adapt flexibly to each other For instance illustrations may generate a new version of the text or the choice of excerpts to be illustrated (hellip) leads to a shift of emphases within the narrativerdquo (Cahill 1983)

Obviously the work of translation in order to understand certain phenom-ena is crucial but scholars should be open to the other alternative sources which may help to provide a better understanding of their topic

The Japanese scholarly tradition namely the pre-modern sectarian scho-lasticism also had a strong influence on the training of scholars in the field of East Asian Buddhism Most Japanese scholars of Chinese and Japanese Buddhism are themselves ordained priests and teaching in private Buddhist Universities sponsored by certain Buddhist orders Japanese scholars of East Asian Buddhism also emphasise the importance of the textual tradition and they tend to impart this orientation to their foreign students Sharf points to the danger that often Western students of Buddhism hardly tend to notice the clerical aspects of their mentorsrsquo education while their Japanese teach-ers perhaps understandably avoid drawing attention to their sectarian inter-ests (Sharf 2001 p 5) The result is that many texts written about East Asian Buddhism by such Western scholars ndash especially on Zen a very popular topic among Westerners ndash adopt an uncritical text-oriented approach

The study of Buddhist art as a discipline also has its own history This is rooted in the classical art historical approach namely viewing a particular arte-fact in the context of other artefacts looking for stylistic similarities and dif-ferences In the hands of these scholars Buddhist textual sources are usually used to identify an image its symbolism and iconography The merit of this approach lies in its ability to identify objects and provide a reliable source for further studies but also often fails to acknowledge the broader context

The identification of an image by its iconography or authorship is useful for art dealers and collectors but for scholars who wish to reconstruct and under-stand a tradition it is only a tool for further research Recently this approach was challenged by art historians in the West where the art historian Hans Belting even went so far as to deny his disciplinersquos legacy by referring to the ldquoend of art historyrdquo suggesting that we should look further and deal with the context and place of the art objects (Belting 1987) Following Beltingrsquos approach much research has been done in the field of Christian art elucidating the place and use of artefacts within the rituals challenging long-held views and breathing fresh air into the scholarship of religious imagery

I discuss both written and pictorial visual sources of Bodhidharma In this respect my research attempts to show that visual sources had as enormous an impact on the written tradition as had previous written sources Accordingly one cannot regard written culture as the only inspirational source for the iconog-raphy of visual images Given the ability to write was not widespread not even among the majority of the monks and religious ldquointelligentsiardquo the oral tradition and visual imagination played an important role in the course of everyday life We also have to think that the writers of such sources were probably not only influ-enced by earlier written sources but also by their own knowledge which equally

Bod

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orea and Jap

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mercialization of the legend

ary founder of C

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178 179

Southern China in 5207 At that time Mahāyāna Buddhism was an already established religion so the Emperor Wu of the Liang dynasty (Liang Wudi r 502ndash549) who was a devout Buddhist led Buddhist assemblies wrote com-mentaries on several sutras and gave the religion his full support invited the Indian monk Bodhidharma to leave Buddhismrsquos homeland and come to his court After their short conversation it was no wonder that Bodhidharma could not stay any longer so he crossed the Yangzi River with the help of a single reed and headed north8 He stopped at the Shaolin monastery near Luoyang in Henan province9 Here he spent nine years in meditation in a cave facing a blank wall10 The novelty of his teachings came from the stress on the impor-tance of meditation (Skrt Dhyana Ch Chan(na) Kor Seon(na) Jp Zen(na)11 hence the name of the school) at a time when Mahāyāna Buddhism was mainly Sutra-oriented As a famous stanza attributed to Bodhidharma says

7 The exact date of his arrival differs in the written sources and is open to speculation in scholarly works (Pelliot 1923) Earlier textual sources indicate his arrival during the Wei or the Liu-Song periods but towards the second half of the 8th century the legend assumed a more stable arrival during the time of the Liang (Lidai fabao ji dated around 774 T 512075 p 179ndash196) This was probably influenced by the legend previously inserted to Bodhidharmarsquos biography about Bodhidharmarsquos audience with the famous Buddhist-patron and emperor Liang Wudi (r 502ndash549) (Putidamo nanzong ding shifei lun dated 732 Jacques Gernet (trans) 1949 p 81ndash91)We have to add that a text from around 730 called Lengqie shizi zhi mentions a Central Indian monk called Gunabhadra who arrived in Canton by ship during the Yuanjia era (425ndash453) He was welcomed by the emperor and among other works translated the Lankavatara Sutra which had great importance and was later associated with Bodhidharma as being the text he transmitted to his successor Huike (Yampolsky 1967 p 20) Based on this text Luo Xianglin (1960 p 14ndash15) believes that Bodhidharma was a disciple of Gunabhadra at the Guangxiao Temple However Hu Shi stated that Gunabhadra died before Bodhidharma arrived in China (Hu Shi 1994) But such speculations which give more credence to certain sources as reference points rather than others cannot be regarded as an acceptable method though they are important in the sense that the relationships between the given sources is telling

8 The earliest written source is the mid-11th century Chuan fa zhengzong ji (Transmission of the Dharma and the correct teaching in the true School) though there is no mention of the reed (T 512078 715ndash768) The earliest written source which mentions the reed is from the 13th century (Wujia zhengzong zan (Eulogies from the Five Houses in the True School) dated 1254 and Shi shi tongjian 1270) But these early 13th century textual sources do not mention that Bodhidharma actually used the reed to cross the river This we know from the visual sources where Bodhidharma is represented as standing on a reed while crossing the river (Lachman 1993 Mecsi 2008 2009)

9 The earliest reference to Bodhidharmarsquos stay at the Shaolin monastery is from the first decade of the 8th century (Chuan fabao ji (Record of the Transmission of the Dharma Jewel) dated around 710) Thereafter it remains a constant part of the legend

10 The wall-meditation was mostly understood as a meditation technique where the mind should be blank like a wall There is general reference to this technique in several sources from the 7th century onwards (Xu gaoseng zhuan (Continued Biographies of Eminent Monks) dated 645) but without mention of the cave where the wall meditation occurred the cave is often depicted in the visual sources from the 13th century onwards

11 Though practice of meditation was common from the 5th century onwards See Prajnaparamita and Yogacara meditation and the contemplative aspects of the Tiantai school (BDK English Tripitaka 75 1998 p 1)

the ldquoperformance of obeisances and offerings to images which appear within this tradition constitutes idolatry per serdquo (Sharf 2001 p 6)

In sum previous studies done in the field of Chan Buddhism can be sepa-rated to three main groups based on their approach The first is the philological approach of the Buddhologists which may grasp the ideals and aims of the tra-dition but not its real appearance and practice in the given milieu The second is that of classical art history which is concerned with the relationships of the visual images within the context of images but only considers their symbolism and style looking at them in their inner context rather than a broader one The third approach is that of anthropology rooted in the Judeo-Christian disdain of idolatry and the sectarian approach with its influence which both stood in the way of the critical scholarship of Chan Buddhist art in its historical context Each of these approaches has its own value and importance Philology gives us the translated texts to interpret the monastic ideals art history gives us the identifi-cation of artefacts that we can organize with more confidence while anthropol-ogy attempts to describe the living tradition While focusing on our questions we need to cross boundaries between disciplines to bring us closer to our answers

The Legend of Bodhidharma

Those familiar with the history of Chan Buddhism might assume that Bodhidharma is a relatively well-known personality but if we have a closer look at the sources referring to his life we can discern that the real person is somewhat hidden behind the hagiographical texts By looking more closely at the legendary life of Bodhidharma we understand that the story is not about one person but an amalgamation of many legends and traditions Historians with a critical approach can shed new light on the tradition of ChanZenSeon Buddhism and of ldquoits own naturerdquo but they often find themselves in a difficult situation when they wish to outline the proper historical facts behind the sur-viving legends If historians deal with texts concerning Bodhidharma as docu-ments from which they need to find historical facts then the research method can lead to misleading results As Bernard Faure very aptly commented ldquooften enough after this mortuary washing only a skeleton remains and it is this skel-eton that will enter the museum of history In fact some missing bones may have to be taken from other skeletons to complete the exhibitrdquo (1986 p 188)

Textual sources about Bodhidharmarsquos life are greatly inconsistent To avoid confusion I will summarize his life-story including all the available legends that surround Bodhidharma with occasional reference to the controversies and the original sources of the legends mentioned in the footnotes

Bodhidharma (c 470ndash532) founder of Chan Buddhism arrived in Canton

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his left arm and presented it to Bodhidharma in an attempt to make him speak Finally he had Bodhidharmarsquos attention

There is no peace in my mind Please calm down my mind ndash asked HuikePut it in front of me then I will calm it down ndash replied BodhidharmaBut where shall I look for my mind ndash asked Huike ndash I donrsquot find it anywhereThere now ndash answered Bodhidharma ndash I have already calmed it down

Huike in this moment gained enlightenment16 One day Bodhidharma felt the urge to go back to India so he asked all his disciples to tell him what they had learnt from his teachings and how much they had understood17 When the disciples recounted their interpretations one by one Bodhidharma told Daofu ldquoYou only grasped the skinrdquo To nun Zongchi ldquoyou only grasped the bonerdquo Then to Huike ldquoYou grasped the marrowrdquo Thus Huike became the second Chinese Chan patriarch after Bodhidharma who is considered the 28th Patriarch of Chan Buddhism18 This identification follows a story which traces the Chan teachings back to the Buddha himself and how one day as he was sit-ting on a hill and without saying a word picked out a kumbala flower Nobody understood its significance except Mahakashyapa who became his successor the second patriarch after Shakyamuni Buddha Following an uninterrupted line Bodhidharma is the 28th in the Indian lineage and the first in the Chinese lineage of the Chan patriarchate19 Bodhidharma died before he could return to his homeland some say his rivals poisoned him20 He was buried in North

16 For more on Huike see Chapin 1945ndash1946 The calming of the mind (or in other words anxin dialogue first appears in the middle of the 10th century (See Zutang ji (Anthology of the Patriarch Hall) dated 952)

17 The number of his disciples differs across written sources In the first versions of the legend he only mentioned two disciples See Xu gaoseng zhuan (645) Chuan fabao ji (710) Lengqie shizi ji (c 730) From the second half of the 8th century three are mentioned in Lidai fabao ji (740) and four in Baolin zhuan (801) Zutang ji (952) Jingde chuandeng lu (1004) and in Chuan fa zhengzong ji (1061) Still he only has one disciple in Liuzu tan jing (c 830) and Song gaoseng zhuan (988) The first mention of the ldquoflesh bones and marrowrdquo story is in the Lidai fabao ji (774) thereafter it became a common part of the legend

18 The enumeration of the patriarchs first appeared in the Baolin zhuan (801) according to which Bodhidharma is considered 28th in line Later this numbering became widely accepted

19 Dafan tianwang wenfa jieyi jing (T 2006 p 48 325b7ndash12) Nukariya Kaiten writes that ldquothe book in which this incident is described is entitled Sutra on the Great Brahman Kingrsquos Questioning Buddha to Dispel a Doubt but there exists no original text or any Chinese translation in the Tripitaka It is highly probable that some early Chinese Chan scholar of the [Northern] Song dynasty (960ndash1126) fabricated the tradition because Wang An-shih a powerful minister under the emperor Shen-tsung is said to have seen a book in the Imperial Library There is however no evidence as far as we know pointing to the existence of the Sutra in China In Japan there exist in manuscript form two different translations of that book kept in secret veneration by some Zen masters which have been proved to be fictitious by the present writer after his close examination of the contentsrdquo (Kaiten 1913 p 3)

20 On Bodhidharmarsquos poisoning the earliest surviving document is from the 8th century (Chuan fabao ji c 710)

A special transmission outside the scripturesNot depending on words and lettersDirectly pointing to the humanrsquos mindUnderstanding onersquos own nature12

There is a legend which tells how once during meditation Bodhidharma was overcome by drowsiness and became so angry that he tore off his eyelids from which grew a tea shrub with the leaves that were used to provide a refreshing drink throughout East Asia13 And as he spent so much time without mov-ing his legs and arms atrophied and fell off14 But still he was also consid-ered as the founder of the famous martial art Shaolin gongfu (kungfu)15 While Bodhidharma was sitting meditating in the cave a man Senguang later known as Huike came asked him to accept him as a disciple and begged to be taught by the master however Bodhidharma failed to notice him It was snowing heav-ily but Huike continued to wait patiently outside the cave for Bodhidharma to respond and then in final despair and as a mark of sincere intention he cut off

12 My translation differs slightly from versions found in several different publications The important emphasis on personal experience versus written words was very possibly a Daoist influence (Laozi 1994)

13 I have not found the original version of this legend in the primary sources I have collected This episode might be an early 20th-century European creation possibly the result of an incorrect translation made by Engelbert Kaempfer (1651ndash1716) a German traveller and physician After Kaempfers death his mostly unpublished manuscripts were bought by Sir Hans Sloane and taken to England Among them was a History of Japan translated from the manuscript into English by JG Scheuchzer and published in London in 2 vols in 1727 The original German remains unpub-lished the extant German version being taken from the English (Engelbert Kaempfer MD (1727) The History of Japan Together with a Description of the Kingdom of Siam transl JG Scheuchzer 1906 James MacLehose eds reprint AMS New York 3 volumes) courtesy of Dr John Jor-gensen (Griffith University Australia) through personal communication in April 2007

14 This accounts for the armless and legless round-shaped popular dolls of Bodhidharma the so-called ldquoDaruma dollsrdquo found in Japan This episode is also not found in the primary written sources I con-sider it a secondary addition to the legend and some existing visual sources In my opinion there were some dolls shaped like the ldquowould-be Daruma dollsrdquo before people started to identify those dolls with the meditation monk who spent nine years in meditation without moving As the original meanings of such roly-poly dolls faded they gained popularity with the new meaning and the makers of such dolls deliberately altered the old form to fit the new meaning The oldest object I have come across in the form of a round-shaped legless and armless figure is a glazed earthenware whistle sancai from a Tang dynasty tomb (Pacific Asia Museum Pasadena California object number 1995 1025)

15 The text called Yijin Jing which was said to have been found in the Qing period (1644ndash1911) in Shaolin Temple and related to Bodhidharma stresses the cultivation of the body as well as the mind an idea which probably comes from Daoism The Lokapalas (Defenders of the Buddhist Law) in East Asian iconography are said to have shown a defending pose the arhat-pose associ-ated with the later gongfu [kung-fu] (Kim Cheol 1986 p 171) In Shaolin Temple in the Hall of the White Robe Avalokiteśvara a wall painting shows Indian and Chinese monks practising gongfu [kung-fu] (No date given by Choi 1995 p 76) Military monks used concentration and special mental techniques in martial arts This might be a reason why the warrior rulers the shōguns and the samurai in Japan favoured Zen Buddhism About the idea of Dao [Tao] as used for martial arts in East Asian Aesthetics and Art Theories (Nishiyama 1992 p 141ndash148)

Bod

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182 183

from the West and in addition that not only were tales about Western monks and religious figures mixed into the legend but that indigenous Chinese myths and beliefs were too as well as acting as a conduit for aspirations of religious power And as a later phenomenon there are accounts of Christian mission-aries who believed this man from the West was familiar with Christianity or more precisely that he was a Christian apostle (Faure 1993)

Iconography of Bodhidharma

Turning to the visual sources of Bodhidharma first we should describe the dif-ferent iconographical types of Bodhidharma and show examples of them from China Korea and Japan

Even for those familiar with the images of East Asia sometimes it is very dif-ficult to name depicted figures because of the lack of inscriptions especially in the late phases of the development of certain iconographies This is due to the tendency of using pre-existing patterns and giving them new meaning as was the case in the Western culture during the early Middle Ages when the pagan Apollo figure was used to represent Jesus Christ Rather than inventing completely new imagery combining existing intellectual and religious systems is an easier way to proceed Therefore we often find that artists were inspired by previous visual models rather than relying primarily on textual sources In many cases these textual sources themselves were also inspired by previous visual representations As the meaning of the depicted figure changed in soci-ety and in the mind of the artist inevitably certain forms merged and new pic-torial representations were produced Being careful with the identification of the earliest images is most important because they can give us vital clues for the history of certain iconographic types

Among the earliest images there are two distinct iconographic types which later became entangled One is a beardless figure in the other the more popu-lar representation Bodhidharma appears as a hairy bearded man with a stocky build exaggerated foreign features often wearing a hood The majority of the images of Bodhidharma are a half body or bust portrait The remaining group includes full body portraits where we can differentiate between standing and sitting images Among the standing images we find Bodhidharma crossing the Yangzi River on a reed carrying one shoe or sandal or a combination of the two themes or sometimes without any such objects Among sitting images we find Bodhidharma in a chair (especially in the earliest periods) or sitting in meditation occurring either in a landscape or entirely removed from time and space with no background or sense of surroundings The landscape set-ting varies For instance there is Bodhidharma in a cave (a more common

China on a mountain called Xiangershan (Bear Ear Mountain) Not long after his death a Chinese Wei official Song Yun21 on his way back to China having been sent by the empress dowager to search for Buddhist works encountered Bodhidharma on Congling (Onion Range) in the Pamir Mountains travelling in the direction of India holding one sandal22 When Song Yun told this story to the emperor Bodhidharmarsquos tomb was opened but nothing was found in the tomb except for a single sandal of the pair that Bodhidharma had been car-rying It is also known from legend that Bodhidharma was reborn as a beggar in Japan where he met Shōtoku Taishi the famous prince a great patron and champion of Buddhism in Japan at the Kataoka crossroads23 They exchanged poems and the prince gave him his mantle just as in Western tradition St Martin shares his cloak with a beggar who he recognizes as Jesus Christ The following day the prince ordered his servants to check on the man he had met but they told him that the beggar had died When the prince heard this story he became very sad and explained to his servants that the man he met was not a simple beggar but a saint He buried him and later sent a messenger to the tomb who returned with the news that the body had vanished and all that was there was the mantle given by the prince

The Textual Sources in the Light of the Nature of the Bodhidharma legend

There are many biographical accounts of Bodhidharma and several works attributed to him But we now know the majority of these works to be apoc-ryphal (Sekiguchi 1957) Some scholars such as Feng Youlan [Fung Yu-lan] (1953) and Paul Pelliot (1923) deny his historical existence and consider Bodhidharma a fictious character for religious purposes My opinion is close to these scholars but I do not deny so absolutely the lack of truth behind the leg-ends or consider them a deliberate ldquolierdquo Based on the Bodhidharma legends in literary and pictorial sources we can suppose the existence of monks who travelled to China from the West with the aim of spreading Buddhist doctrine in the East During the course of my research I have become convinced that the personality of Bodhidharma is an amalgamation of several persons coming

21 His travel record has been translated by Samuel Beal Travels of Fa-hsien and Sung-yun Buddhist Pilgrims from China to India London 1869 (Yampolsky 1967 p 10ndash11)

22 Bodhidharmarsquos meeting with the Wei official first appears in the Xu gaoseng zhuan (645) But reference to the sandal to claim the authenticity of identification of the man in the Pamirs with Bodhidharma only appears in textual sources from the end of the 8th century ( Lidai fabao ji 774)

23 The original story which served as the basis of this tale is in Nihon Shoki (Chronicle of Japan) written in 720 The identification of the beggar with Bodhidharma had already appeared in the 8th century (Ihon Jōgū Taishiden dated 771) Further details in Nishimura 1985 299-310

Bod

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version)24 situated under a tree25 or the combination of the two According to the type of representation we can differentiate between en-face three-quarter profile profile portraits and representations showing Bodhidharma from the back Within the simplified profile and back portraits in set against a timeless and spaceless background there developed a specific iconographic type the ldquoone-brushstroke Bodhidharmardquo which together with the circle (Jp ensō) had an interesting religious-spiritual significance in Chan Buddhism Depending on context one finds single Bodhidharma pictures as well as pictures that form part of a group and sometimes examples where he is represented on the middle panel of a triptych Among these the oldest type is the group representation Maintained genealogy was not the only reason for group portraits The multi-plication of images also had a religious-spiritual significance

Bodhidharma in KoreaPrevious researches on Korean Seon Painting

Compared to the published material and related pictorial art on the Chinese and Japanese meditation school there are only a few sources available on Seon the Korean meditation school There are not enough studies in Western lan-guages that view Buddhism in East Asia including Korea in detail This is partly because of the official ideology of the relatively recent Joseon dynasty (1392ndash1910) was based on Neo-Confucianism with Buddhism a reduced pres-ence following the immense political power Buddhist monasteries had held in the previous period (Goryeo 935ndash1392) when the clergy of the monasteries actively participated in politics

There is little research on the artistic practice associated with Korean medi-tational Buddhism which is more neglected than the religious doctrinal aspects of Seon There is virtually no material on this topic in Western languages but the few sources available in Korean are not always critical but do make a great contribution to our knowledge and provide good reference materials

Gim Myeongguk (Kim Myeongguk) and the problem of Bodhidharma as Huineng

The earliest surviving pictures of Bodhidharma made by Korean masters are from the 16th and the 17th centuries and have a strong connection with Japan

24 Apart from the fact that cave temples were common in India and China their symbolism also plays a role in the interpretation of Bodhidharma imagery

25 Sitting under a tree is a reference to Shakyamuni Buddharsquos enlightenment But the activity is also associated with Buddharsquos contemporary Mahavira the founder of Jainism (Eliade 1997 p 71)

Bod

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Fig 3

Unknown painter Huineng

(from Sancaituhui) Ming

period (1609) print

Reproduced in Sancaituhui

edited by Wang Qi

and Wang Siyi 317

Fig 4

Unknown painter

Bodhidharma with Huike

Joseon period wall painting

Geukrakjeon Daewonsa

Boseong South Jeolla

Province Republic of Korea

186 187

Among them the most famous are Gim Myeonggukrsquos (c 1600ndashafter 1662)26 Bodhidharma paintings which long remained a model for the later artists approaching the theme Gim Myeongguk was a member of the Dohwaseo Royal Painting Institute His contemporaries described him as a carefree drunkard a characterization that corresponds to the Chinese image of the eccentric artist and we know that during his stay in Japan his paintingsrsquo broad forceful brush-strokes suggest such an eccentricity27

In 1637 and 1643 Gim Myeongguk visited Japan as a member of an offi-cial delegation28 It has been said that like Han Sigak he was probably drawn to ZenSeon Buddhist figure painting through commissions from Japanese patrons who generally preferred Buddhist themes (Yi Tong-ju 1973 p 54-58) Many of his paintings held in Japanese collections are of this genre whereas contemporary painting in Korea was dominated by secular themes The style of both Gim Myeonggukrsquos landscapes and his figure paintings is very similar to that of the Chinese Zhe School particularly the works of the eccentric Wu Wei The Seoul National Museum has the most impressive example in this style and his most famous painting of Bodhidharma where the patriarch is captured with a few forceful yet delicate brushstrokes

Among Gim Myeonggukrsquos Bodhidharma paintings a triptychrsquos central panel in the Tokyo National University of Arts shows the Bodhidharma cross-ing water on a reed (Fig 2) His head is covered with a dark hood which is most unusual in this kind of representation yet we can find its source in the famous Ming Chinese printed book Sancai tuhui [Kor Samjaedohwi] an impor-tant resource for the artists with illustrations of famous Daoist and Buddhist masters on every page In this book the Sixth Chan patriarch Huineng is seen in a dark hood and similar facial expressions29 so we might suppose that Gim Myeongguk had used this pattern book adding a little modification to suit his subject (Fig 3) Using Huinengrsquos iconography based on the Sancai tuhui and followed by the Xianfo qizong [Kor Hongssiseonbulgijong] printed in 1602 the

26 According to the ldquoDongguk Munheon rokrdquo (Collection of Records of the Eastern Countries) chapter ldquoHwaga pyeonrdquo (Chapter on painters) his family comes from Ansan also called Yeonseong So maybe this is the origin of his pen name Yeondam (Lotus pond) But as he was connected to Buddhism the lotus in his pen name probably had Buddhist significance His other names were Cheonrsquoyeo (heavenly water) and Chui ong (drunken old man) (O SeChang chapter on Gim Myeongguk) Unfortunately we donrsquot have many written sources on him his birth and death dates are unknown He used three differently written forms of ldquoMyeongrdquo in his name but according to recent research there was no consistency in the way he used the different characters in his name so they do not help date his paintings (Deoksu 1999 see table for the chronology of his use of different characters p 49)

27 We know several stories about him written by Nam Yuyong (1698 ndash 1773) in the collection called Noe Yeon jip (Nam Yuyong Noeyeonjip Jinhwisok ko pp 35ndash36)

28 He stayed for ten months in 163729 Huinengrsquos dark hood existed as a visual formula from the 12th century where we can see Huineng

represented among the patriarchs wearing a separate hood which was darkened in later copies

Bod

hidharm

a in China K

orea and Jap

anMod

els for representations

and com

mercialization of the legend

ary founder of C

han Bud

dhism

in East A

siaB

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Fig 5

Unknown painter Bodhidharma

with Huike Joseon period

wall painting 267sum140 cm

Eungjinjeon Tongdosa Yangsan

city South Gyeongsang

Province Republic of Korea

Fig 6

Unknown painter Bodhidharma

Ming period rubbing from a

stone relief Shaolin Monastery

Songshan Henan Province

Peoplersquos Republic of China

188 189

hood is no darker than the robe itself which we also find in other represen-tations of Bodhidharma The wall painting of the Geukrak Hall of Daewon temple in South Jeolla province shows Bodhidharma with the same features as the image of Huineng seen in both model books but we can be sure about the identity of the figure in the wall painting as it shows Huike presenting Bodhidharma a severed arm (Fig 4)

The ldquoOriginalrdquo Model from Shaolin Monastery

Other paintings showing Bodhidharma with Huike are quite different from the one discussed above One of Korearsquos three most famous temples the Tongdosa has a wall painting dated around 1670 where a bearded figure with large eyes is seen in profile sitting on a straw mat under a pine tree and holding a begging bowl A young noticeably smaller monk holds a book and bows before the seated man (Fig 5) There is no hint of the removed arm but then how do we know that this person is Bodhidharma Our question leads us back to China to the model preserved at the famous Shaolin monastery a place strongly connected with Bodhidharma him-self The image preserved here shows its subject in the same posture as the seated figure in the wall painting (Fig 6) Recently in 1992 the same face type was used as a model for a commission by a Chinese artist on a Bodhidharma sculpture for the Waujeong temple in Gyeonggi province in Korea (Fig 7)30 In Korearsquos other famous monastery the Haeinsa where the printing blocks of the Buddhist canon the Tripitaka Koreana are kept there is another Bodhidharma painting from the Joseon period which bears a resemblance to the wall painting at Tongdosa We can see its influence on other Bodhidharma paintings too where the facial expressions are similar though the setting is different (eg the painting in the Emille Museum)

Gim Hongdo (Kim Hongdo) and the Problems of Bodhidharma as an Immortal

In the oeuvre of another famous Korean artist Gim Hongdo (1745ndashafter 1814) who is considered one of the most outstanding artists of the Joseon period (1392ndash1910) we find paintings showing figures standing or sitting on a reed One of them where the figure is standing on a reed bears an inscription ldquoPicture of crossing the sea on a reedrdquo (Fig 8) Even though we know stories from Japan claiming that Bodhidharma actually crossed the sea and went to Japan this tra-dition can be also traced back to the depiction of the Daoist immortalsrsquo cross-ing the sea and has a long history in iconography that predates Bodhidharmarsquos

30 In the Korean Seon Buddhist magazine Seon Munhwa (Pyeon Jippu 2002 20ndash21) we read that the erection a sculpture made in China was an attempt to access the ldquorealrdquo image of Bodhidharma while also using the most authentic Chinese sources

Bod

hidharm

a in China K

orea and Jap

anMod

els for representations

and com

mercialization of the legend

ary founder of C

han Bud

dhism

in East A

siaB

eatr

ix M

ecsi

Fig 7

Chinese sculptor (name

unknown) Bodhidharma

Sculpture in Korea 1992

[bronze] Waujeongsa

Yeongin Gyeonggi Province

Republic of Korea Photograph

taken by the author in 2006

Fig 8

Gim Hongdo (1745-1806)

Standing Figure on a Reed

19th century inscription

ldquoCrossing the sea on a reedrdquo

Colors on paper

Gansong Art Gallery Seoul

Reproduced in Choi Seon-taek

[Korean Seon Painting] pl 40

190 191

appearance In the case of Gim Hongdo we know that he painted Daoist topics too And if we look at the figure in his painting we see his East Asian rather than Western features and the fur around his waist which also suggests immor-tal qualities (as a parallel see Shen Choursquos painting of an immortal from China in the Nelson-Atkins Museum) The other painting shows a young boy sitting and sleeping on a reed a topic which was also popular among artists in 18th century Korea (see Sim Sajeongrsquos (1707ndash1769) painting of a similar theme) but even though there is still some confusion in identifying this crossing fig-ure with Bodhidharma (Kim Nami 2000 90ndash91) It is very probable that the young seated figure follows the iconography of an immortal (see other young immortal figures crossing seated without a reed) This is supported by the fact that Gim Hongdo painted very similar scenes of immortals crossing water for instance one such immortal crossing on a shrimp (Fig 9)

However the strongly held view is that Gim Hongdorsquos crossing paintings representing Bodhidharma resulted in later images using this iconography either showing Bodhidharma as a young boy or showing Bodhidharmarsquos cross-ing on a reed in a seated position

We have seen from the above examples that the identification of a certain per-sonality in visual arts is interlinked with the beliefs of a given society adding new qualities to an existing legend In the case of Korean Bodhidharma imagery the tradition of arhat paintings and the Daoist immortals was a great contribution and the existence of illustrative models and pattern books are evident though their use was not always from first-hand and there was a degree of freedom in their recon-figuration as seen in the use of Huinengrsquos model in an image of Bodhidharma

Bodhidharma Images in Contemporary South Korea

Anyone who visits Korea soon encounters the representations of Bodhidharma His figure and legend are usually represented in Buddhist temples but a recent phe-nomenon has taken his figure more and more into the secular and semi-secular context such as souvenir shops not only in the vicinity of temples but in other tour-istic areas and frequently visited places like at motorway service stations or even tube stations and restaurants Popular womenrsquos magazines and television channels often carry advertisements for Bodhidharma painters offering potential well-being

Many scholarly studies have been conducted about Bodhidharma but how the image of Bodhidharma came to be commercialized it is still an understud-ied side to the area As is how the Bodhidharmarsquos representations were distrib-uted in East Asia and influenced local imagination and further representations Also worthy of attention of visual arts scholars is how certain models were used in reproducing new objects with the intent of selling them to the wider public a real phenomenon in contemporary Korea This is similar to Japan in inten-tion but the chosen sources for promoting this saintly figure are very different

Bod

hidharm

a in China K

orea and Jap

anMod

els for representations

and com

mercialization of the legend

ary founder of C

han Bud

dhism

in East A

siaB

eatr

ix M

ecsi

Fig 9

Gim Hongdo (1745-

1806) Immortal

crossing the sea on

a shrimp Ink and

light colors on paper

331sum41 cm Sun

Moon University

Museum Collection

(Sun Moon Collection

2001 pl83 p280)

Fig 10

Katsushika Hokusai

(1760-1849) Big

Daruma ca 1817 ink

on paper Reproduced

in Timon Screech

The Lens Within the

Heart The Western

Scientific Gaze and

Popular Imagery in

Later Edo Japan

London Routledge

Curzon 2002 p 243

pl140

192 193

The manner in which Bodhidharma images enter the secular world differs con-siderably between the Japanese islands and Korea

When we look at the ways Bodhidharma images are popularized in modern and contemporary East Asia we find some basic differences between China Korea and Japan

Among these countries Japan was the first one to popularize Bodhidharma on a large scale not only in simplified ink paintings usually executed by monk paint-ers and in popular colour prints but in a form of a roly-poly doll called Daruma

The transformation of the image of a religious founder into a doll is an interesting phenomenon which only appeared in Japan and this form of representation entered Korea as a symbol of Japaneseness rather than the representation of Bodhidharma himself (for example as a sign in Japanese restaurants like the waving cat)

In China the popularization of Bodhidharma only happened recently but here the visual appearance does not play as such an important role as it does in Japan or Korea Here the cult flourishes especially around the Shaolin mon-astery and mainly among martial arts practitioners to whom Bodhidharma is venerated as the founder of Shaolin kungfu

In Korea producing Bodhidharma images and objects was a fashion in the last decades and increased considerably in the last couple of years It started in 1988 with the Seoul Olympics when the so-called gold cards were launched the market These gold cards are small cards painted with real gold paint usu-ally with some lucky representations like the twelve Oriental zodiac animals Taoist talismans and for Westerners four-leaf clovers images of Jesus Christ but more and more with the image of Bodhidharma

Contemporary painters also turned towards the image of the saint and we find not only monks but some professional painters also started to revitalize his image We clearly see this not only in art shops and exhibitions but also in the publica-tions of several books and albums devoted exclusively to Bodhidharma paintings31

The structure of these books is the same where each painting (usually 100 or more often 108) is followed by a poem or explanation related to the legend or some Buddhist teaching These books often combine the pattern book for-mat with the drawing manual with tips on how to draw Bodhidharma Korean painters of Bodhidharma generally use such pattern books together with other publications on Buddhist imagery and in many cases it is obvious where their models came from showing clear formal affinities with their models However at the same time spontaneous ink paintings require some expression from the artist thus making them very personal and spiritually charged pieces

31 For example Hong Ip-Yo Yi Byoung-kyo Dalmado (Bodhidharma-paintings) Seoul Jayu Segye Publ 1993 Gim Chrsquoangbae Hangukeui Dalmado (Korean Bodhidhma Paintings) Seoul Ehwa Munhwa Publishing 1999 Gim Nami Geurimeuro mannaneun Dalma (Meeting Bodhidharma on Pictures) Seoul Shikongsa Publ 2000 Beomju seunim Dalma seonmuk (Monk Beomju Ink Paintings of Bodhidharma) Seoul Hakmunsa Publishing 2001 Yu Hyeongjae 108 Dalma (108 Bodhidharma) Seoul Baekam Publishing 2002

Bod

hidharm

a in China K

orea and Jap

anMod

els for representations

and com

mercialization of the legend

ary founder of C

han Bud

dhism

in East A

siaB

eatr

ix M

ecsi

When talking about popularization we have to mention the importance of major public events and how some artists have used these occasions to propa-gate the image of Bodhidharma

In 2002 when Korea and Japan held the FIFA World Cup monk-painter Gim Dongseong (b 1954) showed his new works in both countries representing Bodhidharma with a football updating the figure in a manner appropriate for the event However he also included a philosophical explanation for his paintings referring to the basic qualities and shared pronunciation for the word ldquoballrdquo (Kor gong) and emptiness (also gong) an important concept in Buddhism (Skt śunyata)

In 2005 during the International APEC (Asian Pacific Economic Cooperation) meeting in Busan monk Beomju (b 1943) made a public performance by making a huge Bodhidharma painting Painting large scale Bodhidharma images for public events can be traced back to earlier traditions It is recorded that the famous Ukiyo-e artist Hokusai (1760ndash1849) also made a similarly giant image in year 1804 (Fig 10)32

Painting Bodhidharma as a performance is not so rare among Korean monk-artists and Jung Gwang the ldquomad monkrdquo (1934ndash2002) who gained interna-tional reputation with his daring Bodhidharma paintings and performances even influenced contemporary expressionist art in the West

In sum in Korean visual arts and Buddhism there is a burgeoning trend in the production and distribution of images of the first Chan patriarch which requires an attempt to understand it in the context of its inner developments and history while placing it within the larger context of other Asian countries

Bibliography

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Addiss S and Seo A Y (1998) The Art of 20th Century Zen Paintings and Calligraphy by Japanese Masters Boston Shambala

AwAkAwA Y (1970) Zen Painting Tokyo Kodansha InternationalBDK English Tripitaka (2006) Numata Center for Buddhist TraditionBukkyō Daijiten (1933) compiled by Mochizuki ShinkyōBukkyō Daijiten HakkōshoBArnet S and Burto W (1982) Zen Ink Paintings Tokyo KodanshaBelting H (1987) The End of the History of Art (trans C Wood) Chicago University of Chicago

Press[Beomju seunim Dalma seonmuk] (2001) 범주스님 달마 선묵 [Monk Beomjursquos ink paintings of

Bodhidharma] Seoul Hakmunsa[Boun Jippu] 보운 집부 (2002) ldquo1300yeonyeonmane Dalma daesa uri nara e bongrsquoandwaedardquo

1300 여년만에 달마 대사 우리나라에 봉안되다 [ldquoIt was more than 1300 years since Grand Master Bodhidharma was enshrined in Koreardquo] Seon Munhwa 4 p 20ndash21

Brinker H (1973) Die Zen-buddhistische Bildnismalerei in China und Japan Muumlnchener Ostasiatische Studien vol 10 Wiesbaden Franz Steiner

32 Kōriki Enkōan from Hokusai taiga sokusho saizu c 1817 Nagoya City Museum

194 195

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California Stanford University Pressmdash (2003) ldquoLa double vie du patriacherdquo in Kyburz J A et al (eds) Eloge des sources

Reflets du Japon ancien et moderne Paris Editions Philippe Picquier p 509ndash538Fo-jih Chi-sung (1007-1072) and Tōrei Enji (1721ndash1792) Damoduolo Chanjing 達摩多羅禪

經 [ldquoBodhidharma Zen Sūtrardquo] (1964) Taishō Shinshū Daizōkyō Kankokai 大正新脩大蔵蔵 [ldquoTripitaka in Chineserdquo] Tōkyō Taishō Issaikyō Kankōkai (T15 No618)

Foulk G T and Sharf R H (1993ndash1994) ldquoOn the Ritual Use of Chrsquoan Portraiture in Medieval Chinardquo in Cahiers drsquoExtrecircme-Asie [Revue bilingue de lrsquoEcole Franccedilaise drsquoExtrecircme Orient Section de Kyoto] Special Issue Chrsquoan Zen Studies vol 7 p 155ndash219

Fontein J and Hickman M L (1970) Zen Painting and Calligraphy Boston Museum of Fine Arts

Fromm E Suzuki DT and DeMartino R (1960) Zen Buddhism and Psychoanalysis New York Harper and Row

gernet J (1949) Les entretiens du maicirctre de dhyāna Chen-houei du Ho-tsouml (668-760) Paris Adrian Maisonneuve

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mdash (1982) The Image and the Eye Further studies in the Psychology of Pictorial Representation London Phaidon

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grAnoFF PH and shinohArA K (1988) Monks and Magicians Religious Biographies in Asia Motilal Banarsidass India

heine S and Wright D S (eds) (2004) The Zen Canon Oxford Oxford University Press[Hong Ip-ik and Yi Byeong-gyo] 홍입익middot이병교 (1993) Dalmado Hwabeop immun gamsang

baektae 달마도 畵法入門 鑑賞百態 [Painting Bodhidharma hundred great ways to achieve enlightenment through painting] Seoul Jayu Segye

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기종 [Marvellous tales of immortals] Sakbuk JayuhisAmAtsu S (1971) Zen and Fine Arts from original Zen to Bijutsu (trans T Gishin) Tokyo

Kodansha Internationalhu S (1953) ldquoChan (Zen) Buddhism in China Its History and Methodrdquo in Philosophy East and

West vol 3 nordm 1 p 3ndash24mdash (1994) ldquoPutidamo gaordquo in Hu Shih Wencun Taibei Yuanliu Khuban Shiyegufen Youxian

Gongsi c Ltd vol12 p 137ndash150hyers C (1973) Zen and the Comic Spirit Philadelphia Westminster Press

Brinker H (1994) Zen in der Kunst des Malens Bern Muumlnchen Wien Otto Wilhelm Barth Verlag

Brinker H and Kanazawa H (1996) Zen Masters of Meditation in Images and Writings Based on a Catalogue of an Exhibition at the Museum Rietberg and Kyoto National Museum

Brinker H Kramers R P and Ouwehand C (eds) (1982) Zen in China Japan East Asian Art Papers of the International Symposium on Zen Zuumlrich University

BAten L (1992) Japanese Folktoys The Playful Arts Tokyo ShufunotomoBuddhist Paintings of Korea (1997ndash2004) Seoul Buddhist Cultural Properties Research

Institute vols1ndash31Buswell R (1992) The Zen Monastic Experience Buddhist Practice in Contemporary Korea

Princeton Princeton University PresscAhill J (1983) ldquoTypes of Text-Object Relationships in Chinese Artrdquo in 31st International

Congress of Human Sciences in Asia and North America (CIISHAN) Abstracts of Papers TōkyōTōhō Gakkai vol 2 p 276

cAssirer E (1953) The Philosophy of Symbolic Forms Vol1 Language (trans R Mannheim) New Haven Yale University Press

[Chang Hee-jeong] 張姬貞 (1996) Joseon hugi Jogyesan jiyeok bulhwaeui yeonrsquogu 朝鮮 後

期 曹溪山地域 佛畵의 硏究 ldquoA Study of Buddhist Paintings of Late Joseon dynasty in Monasteries on Mt Chogyerdquo in Misul Sahak Yeonrsquogu nordm 210 p 71ndash104

chApin H B (1945ndash1946) ldquoThree Early Portraits of Bodhidharmardquo in Archives of the Chinese Art Society of America nordm 1 p 66ndash95

[Choi Seok-hwan] 최석환 (2002) ldquoDalmawa yutopiardquo 달마와 유토피아 [ldquoBodhidharma and Utopiardquo] in Seon Munhwa nordm 4 p 26ndash31

[Choi Sun-taek] 최순택 (1995) Dalmadorsquoeui segye 達磨圖의 世界 [The world of Bodhidharma-paintings] Seoul Hakmunsa

mdash ldquoDalmadorsquoeui yeonrsquogurdquo 達磨圖의 硏究 (1996) [ldquoResearch on Bodhidharma-paintingsrdquo] in Gukje seonmuhakhoe 國際禪武學會 [International Association of Zen and Martial Arts] vol 5 nordm 1 p 21ndash107

mdash Hangukeui seonseohwa 한국의 선서화 (1998) [Korean Seon Painting] Seoul Hakmun[Choi Wan-su] 최완수 (1996) Seokjeong sohwajip 석정 소화집 [Painting collection of monk

Seokjeong] Seoul BeomhaDaruma ten 達磨展 (1988) [ldquoBodhidharma Exhibitionrdquo] Tōkyō Shinjuku Isetan Bijutsukan

vol 4 np 10 p 16drsquoeliA m P (ed) (1942-49) Fonti Ricciane documenti originali concernenti Matteo Ricci e la sto-

ria delle prime relazioni tra lEuropa e la Cina 1579-1615 3 vols Rome Libreria dello Statodukes T [Shifu Nagaboshi Tomio] (1994) The Bodhisattva Warriors The Origin Inner

Philosophy History and Symbolism of the Buddhist Martial Art within India and China York Beach Samuel Weiser

dumoulin H (1992) Zen Buddhism in the 20th Century (trans J S OrsquoLeary) New York and Tokyo Weatherhill

eliAde M (1997 [1978]) Vallaacutesi hiedelmek eacutes eszmeacutek toumlrteacutenete (original title Histoire des croy-ances et des ideacutees religieuses) Budapest Osiris Kiadoacute

FAure B (1986) ldquoBodhidharma as a Textual and Religious Paradigmrdquo in History of Religions vol 25 nordm3 p 187ndash198

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mercialization of the legend

ary founder of C

han Bud

dhism

in East A

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eatr

ix M

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im deok-su (1999) Yeondam Kim Myeongguk eui Seonhwa yeongu [A Study of the Zen Painting by Kim Myeongguk] MA-diss Department of Buddhist Art and Culture The Graduate School of Buddhism Dongguk University Seoul Korea

JArAnd U (trans) (1987) Dialog uumlber das Ausloumlchen der Anschaung ein fruumlher Chinesischer text aus Tunhuang Frankfurt [Main] RG Fischer

Jing A (1996) ldquoThe Eight Immortals The Transformation of Trsquoang and Sung Taoist Eccentrics during the Yuumlan dynastyrdquo in Hearn M K and Smith J G (eds) Arts of The Sung and Yuumlan New York Metropolitan Museum of Art p 213ndash227

Jung K (1979) The Mad Monk Paintings of Unlimited Action Berkeley Lancaster-Miller Publishers

kAnAZAwA H (1979) Japanese Ink Painting Early Zen Masterpieces Japanese Arts Library Tokyo Kodansha International and Shibundo

kidō C (1978 [1932]) Daruma to sono shosō 達磨と其諸相 [Bodhidharma and his representa-tions] Tokyo Heigo Shuppan-sha

[Kim Chang-bae] 김장배 (1999) Hangug eui Dalmado 한국의 달마도 [Korean Bodhidharma paintings] Seoul Ehwa Munhwa

[Kim Chang-bae] 김장배 (2007) Hangug eui Modeun Dalma 한국의 모든달마 [The all Korean Bodhidharma] Seoul Seoyemunrsquoinhwa

[Kim Cheol] 김철 (1986) Taekwondo Kyoyukron (Education of Taekwondo) Seoul Wonkwang Univervisty Publlishers

[Kim Hye-jeong] 김혜정 (2002) ldquoDalma Chukgu gongeul deulda Dongseong seunimeui Dalmadordquo달마 축구공을 들다 동성스님의 달마도 [ldquoBodhidharma holds a footballrdquo] Seon Munhwa vol 4 p 22ndash25

[Kim Na-mi] 김나미 (2000) Geurimeuro mannaneun Dalma 그림으로 만나는 달마 [Meeting Bodhidharma on pictures] Seoul Shikongsa

[Kim Yong-jae] 김영재 (2001) Bulgyo misureul boneun nun 불교미술을 보는 눈 [Eye for Buddhist art] Seoul Sakyejul

[Koam] 고암 (2006) ldquoDalmado geinjeon yeoneun deuksan hwabaek ilneomeseo munyeo-muirordquo 달마도 개인전 여는 득산 화백 일념에서 무념으로 [ldquoHwabaekrsquos private exhibition of Bodhidharma-paintings From one-attachment to no-attachmentrdquo] Seon Munhwa vol 6 p 50ndash55

koderA T J (1980) Dōgenrsquos Formative Years in China London Routledge and Kegan Paul[Kōjō] 光定 (1964) ldquoDenjutsu Isshin Kaimonrdquo 伝述一心戒文 (ldquoThe Record of the Precepts in a

Mindrdquo) in Taishō Shinshū Daizōkyō Kankokai 大正新脩大蔵経 [ldquoTripitaka in Chineserdquo] Tokyo Taisho Issaikyo Kankokai nordm 74 p 639

[Kōkan Shiren] 虎関師錬 (1278-1348) (1921ndash1922) Genkō Shakusho 元亨釈書 [Buddhist his-tory of the Genkō era] vol15ndash16 Takakusu Junjirō et al (eds) Dai Nihon Bukkyō zensho Tōkyō Yoseido Reprinted Suzuki gakujutsu zaidan edition Tōkyō Kodansha 1970ndash1973 vol 62 p 66ndash230

[Kōshū] 光宗 (1276-1350) Keiran Shūyōshū 渓嵐拾葉集 (A Collection of Leaves Gathered in Stormy Streams) (T762410 532b)

kurAnAkA S (1996) ldquoShōtoku Taishi Kataoka Setsuwa no Keiseirdquo 聖徳太子片岡説話の形成 [ldquoThe formation of Prince Shōtokursquos Kataoka-talerdquo] Manrsquoyo vol 10 p 61

[Kwanjo Monk] 관조스님 (1999) Sachrsquoal Byeokhwa 사찰 벽화 [The mural paintings of Buddhist

temples] Seoul Misul Munhwa [Photographs]lAchmAn C (1993) ldquoWhy Did the Patriarch Cross the River The Rushleaf Bodhidharma

Reconsideredrdquo in Asia Major nordm 6 p 237ndash268lAncAster L R (1983) The Dirty Mop Unlimited Action Paintings and Poems by Jung Kwang the

Mad Monk Berkeley and Seoul Asian Humanities Press and Po Chin ChailAo-ce (1994) Tao Te King Az Uacutet eacutes Ereacuteny koumlnyve (Original title Laozi Daode qing (trans

Weoumlres Saacutendor and Tőkei Ferenc) Budapest TericumlopeZ D Jr (ed) (1995) Curators of the Buddha The Study of Buddhism Under Colonialism

Chicago University of Chicago Pressluo XiAnglin (1960) Tang dai Guangzhou Guangxiao si yu Zhong Yin jiao tong zhi guan xi Jiulong

Zhongguo xue she[Manbong seunim chungyo munhwajae je 48 ho] 만봉스님 중요문화재 제 48 호 [Monk Manbong

living cultural asset no48] (2002) Seoul BongwonsamArosi E (1995) Keacutep eacutes hasonmaacutes Műveacuteszet eacutes valoacutesaacuteg a 14-15 szaacutezadi Magyarorszaacutegon [Image

and likeness Art and reality in the 14th and 15th centuries in Hungary] Budapest Akadeacutemiai KiadoacutemcFArlAnd H N (1986) ldquoFeminine Motifs in Bodhidharma Symbology in Japanrdquo in Asian

Folklore Studies [Nagoya Asian Folklore Institute] nordm 14 p 167ndash191mdash (1987) Daruma The Founder of Zen in Japanese Art and Popular Culture Tokyo and New York

Kodansha InternationalmcrAe J (2001) ldquoReligion as Revolution in Chinese Historiography Hu Shih (1891-1962) on

Shen-Hui (684-758)rdquo in Cahiers drsquoExtrecircme-Asie nordm 12 p 59ndash102mecsi B (1999) ldquoHogyan lett a szentből jaacuteteacutekbabardquo [ldquoHow did a saint become a dollrdquo]

Műhely [Atelier] p 116ndash118mdash (2000) ldquoHogyan eacuterkezett Bodhidharma Japaacutenbardquo [ldquoHow did Bodhidharma arrive

to Japanrdquo] in Orientalista Nap MTA Orientalisztikai Bizottsaacuteg amp ELTE Budapest p 120ndash126 and 245ndash257

mdash (2003) ldquoIdentification problems of Korean Bodhidharma-paintingsrdquo University of Rome ldquoLa Sapienziardquo Faculty of Oriental Studies 21st AKSE Conference-papers p 155ndash162

mdash 2005 ldquoWhy did Bodhidharma Come from the West Origins of Representations of the First Zen Patriarchrdquo in Proceedings of the Hawaii International Conference on Arts and Humanities

mdash (2007) ldquoBodhidharma Images in Contemporary Korea Methods and Strategies of Using and Popularizing the Representations of the First Zen Patriarchrdquo in International Biannual Conference for the Association of Korean Studies Europe Dourdan (AKSE)-Publications

mdash (2007) ldquoBuddhist Saints Crossing the Sea Reconsidering Text-Image Relationships for Understanding the Iconography of the First Zen Patriarchrdquo in Proceedings of the Hawaii International Conference on Arts and Humanities

mdash (2007) ldquoA Szent eacutes a Jaacuteteacutekbaba A Zen Buddhizmus alapiacutetoacutejaacutenak alakja a nem-zen hagy-omaacutenyok tuumlkreacutebenrdquo [ldquoThe Saint and the DollThe founder of Zen Buddhism in the con-text of non-Zen Studiesrdquo] Japanisztika a Boumllcseacutesztudomaacutenyban Kaacuteroli Gaacutespaacuter Reformaacutetus Egyetem Budapest p 203ndash210

mdash (2007) ldquoEvolution Distribution and Commercialization of the Images of Bodhidharma Or How did a Religious Founder Become a Toyrdquo in Japanoloacutegiai Koumlrkeacutep (Istvaacuten Szerdahelyi Peacuteter Wintermantel eds) ELTE Eoumltvoumls Kiadoacute p 245ndash254

mdash (2008) ldquoThe Power on Images on Texts Re-Examined The Case of Bodhidharmarsquos Crossing

Bod

hidharm

a in China K

orea and Jap

anMod

els for representations

and com

mercialization of the legend

ary founder of C

han Bud

dhism

in East A

siaB

eatr

ix M

ecsi

198 199

and the Mass-Consumtion of Bodhidharma-images in Japan and Contemporary South Koreardquo in Oriental Archive (Archiv Orientalniacute) Quarterly Journal of African and Asian Studies Oriental Institute Prague vol 76 p 217ndash249

mdash (2008) ldquoAacutetkeleacutes a naacutedszaacutelon Keacutep eacutes szoumlveg kapcsolata a kelet-aacutezsiai vallaacutesos műveacuteszetbenrdquo [ldquoCrossing on a Reed Text-image relationships in East Asian Religious Paintingrdquo] in Kaposvaacuter Szele Baacutelint (ed) Pro Scientia Aranyeacutermesek IX Tudomaacutenyos konferenciaacuteja Pro Scientia Aranyeacutermesek Taacutersasaacutega Budapest p 46ndash58

mdash (2009) ldquoAz lsquoaacutetkeleacutes a naacutedszaacutelonrsquo legenda eredeteacutenek keacuterdeacuteseacuterőlrdquo [ldquoThe problem of the Legend of Crossing on a Reedrdquo] in Taacutevol-keleti Tanulmaacutenyok Budapest Taacutevol-keleti Inteacutezet vol 2 p 103ndash122

mdash (2010) ldquoBodhidharma in Contemporary South Korea The Founder of Chan Buddhism from Sacral to Popular Culturerdquo in Govindasamy G Park C K and Tan S K (eds) Korean affaris A contemporary view Kuala Lumpur Perpustakaan Negara Malaysia p 135ndash147

mdash (2013) Szentből jaacuteteacutekbaba A Daruma baba nyomaacuteban a Taacutevol-Keleten [ldquoDoll from a saint In Search for the Daruma doll in East Asiardquo]Lecture on 28th May 2013 Kaacuteroli Gaacutespaacuter Reformaacutetus Egyetem (12th July 2013) [online] httpwwwyoutubecomwatchv=QBCV11LGXhQampfeature=c4-overviewamplist=UUeXTAOGzx8xduHtd71ZGICQ

Nihon shoki 日本書記 [ldquoChronicle of Japanrdquo] (1987) (trans Inoue Mitsusada) Tōkyō Chūō Koronsha (Shōwa 62) p 98ndash99

nishimurA S (1985) ldquoThe Prince and the Pauper The Dynamics of a Shotoku Legendrdquo in Monumenta Nipponica vol40 Issue 3 p 299ndash310

nishiyAmA I (1992) Nihon Shisō no genryū to tenkai Ise-shi Kogakkan Daigaku ShuppanbunukAriyA K (1913) The Religion of the Samurai London Luzac amp Cootto R (1932) Mysticism East and West a Comparative Analysis of the Nature of Mysticism

(trans B L Bracey and R C Payne) London Macmillanorsquoriley M K (2001) Art Beyond the West London Laurence KingpAnoFsky E (1984) Jelenteacutes a vizuaacutelis műveacuteszetekben [The Meaning in Visual Arts]

Budapest Gondolatpelliot P (1923) ldquoNotes sur quelques artistes des six dynasties et des Trsquoangrdquo in Trsquooung Pao

vol 22 p 215ndash291Wag Qi 王圻 and Wang Siyi 王思義 (eds) (1988) Sancaituhui [Kor Samjaedohwi] 三才圖會

(Collected Illustrations of the Three Realms) Shanghai Shanghai guji chubansheSancaituhui [Kor Samjaedohwi] 三才圖會 (Collected Illustrations of the Three Realms) (2001)

Seoul Dongguk Universityseckel D (1997) Das Portraumlt in Ostasien Heidelberg Universitis Verlagsekiguchi S (1957) Daruma no Kenkyū Tokyo IwanamishArF R H (1922) ldquoThe Idolization of Enlightenment On the Mummification of Chrsquoan

Masters in Mediaeval Chinardquo in History of Religions vol 32 nordm 1 p 1ndash31mdash (1995) ldquoThe Zen of Japanese Nationalismrdquo in Lopez S and Donald Jr (eds) Curators of

the Buddha The Study of Buddhism under Colonialism Chicago and London University of Chicago Press

mdash and Sharf E H (eds) (2001) Living Images Japanese Buddhist Icons in Context Stanford Stanford University Press

[Seokcheon] 석천 (2001) ldquoDalmadowa hamkke ilcheonobaeknyeon jeoneuiroui gihaengrdquo 달

마도와 함께 일천오백년전의로의 기행 [ldquo150 years with Bodhidharma-paintingsrdquo] in Seon Munhwa nordm 8 p 99ndash105

mdash (2003) ldquoMeokseonrsquoi ppumeonaedeut dongyangeui yeokdongjeogin seonrdquo 먹선이 뿜어내

듯 동양의 역동적인 禪 [ ldquoInk-strokes eliminating the Dynamic Sŏn of the Eastrdquo] in Seon Munhwa nordm 7 p 20ndash23

mdash (2005) ldquoDalmaeui seonbeopi dongtoro gan katalgeun han pok eui dalmadoro dwesala nan dalmaseonrdquo 달마의 선법이 동토東土로 간 까닭은 한 폭의 달마도로 되살아 난 달마선 [ldquoWhy did Bodhidharmarsquos Zen teaching went to the Eastrdquo] in Seon Munhwa nordm 12 p 30ndash37

Korean Buddhist Research Institute (ed) (1998) Sǒn Thought in Korean Buddhism Seoul Dongguk University Press

spiro A (1988) ldquoNew Light on Gu Kaizhirdquo in Journal of Chinese Religions nordm 16 p 1ndash17stevens J Y and Rae A (1990) ZENGA Brushstrokes of Enlightenment New Orleans

Museum of Artsuler J R (1993) Contemporary Psychoanalysis and Eastern Thought Albany State

University of New Yorktylor E B (1920) Primitive Culture Researches into the Development of Mythology Philosophy

Religion Language Art and Custom 2 vols London John MurrayyAmpolsky P B (1967) The Platform Sutra of the 6th Patriarch New Yorkmdash (1983) ldquoNew Japanese Studies in Early Chrsquoan Historyrdquo in W Lai and L R Lancaster

(eds) Early Chrsquoan in China and Tibet Berkeley Buddhist Studies Series p 1ndash11Yi Dong-Ju (1973) Hanguk hwehwa saron (Korean Art History) Seoul Yeolhwadang[Yi Jeong-hwa] 이정화 (2002) ldquoDalmadorsquoe damgyeojin munyeom musin eui hyanggiro cham-

nareul Channeunda Beomju seunimrdquo 달마도에 담겨진 무념 무심의 향기로 참나를 찾는다

범주스님 [ldquoThe fragrance of no-mind is within Bodhidharma-paintings Through this fra-grance we try to find the truthrdquo] in Seon Munhwa nordm 5 p 52ndash55

[Yi Ju-yeon] 이주연 (2005) ldquoGibokeul dwieoneom neun bosihaengeui Dalmadordquo 기복을 뛰

어넘는 보시행의 달마도 [ldquoOffering Bodhidharma-paintigs for transcending fluctuationrdquo] in Seon Munhwa nordm 7 p 96ndash99

[Yi Yeong-hui] 이영희 (1997) Hanguk sawoneui bubyeokhwa e Daehan gochal 한국 사원의 부벽

화에 대한 고찰 [A study of the Pu-wall painting of Korean temples] unpublished MA thesis Seoul Deptartment of Art Education Graduate School of Education Dongguk University

ying Z (1981) Shaolin Kung-fu Hong Kong Kingsway Internationalyoshino H 吉野裕子 (1995) Daruma no Minzokugaku Onrsquoyo gogyo kara toku ダルマの民俗

蔵 陰陽五行から解く [The folklore of Daruma from Yin-Yangto the Five Elements Theory] Tokyo Iwanami Shoten

[Yu Hyeong-jae] 유형재 (2002) 108 Dalma 108 달마 [108 Bodhidharmas] Seoul BaekamweitZmAnn K (1996) The Cotton Genesis British Library Codex Cotton Otho B VI Princeton

University PresswelBon G R (1968) The Buddhist Nirvāna and Its Western Interpreters Chicago University of

Chicago Presswu T (1996) Masterpieces of Chinese Painting from the Museum of Fine Arts Boston Tang

through Yuan Dynasties Tōkyō Otsuka Kogeishahempel R (1960) ZENGA Malerei des Zen-buddhismus Muumlnchen R Piper

Bod

hidharm

a in China K

orea and Jap

anMod

els for representations

and com

mercialization of the legend

ary founder of C

han Bud

dhism

in East A

siaB

eatr

ix M

ecsi

  • capa face to face SEGUNDO VOL
  • Index Face to Face
  • Beatrix Mecsi

8 9

Foreword ndash Rethinking the history of art in a global perspectiveRui Oliveira Lopes

The formation of artistic identities in the context of intercultural dialogue between China and the World

Rui Oliveira Lopes

Artistic identities in contrast The arts along the Silk Road and the South China Sea Routes

Han and Wei Jin tombs with murals artistic exchange in architecture and iconographyNataša Vampelj Suhadolnik

From Han to Koguryo The Spread of Stone Chamber Tombs in Northeast Asia (1stndash7th centuries)Chen Li

Buddha and bodhisattvas in the Koguryo tomb no 1 in Changchuan Jian Jilin province ChinaAriane Perrin

Exchange across Media in Northern Wei ChinaBonnie Cheng

Table of ContentsCentral Asia The Eastern Provincial Art of SassaniansParisa A Moghadam

Bodhidharma in China Korea and Japan Models for representations and commercialization of the legendary founder of Chan Buddhism in East AsiaBeatrix Mecsi

From the artistic sophistication of the Song dynasty to the legacy of the Mongol invasion

The Rock Carvings of Stone Seal Mountain A Specimen of Water and Land Ritual and the Unification of the Three Teachings in Stone from the Song dynasty (960ndash1279)Zhou Zhao

From Virtuous Paragons to Efficacious Images Paintings of Filial Sons in Song TombsFei Deng

Wenji Returns to China A Jin (1115ndash1234) Handscroll and Its Relevance to Changing Jurchen Cultural IdentitiesHang Lin

The Emperor Rejoiced with Great Joy How a gift from the Pope in 1342 came to be depicted as a tribute horse in a late-Yuan painting A case of cultural misunderstandingLauren Arnold

Artistic exchange between Korea and China The craft of lacquer with mother-of-pearl inlayPatricia Frick

Reading between the lines a potter a connoisseur and a curatorYupin Chung

Artistic exchange in Late imperial China

Repercussions of Chinese textiles in Portuguese decorative arts (16thndash17th centuries)Maria Joatildeo Ferreira

Chinese fashion crossed the oceans in the wake of the Portuguese trade with China during the late Ming and early Qing dynastiesRui DrsquoAacutevila Lourido

Church A ldquoSacred Eventrdquo and the Visual Perspective of an ldquoEtic Viewerrdquo

an 18th century Western-Style Chinese Painting held in the Bibliothegraveque nationale de FranceLianming Wang

Making sense of diplomatic gift exchange between East and West (1644ndash1820)Federica A Broilo

Western impact on the architecture and landscape paintings of the High Qing CourtShih-hua Chiu

Prints in Sino-European artistic interactions of the Early Modern PeriodCheng-hua Wang

The construction of Chinese style gardens in 18th century Germany by using the garden of Woumlrlitz (1764ndash1813)and the Chinese garden of Oranienbaum (1793ndash1797) as examplesSheng-Ching Chang

Urban Imaginaries The Framing of China Trade PaintingsYeewan Koon

About the Authors

10

14

39

40

72

97

114

146

170

201

202

229

252

274

290

312

335

336

356

370

398

414

424

458

474

485

170 171

Bodhidharma in China Korea and JapanModels for representations and commercialization of the legendary founder of Chan Buddhism in East Asia

Beatrix Mecsi

ELTE University Budapest

Abstract

According to tradition the founder of Chan or meditational Buddhism Bodhidharma originated from India yet his legend and first representa-tions are more typically associated with China Known as Putidamo or Damo in Chinese Boridalma or Dalma in Korean and Bodai Daruma or Daruma in Japanese this legendary figure is frequently seen in the visual art and popular culture of East Asian countries In my paper I focus on the visual representa-tions of Bodhidharma as they became popular in China Japan and Korea

After summarizing the information about Bodhidharma revealed in primary and secondary textual sources I analyze them together with visual sources in order to investigate the formation of the legend and iconography of Bodhidharma from the very beginning and describe their dynamics Looking at text-image relationships I explain analysing a famous episode of the Bodhidharma leg-end ldquoCrossing the Yangzi River on a Reedrdquo that other images besides those of Bodhidharma had a considerable effect on influencing and altering later texts as well as consequent images thus changing and enriching religious traditions

The power of the image is seen through the commercialization of Bodhidharma representations particularly in Japan where their commercial use occurred much earlier than in Korea and developed different traditions compared to those of China where the legend had come from

Whereas most publications that examine Bodhidharma focus on the Chinese and Japanese developments this paper introduces Korean Bodhidharma imagery into the discussion stressing the importance of looking at the differ-ences and similarities in the creation of images of the same legendary figure in context (where do these models derive from how much they changed them) and how these cultures differ from one another or how they are similar in their means of image-production use and consumption

Introduction

According to tradition the founder of meditational Buddhism1 Bodhidharma originated from India and nowadays this legendary figure is frequently seen in the visual art and popular culture of East Asian countries Known as Putidamo or Damo in China Boridalma or Dalma in Korea and Bodai Daruma or Daruma in Japan Bo-dhi-dha-rmo-tta-ra in Tibet he can also be found in Vietnam

The aim of my research was to make a deeper investigation of Bodhidharma as his figure appears in visual arts

1 Dhyana in Sanskrit Chan in Chinese Seon in Korean Bsam gtan in Tibetan Thien in Vietnamese Since the Western world was first aware of it through Japan Chan is most frequently referred by its Japanese name (Zen) The name I use depends on the country in question otherwise I use ldquomeditational Buddhismrdquo or Chan

172 173

The prevailing Sino-Japanese perspective imposes limits on research but here I propose a more inclusive approach Thus I do not want to limit my research to a single country as do the majority of previous studies discussing this topic The visual images from Korea are relatively unknown because there are only a few publications on Korean imagery of the meditational school in Western languages and even in Korean where there are only a few scholarly studies available as compared to the dozens of books and articles devoted to Japanese Zen Therefore I will treat the material with more emphasis on the Korean Bodhidharma images and will not describe Japanese Bodhidharma images in any great depth In this paper I attempt to concentrate on more recent aspects and relatively undiscovered areas

Art and visual culture not only spreads nationally but also across borders influencing the artistic and creative thoughts of other regions It is particularly true of religion where monks were the carriers of Buddhism from one coun-try to another and alongside their religious beliefs they transmitted the visual culture of other territories in the form of religious imagery Here we should examine the artistic influences and the stylistic differences between the regions where Chan Buddhism was adopted

Images and texts have their own lives They are born (created) they are used in some way and exist in a specific context where they work in interaction with viewers and readers As for the creation of images we will have to answer the following questions by whom why and how were these images produced Regarding the imagesrsquo use there are then the following questions by whom where when how and for what purpose were the given images used In this context it is important to distinguish between how we see the surviving images today and how their contemporaries saw them in the past How they were seen in different eras at different points between their ldquocreationrdquo and the present day There are also images which even though they have not survived might have had an influence on later images and which we should thus try to keep in mind even though we may have no tangible evidence of their existence Images from the past live concurrently together with new images Any change from a previous scheme any innovation deserves our attention because they might reveal a great deal about the context and circumstances of an imagersquos production It is also necessary to discuss the idea of an image in East Asia and within this framework we can draw a more accurate picture of the Bodhidharma imagery

It is difficult to acquire knowledge of the intentions and motivations for repre-senting a visual image in this case representations of Bodhidharma but we can contrast the style of chinsō-type coloured paintings2 used for rituals with the more spontaneous monochrome ink-paintings Looking at both their function and production we can see that style had an importance in the use of these images

2 Chinsō Japanese pronounciation of the term for formal portraits of meditation masters usually made in a meticulous style using colour with great attention paid to the realistic depiction of the face

What is the role of representation in the case of Bodhidharma in different times and regions Is it true that the representation of the founder of this school follows the religious teaching practices of Chan Buddhism by rejecting a reliance on ldquowords and lettersrdquo This issue should be also discussed since its aim is to depict the iconography of an iconoclastic tradition which Chan Buddhism claimed to transmit

It is also necessary to discuss the possible reasons for Bodhidharmarsquos popu-larity especially in Japan where his figure is found almost everywhere even in the form of a roly-poly doll (Fig 1) (Mecsi 1999 2008)

How to Grasp Bodhidharma The Nature of Previous Studies Philology Art History Anthropology

For a long time studies of Chan Buddhism were dominated by a mainly uncriti-cal sectarian approach made by scholars who were mostly monks themselves and accepted many of the legends without question To analyse their own view-point was deemed unnecessary since legends and religious imagery served as settings for their own lives Explaining them was only important where they supported their beliefs3 Only in the first half of the 20th century when the Dunhuang manuscripts were rediscovered scholars such as Hu Shih Ui Hakuju Sekiguchi Shindai and Yanagida Seizan started to look at this tradi-tion from a more objective and critical point of view Following these scholars many Western academics mostly historians of religion began to examine Chan Buddhism and attempted to revise the still prevailing approach introduced to the West by D T Suzuki4 Unquestionably Suzuki contributed a lot to Western intellectual knowledge (for instance his influence on Martin Heidegger Erich Fromm Carl Gustav Jung Thomas Merton and Aldous Huxley) but he pre-sented a version of Zen Buddhism which had very little to do with real East

3 As is usually the case with religious art and thought where the ideas often wrapped in myths and legends in order to bring abstract ideas closer to practitioners and ease understanding For more on symbolism see Cassirer 1953

4 Suzuki Teitarō Daisetz (1870ndash1966) knowledgeable about Anglo-American culture and with a strong command of the English language his marriage to an American woman gave him deep roots in the West without weakening his fidelity to his former Zen Buddhist background The Ameri-can writer William James (1842ndash1910) had a great impact on him influencing him in his psycholo-gising style Though he never gave a systematic presentation of Zen throughout his world tours and activity in the West ldquohe was able to cover all aspects in a prolific output that included such influen-tial works as the three volumes of Essays in Zen Buddhism which first published in London between 1927 and 1934 and which have been reprinted and translated many times since then His other works were also popular such as the trilogy comprising An introduction to Zen Buddhism (1934) The Training of the Zen Buddhist Monk (1934) and the Manual of Zen Buddhism (1935) Suzuki was not a regurgitator but he constantly reinterpreted the message he transmitted adapting it to Western concerns and deliberately highlighting certain key themesrdquo (Dumoulin 1992 p 4ndash10)

Bod

hidharm

a in China K

orea and Jap

anMod

els for representations

and com

mercialization of the legend

ary founder of C

han Bud

dhism

in East A

siaB

eatr

ix M

ecsi

174 175

Asian practice5 The Zen which he introduced to the West was inflected by Western thought and delivered in a form that served mainly missionary pur-poses Emphasis was placed on common ideals and thoughts of human harmony found in Zen Buddhism for which one finds parallels in Christianity Using a different vocabulary and more exact psychological descriptions in place of spe-cific symbolic language helped to further the understanding of the psychological motifs of mysticism detached from either religion especially Christianity but it did not say much about the historical and intellectual background of the newly arrived belief system (Otto 1932 Somogyi 1973 Suler 1993 Fromm-Suzuki 1960 and for the activity of the Kyoto school Dumoulin 1992 p 20ndash66)

For a contemporary scholar it is important to approach ChanZenSeon Buddhism as one would do with any other historical phenomenon to define clearly the viewpoint of investigation and try not to be struck by the allure of the philosophical and religious discourse

Sharf draws attention to the fact that the visuality of a religious tradition was previously a very much neglected field in the traditional Western research which is surprising when we consider the profusion of images well documented by even the earliest European explorers (drsquoElia (ed) 1942ndash1949) and suggests that the division of academic labour prevented Western scholars from having a more accurate picture of the actual religious phenomena in East Asia includ-ing the role of visual imagery (Sharf 2001 p 5) In the West Buddhist studies grew out of philology the study of early texts composed in classical languages (Lopez 1995 Welbon 1968 Fong 1987 Almond 1988) The objective of these scholars was to read the scriptural sources and concentrated on the analysis of Buddhist thought and doctrines the narrative and mythological tradition biographies and the institutionalised history of the tradition

In India where Buddhism disappeared a long time ago and where material artefacts are relatively rare and of uncertain provenance this preoccupation with the ancient texts is not so surprising but in the field of East Asian Buddhism there is no such lack of alternative visual sources for a broader understanding of Buddhist tradition Here there are plentiful sources of archaeological and art historical remains and there is a living tradition which is more or less based on ancient religious practices In this case unlike their colleagues in Indological studies such scholarsrsquo fixation on ancient Buddhist textual sources without a sidelong glance at the living tradition or its visual aspects seems unnecessarily limited(Sharf 2001 p 5)

5 Suzuki used the term Zen for naming a way of thinking and practice cut off from its historical roots and elevating it to a universal truth thus enabling Western audiences to absorb more easily the central meaning of its mysticism He did not handle Zen as a historically definite phenomenon as he was more a missionary interested in spreading an updated spiritual message for contemporary Western society than a historian See the criticism of the historian Hu Shih who attempted to revise the views and method introduced to the West by Suzuki (Hu Shih 1953b 3) However Hu Shihrsquos approach was also historically determined (McRae 2001 p 59ndash102)

Fig 1

Daruma dolls in Japan

Photograph taken

by the author in 2007

Nov 21st

Fig 2

Gim Myeongguk b 1600-d

after 1662 Tryptich

17th century Ink on silk

hanging scroll 966sum388

cm each Collection of Tokyo

University of Arts

Reproduced in Choi Sun-taek

Korean Seon Painting pl21

Bod

hidharm

a in China K

orea and Jap

anMod

els for representations

and com

mercialization of the legend

ary founder of C

han Bud

dhism

in East A

siaB

eatr

ix M

ecsi

176 177

included their visual experiences Art historians have recently challenged the strongly held methodological assumption that ldquonarrative illustrationsrdquo are inevi-tably preceded by a literary text6 Therefore the suggestion of the primacy of the written sources which has long been an integral part of the iconographical and iconological studies is no longer accepted as being inherently self-evident The tendency to look at pictures in order to identify a background text ldquomay cause narratives to be found where they never intended to berdquo (Lachman 1993 p 242)

The other discipline relevant to our investigation is anthropology In the Judeo-Christian intellectual tradition image-veneration was regarded as idola-try and seen as a sign of ignorance superstition and a retarded cultural develop-ment (Marosi 1995) Early anthropologists such as Edward Tylor and Lucien Leacutevy-Bruhl saw animism where inanimate objects are imbued with animate qualities as a distinguishing feature of ldquoprimitive religionrdquo or ldquoprimitive men-talityrdquo (Tylor 1920 Leacutevy-Bruhl 1985 Sharf 2001 p 6 and p 206) Western scholars of Buddhist Studies who were familiar with the philosophical and liter-ary sophistication of researched Buddhist texts therefore had great difficulty in dealing with the image-veneration of those traditions which had once produced such textual references This issue becomes extremely interesting in the study of Chan Buddhism where Western scholars were often led to admire the icono-clastic and extreme statements of Chan Buddhist Masters These scholars have a tendency to interpret the whole tradition based on such textual sources and thus tend to misinterpret the clear differences in the religious-cultic practices of the believers There are scholars who even make a distinction within Chan Buddhist related art and concern themselves only with the monochrome ink paintings made in the style of the literati termed Zenga (Hempel 1960 Addiss 1976 1989 Stevens-Yelen 1990 Fukushima 1978) Stephen Addiss (1989 p 57) wrote in his book on Zen art that ldquoAs a rule Zen has had little use for miracu-lous deeds stressing instead the enlightenment of the everyday worldrdquo

In this way these scholars attempt to avoid the fact that in Zen Buddhist cir-cles too the veneration of images played a very important role and that some of the themes which appeared on the spontaneous ink paintings were actu-ally inspired by venerated icons Magic and miraculous deeds were also com-mon in ChanZen as seen in several studies published recently (Sharf 1992 Granoff and Shinohara 1988 p 119ndash228) Led by their roots in the study of religious texts scholars of East Asian Buddhism also tend to think of Chan Buddhism as an atheistic tradition and therefore also tend not to consider that

6 Erwin Panofsky argues it is not that texts influence images but that images also have genres as do texts (cited in Marosi 1995 p 26) James Cahill observed the types of text-object relationships in Chinese art and noted the same notion that ldquoolder studies took somewhat simplistic views (hellip) considering the text as primary and constant to which illustrations served as embellishment and amplification recent studies see a more organic interaction In the newer model the works in verbal and visual media adapt flexibly to each other For instance illustrations may generate a new version of the text or the choice of excerpts to be illustrated (hellip) leads to a shift of emphases within the narrativerdquo (Cahill 1983)

Obviously the work of translation in order to understand certain phenom-ena is crucial but scholars should be open to the other alternative sources which may help to provide a better understanding of their topic

The Japanese scholarly tradition namely the pre-modern sectarian scho-lasticism also had a strong influence on the training of scholars in the field of East Asian Buddhism Most Japanese scholars of Chinese and Japanese Buddhism are themselves ordained priests and teaching in private Buddhist Universities sponsored by certain Buddhist orders Japanese scholars of East Asian Buddhism also emphasise the importance of the textual tradition and they tend to impart this orientation to their foreign students Sharf points to the danger that often Western students of Buddhism hardly tend to notice the clerical aspects of their mentorsrsquo education while their Japanese teach-ers perhaps understandably avoid drawing attention to their sectarian inter-ests (Sharf 2001 p 5) The result is that many texts written about East Asian Buddhism by such Western scholars ndash especially on Zen a very popular topic among Westerners ndash adopt an uncritical text-oriented approach

The study of Buddhist art as a discipline also has its own history This is rooted in the classical art historical approach namely viewing a particular arte-fact in the context of other artefacts looking for stylistic similarities and dif-ferences In the hands of these scholars Buddhist textual sources are usually used to identify an image its symbolism and iconography The merit of this approach lies in its ability to identify objects and provide a reliable source for further studies but also often fails to acknowledge the broader context

The identification of an image by its iconography or authorship is useful for art dealers and collectors but for scholars who wish to reconstruct and under-stand a tradition it is only a tool for further research Recently this approach was challenged by art historians in the West where the art historian Hans Belting even went so far as to deny his disciplinersquos legacy by referring to the ldquoend of art historyrdquo suggesting that we should look further and deal with the context and place of the art objects (Belting 1987) Following Beltingrsquos approach much research has been done in the field of Christian art elucidating the place and use of artefacts within the rituals challenging long-held views and breathing fresh air into the scholarship of religious imagery

I discuss both written and pictorial visual sources of Bodhidharma In this respect my research attempts to show that visual sources had as enormous an impact on the written tradition as had previous written sources Accordingly one cannot regard written culture as the only inspirational source for the iconog-raphy of visual images Given the ability to write was not widespread not even among the majority of the monks and religious ldquointelligentsiardquo the oral tradition and visual imagination played an important role in the course of everyday life We also have to think that the writers of such sources were probably not only influ-enced by earlier written sources but also by their own knowledge which equally

Bod

hidharm

a in China K

orea and Jap

anMod

els for representations

and com

mercialization of the legend

ary founder of C

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178 179

Southern China in 5207 At that time Mahāyāna Buddhism was an already established religion so the Emperor Wu of the Liang dynasty (Liang Wudi r 502ndash549) who was a devout Buddhist led Buddhist assemblies wrote com-mentaries on several sutras and gave the religion his full support invited the Indian monk Bodhidharma to leave Buddhismrsquos homeland and come to his court After their short conversation it was no wonder that Bodhidharma could not stay any longer so he crossed the Yangzi River with the help of a single reed and headed north8 He stopped at the Shaolin monastery near Luoyang in Henan province9 Here he spent nine years in meditation in a cave facing a blank wall10 The novelty of his teachings came from the stress on the impor-tance of meditation (Skrt Dhyana Ch Chan(na) Kor Seon(na) Jp Zen(na)11 hence the name of the school) at a time when Mahāyāna Buddhism was mainly Sutra-oriented As a famous stanza attributed to Bodhidharma says

7 The exact date of his arrival differs in the written sources and is open to speculation in scholarly works (Pelliot 1923) Earlier textual sources indicate his arrival during the Wei or the Liu-Song periods but towards the second half of the 8th century the legend assumed a more stable arrival during the time of the Liang (Lidai fabao ji dated around 774 T 512075 p 179ndash196) This was probably influenced by the legend previously inserted to Bodhidharmarsquos biography about Bodhidharmarsquos audience with the famous Buddhist-patron and emperor Liang Wudi (r 502ndash549) (Putidamo nanzong ding shifei lun dated 732 Jacques Gernet (trans) 1949 p 81ndash91)We have to add that a text from around 730 called Lengqie shizi zhi mentions a Central Indian monk called Gunabhadra who arrived in Canton by ship during the Yuanjia era (425ndash453) He was welcomed by the emperor and among other works translated the Lankavatara Sutra which had great importance and was later associated with Bodhidharma as being the text he transmitted to his successor Huike (Yampolsky 1967 p 20) Based on this text Luo Xianglin (1960 p 14ndash15) believes that Bodhidharma was a disciple of Gunabhadra at the Guangxiao Temple However Hu Shi stated that Gunabhadra died before Bodhidharma arrived in China (Hu Shi 1994) But such speculations which give more credence to certain sources as reference points rather than others cannot be regarded as an acceptable method though they are important in the sense that the relationships between the given sources is telling

8 The earliest written source is the mid-11th century Chuan fa zhengzong ji (Transmission of the Dharma and the correct teaching in the true School) though there is no mention of the reed (T 512078 715ndash768) The earliest written source which mentions the reed is from the 13th century (Wujia zhengzong zan (Eulogies from the Five Houses in the True School) dated 1254 and Shi shi tongjian 1270) But these early 13th century textual sources do not mention that Bodhidharma actually used the reed to cross the river This we know from the visual sources where Bodhidharma is represented as standing on a reed while crossing the river (Lachman 1993 Mecsi 2008 2009)

9 The earliest reference to Bodhidharmarsquos stay at the Shaolin monastery is from the first decade of the 8th century (Chuan fabao ji (Record of the Transmission of the Dharma Jewel) dated around 710) Thereafter it remains a constant part of the legend

10 The wall-meditation was mostly understood as a meditation technique where the mind should be blank like a wall There is general reference to this technique in several sources from the 7th century onwards (Xu gaoseng zhuan (Continued Biographies of Eminent Monks) dated 645) but without mention of the cave where the wall meditation occurred the cave is often depicted in the visual sources from the 13th century onwards

11 Though practice of meditation was common from the 5th century onwards See Prajnaparamita and Yogacara meditation and the contemplative aspects of the Tiantai school (BDK English Tripitaka 75 1998 p 1)

the ldquoperformance of obeisances and offerings to images which appear within this tradition constitutes idolatry per serdquo (Sharf 2001 p 6)

In sum previous studies done in the field of Chan Buddhism can be sepa-rated to three main groups based on their approach The first is the philological approach of the Buddhologists which may grasp the ideals and aims of the tra-dition but not its real appearance and practice in the given milieu The second is that of classical art history which is concerned with the relationships of the visual images within the context of images but only considers their symbolism and style looking at them in their inner context rather than a broader one The third approach is that of anthropology rooted in the Judeo-Christian disdain of idolatry and the sectarian approach with its influence which both stood in the way of the critical scholarship of Chan Buddhist art in its historical context Each of these approaches has its own value and importance Philology gives us the translated texts to interpret the monastic ideals art history gives us the identifi-cation of artefacts that we can organize with more confidence while anthropol-ogy attempts to describe the living tradition While focusing on our questions we need to cross boundaries between disciplines to bring us closer to our answers

The Legend of Bodhidharma

Those familiar with the history of Chan Buddhism might assume that Bodhidharma is a relatively well-known personality but if we have a closer look at the sources referring to his life we can discern that the real person is somewhat hidden behind the hagiographical texts By looking more closely at the legendary life of Bodhidharma we understand that the story is not about one person but an amalgamation of many legends and traditions Historians with a critical approach can shed new light on the tradition of ChanZenSeon Buddhism and of ldquoits own naturerdquo but they often find themselves in a difficult situation when they wish to outline the proper historical facts behind the sur-viving legends If historians deal with texts concerning Bodhidharma as docu-ments from which they need to find historical facts then the research method can lead to misleading results As Bernard Faure very aptly commented ldquooften enough after this mortuary washing only a skeleton remains and it is this skel-eton that will enter the museum of history In fact some missing bones may have to be taken from other skeletons to complete the exhibitrdquo (1986 p 188)

Textual sources about Bodhidharmarsquos life are greatly inconsistent To avoid confusion I will summarize his life-story including all the available legends that surround Bodhidharma with occasional reference to the controversies and the original sources of the legends mentioned in the footnotes

Bodhidharma (c 470ndash532) founder of Chan Buddhism arrived in Canton

Bod

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his left arm and presented it to Bodhidharma in an attempt to make him speak Finally he had Bodhidharmarsquos attention

There is no peace in my mind Please calm down my mind ndash asked HuikePut it in front of me then I will calm it down ndash replied BodhidharmaBut where shall I look for my mind ndash asked Huike ndash I donrsquot find it anywhereThere now ndash answered Bodhidharma ndash I have already calmed it down

Huike in this moment gained enlightenment16 One day Bodhidharma felt the urge to go back to India so he asked all his disciples to tell him what they had learnt from his teachings and how much they had understood17 When the disciples recounted their interpretations one by one Bodhidharma told Daofu ldquoYou only grasped the skinrdquo To nun Zongchi ldquoyou only grasped the bonerdquo Then to Huike ldquoYou grasped the marrowrdquo Thus Huike became the second Chinese Chan patriarch after Bodhidharma who is considered the 28th Patriarch of Chan Buddhism18 This identification follows a story which traces the Chan teachings back to the Buddha himself and how one day as he was sit-ting on a hill and without saying a word picked out a kumbala flower Nobody understood its significance except Mahakashyapa who became his successor the second patriarch after Shakyamuni Buddha Following an uninterrupted line Bodhidharma is the 28th in the Indian lineage and the first in the Chinese lineage of the Chan patriarchate19 Bodhidharma died before he could return to his homeland some say his rivals poisoned him20 He was buried in North

16 For more on Huike see Chapin 1945ndash1946 The calming of the mind (or in other words anxin dialogue first appears in the middle of the 10th century (See Zutang ji (Anthology of the Patriarch Hall) dated 952)

17 The number of his disciples differs across written sources In the first versions of the legend he only mentioned two disciples See Xu gaoseng zhuan (645) Chuan fabao ji (710) Lengqie shizi ji (c 730) From the second half of the 8th century three are mentioned in Lidai fabao ji (740) and four in Baolin zhuan (801) Zutang ji (952) Jingde chuandeng lu (1004) and in Chuan fa zhengzong ji (1061) Still he only has one disciple in Liuzu tan jing (c 830) and Song gaoseng zhuan (988) The first mention of the ldquoflesh bones and marrowrdquo story is in the Lidai fabao ji (774) thereafter it became a common part of the legend

18 The enumeration of the patriarchs first appeared in the Baolin zhuan (801) according to which Bodhidharma is considered 28th in line Later this numbering became widely accepted

19 Dafan tianwang wenfa jieyi jing (T 2006 p 48 325b7ndash12) Nukariya Kaiten writes that ldquothe book in which this incident is described is entitled Sutra on the Great Brahman Kingrsquos Questioning Buddha to Dispel a Doubt but there exists no original text or any Chinese translation in the Tripitaka It is highly probable that some early Chinese Chan scholar of the [Northern] Song dynasty (960ndash1126) fabricated the tradition because Wang An-shih a powerful minister under the emperor Shen-tsung is said to have seen a book in the Imperial Library There is however no evidence as far as we know pointing to the existence of the Sutra in China In Japan there exist in manuscript form two different translations of that book kept in secret veneration by some Zen masters which have been proved to be fictitious by the present writer after his close examination of the contentsrdquo (Kaiten 1913 p 3)

20 On Bodhidharmarsquos poisoning the earliest surviving document is from the 8th century (Chuan fabao ji c 710)

A special transmission outside the scripturesNot depending on words and lettersDirectly pointing to the humanrsquos mindUnderstanding onersquos own nature12

There is a legend which tells how once during meditation Bodhidharma was overcome by drowsiness and became so angry that he tore off his eyelids from which grew a tea shrub with the leaves that were used to provide a refreshing drink throughout East Asia13 And as he spent so much time without mov-ing his legs and arms atrophied and fell off14 But still he was also consid-ered as the founder of the famous martial art Shaolin gongfu (kungfu)15 While Bodhidharma was sitting meditating in the cave a man Senguang later known as Huike came asked him to accept him as a disciple and begged to be taught by the master however Bodhidharma failed to notice him It was snowing heav-ily but Huike continued to wait patiently outside the cave for Bodhidharma to respond and then in final despair and as a mark of sincere intention he cut off

12 My translation differs slightly from versions found in several different publications The important emphasis on personal experience versus written words was very possibly a Daoist influence (Laozi 1994)

13 I have not found the original version of this legend in the primary sources I have collected This episode might be an early 20th-century European creation possibly the result of an incorrect translation made by Engelbert Kaempfer (1651ndash1716) a German traveller and physician After Kaempfers death his mostly unpublished manuscripts were bought by Sir Hans Sloane and taken to England Among them was a History of Japan translated from the manuscript into English by JG Scheuchzer and published in London in 2 vols in 1727 The original German remains unpub-lished the extant German version being taken from the English (Engelbert Kaempfer MD (1727) The History of Japan Together with a Description of the Kingdom of Siam transl JG Scheuchzer 1906 James MacLehose eds reprint AMS New York 3 volumes) courtesy of Dr John Jor-gensen (Griffith University Australia) through personal communication in April 2007

14 This accounts for the armless and legless round-shaped popular dolls of Bodhidharma the so-called ldquoDaruma dollsrdquo found in Japan This episode is also not found in the primary written sources I con-sider it a secondary addition to the legend and some existing visual sources In my opinion there were some dolls shaped like the ldquowould-be Daruma dollsrdquo before people started to identify those dolls with the meditation monk who spent nine years in meditation without moving As the original meanings of such roly-poly dolls faded they gained popularity with the new meaning and the makers of such dolls deliberately altered the old form to fit the new meaning The oldest object I have come across in the form of a round-shaped legless and armless figure is a glazed earthenware whistle sancai from a Tang dynasty tomb (Pacific Asia Museum Pasadena California object number 1995 1025)

15 The text called Yijin Jing which was said to have been found in the Qing period (1644ndash1911) in Shaolin Temple and related to Bodhidharma stresses the cultivation of the body as well as the mind an idea which probably comes from Daoism The Lokapalas (Defenders of the Buddhist Law) in East Asian iconography are said to have shown a defending pose the arhat-pose associ-ated with the later gongfu [kung-fu] (Kim Cheol 1986 p 171) In Shaolin Temple in the Hall of the White Robe Avalokiteśvara a wall painting shows Indian and Chinese monks practising gongfu [kung-fu] (No date given by Choi 1995 p 76) Military monks used concentration and special mental techniques in martial arts This might be a reason why the warrior rulers the shōguns and the samurai in Japan favoured Zen Buddhism About the idea of Dao [Tao] as used for martial arts in East Asian Aesthetics and Art Theories (Nishiyama 1992 p 141ndash148)

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182 183

from the West and in addition that not only were tales about Western monks and religious figures mixed into the legend but that indigenous Chinese myths and beliefs were too as well as acting as a conduit for aspirations of religious power And as a later phenomenon there are accounts of Christian mission-aries who believed this man from the West was familiar with Christianity or more precisely that he was a Christian apostle (Faure 1993)

Iconography of Bodhidharma

Turning to the visual sources of Bodhidharma first we should describe the dif-ferent iconographical types of Bodhidharma and show examples of them from China Korea and Japan

Even for those familiar with the images of East Asia sometimes it is very dif-ficult to name depicted figures because of the lack of inscriptions especially in the late phases of the development of certain iconographies This is due to the tendency of using pre-existing patterns and giving them new meaning as was the case in the Western culture during the early Middle Ages when the pagan Apollo figure was used to represent Jesus Christ Rather than inventing completely new imagery combining existing intellectual and religious systems is an easier way to proceed Therefore we often find that artists were inspired by previous visual models rather than relying primarily on textual sources In many cases these textual sources themselves were also inspired by previous visual representations As the meaning of the depicted figure changed in soci-ety and in the mind of the artist inevitably certain forms merged and new pic-torial representations were produced Being careful with the identification of the earliest images is most important because they can give us vital clues for the history of certain iconographic types

Among the earliest images there are two distinct iconographic types which later became entangled One is a beardless figure in the other the more popu-lar representation Bodhidharma appears as a hairy bearded man with a stocky build exaggerated foreign features often wearing a hood The majority of the images of Bodhidharma are a half body or bust portrait The remaining group includes full body portraits where we can differentiate between standing and sitting images Among the standing images we find Bodhidharma crossing the Yangzi River on a reed carrying one shoe or sandal or a combination of the two themes or sometimes without any such objects Among sitting images we find Bodhidharma in a chair (especially in the earliest periods) or sitting in meditation occurring either in a landscape or entirely removed from time and space with no background or sense of surroundings The landscape set-ting varies For instance there is Bodhidharma in a cave (a more common

China on a mountain called Xiangershan (Bear Ear Mountain) Not long after his death a Chinese Wei official Song Yun21 on his way back to China having been sent by the empress dowager to search for Buddhist works encountered Bodhidharma on Congling (Onion Range) in the Pamir Mountains travelling in the direction of India holding one sandal22 When Song Yun told this story to the emperor Bodhidharmarsquos tomb was opened but nothing was found in the tomb except for a single sandal of the pair that Bodhidharma had been car-rying It is also known from legend that Bodhidharma was reborn as a beggar in Japan where he met Shōtoku Taishi the famous prince a great patron and champion of Buddhism in Japan at the Kataoka crossroads23 They exchanged poems and the prince gave him his mantle just as in Western tradition St Martin shares his cloak with a beggar who he recognizes as Jesus Christ The following day the prince ordered his servants to check on the man he had met but they told him that the beggar had died When the prince heard this story he became very sad and explained to his servants that the man he met was not a simple beggar but a saint He buried him and later sent a messenger to the tomb who returned with the news that the body had vanished and all that was there was the mantle given by the prince

The Textual Sources in the Light of the Nature of the Bodhidharma legend

There are many biographical accounts of Bodhidharma and several works attributed to him But we now know the majority of these works to be apoc-ryphal (Sekiguchi 1957) Some scholars such as Feng Youlan [Fung Yu-lan] (1953) and Paul Pelliot (1923) deny his historical existence and consider Bodhidharma a fictious character for religious purposes My opinion is close to these scholars but I do not deny so absolutely the lack of truth behind the leg-ends or consider them a deliberate ldquolierdquo Based on the Bodhidharma legends in literary and pictorial sources we can suppose the existence of monks who travelled to China from the West with the aim of spreading Buddhist doctrine in the East During the course of my research I have become convinced that the personality of Bodhidharma is an amalgamation of several persons coming

21 His travel record has been translated by Samuel Beal Travels of Fa-hsien and Sung-yun Buddhist Pilgrims from China to India London 1869 (Yampolsky 1967 p 10ndash11)

22 Bodhidharmarsquos meeting with the Wei official first appears in the Xu gaoseng zhuan (645) But reference to the sandal to claim the authenticity of identification of the man in the Pamirs with Bodhidharma only appears in textual sources from the end of the 8th century ( Lidai fabao ji 774)

23 The original story which served as the basis of this tale is in Nihon Shoki (Chronicle of Japan) written in 720 The identification of the beggar with Bodhidharma had already appeared in the 8th century (Ihon Jōgū Taishiden dated 771) Further details in Nishimura 1985 299-310

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version)24 situated under a tree25 or the combination of the two According to the type of representation we can differentiate between en-face three-quarter profile profile portraits and representations showing Bodhidharma from the back Within the simplified profile and back portraits in set against a timeless and spaceless background there developed a specific iconographic type the ldquoone-brushstroke Bodhidharmardquo which together with the circle (Jp ensō) had an interesting religious-spiritual significance in Chan Buddhism Depending on context one finds single Bodhidharma pictures as well as pictures that form part of a group and sometimes examples where he is represented on the middle panel of a triptych Among these the oldest type is the group representation Maintained genealogy was not the only reason for group portraits The multi-plication of images also had a religious-spiritual significance

Bodhidharma in KoreaPrevious researches on Korean Seon Painting

Compared to the published material and related pictorial art on the Chinese and Japanese meditation school there are only a few sources available on Seon the Korean meditation school There are not enough studies in Western lan-guages that view Buddhism in East Asia including Korea in detail This is partly because of the official ideology of the relatively recent Joseon dynasty (1392ndash1910) was based on Neo-Confucianism with Buddhism a reduced pres-ence following the immense political power Buddhist monasteries had held in the previous period (Goryeo 935ndash1392) when the clergy of the monasteries actively participated in politics

There is little research on the artistic practice associated with Korean medi-tational Buddhism which is more neglected than the religious doctrinal aspects of Seon There is virtually no material on this topic in Western languages but the few sources available in Korean are not always critical but do make a great contribution to our knowledge and provide good reference materials

Gim Myeongguk (Kim Myeongguk) and the problem of Bodhidharma as Huineng

The earliest surviving pictures of Bodhidharma made by Korean masters are from the 16th and the 17th centuries and have a strong connection with Japan

24 Apart from the fact that cave temples were common in India and China their symbolism also plays a role in the interpretation of Bodhidharma imagery

25 Sitting under a tree is a reference to Shakyamuni Buddharsquos enlightenment But the activity is also associated with Buddharsquos contemporary Mahavira the founder of Jainism (Eliade 1997 p 71)

Bod

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Fig 3

Unknown painter Huineng

(from Sancaituhui) Ming

period (1609) print

Reproduced in Sancaituhui

edited by Wang Qi

and Wang Siyi 317

Fig 4

Unknown painter

Bodhidharma with Huike

Joseon period wall painting

Geukrakjeon Daewonsa

Boseong South Jeolla

Province Republic of Korea

186 187

Among them the most famous are Gim Myeonggukrsquos (c 1600ndashafter 1662)26 Bodhidharma paintings which long remained a model for the later artists approaching the theme Gim Myeongguk was a member of the Dohwaseo Royal Painting Institute His contemporaries described him as a carefree drunkard a characterization that corresponds to the Chinese image of the eccentric artist and we know that during his stay in Japan his paintingsrsquo broad forceful brush-strokes suggest such an eccentricity27

In 1637 and 1643 Gim Myeongguk visited Japan as a member of an offi-cial delegation28 It has been said that like Han Sigak he was probably drawn to ZenSeon Buddhist figure painting through commissions from Japanese patrons who generally preferred Buddhist themes (Yi Tong-ju 1973 p 54-58) Many of his paintings held in Japanese collections are of this genre whereas contemporary painting in Korea was dominated by secular themes The style of both Gim Myeonggukrsquos landscapes and his figure paintings is very similar to that of the Chinese Zhe School particularly the works of the eccentric Wu Wei The Seoul National Museum has the most impressive example in this style and his most famous painting of Bodhidharma where the patriarch is captured with a few forceful yet delicate brushstrokes

Among Gim Myeonggukrsquos Bodhidharma paintings a triptychrsquos central panel in the Tokyo National University of Arts shows the Bodhidharma cross-ing water on a reed (Fig 2) His head is covered with a dark hood which is most unusual in this kind of representation yet we can find its source in the famous Ming Chinese printed book Sancai tuhui [Kor Samjaedohwi] an impor-tant resource for the artists with illustrations of famous Daoist and Buddhist masters on every page In this book the Sixth Chan patriarch Huineng is seen in a dark hood and similar facial expressions29 so we might suppose that Gim Myeongguk had used this pattern book adding a little modification to suit his subject (Fig 3) Using Huinengrsquos iconography based on the Sancai tuhui and followed by the Xianfo qizong [Kor Hongssiseonbulgijong] printed in 1602 the

26 According to the ldquoDongguk Munheon rokrdquo (Collection of Records of the Eastern Countries) chapter ldquoHwaga pyeonrdquo (Chapter on painters) his family comes from Ansan also called Yeonseong So maybe this is the origin of his pen name Yeondam (Lotus pond) But as he was connected to Buddhism the lotus in his pen name probably had Buddhist significance His other names were Cheonrsquoyeo (heavenly water) and Chui ong (drunken old man) (O SeChang chapter on Gim Myeongguk) Unfortunately we donrsquot have many written sources on him his birth and death dates are unknown He used three differently written forms of ldquoMyeongrdquo in his name but according to recent research there was no consistency in the way he used the different characters in his name so they do not help date his paintings (Deoksu 1999 see table for the chronology of his use of different characters p 49)

27 We know several stories about him written by Nam Yuyong (1698 ndash 1773) in the collection called Noe Yeon jip (Nam Yuyong Noeyeonjip Jinhwisok ko pp 35ndash36)

28 He stayed for ten months in 163729 Huinengrsquos dark hood existed as a visual formula from the 12th century where we can see Huineng

represented among the patriarchs wearing a separate hood which was darkened in later copies

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Fig 5

Unknown painter Bodhidharma

with Huike Joseon period

wall painting 267sum140 cm

Eungjinjeon Tongdosa Yangsan

city South Gyeongsang

Province Republic of Korea

Fig 6

Unknown painter Bodhidharma

Ming period rubbing from a

stone relief Shaolin Monastery

Songshan Henan Province

Peoplersquos Republic of China

188 189

hood is no darker than the robe itself which we also find in other represen-tations of Bodhidharma The wall painting of the Geukrak Hall of Daewon temple in South Jeolla province shows Bodhidharma with the same features as the image of Huineng seen in both model books but we can be sure about the identity of the figure in the wall painting as it shows Huike presenting Bodhidharma a severed arm (Fig 4)

The ldquoOriginalrdquo Model from Shaolin Monastery

Other paintings showing Bodhidharma with Huike are quite different from the one discussed above One of Korearsquos three most famous temples the Tongdosa has a wall painting dated around 1670 where a bearded figure with large eyes is seen in profile sitting on a straw mat under a pine tree and holding a begging bowl A young noticeably smaller monk holds a book and bows before the seated man (Fig 5) There is no hint of the removed arm but then how do we know that this person is Bodhidharma Our question leads us back to China to the model preserved at the famous Shaolin monastery a place strongly connected with Bodhidharma him-self The image preserved here shows its subject in the same posture as the seated figure in the wall painting (Fig 6) Recently in 1992 the same face type was used as a model for a commission by a Chinese artist on a Bodhidharma sculpture for the Waujeong temple in Gyeonggi province in Korea (Fig 7)30 In Korearsquos other famous monastery the Haeinsa where the printing blocks of the Buddhist canon the Tripitaka Koreana are kept there is another Bodhidharma painting from the Joseon period which bears a resemblance to the wall painting at Tongdosa We can see its influence on other Bodhidharma paintings too where the facial expressions are similar though the setting is different (eg the painting in the Emille Museum)

Gim Hongdo (Kim Hongdo) and the Problems of Bodhidharma as an Immortal

In the oeuvre of another famous Korean artist Gim Hongdo (1745ndashafter 1814) who is considered one of the most outstanding artists of the Joseon period (1392ndash1910) we find paintings showing figures standing or sitting on a reed One of them where the figure is standing on a reed bears an inscription ldquoPicture of crossing the sea on a reedrdquo (Fig 8) Even though we know stories from Japan claiming that Bodhidharma actually crossed the sea and went to Japan this tra-dition can be also traced back to the depiction of the Daoist immortalsrsquo cross-ing the sea and has a long history in iconography that predates Bodhidharmarsquos

30 In the Korean Seon Buddhist magazine Seon Munhwa (Pyeon Jippu 2002 20ndash21) we read that the erection a sculpture made in China was an attempt to access the ldquorealrdquo image of Bodhidharma while also using the most authentic Chinese sources

Bod

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Fig 7

Chinese sculptor (name

unknown) Bodhidharma

Sculpture in Korea 1992

[bronze] Waujeongsa

Yeongin Gyeonggi Province

Republic of Korea Photograph

taken by the author in 2006

Fig 8

Gim Hongdo (1745-1806)

Standing Figure on a Reed

19th century inscription

ldquoCrossing the sea on a reedrdquo

Colors on paper

Gansong Art Gallery Seoul

Reproduced in Choi Seon-taek

[Korean Seon Painting] pl 40

190 191

appearance In the case of Gim Hongdo we know that he painted Daoist topics too And if we look at the figure in his painting we see his East Asian rather than Western features and the fur around his waist which also suggests immor-tal qualities (as a parallel see Shen Choursquos painting of an immortal from China in the Nelson-Atkins Museum) The other painting shows a young boy sitting and sleeping on a reed a topic which was also popular among artists in 18th century Korea (see Sim Sajeongrsquos (1707ndash1769) painting of a similar theme) but even though there is still some confusion in identifying this crossing fig-ure with Bodhidharma (Kim Nami 2000 90ndash91) It is very probable that the young seated figure follows the iconography of an immortal (see other young immortal figures crossing seated without a reed) This is supported by the fact that Gim Hongdo painted very similar scenes of immortals crossing water for instance one such immortal crossing on a shrimp (Fig 9)

However the strongly held view is that Gim Hongdorsquos crossing paintings representing Bodhidharma resulted in later images using this iconography either showing Bodhidharma as a young boy or showing Bodhidharmarsquos cross-ing on a reed in a seated position

We have seen from the above examples that the identification of a certain per-sonality in visual arts is interlinked with the beliefs of a given society adding new qualities to an existing legend In the case of Korean Bodhidharma imagery the tradition of arhat paintings and the Daoist immortals was a great contribution and the existence of illustrative models and pattern books are evident though their use was not always from first-hand and there was a degree of freedom in their recon-figuration as seen in the use of Huinengrsquos model in an image of Bodhidharma

Bodhidharma Images in Contemporary South Korea

Anyone who visits Korea soon encounters the representations of Bodhidharma His figure and legend are usually represented in Buddhist temples but a recent phe-nomenon has taken his figure more and more into the secular and semi-secular context such as souvenir shops not only in the vicinity of temples but in other tour-istic areas and frequently visited places like at motorway service stations or even tube stations and restaurants Popular womenrsquos magazines and television channels often carry advertisements for Bodhidharma painters offering potential well-being

Many scholarly studies have been conducted about Bodhidharma but how the image of Bodhidharma came to be commercialized it is still an understud-ied side to the area As is how the Bodhidharmarsquos representations were distrib-uted in East Asia and influenced local imagination and further representations Also worthy of attention of visual arts scholars is how certain models were used in reproducing new objects with the intent of selling them to the wider public a real phenomenon in contemporary Korea This is similar to Japan in inten-tion but the chosen sources for promoting this saintly figure are very different

Bod

hidharm

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orea and Jap

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Fig 9

Gim Hongdo (1745-

1806) Immortal

crossing the sea on

a shrimp Ink and

light colors on paper

331sum41 cm Sun

Moon University

Museum Collection

(Sun Moon Collection

2001 pl83 p280)

Fig 10

Katsushika Hokusai

(1760-1849) Big

Daruma ca 1817 ink

on paper Reproduced

in Timon Screech

The Lens Within the

Heart The Western

Scientific Gaze and

Popular Imagery in

Later Edo Japan

London Routledge

Curzon 2002 p 243

pl140

192 193

The manner in which Bodhidharma images enter the secular world differs con-siderably between the Japanese islands and Korea

When we look at the ways Bodhidharma images are popularized in modern and contemporary East Asia we find some basic differences between China Korea and Japan

Among these countries Japan was the first one to popularize Bodhidharma on a large scale not only in simplified ink paintings usually executed by monk paint-ers and in popular colour prints but in a form of a roly-poly doll called Daruma

The transformation of the image of a religious founder into a doll is an interesting phenomenon which only appeared in Japan and this form of representation entered Korea as a symbol of Japaneseness rather than the representation of Bodhidharma himself (for example as a sign in Japanese restaurants like the waving cat)

In China the popularization of Bodhidharma only happened recently but here the visual appearance does not play as such an important role as it does in Japan or Korea Here the cult flourishes especially around the Shaolin mon-astery and mainly among martial arts practitioners to whom Bodhidharma is venerated as the founder of Shaolin kungfu

In Korea producing Bodhidharma images and objects was a fashion in the last decades and increased considerably in the last couple of years It started in 1988 with the Seoul Olympics when the so-called gold cards were launched the market These gold cards are small cards painted with real gold paint usu-ally with some lucky representations like the twelve Oriental zodiac animals Taoist talismans and for Westerners four-leaf clovers images of Jesus Christ but more and more with the image of Bodhidharma

Contemporary painters also turned towards the image of the saint and we find not only monks but some professional painters also started to revitalize his image We clearly see this not only in art shops and exhibitions but also in the publica-tions of several books and albums devoted exclusively to Bodhidharma paintings31

The structure of these books is the same where each painting (usually 100 or more often 108) is followed by a poem or explanation related to the legend or some Buddhist teaching These books often combine the pattern book for-mat with the drawing manual with tips on how to draw Bodhidharma Korean painters of Bodhidharma generally use such pattern books together with other publications on Buddhist imagery and in many cases it is obvious where their models came from showing clear formal affinities with their models However at the same time spontaneous ink paintings require some expression from the artist thus making them very personal and spiritually charged pieces

31 For example Hong Ip-Yo Yi Byoung-kyo Dalmado (Bodhidharma-paintings) Seoul Jayu Segye Publ 1993 Gim Chrsquoangbae Hangukeui Dalmado (Korean Bodhidhma Paintings) Seoul Ehwa Munhwa Publishing 1999 Gim Nami Geurimeuro mannaneun Dalma (Meeting Bodhidharma on Pictures) Seoul Shikongsa Publ 2000 Beomju seunim Dalma seonmuk (Monk Beomju Ink Paintings of Bodhidharma) Seoul Hakmunsa Publishing 2001 Yu Hyeongjae 108 Dalma (108 Bodhidharma) Seoul Baekam Publishing 2002

Bod

hidharm

a in China K

orea and Jap

anMod

els for representations

and com

mercialization of the legend

ary founder of C

han Bud

dhism

in East A

siaB

eatr

ix M

ecsi

When talking about popularization we have to mention the importance of major public events and how some artists have used these occasions to propa-gate the image of Bodhidharma

In 2002 when Korea and Japan held the FIFA World Cup monk-painter Gim Dongseong (b 1954) showed his new works in both countries representing Bodhidharma with a football updating the figure in a manner appropriate for the event However he also included a philosophical explanation for his paintings referring to the basic qualities and shared pronunciation for the word ldquoballrdquo (Kor gong) and emptiness (also gong) an important concept in Buddhism (Skt śunyata)

In 2005 during the International APEC (Asian Pacific Economic Cooperation) meeting in Busan monk Beomju (b 1943) made a public performance by making a huge Bodhidharma painting Painting large scale Bodhidharma images for public events can be traced back to earlier traditions It is recorded that the famous Ukiyo-e artist Hokusai (1760ndash1849) also made a similarly giant image in year 1804 (Fig 10)32

Painting Bodhidharma as a performance is not so rare among Korean monk-artists and Jung Gwang the ldquomad monkrdquo (1934ndash2002) who gained interna-tional reputation with his daring Bodhidharma paintings and performances even influenced contemporary expressionist art in the West

In sum in Korean visual arts and Buddhism there is a burgeoning trend in the production and distribution of images of the first Chan patriarch which requires an attempt to understand it in the context of its inner developments and history while placing it within the larger context of other Asian countries

Bibliography

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Addiss S and Seo A Y (1998) The Art of 20th Century Zen Paintings and Calligraphy by Japanese Masters Boston Shambala

AwAkAwA Y (1970) Zen Painting Tokyo Kodansha InternationalBDK English Tripitaka (2006) Numata Center for Buddhist TraditionBukkyō Daijiten (1933) compiled by Mochizuki ShinkyōBukkyō Daijiten HakkōshoBArnet S and Burto W (1982) Zen Ink Paintings Tokyo KodanshaBelting H (1987) The End of the History of Art (trans C Wood) Chicago University of Chicago

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Bodhidharma] Seoul Hakmunsa[Boun Jippu] 보운 집부 (2002) ldquo1300yeonyeonmane Dalma daesa uri nara e bongrsquoandwaedardquo

1300 여년만에 달마 대사 우리나라에 봉안되다 [ldquoIt was more than 1300 years since Grand Master Bodhidharma was enshrined in Koreardquo] Seon Munhwa 4 p 20ndash21

Brinker H (1973) Die Zen-buddhistische Bildnismalerei in China und Japan Muumlnchener Ostasiatische Studien vol 10 Wiesbaden Franz Steiner

32 Kōriki Enkōan from Hokusai taiga sokusho saizu c 1817 Nagoya City Museum

194 195

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mdash (1993) Chan Insights and Oversights (An Epistemological Critique of the Chan Tradition) Princeton New Jersey Princeton University Press

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California Stanford University Pressmdash (2003) ldquoLa double vie du patriacherdquo in Kyburz J A et al (eds) Eloge des sources

Reflets du Japon ancien et moderne Paris Editions Philippe Picquier p 509ndash538Fo-jih Chi-sung (1007-1072) and Tōrei Enji (1721ndash1792) Damoduolo Chanjing 達摩多羅禪

經 [ldquoBodhidharma Zen Sūtrardquo] (1964) Taishō Shinshū Daizōkyō Kankokai 大正新脩大蔵蔵 [ldquoTripitaka in Chineserdquo] Tōkyō Taishō Issaikyō Kankōkai (T15 No618)

Foulk G T and Sharf R H (1993ndash1994) ldquoOn the Ritual Use of Chrsquoan Portraiture in Medieval Chinardquo in Cahiers drsquoExtrecircme-Asie [Revue bilingue de lrsquoEcole Franccedilaise drsquoExtrecircme Orient Section de Kyoto] Special Issue Chrsquoan Zen Studies vol 7 p 155ndash219

Fontein J and Hickman M L (1970) Zen Painting and Calligraphy Boston Museum of Fine Arts

Fromm E Suzuki DT and DeMartino R (1960) Zen Buddhism and Psychoanalysis New York Harper and Row

gernet J (1949) Les entretiens du maicirctre de dhyāna Chen-houei du Ho-tsouml (668-760) Paris Adrian Maisonneuve

gomBrich E H (1960) Art and Illusion A Study in the Psychology of Pictorial Representation London Phaidon

mdash (1982) The Image and the Eye Further studies in the Psychology of Pictorial Representation London Phaidon

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grAnoFF PH and shinohArA K (1988) Monks and Magicians Religious Biographies in Asia Motilal Banarsidass India

heine S and Wright D S (eds) (2004) The Zen Canon Oxford Oxford University Press[Hong Ip-ik and Yi Byeong-gyo] 홍입익middot이병교 (1993) Dalmado Hwabeop immun gamsang

baektae 달마도 畵法入門 鑑賞百態 [Painting Bodhidharma hundred great ways to achieve enlightenment through painting] Seoul Jayu Segye

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기종 [Marvellous tales of immortals] Sakbuk JayuhisAmAtsu S (1971) Zen and Fine Arts from original Zen to Bijutsu (trans T Gishin) Tokyo

Kodansha Internationalhu S (1953) ldquoChan (Zen) Buddhism in China Its History and Methodrdquo in Philosophy East and

West vol 3 nordm 1 p 3ndash24mdash (1994) ldquoPutidamo gaordquo in Hu Shih Wencun Taibei Yuanliu Khuban Shiyegufen Youxian

Gongsi c Ltd vol12 p 137ndash150hyers C (1973) Zen and the Comic Spirit Philadelphia Westminster Press

Brinker H (1994) Zen in der Kunst des Malens Bern Muumlnchen Wien Otto Wilhelm Barth Verlag

Brinker H and Kanazawa H (1996) Zen Masters of Meditation in Images and Writings Based on a Catalogue of an Exhibition at the Museum Rietberg and Kyoto National Museum

Brinker H Kramers R P and Ouwehand C (eds) (1982) Zen in China Japan East Asian Art Papers of the International Symposium on Zen Zuumlrich University

BAten L (1992) Japanese Folktoys The Playful Arts Tokyo ShufunotomoBuddhist Paintings of Korea (1997ndash2004) Seoul Buddhist Cultural Properties Research

Institute vols1ndash31Buswell R (1992) The Zen Monastic Experience Buddhist Practice in Contemporary Korea

Princeton Princeton University PresscAhill J (1983) ldquoTypes of Text-Object Relationships in Chinese Artrdquo in 31st International

Congress of Human Sciences in Asia and North America (CIISHAN) Abstracts of Papers TōkyōTōhō Gakkai vol 2 p 276

cAssirer E (1953) The Philosophy of Symbolic Forms Vol1 Language (trans R Mannheim) New Haven Yale University Press

[Chang Hee-jeong] 張姬貞 (1996) Joseon hugi Jogyesan jiyeok bulhwaeui yeonrsquogu 朝鮮 後

期 曹溪山地域 佛畵의 硏究 ldquoA Study of Buddhist Paintings of Late Joseon dynasty in Monasteries on Mt Chogyerdquo in Misul Sahak Yeonrsquogu nordm 210 p 71ndash104

chApin H B (1945ndash1946) ldquoThree Early Portraits of Bodhidharmardquo in Archives of the Chinese Art Society of America nordm 1 p 66ndash95

[Choi Seok-hwan] 최석환 (2002) ldquoDalmawa yutopiardquo 달마와 유토피아 [ldquoBodhidharma and Utopiardquo] in Seon Munhwa nordm 4 p 26ndash31

[Choi Sun-taek] 최순택 (1995) Dalmadorsquoeui segye 達磨圖의 世界 [The world of Bodhidharma-paintings] Seoul Hakmunsa

mdash ldquoDalmadorsquoeui yeonrsquogurdquo 達磨圖의 硏究 (1996) [ldquoResearch on Bodhidharma-paintingsrdquo] in Gukje seonmuhakhoe 國際禪武學會 [International Association of Zen and Martial Arts] vol 5 nordm 1 p 21ndash107

mdash Hangukeui seonseohwa 한국의 선서화 (1998) [Korean Seon Painting] Seoul Hakmun[Choi Wan-su] 최완수 (1996) Seokjeong sohwajip 석정 소화집 [Painting collection of monk

Seokjeong] Seoul BeomhaDaruma ten 達磨展 (1988) [ldquoBodhidharma Exhibitionrdquo] Tōkyō Shinjuku Isetan Bijutsukan

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Philosophy History and Symbolism of the Buddhist Martial Art within India and China York Beach Samuel Weiser

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eliAde M (1997 [1978]) Vallaacutesi hiedelmek eacutes eszmeacutek toumlrteacutenete (original title Histoire des croy-ances et des ideacutees religieuses) Budapest Osiris Kiadoacute

FAure B (1986) ldquoBodhidharma as a Textual and Religious Paradigmrdquo in History of Religions vol 25 nordm3 p 187ndash198

Bod

hidharm

a in China K

orea and Jap

anMod

els for representations

and com

mercialization of the legend

ary founder of C

han Bud

dhism

in East A

siaB

eatr

ix M

ecsi

196 197

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Jing A (1996) ldquoThe Eight Immortals The Transformation of Trsquoang and Sung Taoist Eccentrics during the Yuumlan dynastyrdquo in Hearn M K and Smith J G (eds) Arts of The Sung and Yuumlan New York Metropolitan Museum of Art p 213ndash227

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[Kim Hye-jeong] 김혜정 (2002) ldquoDalma Chukgu gongeul deulda Dongseong seunimeui Dalmadordquo달마 축구공을 들다 동성스님의 달마도 [ldquoBodhidharma holds a footballrdquo] Seon Munhwa vol 4 p 22ndash25

[Kim Na-mi] 김나미 (2000) Geurimeuro mannaneun Dalma 그림으로 만나는 달마 [Meeting Bodhidharma on pictures] Seoul Shikongsa

[Kim Yong-jae] 김영재 (2001) Bulgyo misureul boneun nun 불교미술을 보는 눈 [Eye for Buddhist art] Seoul Sakyejul

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koderA T J (1980) Dōgenrsquos Formative Years in China London Routledge and Kegan Paul[Kōjō] 光定 (1964) ldquoDenjutsu Isshin Kaimonrdquo 伝述一心戒文 (ldquoThe Record of the Precepts in a

Mindrdquo) in Taishō Shinshū Daizōkyō Kankokai 大正新脩大蔵経 [ldquoTripitaka in Chineserdquo] Tokyo Taisho Issaikyo Kankokai nordm 74 p 639

[Kōkan Shiren] 虎関師錬 (1278-1348) (1921ndash1922) Genkō Shakusho 元亨釈書 [Buddhist his-tory of the Genkō era] vol15ndash16 Takakusu Junjirō et al (eds) Dai Nihon Bukkyō zensho Tōkyō Yoseido Reprinted Suzuki gakujutsu zaidan edition Tōkyō Kodansha 1970ndash1973 vol 62 p 66ndash230

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[Kwanjo Monk] 관조스님 (1999) Sachrsquoal Byeokhwa 사찰 벽화 [The mural paintings of Buddhist

temples] Seoul Misul Munhwa [Photographs]lAchmAn C (1993) ldquoWhy Did the Patriarch Cross the River The Rushleaf Bodhidharma

Reconsideredrdquo in Asia Major nordm 6 p 237ndash268lAncAster L R (1983) The Dirty Mop Unlimited Action Paintings and Poems by Jung Kwang the

Mad Monk Berkeley and Seoul Asian Humanities Press and Po Chin ChailAo-ce (1994) Tao Te King Az Uacutet eacutes Ereacuteny koumlnyve (Original title Laozi Daode qing (trans

Weoumlres Saacutendor and Tőkei Ferenc) Budapest TericumlopeZ D Jr (ed) (1995) Curators of the Buddha The Study of Buddhism Under Colonialism

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living cultural asset no48] (2002) Seoul BongwonsamArosi E (1995) Keacutep eacutes hasonmaacutes Műveacuteszet eacutes valoacutesaacuteg a 14-15 szaacutezadi Magyarorszaacutegon [Image

and likeness Art and reality in the 14th and 15th centuries in Hungary] Budapest Akadeacutemiai KiadoacutemcFArlAnd H N (1986) ldquoFeminine Motifs in Bodhidharma Symbology in Japanrdquo in Asian

Folklore Studies [Nagoya Asian Folklore Institute] nordm 14 p 167ndash191mdash (1987) Daruma The Founder of Zen in Japanese Art and Popular Culture Tokyo and New York

Kodansha InternationalmcrAe J (2001) ldquoReligion as Revolution in Chinese Historiography Hu Shih (1891-1962) on

Shen-Hui (684-758)rdquo in Cahiers drsquoExtrecircme-Asie nordm 12 p 59ndash102mecsi B (1999) ldquoHogyan lett a szentből jaacuteteacutekbabardquo [ldquoHow did a saint become a dollrdquo]

Műhely [Atelier] p 116ndash118mdash (2000) ldquoHogyan eacuterkezett Bodhidharma Japaacutenbardquo [ldquoHow did Bodhidharma arrive

to Japanrdquo] in Orientalista Nap MTA Orientalisztikai Bizottsaacuteg amp ELTE Budapest p 120ndash126 and 245ndash257

mdash (2003) ldquoIdentification problems of Korean Bodhidharma-paintingsrdquo University of Rome ldquoLa Sapienziardquo Faculty of Oriental Studies 21st AKSE Conference-papers p 155ndash162

mdash 2005 ldquoWhy did Bodhidharma Come from the West Origins of Representations of the First Zen Patriarchrdquo in Proceedings of the Hawaii International Conference on Arts and Humanities

mdash (2007) ldquoBodhidharma Images in Contemporary Korea Methods and Strategies of Using and Popularizing the Representations of the First Zen Patriarchrdquo in International Biannual Conference for the Association of Korean Studies Europe Dourdan (AKSE)-Publications

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mdash (2007) ldquoA Szent eacutes a Jaacuteteacutekbaba A Zen Buddhizmus alapiacutetoacutejaacutenak alakja a nem-zen hagy-omaacutenyok tuumlkreacutebenrdquo [ldquoThe Saint and the DollThe founder of Zen Buddhism in the con-text of non-Zen Studiesrdquo] Japanisztika a Boumllcseacutesztudomaacutenyban Kaacuteroli Gaacutespaacuter Reformaacutetus Egyetem Budapest p 203ndash210

mdash (2007) ldquoEvolution Distribution and Commercialization of the Images of Bodhidharma Or How did a Religious Founder Become a Toyrdquo in Japanoloacutegiai Koumlrkeacutep (Istvaacuten Szerdahelyi Peacuteter Wintermantel eds) ELTE Eoumltvoumls Kiadoacute p 245ndash254

mdash (2008) ldquoThe Power on Images on Texts Re-Examined The Case of Bodhidharmarsquos Crossing

Bod

hidharm

a in China K

orea and Jap

anMod

els for representations

and com

mercialization of the legend

ary founder of C

han Bud

dhism

in East A

siaB

eatr

ix M

ecsi

198 199

and the Mass-Consumtion of Bodhidharma-images in Japan and Contemporary South Koreardquo in Oriental Archive (Archiv Orientalniacute) Quarterly Journal of African and Asian Studies Oriental Institute Prague vol 76 p 217ndash249

mdash (2008) ldquoAacutetkeleacutes a naacutedszaacutelon Keacutep eacutes szoumlveg kapcsolata a kelet-aacutezsiai vallaacutesos műveacuteszetbenrdquo [ldquoCrossing on a Reed Text-image relationships in East Asian Religious Paintingrdquo] in Kaposvaacuter Szele Baacutelint (ed) Pro Scientia Aranyeacutermesek IX Tudomaacutenyos konferenciaacuteja Pro Scientia Aranyeacutermesek Taacutersasaacutega Budapest p 46ndash58

mdash (2009) ldquoAz lsquoaacutetkeleacutes a naacutedszaacutelonrsquo legenda eredeteacutenek keacuterdeacuteseacuterőlrdquo [ldquoThe problem of the Legend of Crossing on a Reedrdquo] in Taacutevol-keleti Tanulmaacutenyok Budapest Taacutevol-keleti Inteacutezet vol 2 p 103ndash122

mdash (2010) ldquoBodhidharma in Contemporary South Korea The Founder of Chan Buddhism from Sacral to Popular Culturerdquo in Govindasamy G Park C K and Tan S K (eds) Korean affaris A contemporary view Kuala Lumpur Perpustakaan Negara Malaysia p 135ndash147

mdash (2013) Szentből jaacuteteacutekbaba A Daruma baba nyomaacuteban a Taacutevol-Keleten [ldquoDoll from a saint In Search for the Daruma doll in East Asiardquo]Lecture on 28th May 2013 Kaacuteroli Gaacutespaacuter Reformaacutetus Egyetem (12th July 2013) [online] httpwwwyoutubecomwatchv=QBCV11LGXhQampfeature=c4-overviewamplist=UUeXTAOGzx8xduHtd71ZGICQ

Nihon shoki 日本書記 [ldquoChronicle of Japanrdquo] (1987) (trans Inoue Mitsusada) Tōkyō Chūō Koronsha (Shōwa 62) p 98ndash99

nishimurA S (1985) ldquoThe Prince and the Pauper The Dynamics of a Shotoku Legendrdquo in Monumenta Nipponica vol40 Issue 3 p 299ndash310

nishiyAmA I (1992) Nihon Shisō no genryū to tenkai Ise-shi Kogakkan Daigaku ShuppanbunukAriyA K (1913) The Religion of the Samurai London Luzac amp Cootto R (1932) Mysticism East and West a Comparative Analysis of the Nature of Mysticism

(trans B L Bracey and R C Payne) London Macmillanorsquoriley M K (2001) Art Beyond the West London Laurence KingpAnoFsky E (1984) Jelenteacutes a vizuaacutelis műveacuteszetekben [The Meaning in Visual Arts]

Budapest Gondolatpelliot P (1923) ldquoNotes sur quelques artistes des six dynasties et des Trsquoangrdquo in Trsquooung Pao

vol 22 p 215ndash291Wag Qi 王圻 and Wang Siyi 王思義 (eds) (1988) Sancaituhui [Kor Samjaedohwi] 三才圖會

(Collected Illustrations of the Three Realms) Shanghai Shanghai guji chubansheSancaituhui [Kor Samjaedohwi] 三才圖會 (Collected Illustrations of the Three Realms) (2001)

Seoul Dongguk Universityseckel D (1997) Das Portraumlt in Ostasien Heidelberg Universitis Verlagsekiguchi S (1957) Daruma no Kenkyū Tokyo IwanamishArF R H (1922) ldquoThe Idolization of Enlightenment On the Mummification of Chrsquoan

Masters in Mediaeval Chinardquo in History of Religions vol 32 nordm 1 p 1ndash31mdash (1995) ldquoThe Zen of Japanese Nationalismrdquo in Lopez S and Donald Jr (eds) Curators of

the Buddha The Study of Buddhism under Colonialism Chicago and London University of Chicago Press

mdash and Sharf E H (eds) (2001) Living Images Japanese Buddhist Icons in Context Stanford Stanford University Press

[Seokcheon] 석천 (2001) ldquoDalmadowa hamkke ilcheonobaeknyeon jeoneuiroui gihaengrdquo 달

마도와 함께 일천오백년전의로의 기행 [ldquo150 years with Bodhidharma-paintingsrdquo] in Seon Munhwa nordm 8 p 99ndash105

mdash (2003) ldquoMeokseonrsquoi ppumeonaedeut dongyangeui yeokdongjeogin seonrdquo 먹선이 뿜어내

듯 동양의 역동적인 禪 [ ldquoInk-strokes eliminating the Dynamic Sŏn of the Eastrdquo] in Seon Munhwa nordm 7 p 20ndash23

mdash (2005) ldquoDalmaeui seonbeopi dongtoro gan katalgeun han pok eui dalmadoro dwesala nan dalmaseonrdquo 달마의 선법이 동토東土로 간 까닭은 한 폭의 달마도로 되살아 난 달마선 [ldquoWhy did Bodhidharmarsquos Zen teaching went to the Eastrdquo] in Seon Munhwa nordm 12 p 30ndash37

Korean Buddhist Research Institute (ed) (1998) Sǒn Thought in Korean Buddhism Seoul Dongguk University Press

spiro A (1988) ldquoNew Light on Gu Kaizhirdquo in Journal of Chinese Religions nordm 16 p 1ndash17stevens J Y and Rae A (1990) ZENGA Brushstrokes of Enlightenment New Orleans

Museum of Artsuler J R (1993) Contemporary Psychoanalysis and Eastern Thought Albany State

University of New Yorktylor E B (1920) Primitive Culture Researches into the Development of Mythology Philosophy

Religion Language Art and Custom 2 vols London John MurrayyAmpolsky P B (1967) The Platform Sutra of the 6th Patriarch New Yorkmdash (1983) ldquoNew Japanese Studies in Early Chrsquoan Historyrdquo in W Lai and L R Lancaster

(eds) Early Chrsquoan in China and Tibet Berkeley Buddhist Studies Series p 1ndash11Yi Dong-Ju (1973) Hanguk hwehwa saron (Korean Art History) Seoul Yeolhwadang[Yi Jeong-hwa] 이정화 (2002) ldquoDalmadorsquoe damgyeojin munyeom musin eui hyanggiro cham-

nareul Channeunda Beomju seunimrdquo 달마도에 담겨진 무념 무심의 향기로 참나를 찾는다

범주스님 [ldquoThe fragrance of no-mind is within Bodhidharma-paintings Through this fra-grance we try to find the truthrdquo] in Seon Munhwa nordm 5 p 52ndash55

[Yi Ju-yeon] 이주연 (2005) ldquoGibokeul dwieoneom neun bosihaengeui Dalmadordquo 기복을 뛰

어넘는 보시행의 달마도 [ldquoOffering Bodhidharma-paintigs for transcending fluctuationrdquo] in Seon Munhwa nordm 7 p 96ndash99

[Yi Yeong-hui] 이영희 (1997) Hanguk sawoneui bubyeokhwa e Daehan gochal 한국 사원의 부벽

화에 대한 고찰 [A study of the Pu-wall painting of Korean temples] unpublished MA thesis Seoul Deptartment of Art Education Graduate School of Education Dongguk University

ying Z (1981) Shaolin Kung-fu Hong Kong Kingsway Internationalyoshino H 吉野裕子 (1995) Daruma no Minzokugaku Onrsquoyo gogyo kara toku ダルマの民俗

蔵 陰陽五行から解く [The folklore of Daruma from Yin-Yangto the Five Elements Theory] Tokyo Iwanami Shoten

[Yu Hyeong-jae] 유형재 (2002) 108 Dalma 108 달마 [108 Bodhidharmas] Seoul BaekamweitZmAnn K (1996) The Cotton Genesis British Library Codex Cotton Otho B VI Princeton

University PresswelBon G R (1968) The Buddhist Nirvāna and Its Western Interpreters Chicago University of

Chicago Presswu T (1996) Masterpieces of Chinese Painting from the Museum of Fine Arts Boston Tang

through Yuan Dynasties Tōkyō Otsuka Kogeishahempel R (1960) ZENGA Malerei des Zen-buddhismus Muumlnchen R Piper

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ary founder of C

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  • capa face to face SEGUNDO VOL
  • Index Face to Face
  • Beatrix Mecsi

170 171

Bodhidharma in China Korea and JapanModels for representations and commercialization of the legendary founder of Chan Buddhism in East Asia

Beatrix Mecsi

ELTE University Budapest

Abstract

According to tradition the founder of Chan or meditational Buddhism Bodhidharma originated from India yet his legend and first representa-tions are more typically associated with China Known as Putidamo or Damo in Chinese Boridalma or Dalma in Korean and Bodai Daruma or Daruma in Japanese this legendary figure is frequently seen in the visual art and popular culture of East Asian countries In my paper I focus on the visual representa-tions of Bodhidharma as they became popular in China Japan and Korea

After summarizing the information about Bodhidharma revealed in primary and secondary textual sources I analyze them together with visual sources in order to investigate the formation of the legend and iconography of Bodhidharma from the very beginning and describe their dynamics Looking at text-image relationships I explain analysing a famous episode of the Bodhidharma leg-end ldquoCrossing the Yangzi River on a Reedrdquo that other images besides those of Bodhidharma had a considerable effect on influencing and altering later texts as well as consequent images thus changing and enriching religious traditions

The power of the image is seen through the commercialization of Bodhidharma representations particularly in Japan where their commercial use occurred much earlier than in Korea and developed different traditions compared to those of China where the legend had come from

Whereas most publications that examine Bodhidharma focus on the Chinese and Japanese developments this paper introduces Korean Bodhidharma imagery into the discussion stressing the importance of looking at the differ-ences and similarities in the creation of images of the same legendary figure in context (where do these models derive from how much they changed them) and how these cultures differ from one another or how they are similar in their means of image-production use and consumption

Introduction

According to tradition the founder of meditational Buddhism1 Bodhidharma originated from India and nowadays this legendary figure is frequently seen in the visual art and popular culture of East Asian countries Known as Putidamo or Damo in China Boridalma or Dalma in Korea and Bodai Daruma or Daruma in Japan Bo-dhi-dha-rmo-tta-ra in Tibet he can also be found in Vietnam

The aim of my research was to make a deeper investigation of Bodhidharma as his figure appears in visual arts

1 Dhyana in Sanskrit Chan in Chinese Seon in Korean Bsam gtan in Tibetan Thien in Vietnamese Since the Western world was first aware of it through Japan Chan is most frequently referred by its Japanese name (Zen) The name I use depends on the country in question otherwise I use ldquomeditational Buddhismrdquo or Chan

172 173

The prevailing Sino-Japanese perspective imposes limits on research but here I propose a more inclusive approach Thus I do not want to limit my research to a single country as do the majority of previous studies discussing this topic The visual images from Korea are relatively unknown because there are only a few publications on Korean imagery of the meditational school in Western languages and even in Korean where there are only a few scholarly studies available as compared to the dozens of books and articles devoted to Japanese Zen Therefore I will treat the material with more emphasis on the Korean Bodhidharma images and will not describe Japanese Bodhidharma images in any great depth In this paper I attempt to concentrate on more recent aspects and relatively undiscovered areas

Art and visual culture not only spreads nationally but also across borders influencing the artistic and creative thoughts of other regions It is particularly true of religion where monks were the carriers of Buddhism from one coun-try to another and alongside their religious beliefs they transmitted the visual culture of other territories in the form of religious imagery Here we should examine the artistic influences and the stylistic differences between the regions where Chan Buddhism was adopted

Images and texts have their own lives They are born (created) they are used in some way and exist in a specific context where they work in interaction with viewers and readers As for the creation of images we will have to answer the following questions by whom why and how were these images produced Regarding the imagesrsquo use there are then the following questions by whom where when how and for what purpose were the given images used In this context it is important to distinguish between how we see the surviving images today and how their contemporaries saw them in the past How they were seen in different eras at different points between their ldquocreationrdquo and the present day There are also images which even though they have not survived might have had an influence on later images and which we should thus try to keep in mind even though we may have no tangible evidence of their existence Images from the past live concurrently together with new images Any change from a previous scheme any innovation deserves our attention because they might reveal a great deal about the context and circumstances of an imagersquos production It is also necessary to discuss the idea of an image in East Asia and within this framework we can draw a more accurate picture of the Bodhidharma imagery

It is difficult to acquire knowledge of the intentions and motivations for repre-senting a visual image in this case representations of Bodhidharma but we can contrast the style of chinsō-type coloured paintings2 used for rituals with the more spontaneous monochrome ink-paintings Looking at both their function and production we can see that style had an importance in the use of these images

2 Chinsō Japanese pronounciation of the term for formal portraits of meditation masters usually made in a meticulous style using colour with great attention paid to the realistic depiction of the face

What is the role of representation in the case of Bodhidharma in different times and regions Is it true that the representation of the founder of this school follows the religious teaching practices of Chan Buddhism by rejecting a reliance on ldquowords and lettersrdquo This issue should be also discussed since its aim is to depict the iconography of an iconoclastic tradition which Chan Buddhism claimed to transmit

It is also necessary to discuss the possible reasons for Bodhidharmarsquos popu-larity especially in Japan where his figure is found almost everywhere even in the form of a roly-poly doll (Fig 1) (Mecsi 1999 2008)

How to Grasp Bodhidharma The Nature of Previous Studies Philology Art History Anthropology

For a long time studies of Chan Buddhism were dominated by a mainly uncriti-cal sectarian approach made by scholars who were mostly monks themselves and accepted many of the legends without question To analyse their own view-point was deemed unnecessary since legends and religious imagery served as settings for their own lives Explaining them was only important where they supported their beliefs3 Only in the first half of the 20th century when the Dunhuang manuscripts were rediscovered scholars such as Hu Shih Ui Hakuju Sekiguchi Shindai and Yanagida Seizan started to look at this tradi-tion from a more objective and critical point of view Following these scholars many Western academics mostly historians of religion began to examine Chan Buddhism and attempted to revise the still prevailing approach introduced to the West by D T Suzuki4 Unquestionably Suzuki contributed a lot to Western intellectual knowledge (for instance his influence on Martin Heidegger Erich Fromm Carl Gustav Jung Thomas Merton and Aldous Huxley) but he pre-sented a version of Zen Buddhism which had very little to do with real East

3 As is usually the case with religious art and thought where the ideas often wrapped in myths and legends in order to bring abstract ideas closer to practitioners and ease understanding For more on symbolism see Cassirer 1953

4 Suzuki Teitarō Daisetz (1870ndash1966) knowledgeable about Anglo-American culture and with a strong command of the English language his marriage to an American woman gave him deep roots in the West without weakening his fidelity to his former Zen Buddhist background The Ameri-can writer William James (1842ndash1910) had a great impact on him influencing him in his psycholo-gising style Though he never gave a systematic presentation of Zen throughout his world tours and activity in the West ldquohe was able to cover all aspects in a prolific output that included such influen-tial works as the three volumes of Essays in Zen Buddhism which first published in London between 1927 and 1934 and which have been reprinted and translated many times since then His other works were also popular such as the trilogy comprising An introduction to Zen Buddhism (1934) The Training of the Zen Buddhist Monk (1934) and the Manual of Zen Buddhism (1935) Suzuki was not a regurgitator but he constantly reinterpreted the message he transmitted adapting it to Western concerns and deliberately highlighting certain key themesrdquo (Dumoulin 1992 p 4ndash10)

Bod

hidharm

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174 175

Asian practice5 The Zen which he introduced to the West was inflected by Western thought and delivered in a form that served mainly missionary pur-poses Emphasis was placed on common ideals and thoughts of human harmony found in Zen Buddhism for which one finds parallels in Christianity Using a different vocabulary and more exact psychological descriptions in place of spe-cific symbolic language helped to further the understanding of the psychological motifs of mysticism detached from either religion especially Christianity but it did not say much about the historical and intellectual background of the newly arrived belief system (Otto 1932 Somogyi 1973 Suler 1993 Fromm-Suzuki 1960 and for the activity of the Kyoto school Dumoulin 1992 p 20ndash66)

For a contemporary scholar it is important to approach ChanZenSeon Buddhism as one would do with any other historical phenomenon to define clearly the viewpoint of investigation and try not to be struck by the allure of the philosophical and religious discourse

Sharf draws attention to the fact that the visuality of a religious tradition was previously a very much neglected field in the traditional Western research which is surprising when we consider the profusion of images well documented by even the earliest European explorers (drsquoElia (ed) 1942ndash1949) and suggests that the division of academic labour prevented Western scholars from having a more accurate picture of the actual religious phenomena in East Asia includ-ing the role of visual imagery (Sharf 2001 p 5) In the West Buddhist studies grew out of philology the study of early texts composed in classical languages (Lopez 1995 Welbon 1968 Fong 1987 Almond 1988) The objective of these scholars was to read the scriptural sources and concentrated on the analysis of Buddhist thought and doctrines the narrative and mythological tradition biographies and the institutionalised history of the tradition

In India where Buddhism disappeared a long time ago and where material artefacts are relatively rare and of uncertain provenance this preoccupation with the ancient texts is not so surprising but in the field of East Asian Buddhism there is no such lack of alternative visual sources for a broader understanding of Buddhist tradition Here there are plentiful sources of archaeological and art historical remains and there is a living tradition which is more or less based on ancient religious practices In this case unlike their colleagues in Indological studies such scholarsrsquo fixation on ancient Buddhist textual sources without a sidelong glance at the living tradition or its visual aspects seems unnecessarily limited(Sharf 2001 p 5)

5 Suzuki used the term Zen for naming a way of thinking and practice cut off from its historical roots and elevating it to a universal truth thus enabling Western audiences to absorb more easily the central meaning of its mysticism He did not handle Zen as a historically definite phenomenon as he was more a missionary interested in spreading an updated spiritual message for contemporary Western society than a historian See the criticism of the historian Hu Shih who attempted to revise the views and method introduced to the West by Suzuki (Hu Shih 1953b 3) However Hu Shihrsquos approach was also historically determined (McRae 2001 p 59ndash102)

Fig 1

Daruma dolls in Japan

Photograph taken

by the author in 2007

Nov 21st

Fig 2

Gim Myeongguk b 1600-d

after 1662 Tryptich

17th century Ink on silk

hanging scroll 966sum388

cm each Collection of Tokyo

University of Arts

Reproduced in Choi Sun-taek

Korean Seon Painting pl21

Bod

hidharm

a in China K

orea and Jap

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176 177

included their visual experiences Art historians have recently challenged the strongly held methodological assumption that ldquonarrative illustrationsrdquo are inevi-tably preceded by a literary text6 Therefore the suggestion of the primacy of the written sources which has long been an integral part of the iconographical and iconological studies is no longer accepted as being inherently self-evident The tendency to look at pictures in order to identify a background text ldquomay cause narratives to be found where they never intended to berdquo (Lachman 1993 p 242)

The other discipline relevant to our investigation is anthropology In the Judeo-Christian intellectual tradition image-veneration was regarded as idola-try and seen as a sign of ignorance superstition and a retarded cultural develop-ment (Marosi 1995) Early anthropologists such as Edward Tylor and Lucien Leacutevy-Bruhl saw animism where inanimate objects are imbued with animate qualities as a distinguishing feature of ldquoprimitive religionrdquo or ldquoprimitive men-talityrdquo (Tylor 1920 Leacutevy-Bruhl 1985 Sharf 2001 p 6 and p 206) Western scholars of Buddhist Studies who were familiar with the philosophical and liter-ary sophistication of researched Buddhist texts therefore had great difficulty in dealing with the image-veneration of those traditions which had once produced such textual references This issue becomes extremely interesting in the study of Chan Buddhism where Western scholars were often led to admire the icono-clastic and extreme statements of Chan Buddhist Masters These scholars have a tendency to interpret the whole tradition based on such textual sources and thus tend to misinterpret the clear differences in the religious-cultic practices of the believers There are scholars who even make a distinction within Chan Buddhist related art and concern themselves only with the monochrome ink paintings made in the style of the literati termed Zenga (Hempel 1960 Addiss 1976 1989 Stevens-Yelen 1990 Fukushima 1978) Stephen Addiss (1989 p 57) wrote in his book on Zen art that ldquoAs a rule Zen has had little use for miracu-lous deeds stressing instead the enlightenment of the everyday worldrdquo

In this way these scholars attempt to avoid the fact that in Zen Buddhist cir-cles too the veneration of images played a very important role and that some of the themes which appeared on the spontaneous ink paintings were actu-ally inspired by venerated icons Magic and miraculous deeds were also com-mon in ChanZen as seen in several studies published recently (Sharf 1992 Granoff and Shinohara 1988 p 119ndash228) Led by their roots in the study of religious texts scholars of East Asian Buddhism also tend to think of Chan Buddhism as an atheistic tradition and therefore also tend not to consider that

6 Erwin Panofsky argues it is not that texts influence images but that images also have genres as do texts (cited in Marosi 1995 p 26) James Cahill observed the types of text-object relationships in Chinese art and noted the same notion that ldquoolder studies took somewhat simplistic views (hellip) considering the text as primary and constant to which illustrations served as embellishment and amplification recent studies see a more organic interaction In the newer model the works in verbal and visual media adapt flexibly to each other For instance illustrations may generate a new version of the text or the choice of excerpts to be illustrated (hellip) leads to a shift of emphases within the narrativerdquo (Cahill 1983)

Obviously the work of translation in order to understand certain phenom-ena is crucial but scholars should be open to the other alternative sources which may help to provide a better understanding of their topic

The Japanese scholarly tradition namely the pre-modern sectarian scho-lasticism also had a strong influence on the training of scholars in the field of East Asian Buddhism Most Japanese scholars of Chinese and Japanese Buddhism are themselves ordained priests and teaching in private Buddhist Universities sponsored by certain Buddhist orders Japanese scholars of East Asian Buddhism also emphasise the importance of the textual tradition and they tend to impart this orientation to their foreign students Sharf points to the danger that often Western students of Buddhism hardly tend to notice the clerical aspects of their mentorsrsquo education while their Japanese teach-ers perhaps understandably avoid drawing attention to their sectarian inter-ests (Sharf 2001 p 5) The result is that many texts written about East Asian Buddhism by such Western scholars ndash especially on Zen a very popular topic among Westerners ndash adopt an uncritical text-oriented approach

The study of Buddhist art as a discipline also has its own history This is rooted in the classical art historical approach namely viewing a particular arte-fact in the context of other artefacts looking for stylistic similarities and dif-ferences In the hands of these scholars Buddhist textual sources are usually used to identify an image its symbolism and iconography The merit of this approach lies in its ability to identify objects and provide a reliable source for further studies but also often fails to acknowledge the broader context

The identification of an image by its iconography or authorship is useful for art dealers and collectors but for scholars who wish to reconstruct and under-stand a tradition it is only a tool for further research Recently this approach was challenged by art historians in the West where the art historian Hans Belting even went so far as to deny his disciplinersquos legacy by referring to the ldquoend of art historyrdquo suggesting that we should look further and deal with the context and place of the art objects (Belting 1987) Following Beltingrsquos approach much research has been done in the field of Christian art elucidating the place and use of artefacts within the rituals challenging long-held views and breathing fresh air into the scholarship of religious imagery

I discuss both written and pictorial visual sources of Bodhidharma In this respect my research attempts to show that visual sources had as enormous an impact on the written tradition as had previous written sources Accordingly one cannot regard written culture as the only inspirational source for the iconog-raphy of visual images Given the ability to write was not widespread not even among the majority of the monks and religious ldquointelligentsiardquo the oral tradition and visual imagination played an important role in the course of everyday life We also have to think that the writers of such sources were probably not only influ-enced by earlier written sources but also by their own knowledge which equally

Bod

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178 179

Southern China in 5207 At that time Mahāyāna Buddhism was an already established religion so the Emperor Wu of the Liang dynasty (Liang Wudi r 502ndash549) who was a devout Buddhist led Buddhist assemblies wrote com-mentaries on several sutras and gave the religion his full support invited the Indian monk Bodhidharma to leave Buddhismrsquos homeland and come to his court After their short conversation it was no wonder that Bodhidharma could not stay any longer so he crossed the Yangzi River with the help of a single reed and headed north8 He stopped at the Shaolin monastery near Luoyang in Henan province9 Here he spent nine years in meditation in a cave facing a blank wall10 The novelty of his teachings came from the stress on the impor-tance of meditation (Skrt Dhyana Ch Chan(na) Kor Seon(na) Jp Zen(na)11 hence the name of the school) at a time when Mahāyāna Buddhism was mainly Sutra-oriented As a famous stanza attributed to Bodhidharma says

7 The exact date of his arrival differs in the written sources and is open to speculation in scholarly works (Pelliot 1923) Earlier textual sources indicate his arrival during the Wei or the Liu-Song periods but towards the second half of the 8th century the legend assumed a more stable arrival during the time of the Liang (Lidai fabao ji dated around 774 T 512075 p 179ndash196) This was probably influenced by the legend previously inserted to Bodhidharmarsquos biography about Bodhidharmarsquos audience with the famous Buddhist-patron and emperor Liang Wudi (r 502ndash549) (Putidamo nanzong ding shifei lun dated 732 Jacques Gernet (trans) 1949 p 81ndash91)We have to add that a text from around 730 called Lengqie shizi zhi mentions a Central Indian monk called Gunabhadra who arrived in Canton by ship during the Yuanjia era (425ndash453) He was welcomed by the emperor and among other works translated the Lankavatara Sutra which had great importance and was later associated with Bodhidharma as being the text he transmitted to his successor Huike (Yampolsky 1967 p 20) Based on this text Luo Xianglin (1960 p 14ndash15) believes that Bodhidharma was a disciple of Gunabhadra at the Guangxiao Temple However Hu Shi stated that Gunabhadra died before Bodhidharma arrived in China (Hu Shi 1994) But such speculations which give more credence to certain sources as reference points rather than others cannot be regarded as an acceptable method though they are important in the sense that the relationships between the given sources is telling

8 The earliest written source is the mid-11th century Chuan fa zhengzong ji (Transmission of the Dharma and the correct teaching in the true School) though there is no mention of the reed (T 512078 715ndash768) The earliest written source which mentions the reed is from the 13th century (Wujia zhengzong zan (Eulogies from the Five Houses in the True School) dated 1254 and Shi shi tongjian 1270) But these early 13th century textual sources do not mention that Bodhidharma actually used the reed to cross the river This we know from the visual sources where Bodhidharma is represented as standing on a reed while crossing the river (Lachman 1993 Mecsi 2008 2009)

9 The earliest reference to Bodhidharmarsquos stay at the Shaolin monastery is from the first decade of the 8th century (Chuan fabao ji (Record of the Transmission of the Dharma Jewel) dated around 710) Thereafter it remains a constant part of the legend

10 The wall-meditation was mostly understood as a meditation technique where the mind should be blank like a wall There is general reference to this technique in several sources from the 7th century onwards (Xu gaoseng zhuan (Continued Biographies of Eminent Monks) dated 645) but without mention of the cave where the wall meditation occurred the cave is often depicted in the visual sources from the 13th century onwards

11 Though practice of meditation was common from the 5th century onwards See Prajnaparamita and Yogacara meditation and the contemplative aspects of the Tiantai school (BDK English Tripitaka 75 1998 p 1)

the ldquoperformance of obeisances and offerings to images which appear within this tradition constitutes idolatry per serdquo (Sharf 2001 p 6)

In sum previous studies done in the field of Chan Buddhism can be sepa-rated to three main groups based on their approach The first is the philological approach of the Buddhologists which may grasp the ideals and aims of the tra-dition but not its real appearance and practice in the given milieu The second is that of classical art history which is concerned with the relationships of the visual images within the context of images but only considers their symbolism and style looking at them in their inner context rather than a broader one The third approach is that of anthropology rooted in the Judeo-Christian disdain of idolatry and the sectarian approach with its influence which both stood in the way of the critical scholarship of Chan Buddhist art in its historical context Each of these approaches has its own value and importance Philology gives us the translated texts to interpret the monastic ideals art history gives us the identifi-cation of artefacts that we can organize with more confidence while anthropol-ogy attempts to describe the living tradition While focusing on our questions we need to cross boundaries between disciplines to bring us closer to our answers

The Legend of Bodhidharma

Those familiar with the history of Chan Buddhism might assume that Bodhidharma is a relatively well-known personality but if we have a closer look at the sources referring to his life we can discern that the real person is somewhat hidden behind the hagiographical texts By looking more closely at the legendary life of Bodhidharma we understand that the story is not about one person but an amalgamation of many legends and traditions Historians with a critical approach can shed new light on the tradition of ChanZenSeon Buddhism and of ldquoits own naturerdquo but they often find themselves in a difficult situation when they wish to outline the proper historical facts behind the sur-viving legends If historians deal with texts concerning Bodhidharma as docu-ments from which they need to find historical facts then the research method can lead to misleading results As Bernard Faure very aptly commented ldquooften enough after this mortuary washing only a skeleton remains and it is this skel-eton that will enter the museum of history In fact some missing bones may have to be taken from other skeletons to complete the exhibitrdquo (1986 p 188)

Textual sources about Bodhidharmarsquos life are greatly inconsistent To avoid confusion I will summarize his life-story including all the available legends that surround Bodhidharma with occasional reference to the controversies and the original sources of the legends mentioned in the footnotes

Bodhidharma (c 470ndash532) founder of Chan Buddhism arrived in Canton

Bod

hidharm

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180 181

his left arm and presented it to Bodhidharma in an attempt to make him speak Finally he had Bodhidharmarsquos attention

There is no peace in my mind Please calm down my mind ndash asked HuikePut it in front of me then I will calm it down ndash replied BodhidharmaBut where shall I look for my mind ndash asked Huike ndash I donrsquot find it anywhereThere now ndash answered Bodhidharma ndash I have already calmed it down

Huike in this moment gained enlightenment16 One day Bodhidharma felt the urge to go back to India so he asked all his disciples to tell him what they had learnt from his teachings and how much they had understood17 When the disciples recounted their interpretations one by one Bodhidharma told Daofu ldquoYou only grasped the skinrdquo To nun Zongchi ldquoyou only grasped the bonerdquo Then to Huike ldquoYou grasped the marrowrdquo Thus Huike became the second Chinese Chan patriarch after Bodhidharma who is considered the 28th Patriarch of Chan Buddhism18 This identification follows a story which traces the Chan teachings back to the Buddha himself and how one day as he was sit-ting on a hill and without saying a word picked out a kumbala flower Nobody understood its significance except Mahakashyapa who became his successor the second patriarch after Shakyamuni Buddha Following an uninterrupted line Bodhidharma is the 28th in the Indian lineage and the first in the Chinese lineage of the Chan patriarchate19 Bodhidharma died before he could return to his homeland some say his rivals poisoned him20 He was buried in North

16 For more on Huike see Chapin 1945ndash1946 The calming of the mind (or in other words anxin dialogue first appears in the middle of the 10th century (See Zutang ji (Anthology of the Patriarch Hall) dated 952)

17 The number of his disciples differs across written sources In the first versions of the legend he only mentioned two disciples See Xu gaoseng zhuan (645) Chuan fabao ji (710) Lengqie shizi ji (c 730) From the second half of the 8th century three are mentioned in Lidai fabao ji (740) and four in Baolin zhuan (801) Zutang ji (952) Jingde chuandeng lu (1004) and in Chuan fa zhengzong ji (1061) Still he only has one disciple in Liuzu tan jing (c 830) and Song gaoseng zhuan (988) The first mention of the ldquoflesh bones and marrowrdquo story is in the Lidai fabao ji (774) thereafter it became a common part of the legend

18 The enumeration of the patriarchs first appeared in the Baolin zhuan (801) according to which Bodhidharma is considered 28th in line Later this numbering became widely accepted

19 Dafan tianwang wenfa jieyi jing (T 2006 p 48 325b7ndash12) Nukariya Kaiten writes that ldquothe book in which this incident is described is entitled Sutra on the Great Brahman Kingrsquos Questioning Buddha to Dispel a Doubt but there exists no original text or any Chinese translation in the Tripitaka It is highly probable that some early Chinese Chan scholar of the [Northern] Song dynasty (960ndash1126) fabricated the tradition because Wang An-shih a powerful minister under the emperor Shen-tsung is said to have seen a book in the Imperial Library There is however no evidence as far as we know pointing to the existence of the Sutra in China In Japan there exist in manuscript form two different translations of that book kept in secret veneration by some Zen masters which have been proved to be fictitious by the present writer after his close examination of the contentsrdquo (Kaiten 1913 p 3)

20 On Bodhidharmarsquos poisoning the earliest surviving document is from the 8th century (Chuan fabao ji c 710)

A special transmission outside the scripturesNot depending on words and lettersDirectly pointing to the humanrsquos mindUnderstanding onersquos own nature12

There is a legend which tells how once during meditation Bodhidharma was overcome by drowsiness and became so angry that he tore off his eyelids from which grew a tea shrub with the leaves that were used to provide a refreshing drink throughout East Asia13 And as he spent so much time without mov-ing his legs and arms atrophied and fell off14 But still he was also consid-ered as the founder of the famous martial art Shaolin gongfu (kungfu)15 While Bodhidharma was sitting meditating in the cave a man Senguang later known as Huike came asked him to accept him as a disciple and begged to be taught by the master however Bodhidharma failed to notice him It was snowing heav-ily but Huike continued to wait patiently outside the cave for Bodhidharma to respond and then in final despair and as a mark of sincere intention he cut off

12 My translation differs slightly from versions found in several different publications The important emphasis on personal experience versus written words was very possibly a Daoist influence (Laozi 1994)

13 I have not found the original version of this legend in the primary sources I have collected This episode might be an early 20th-century European creation possibly the result of an incorrect translation made by Engelbert Kaempfer (1651ndash1716) a German traveller and physician After Kaempfers death his mostly unpublished manuscripts were bought by Sir Hans Sloane and taken to England Among them was a History of Japan translated from the manuscript into English by JG Scheuchzer and published in London in 2 vols in 1727 The original German remains unpub-lished the extant German version being taken from the English (Engelbert Kaempfer MD (1727) The History of Japan Together with a Description of the Kingdom of Siam transl JG Scheuchzer 1906 James MacLehose eds reprint AMS New York 3 volumes) courtesy of Dr John Jor-gensen (Griffith University Australia) through personal communication in April 2007

14 This accounts for the armless and legless round-shaped popular dolls of Bodhidharma the so-called ldquoDaruma dollsrdquo found in Japan This episode is also not found in the primary written sources I con-sider it a secondary addition to the legend and some existing visual sources In my opinion there were some dolls shaped like the ldquowould-be Daruma dollsrdquo before people started to identify those dolls with the meditation monk who spent nine years in meditation without moving As the original meanings of such roly-poly dolls faded they gained popularity with the new meaning and the makers of such dolls deliberately altered the old form to fit the new meaning The oldest object I have come across in the form of a round-shaped legless and armless figure is a glazed earthenware whistle sancai from a Tang dynasty tomb (Pacific Asia Museum Pasadena California object number 1995 1025)

15 The text called Yijin Jing which was said to have been found in the Qing period (1644ndash1911) in Shaolin Temple and related to Bodhidharma stresses the cultivation of the body as well as the mind an idea which probably comes from Daoism The Lokapalas (Defenders of the Buddhist Law) in East Asian iconography are said to have shown a defending pose the arhat-pose associ-ated with the later gongfu [kung-fu] (Kim Cheol 1986 p 171) In Shaolin Temple in the Hall of the White Robe Avalokiteśvara a wall painting shows Indian and Chinese monks practising gongfu [kung-fu] (No date given by Choi 1995 p 76) Military monks used concentration and special mental techniques in martial arts This might be a reason why the warrior rulers the shōguns and the samurai in Japan favoured Zen Buddhism About the idea of Dao [Tao] as used for martial arts in East Asian Aesthetics and Art Theories (Nishiyama 1992 p 141ndash148)

Bod

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182 183

from the West and in addition that not only were tales about Western monks and religious figures mixed into the legend but that indigenous Chinese myths and beliefs were too as well as acting as a conduit for aspirations of religious power And as a later phenomenon there are accounts of Christian mission-aries who believed this man from the West was familiar with Christianity or more precisely that he was a Christian apostle (Faure 1993)

Iconography of Bodhidharma

Turning to the visual sources of Bodhidharma first we should describe the dif-ferent iconographical types of Bodhidharma and show examples of them from China Korea and Japan

Even for those familiar with the images of East Asia sometimes it is very dif-ficult to name depicted figures because of the lack of inscriptions especially in the late phases of the development of certain iconographies This is due to the tendency of using pre-existing patterns and giving them new meaning as was the case in the Western culture during the early Middle Ages when the pagan Apollo figure was used to represent Jesus Christ Rather than inventing completely new imagery combining existing intellectual and religious systems is an easier way to proceed Therefore we often find that artists were inspired by previous visual models rather than relying primarily on textual sources In many cases these textual sources themselves were also inspired by previous visual representations As the meaning of the depicted figure changed in soci-ety and in the mind of the artist inevitably certain forms merged and new pic-torial representations were produced Being careful with the identification of the earliest images is most important because they can give us vital clues for the history of certain iconographic types

Among the earliest images there are two distinct iconographic types which later became entangled One is a beardless figure in the other the more popu-lar representation Bodhidharma appears as a hairy bearded man with a stocky build exaggerated foreign features often wearing a hood The majority of the images of Bodhidharma are a half body or bust portrait The remaining group includes full body portraits where we can differentiate between standing and sitting images Among the standing images we find Bodhidharma crossing the Yangzi River on a reed carrying one shoe or sandal or a combination of the two themes or sometimes without any such objects Among sitting images we find Bodhidharma in a chair (especially in the earliest periods) or sitting in meditation occurring either in a landscape or entirely removed from time and space with no background or sense of surroundings The landscape set-ting varies For instance there is Bodhidharma in a cave (a more common

China on a mountain called Xiangershan (Bear Ear Mountain) Not long after his death a Chinese Wei official Song Yun21 on his way back to China having been sent by the empress dowager to search for Buddhist works encountered Bodhidharma on Congling (Onion Range) in the Pamir Mountains travelling in the direction of India holding one sandal22 When Song Yun told this story to the emperor Bodhidharmarsquos tomb was opened but nothing was found in the tomb except for a single sandal of the pair that Bodhidharma had been car-rying It is also known from legend that Bodhidharma was reborn as a beggar in Japan where he met Shōtoku Taishi the famous prince a great patron and champion of Buddhism in Japan at the Kataoka crossroads23 They exchanged poems and the prince gave him his mantle just as in Western tradition St Martin shares his cloak with a beggar who he recognizes as Jesus Christ The following day the prince ordered his servants to check on the man he had met but they told him that the beggar had died When the prince heard this story he became very sad and explained to his servants that the man he met was not a simple beggar but a saint He buried him and later sent a messenger to the tomb who returned with the news that the body had vanished and all that was there was the mantle given by the prince

The Textual Sources in the Light of the Nature of the Bodhidharma legend

There are many biographical accounts of Bodhidharma and several works attributed to him But we now know the majority of these works to be apoc-ryphal (Sekiguchi 1957) Some scholars such as Feng Youlan [Fung Yu-lan] (1953) and Paul Pelliot (1923) deny his historical existence and consider Bodhidharma a fictious character for religious purposes My opinion is close to these scholars but I do not deny so absolutely the lack of truth behind the leg-ends or consider them a deliberate ldquolierdquo Based on the Bodhidharma legends in literary and pictorial sources we can suppose the existence of monks who travelled to China from the West with the aim of spreading Buddhist doctrine in the East During the course of my research I have become convinced that the personality of Bodhidharma is an amalgamation of several persons coming

21 His travel record has been translated by Samuel Beal Travels of Fa-hsien and Sung-yun Buddhist Pilgrims from China to India London 1869 (Yampolsky 1967 p 10ndash11)

22 Bodhidharmarsquos meeting with the Wei official first appears in the Xu gaoseng zhuan (645) But reference to the sandal to claim the authenticity of identification of the man in the Pamirs with Bodhidharma only appears in textual sources from the end of the 8th century ( Lidai fabao ji 774)

23 The original story which served as the basis of this tale is in Nihon Shoki (Chronicle of Japan) written in 720 The identification of the beggar with Bodhidharma had already appeared in the 8th century (Ihon Jōgū Taishiden dated 771) Further details in Nishimura 1985 299-310

Bod

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184 185

version)24 situated under a tree25 or the combination of the two According to the type of representation we can differentiate between en-face three-quarter profile profile portraits and representations showing Bodhidharma from the back Within the simplified profile and back portraits in set against a timeless and spaceless background there developed a specific iconographic type the ldquoone-brushstroke Bodhidharmardquo which together with the circle (Jp ensō) had an interesting religious-spiritual significance in Chan Buddhism Depending on context one finds single Bodhidharma pictures as well as pictures that form part of a group and sometimes examples where he is represented on the middle panel of a triptych Among these the oldest type is the group representation Maintained genealogy was not the only reason for group portraits The multi-plication of images also had a religious-spiritual significance

Bodhidharma in KoreaPrevious researches on Korean Seon Painting

Compared to the published material and related pictorial art on the Chinese and Japanese meditation school there are only a few sources available on Seon the Korean meditation school There are not enough studies in Western lan-guages that view Buddhism in East Asia including Korea in detail This is partly because of the official ideology of the relatively recent Joseon dynasty (1392ndash1910) was based on Neo-Confucianism with Buddhism a reduced pres-ence following the immense political power Buddhist monasteries had held in the previous period (Goryeo 935ndash1392) when the clergy of the monasteries actively participated in politics

There is little research on the artistic practice associated with Korean medi-tational Buddhism which is more neglected than the religious doctrinal aspects of Seon There is virtually no material on this topic in Western languages but the few sources available in Korean are not always critical but do make a great contribution to our knowledge and provide good reference materials

Gim Myeongguk (Kim Myeongguk) and the problem of Bodhidharma as Huineng

The earliest surviving pictures of Bodhidharma made by Korean masters are from the 16th and the 17th centuries and have a strong connection with Japan

24 Apart from the fact that cave temples were common in India and China their symbolism also plays a role in the interpretation of Bodhidharma imagery

25 Sitting under a tree is a reference to Shakyamuni Buddharsquos enlightenment But the activity is also associated with Buddharsquos contemporary Mahavira the founder of Jainism (Eliade 1997 p 71)

Bod

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Fig 3

Unknown painter Huineng

(from Sancaituhui) Ming

period (1609) print

Reproduced in Sancaituhui

edited by Wang Qi

and Wang Siyi 317

Fig 4

Unknown painter

Bodhidharma with Huike

Joseon period wall painting

Geukrakjeon Daewonsa

Boseong South Jeolla

Province Republic of Korea

186 187

Among them the most famous are Gim Myeonggukrsquos (c 1600ndashafter 1662)26 Bodhidharma paintings which long remained a model for the later artists approaching the theme Gim Myeongguk was a member of the Dohwaseo Royal Painting Institute His contemporaries described him as a carefree drunkard a characterization that corresponds to the Chinese image of the eccentric artist and we know that during his stay in Japan his paintingsrsquo broad forceful brush-strokes suggest such an eccentricity27

In 1637 and 1643 Gim Myeongguk visited Japan as a member of an offi-cial delegation28 It has been said that like Han Sigak he was probably drawn to ZenSeon Buddhist figure painting through commissions from Japanese patrons who generally preferred Buddhist themes (Yi Tong-ju 1973 p 54-58) Many of his paintings held in Japanese collections are of this genre whereas contemporary painting in Korea was dominated by secular themes The style of both Gim Myeonggukrsquos landscapes and his figure paintings is very similar to that of the Chinese Zhe School particularly the works of the eccentric Wu Wei The Seoul National Museum has the most impressive example in this style and his most famous painting of Bodhidharma where the patriarch is captured with a few forceful yet delicate brushstrokes

Among Gim Myeonggukrsquos Bodhidharma paintings a triptychrsquos central panel in the Tokyo National University of Arts shows the Bodhidharma cross-ing water on a reed (Fig 2) His head is covered with a dark hood which is most unusual in this kind of representation yet we can find its source in the famous Ming Chinese printed book Sancai tuhui [Kor Samjaedohwi] an impor-tant resource for the artists with illustrations of famous Daoist and Buddhist masters on every page In this book the Sixth Chan patriarch Huineng is seen in a dark hood and similar facial expressions29 so we might suppose that Gim Myeongguk had used this pattern book adding a little modification to suit his subject (Fig 3) Using Huinengrsquos iconography based on the Sancai tuhui and followed by the Xianfo qizong [Kor Hongssiseonbulgijong] printed in 1602 the

26 According to the ldquoDongguk Munheon rokrdquo (Collection of Records of the Eastern Countries) chapter ldquoHwaga pyeonrdquo (Chapter on painters) his family comes from Ansan also called Yeonseong So maybe this is the origin of his pen name Yeondam (Lotus pond) But as he was connected to Buddhism the lotus in his pen name probably had Buddhist significance His other names were Cheonrsquoyeo (heavenly water) and Chui ong (drunken old man) (O SeChang chapter on Gim Myeongguk) Unfortunately we donrsquot have many written sources on him his birth and death dates are unknown He used three differently written forms of ldquoMyeongrdquo in his name but according to recent research there was no consistency in the way he used the different characters in his name so they do not help date his paintings (Deoksu 1999 see table for the chronology of his use of different characters p 49)

27 We know several stories about him written by Nam Yuyong (1698 ndash 1773) in the collection called Noe Yeon jip (Nam Yuyong Noeyeonjip Jinhwisok ko pp 35ndash36)

28 He stayed for ten months in 163729 Huinengrsquos dark hood existed as a visual formula from the 12th century where we can see Huineng

represented among the patriarchs wearing a separate hood which was darkened in later copies

Bod

hidharm

a in China K

orea and Jap

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Fig 5

Unknown painter Bodhidharma

with Huike Joseon period

wall painting 267sum140 cm

Eungjinjeon Tongdosa Yangsan

city South Gyeongsang

Province Republic of Korea

Fig 6

Unknown painter Bodhidharma

Ming period rubbing from a

stone relief Shaolin Monastery

Songshan Henan Province

Peoplersquos Republic of China

188 189

hood is no darker than the robe itself which we also find in other represen-tations of Bodhidharma The wall painting of the Geukrak Hall of Daewon temple in South Jeolla province shows Bodhidharma with the same features as the image of Huineng seen in both model books but we can be sure about the identity of the figure in the wall painting as it shows Huike presenting Bodhidharma a severed arm (Fig 4)

The ldquoOriginalrdquo Model from Shaolin Monastery

Other paintings showing Bodhidharma with Huike are quite different from the one discussed above One of Korearsquos three most famous temples the Tongdosa has a wall painting dated around 1670 where a bearded figure with large eyes is seen in profile sitting on a straw mat under a pine tree and holding a begging bowl A young noticeably smaller monk holds a book and bows before the seated man (Fig 5) There is no hint of the removed arm but then how do we know that this person is Bodhidharma Our question leads us back to China to the model preserved at the famous Shaolin monastery a place strongly connected with Bodhidharma him-self The image preserved here shows its subject in the same posture as the seated figure in the wall painting (Fig 6) Recently in 1992 the same face type was used as a model for a commission by a Chinese artist on a Bodhidharma sculpture for the Waujeong temple in Gyeonggi province in Korea (Fig 7)30 In Korearsquos other famous monastery the Haeinsa where the printing blocks of the Buddhist canon the Tripitaka Koreana are kept there is another Bodhidharma painting from the Joseon period which bears a resemblance to the wall painting at Tongdosa We can see its influence on other Bodhidharma paintings too where the facial expressions are similar though the setting is different (eg the painting in the Emille Museum)

Gim Hongdo (Kim Hongdo) and the Problems of Bodhidharma as an Immortal

In the oeuvre of another famous Korean artist Gim Hongdo (1745ndashafter 1814) who is considered one of the most outstanding artists of the Joseon period (1392ndash1910) we find paintings showing figures standing or sitting on a reed One of them where the figure is standing on a reed bears an inscription ldquoPicture of crossing the sea on a reedrdquo (Fig 8) Even though we know stories from Japan claiming that Bodhidharma actually crossed the sea and went to Japan this tra-dition can be also traced back to the depiction of the Daoist immortalsrsquo cross-ing the sea and has a long history in iconography that predates Bodhidharmarsquos

30 In the Korean Seon Buddhist magazine Seon Munhwa (Pyeon Jippu 2002 20ndash21) we read that the erection a sculpture made in China was an attempt to access the ldquorealrdquo image of Bodhidharma while also using the most authentic Chinese sources

Bod

hidharm

a in China K

orea and Jap

anMod

els for representations

and com

mercialization of the legend

ary founder of C

han Bud

dhism

in East A

siaB

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ix M

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Fig 7

Chinese sculptor (name

unknown) Bodhidharma

Sculpture in Korea 1992

[bronze] Waujeongsa

Yeongin Gyeonggi Province

Republic of Korea Photograph

taken by the author in 2006

Fig 8

Gim Hongdo (1745-1806)

Standing Figure on a Reed

19th century inscription

ldquoCrossing the sea on a reedrdquo

Colors on paper

Gansong Art Gallery Seoul

Reproduced in Choi Seon-taek

[Korean Seon Painting] pl 40

190 191

appearance In the case of Gim Hongdo we know that he painted Daoist topics too And if we look at the figure in his painting we see his East Asian rather than Western features and the fur around his waist which also suggests immor-tal qualities (as a parallel see Shen Choursquos painting of an immortal from China in the Nelson-Atkins Museum) The other painting shows a young boy sitting and sleeping on a reed a topic which was also popular among artists in 18th century Korea (see Sim Sajeongrsquos (1707ndash1769) painting of a similar theme) but even though there is still some confusion in identifying this crossing fig-ure with Bodhidharma (Kim Nami 2000 90ndash91) It is very probable that the young seated figure follows the iconography of an immortal (see other young immortal figures crossing seated without a reed) This is supported by the fact that Gim Hongdo painted very similar scenes of immortals crossing water for instance one such immortal crossing on a shrimp (Fig 9)

However the strongly held view is that Gim Hongdorsquos crossing paintings representing Bodhidharma resulted in later images using this iconography either showing Bodhidharma as a young boy or showing Bodhidharmarsquos cross-ing on a reed in a seated position

We have seen from the above examples that the identification of a certain per-sonality in visual arts is interlinked with the beliefs of a given society adding new qualities to an existing legend In the case of Korean Bodhidharma imagery the tradition of arhat paintings and the Daoist immortals was a great contribution and the existence of illustrative models and pattern books are evident though their use was not always from first-hand and there was a degree of freedom in their recon-figuration as seen in the use of Huinengrsquos model in an image of Bodhidharma

Bodhidharma Images in Contemporary South Korea

Anyone who visits Korea soon encounters the representations of Bodhidharma His figure and legend are usually represented in Buddhist temples but a recent phe-nomenon has taken his figure more and more into the secular and semi-secular context such as souvenir shops not only in the vicinity of temples but in other tour-istic areas and frequently visited places like at motorway service stations or even tube stations and restaurants Popular womenrsquos magazines and television channels often carry advertisements for Bodhidharma painters offering potential well-being

Many scholarly studies have been conducted about Bodhidharma but how the image of Bodhidharma came to be commercialized it is still an understud-ied side to the area As is how the Bodhidharmarsquos representations were distrib-uted in East Asia and influenced local imagination and further representations Also worthy of attention of visual arts scholars is how certain models were used in reproducing new objects with the intent of selling them to the wider public a real phenomenon in contemporary Korea This is similar to Japan in inten-tion but the chosen sources for promoting this saintly figure are very different

Bod

hidharm

a in China K

orea and Jap

anMod

els for representations

and com

mercialization of the legend

ary founder of C

han Bud

dhism

in East A

siaB

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ix M

ecsi

Fig 9

Gim Hongdo (1745-

1806) Immortal

crossing the sea on

a shrimp Ink and

light colors on paper

331sum41 cm Sun

Moon University

Museum Collection

(Sun Moon Collection

2001 pl83 p280)

Fig 10

Katsushika Hokusai

(1760-1849) Big

Daruma ca 1817 ink

on paper Reproduced

in Timon Screech

The Lens Within the

Heart The Western

Scientific Gaze and

Popular Imagery in

Later Edo Japan

London Routledge

Curzon 2002 p 243

pl140

192 193

The manner in which Bodhidharma images enter the secular world differs con-siderably between the Japanese islands and Korea

When we look at the ways Bodhidharma images are popularized in modern and contemporary East Asia we find some basic differences between China Korea and Japan

Among these countries Japan was the first one to popularize Bodhidharma on a large scale not only in simplified ink paintings usually executed by monk paint-ers and in popular colour prints but in a form of a roly-poly doll called Daruma

The transformation of the image of a religious founder into a doll is an interesting phenomenon which only appeared in Japan and this form of representation entered Korea as a symbol of Japaneseness rather than the representation of Bodhidharma himself (for example as a sign in Japanese restaurants like the waving cat)

In China the popularization of Bodhidharma only happened recently but here the visual appearance does not play as such an important role as it does in Japan or Korea Here the cult flourishes especially around the Shaolin mon-astery and mainly among martial arts practitioners to whom Bodhidharma is venerated as the founder of Shaolin kungfu

In Korea producing Bodhidharma images and objects was a fashion in the last decades and increased considerably in the last couple of years It started in 1988 with the Seoul Olympics when the so-called gold cards were launched the market These gold cards are small cards painted with real gold paint usu-ally with some lucky representations like the twelve Oriental zodiac animals Taoist talismans and for Westerners four-leaf clovers images of Jesus Christ but more and more with the image of Bodhidharma

Contemporary painters also turned towards the image of the saint and we find not only monks but some professional painters also started to revitalize his image We clearly see this not only in art shops and exhibitions but also in the publica-tions of several books and albums devoted exclusively to Bodhidharma paintings31

The structure of these books is the same where each painting (usually 100 or more often 108) is followed by a poem or explanation related to the legend or some Buddhist teaching These books often combine the pattern book for-mat with the drawing manual with tips on how to draw Bodhidharma Korean painters of Bodhidharma generally use such pattern books together with other publications on Buddhist imagery and in many cases it is obvious where their models came from showing clear formal affinities with their models However at the same time spontaneous ink paintings require some expression from the artist thus making them very personal and spiritually charged pieces

31 For example Hong Ip-Yo Yi Byoung-kyo Dalmado (Bodhidharma-paintings) Seoul Jayu Segye Publ 1993 Gim Chrsquoangbae Hangukeui Dalmado (Korean Bodhidhma Paintings) Seoul Ehwa Munhwa Publishing 1999 Gim Nami Geurimeuro mannaneun Dalma (Meeting Bodhidharma on Pictures) Seoul Shikongsa Publ 2000 Beomju seunim Dalma seonmuk (Monk Beomju Ink Paintings of Bodhidharma) Seoul Hakmunsa Publishing 2001 Yu Hyeongjae 108 Dalma (108 Bodhidharma) Seoul Baekam Publishing 2002

Bod

hidharm

a in China K

orea and Jap

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els for representations

and com

mercialization of the legend

ary founder of C

han Bud

dhism

in East A

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ecsi

When talking about popularization we have to mention the importance of major public events and how some artists have used these occasions to propa-gate the image of Bodhidharma

In 2002 when Korea and Japan held the FIFA World Cup monk-painter Gim Dongseong (b 1954) showed his new works in both countries representing Bodhidharma with a football updating the figure in a manner appropriate for the event However he also included a philosophical explanation for his paintings referring to the basic qualities and shared pronunciation for the word ldquoballrdquo (Kor gong) and emptiness (also gong) an important concept in Buddhism (Skt śunyata)

In 2005 during the International APEC (Asian Pacific Economic Cooperation) meeting in Busan monk Beomju (b 1943) made a public performance by making a huge Bodhidharma painting Painting large scale Bodhidharma images for public events can be traced back to earlier traditions It is recorded that the famous Ukiyo-e artist Hokusai (1760ndash1849) also made a similarly giant image in year 1804 (Fig 10)32

Painting Bodhidharma as a performance is not so rare among Korean monk-artists and Jung Gwang the ldquomad monkrdquo (1934ndash2002) who gained interna-tional reputation with his daring Bodhidharma paintings and performances even influenced contemporary expressionist art in the West

In sum in Korean visual arts and Buddhism there is a burgeoning trend in the production and distribution of images of the first Chan patriarch which requires an attempt to understand it in the context of its inner developments and history while placing it within the larger context of other Asian countries

Bibliography

Addiss S (1989) The Art of Zen Paintings and Calligraphy by Japanese Monks 1600-1925 New York Charles Miers

Addiss S and Seo A Y (1998) The Art of 20th Century Zen Paintings and Calligraphy by Japanese Masters Boston Shambala

AwAkAwA Y (1970) Zen Painting Tokyo Kodansha InternationalBDK English Tripitaka (2006) Numata Center for Buddhist TraditionBukkyō Daijiten (1933) compiled by Mochizuki ShinkyōBukkyō Daijiten HakkōshoBArnet S and Burto W (1982) Zen Ink Paintings Tokyo KodanshaBelting H (1987) The End of the History of Art (trans C Wood) Chicago University of Chicago

Press[Beomju seunim Dalma seonmuk] (2001) 범주스님 달마 선묵 [Monk Beomjursquos ink paintings of

Bodhidharma] Seoul Hakmunsa[Boun Jippu] 보운 집부 (2002) ldquo1300yeonyeonmane Dalma daesa uri nara e bongrsquoandwaedardquo

1300 여년만에 달마 대사 우리나라에 봉안되다 [ldquoIt was more than 1300 years since Grand Master Bodhidharma was enshrined in Koreardquo] Seon Munhwa 4 p 20ndash21

Brinker H (1973) Die Zen-buddhistische Bildnismalerei in China und Japan Muumlnchener Ostasiatische Studien vol 10 Wiesbaden Franz Steiner

32 Kōriki Enkōan from Hokusai taiga sokusho saizu c 1817 Nagoya City Museum

194 195

mdash (1987) ldquoThe Daruma-shū Dōgen and Sōtō Zenrdquo in Monumenta Nipponica vol 42 nordm 1 p 25ndash55

mdash (1991) The Rhetoric of Immediacy A Cultural Critique of ChanZen Buddhism Princeton New Jersey Princeton University Press

mdash (1993) Chan Insights and Oversights (An Epistemological Critique of the Chan Tradition) Princeton New Jersey Princeton University Press

mdash (1996) Visions of Power Princeton Princeton University Pressmdash (1997) The Will to Orthodoxy A Critical Genealogy of Northern Chan Buddhism Stanford

California Stanford University Pressmdash (2003) ldquoLa double vie du patriacherdquo in Kyburz J A et al (eds) Eloge des sources

Reflets du Japon ancien et moderne Paris Editions Philippe Picquier p 509ndash538Fo-jih Chi-sung (1007-1072) and Tōrei Enji (1721ndash1792) Damoduolo Chanjing 達摩多羅禪

經 [ldquoBodhidharma Zen Sūtrardquo] (1964) Taishō Shinshū Daizōkyō Kankokai 大正新脩大蔵蔵 [ldquoTripitaka in Chineserdquo] Tōkyō Taishō Issaikyō Kankōkai (T15 No618)

Foulk G T and Sharf R H (1993ndash1994) ldquoOn the Ritual Use of Chrsquoan Portraiture in Medieval Chinardquo in Cahiers drsquoExtrecircme-Asie [Revue bilingue de lrsquoEcole Franccedilaise drsquoExtrecircme Orient Section de Kyoto] Special Issue Chrsquoan Zen Studies vol 7 p 155ndash219

Fontein J and Hickman M L (1970) Zen Painting and Calligraphy Boston Museum of Fine Arts

Fromm E Suzuki DT and DeMartino R (1960) Zen Buddhism and Psychoanalysis New York Harper and Row

gernet J (1949) Les entretiens du maicirctre de dhyāna Chen-houei du Ho-tsouml (668-760) Paris Adrian Maisonneuve

gomBrich E H (1960) Art and Illusion A Study in the Psychology of Pictorial Representation London Phaidon

mdash (1982) The Image and the Eye Further studies in the Psychology of Pictorial Representation London Phaidon

goodAll J (1979) Heaven and Earth 120 Album Leaves from a Ming Encyclopaedia San-tsrsquoai trsquou-hui 1610 London Lund Humphries

grAnoFF PH and shinohArA K (1988) Monks and Magicians Religious Biographies in Asia Motilal Banarsidass India

heine S and Wright D S (eds) (2004) The Zen Canon Oxford Oxford University Press[Hong Ip-ik and Yi Byeong-gyo] 홍입익middot이병교 (1993) Dalmado Hwabeop immun gamsang

baektae 달마도 畵法入門 鑑賞百態 [Painting Bodhidharma hundred great ways to achieve enlightenment through painting] Seoul Jayu Segye

[Hong Cha-seong and So Cheon-seok] 홍자성소천석 (1974) Hongssi seonbulgijong 홍씨 선불

기종 [Marvellous tales of immortals] Sakbuk JayuhisAmAtsu S (1971) Zen and Fine Arts from original Zen to Bijutsu (trans T Gishin) Tokyo

Kodansha Internationalhu S (1953) ldquoChan (Zen) Buddhism in China Its History and Methodrdquo in Philosophy East and

West vol 3 nordm 1 p 3ndash24mdash (1994) ldquoPutidamo gaordquo in Hu Shih Wencun Taibei Yuanliu Khuban Shiyegufen Youxian

Gongsi c Ltd vol12 p 137ndash150hyers C (1973) Zen and the Comic Spirit Philadelphia Westminster Press

Brinker H (1994) Zen in der Kunst des Malens Bern Muumlnchen Wien Otto Wilhelm Barth Verlag

Brinker H and Kanazawa H (1996) Zen Masters of Meditation in Images and Writings Based on a Catalogue of an Exhibition at the Museum Rietberg and Kyoto National Museum

Brinker H Kramers R P and Ouwehand C (eds) (1982) Zen in China Japan East Asian Art Papers of the International Symposium on Zen Zuumlrich University

BAten L (1992) Japanese Folktoys The Playful Arts Tokyo ShufunotomoBuddhist Paintings of Korea (1997ndash2004) Seoul Buddhist Cultural Properties Research

Institute vols1ndash31Buswell R (1992) The Zen Monastic Experience Buddhist Practice in Contemporary Korea

Princeton Princeton University PresscAhill J (1983) ldquoTypes of Text-Object Relationships in Chinese Artrdquo in 31st International

Congress of Human Sciences in Asia and North America (CIISHAN) Abstracts of Papers TōkyōTōhō Gakkai vol 2 p 276

cAssirer E (1953) The Philosophy of Symbolic Forms Vol1 Language (trans R Mannheim) New Haven Yale University Press

[Chang Hee-jeong] 張姬貞 (1996) Joseon hugi Jogyesan jiyeok bulhwaeui yeonrsquogu 朝鮮 後

期 曹溪山地域 佛畵의 硏究 ldquoA Study of Buddhist Paintings of Late Joseon dynasty in Monasteries on Mt Chogyerdquo in Misul Sahak Yeonrsquogu nordm 210 p 71ndash104

chApin H B (1945ndash1946) ldquoThree Early Portraits of Bodhidharmardquo in Archives of the Chinese Art Society of America nordm 1 p 66ndash95

[Choi Seok-hwan] 최석환 (2002) ldquoDalmawa yutopiardquo 달마와 유토피아 [ldquoBodhidharma and Utopiardquo] in Seon Munhwa nordm 4 p 26ndash31

[Choi Sun-taek] 최순택 (1995) Dalmadorsquoeui segye 達磨圖의 世界 [The world of Bodhidharma-paintings] Seoul Hakmunsa

mdash ldquoDalmadorsquoeui yeonrsquogurdquo 達磨圖의 硏究 (1996) [ldquoResearch on Bodhidharma-paintingsrdquo] in Gukje seonmuhakhoe 國際禪武學會 [International Association of Zen and Martial Arts] vol 5 nordm 1 p 21ndash107

mdash Hangukeui seonseohwa 한국의 선서화 (1998) [Korean Seon Painting] Seoul Hakmun[Choi Wan-su] 최완수 (1996) Seokjeong sohwajip 석정 소화집 [Painting collection of monk

Seokjeong] Seoul BeomhaDaruma ten 達磨展 (1988) [ldquoBodhidharma Exhibitionrdquo] Tōkyō Shinjuku Isetan Bijutsukan

vol 4 np 10 p 16drsquoeliA m P (ed) (1942-49) Fonti Ricciane documenti originali concernenti Matteo Ricci e la sto-

ria delle prime relazioni tra lEuropa e la Cina 1579-1615 3 vols Rome Libreria dello Statodukes T [Shifu Nagaboshi Tomio] (1994) The Bodhisattva Warriors The Origin Inner

Philosophy History and Symbolism of the Buddhist Martial Art within India and China York Beach Samuel Weiser

dumoulin H (1992) Zen Buddhism in the 20th Century (trans J S OrsquoLeary) New York and Tokyo Weatherhill

eliAde M (1997 [1978]) Vallaacutesi hiedelmek eacutes eszmeacutek toumlrteacutenete (original title Histoire des croy-ances et des ideacutees religieuses) Budapest Osiris Kiadoacute

FAure B (1986) ldquoBodhidharma as a Textual and Religious Paradigmrdquo in History of Religions vol 25 nordm3 p 187ndash198

Bod

hidharm

a in China K

orea and Jap

anMod

els for representations

and com

mercialization of the legend

ary founder of C

han Bud

dhism

in East A

siaB

eatr

ix M

ecsi

196 197

im deok-su (1999) Yeondam Kim Myeongguk eui Seonhwa yeongu [A Study of the Zen Painting by Kim Myeongguk] MA-diss Department of Buddhist Art and Culture The Graduate School of Buddhism Dongguk University Seoul Korea

JArAnd U (trans) (1987) Dialog uumlber das Ausloumlchen der Anschaung ein fruumlher Chinesischer text aus Tunhuang Frankfurt [Main] RG Fischer

Jing A (1996) ldquoThe Eight Immortals The Transformation of Trsquoang and Sung Taoist Eccentrics during the Yuumlan dynastyrdquo in Hearn M K and Smith J G (eds) Arts of The Sung and Yuumlan New York Metropolitan Museum of Art p 213ndash227

Jung K (1979) The Mad Monk Paintings of Unlimited Action Berkeley Lancaster-Miller Publishers

kAnAZAwA H (1979) Japanese Ink Painting Early Zen Masterpieces Japanese Arts Library Tokyo Kodansha International and Shibundo

kidō C (1978 [1932]) Daruma to sono shosō 達磨と其諸相 [Bodhidharma and his representa-tions] Tokyo Heigo Shuppan-sha

[Kim Chang-bae] 김장배 (1999) Hangug eui Dalmado 한국의 달마도 [Korean Bodhidharma paintings] Seoul Ehwa Munhwa

[Kim Chang-bae] 김장배 (2007) Hangug eui Modeun Dalma 한국의 모든달마 [The all Korean Bodhidharma] Seoul Seoyemunrsquoinhwa

[Kim Cheol] 김철 (1986) Taekwondo Kyoyukron (Education of Taekwondo) Seoul Wonkwang Univervisty Publlishers

[Kim Hye-jeong] 김혜정 (2002) ldquoDalma Chukgu gongeul deulda Dongseong seunimeui Dalmadordquo달마 축구공을 들다 동성스님의 달마도 [ldquoBodhidharma holds a footballrdquo] Seon Munhwa vol 4 p 22ndash25

[Kim Na-mi] 김나미 (2000) Geurimeuro mannaneun Dalma 그림으로 만나는 달마 [Meeting Bodhidharma on pictures] Seoul Shikongsa

[Kim Yong-jae] 김영재 (2001) Bulgyo misureul boneun nun 불교미술을 보는 눈 [Eye for Buddhist art] Seoul Sakyejul

[Koam] 고암 (2006) ldquoDalmado geinjeon yeoneun deuksan hwabaek ilneomeseo munyeo-muirordquo 달마도 개인전 여는 득산 화백 일념에서 무념으로 [ldquoHwabaekrsquos private exhibition of Bodhidharma-paintings From one-attachment to no-attachmentrdquo] Seon Munhwa vol 6 p 50ndash55

koderA T J (1980) Dōgenrsquos Formative Years in China London Routledge and Kegan Paul[Kōjō] 光定 (1964) ldquoDenjutsu Isshin Kaimonrdquo 伝述一心戒文 (ldquoThe Record of the Precepts in a

Mindrdquo) in Taishō Shinshū Daizōkyō Kankokai 大正新脩大蔵経 [ldquoTripitaka in Chineserdquo] Tokyo Taisho Issaikyo Kankokai nordm 74 p 639

[Kōkan Shiren] 虎関師錬 (1278-1348) (1921ndash1922) Genkō Shakusho 元亨釈書 [Buddhist his-tory of the Genkō era] vol15ndash16 Takakusu Junjirō et al (eds) Dai Nihon Bukkyō zensho Tōkyō Yoseido Reprinted Suzuki gakujutsu zaidan edition Tōkyō Kodansha 1970ndash1973 vol 62 p 66ndash230

[Kōshū] 光宗 (1276-1350) Keiran Shūyōshū 渓嵐拾葉集 (A Collection of Leaves Gathered in Stormy Streams) (T762410 532b)

kurAnAkA S (1996) ldquoShōtoku Taishi Kataoka Setsuwa no Keiseirdquo 聖徳太子片岡説話の形成 [ldquoThe formation of Prince Shōtokursquos Kataoka-talerdquo] Manrsquoyo vol 10 p 61

[Kwanjo Monk] 관조스님 (1999) Sachrsquoal Byeokhwa 사찰 벽화 [The mural paintings of Buddhist

temples] Seoul Misul Munhwa [Photographs]lAchmAn C (1993) ldquoWhy Did the Patriarch Cross the River The Rushleaf Bodhidharma

Reconsideredrdquo in Asia Major nordm 6 p 237ndash268lAncAster L R (1983) The Dirty Mop Unlimited Action Paintings and Poems by Jung Kwang the

Mad Monk Berkeley and Seoul Asian Humanities Press and Po Chin ChailAo-ce (1994) Tao Te King Az Uacutet eacutes Ereacuteny koumlnyve (Original title Laozi Daode qing (trans

Weoumlres Saacutendor and Tőkei Ferenc) Budapest TericumlopeZ D Jr (ed) (1995) Curators of the Buddha The Study of Buddhism Under Colonialism

Chicago University of Chicago Pressluo XiAnglin (1960) Tang dai Guangzhou Guangxiao si yu Zhong Yin jiao tong zhi guan xi Jiulong

Zhongguo xue she[Manbong seunim chungyo munhwajae je 48 ho] 만봉스님 중요문화재 제 48 호 [Monk Manbong

living cultural asset no48] (2002) Seoul BongwonsamArosi E (1995) Keacutep eacutes hasonmaacutes Műveacuteszet eacutes valoacutesaacuteg a 14-15 szaacutezadi Magyarorszaacutegon [Image

and likeness Art and reality in the 14th and 15th centuries in Hungary] Budapest Akadeacutemiai KiadoacutemcFArlAnd H N (1986) ldquoFeminine Motifs in Bodhidharma Symbology in Japanrdquo in Asian

Folklore Studies [Nagoya Asian Folklore Institute] nordm 14 p 167ndash191mdash (1987) Daruma The Founder of Zen in Japanese Art and Popular Culture Tokyo and New York

Kodansha InternationalmcrAe J (2001) ldquoReligion as Revolution in Chinese Historiography Hu Shih (1891-1962) on

Shen-Hui (684-758)rdquo in Cahiers drsquoExtrecircme-Asie nordm 12 p 59ndash102mecsi B (1999) ldquoHogyan lett a szentből jaacuteteacutekbabardquo [ldquoHow did a saint become a dollrdquo]

Műhely [Atelier] p 116ndash118mdash (2000) ldquoHogyan eacuterkezett Bodhidharma Japaacutenbardquo [ldquoHow did Bodhidharma arrive

to Japanrdquo] in Orientalista Nap MTA Orientalisztikai Bizottsaacuteg amp ELTE Budapest p 120ndash126 and 245ndash257

mdash (2003) ldquoIdentification problems of Korean Bodhidharma-paintingsrdquo University of Rome ldquoLa Sapienziardquo Faculty of Oriental Studies 21st AKSE Conference-papers p 155ndash162

mdash 2005 ldquoWhy did Bodhidharma Come from the West Origins of Representations of the First Zen Patriarchrdquo in Proceedings of the Hawaii International Conference on Arts and Humanities

mdash (2007) ldquoBodhidharma Images in Contemporary Korea Methods and Strategies of Using and Popularizing the Representations of the First Zen Patriarchrdquo in International Biannual Conference for the Association of Korean Studies Europe Dourdan (AKSE)-Publications

mdash (2007) ldquoBuddhist Saints Crossing the Sea Reconsidering Text-Image Relationships for Understanding the Iconography of the First Zen Patriarchrdquo in Proceedings of the Hawaii International Conference on Arts and Humanities

mdash (2007) ldquoA Szent eacutes a Jaacuteteacutekbaba A Zen Buddhizmus alapiacutetoacutejaacutenak alakja a nem-zen hagy-omaacutenyok tuumlkreacutebenrdquo [ldquoThe Saint and the DollThe founder of Zen Buddhism in the con-text of non-Zen Studiesrdquo] Japanisztika a Boumllcseacutesztudomaacutenyban Kaacuteroli Gaacutespaacuter Reformaacutetus Egyetem Budapest p 203ndash210

mdash (2007) ldquoEvolution Distribution and Commercialization of the Images of Bodhidharma Or How did a Religious Founder Become a Toyrdquo in Japanoloacutegiai Koumlrkeacutep (Istvaacuten Szerdahelyi Peacuteter Wintermantel eds) ELTE Eoumltvoumls Kiadoacute p 245ndash254

mdash (2008) ldquoThe Power on Images on Texts Re-Examined The Case of Bodhidharmarsquos Crossing

Bod

hidharm

a in China K

orea and Jap

anMod

els for representations

and com

mercialization of the legend

ary founder of C

han Bud

dhism

in East A

siaB

eatr

ix M

ecsi

198 199

and the Mass-Consumtion of Bodhidharma-images in Japan and Contemporary South Koreardquo in Oriental Archive (Archiv Orientalniacute) Quarterly Journal of African and Asian Studies Oriental Institute Prague vol 76 p 217ndash249

mdash (2008) ldquoAacutetkeleacutes a naacutedszaacutelon Keacutep eacutes szoumlveg kapcsolata a kelet-aacutezsiai vallaacutesos műveacuteszetbenrdquo [ldquoCrossing on a Reed Text-image relationships in East Asian Religious Paintingrdquo] in Kaposvaacuter Szele Baacutelint (ed) Pro Scientia Aranyeacutermesek IX Tudomaacutenyos konferenciaacuteja Pro Scientia Aranyeacutermesek Taacutersasaacutega Budapest p 46ndash58

mdash (2009) ldquoAz lsquoaacutetkeleacutes a naacutedszaacutelonrsquo legenda eredeteacutenek keacuterdeacuteseacuterőlrdquo [ldquoThe problem of the Legend of Crossing on a Reedrdquo] in Taacutevol-keleti Tanulmaacutenyok Budapest Taacutevol-keleti Inteacutezet vol 2 p 103ndash122

mdash (2010) ldquoBodhidharma in Contemporary South Korea The Founder of Chan Buddhism from Sacral to Popular Culturerdquo in Govindasamy G Park C K and Tan S K (eds) Korean affaris A contemporary view Kuala Lumpur Perpustakaan Negara Malaysia p 135ndash147

mdash (2013) Szentből jaacuteteacutekbaba A Daruma baba nyomaacuteban a Taacutevol-Keleten [ldquoDoll from a saint In Search for the Daruma doll in East Asiardquo]Lecture on 28th May 2013 Kaacuteroli Gaacutespaacuter Reformaacutetus Egyetem (12th July 2013) [online] httpwwwyoutubecomwatchv=QBCV11LGXhQampfeature=c4-overviewamplist=UUeXTAOGzx8xduHtd71ZGICQ

Nihon shoki 日本書記 [ldquoChronicle of Japanrdquo] (1987) (trans Inoue Mitsusada) Tōkyō Chūō Koronsha (Shōwa 62) p 98ndash99

nishimurA S (1985) ldquoThe Prince and the Pauper The Dynamics of a Shotoku Legendrdquo in Monumenta Nipponica vol40 Issue 3 p 299ndash310

nishiyAmA I (1992) Nihon Shisō no genryū to tenkai Ise-shi Kogakkan Daigaku ShuppanbunukAriyA K (1913) The Religion of the Samurai London Luzac amp Cootto R (1932) Mysticism East and West a Comparative Analysis of the Nature of Mysticism

(trans B L Bracey and R C Payne) London Macmillanorsquoriley M K (2001) Art Beyond the West London Laurence KingpAnoFsky E (1984) Jelenteacutes a vizuaacutelis műveacuteszetekben [The Meaning in Visual Arts]

Budapest Gondolatpelliot P (1923) ldquoNotes sur quelques artistes des six dynasties et des Trsquoangrdquo in Trsquooung Pao

vol 22 p 215ndash291Wag Qi 王圻 and Wang Siyi 王思義 (eds) (1988) Sancaituhui [Kor Samjaedohwi] 三才圖會

(Collected Illustrations of the Three Realms) Shanghai Shanghai guji chubansheSancaituhui [Kor Samjaedohwi] 三才圖會 (Collected Illustrations of the Three Realms) (2001)

Seoul Dongguk Universityseckel D (1997) Das Portraumlt in Ostasien Heidelberg Universitis Verlagsekiguchi S (1957) Daruma no Kenkyū Tokyo IwanamishArF R H (1922) ldquoThe Idolization of Enlightenment On the Mummification of Chrsquoan

Masters in Mediaeval Chinardquo in History of Religions vol 32 nordm 1 p 1ndash31mdash (1995) ldquoThe Zen of Japanese Nationalismrdquo in Lopez S and Donald Jr (eds) Curators of

the Buddha The Study of Buddhism under Colonialism Chicago and London University of Chicago Press

mdash and Sharf E H (eds) (2001) Living Images Japanese Buddhist Icons in Context Stanford Stanford University Press

[Seokcheon] 석천 (2001) ldquoDalmadowa hamkke ilcheonobaeknyeon jeoneuiroui gihaengrdquo 달

마도와 함께 일천오백년전의로의 기행 [ldquo150 years with Bodhidharma-paintingsrdquo] in Seon Munhwa nordm 8 p 99ndash105

mdash (2003) ldquoMeokseonrsquoi ppumeonaedeut dongyangeui yeokdongjeogin seonrdquo 먹선이 뿜어내

듯 동양의 역동적인 禪 [ ldquoInk-strokes eliminating the Dynamic Sŏn of the Eastrdquo] in Seon Munhwa nordm 7 p 20ndash23

mdash (2005) ldquoDalmaeui seonbeopi dongtoro gan katalgeun han pok eui dalmadoro dwesala nan dalmaseonrdquo 달마의 선법이 동토東土로 간 까닭은 한 폭의 달마도로 되살아 난 달마선 [ldquoWhy did Bodhidharmarsquos Zen teaching went to the Eastrdquo] in Seon Munhwa nordm 12 p 30ndash37

Korean Buddhist Research Institute (ed) (1998) Sǒn Thought in Korean Buddhism Seoul Dongguk University Press

spiro A (1988) ldquoNew Light on Gu Kaizhirdquo in Journal of Chinese Religions nordm 16 p 1ndash17stevens J Y and Rae A (1990) ZENGA Brushstrokes of Enlightenment New Orleans

Museum of Artsuler J R (1993) Contemporary Psychoanalysis and Eastern Thought Albany State

University of New Yorktylor E B (1920) Primitive Culture Researches into the Development of Mythology Philosophy

Religion Language Art and Custom 2 vols London John MurrayyAmpolsky P B (1967) The Platform Sutra of the 6th Patriarch New Yorkmdash (1983) ldquoNew Japanese Studies in Early Chrsquoan Historyrdquo in W Lai and L R Lancaster

(eds) Early Chrsquoan in China and Tibet Berkeley Buddhist Studies Series p 1ndash11Yi Dong-Ju (1973) Hanguk hwehwa saron (Korean Art History) Seoul Yeolhwadang[Yi Jeong-hwa] 이정화 (2002) ldquoDalmadorsquoe damgyeojin munyeom musin eui hyanggiro cham-

nareul Channeunda Beomju seunimrdquo 달마도에 담겨진 무념 무심의 향기로 참나를 찾는다

범주스님 [ldquoThe fragrance of no-mind is within Bodhidharma-paintings Through this fra-grance we try to find the truthrdquo] in Seon Munhwa nordm 5 p 52ndash55

[Yi Ju-yeon] 이주연 (2005) ldquoGibokeul dwieoneom neun bosihaengeui Dalmadordquo 기복을 뛰

어넘는 보시행의 달마도 [ldquoOffering Bodhidharma-paintigs for transcending fluctuationrdquo] in Seon Munhwa nordm 7 p 96ndash99

[Yi Yeong-hui] 이영희 (1997) Hanguk sawoneui bubyeokhwa e Daehan gochal 한국 사원의 부벽

화에 대한 고찰 [A study of the Pu-wall painting of Korean temples] unpublished MA thesis Seoul Deptartment of Art Education Graduate School of Education Dongguk University

ying Z (1981) Shaolin Kung-fu Hong Kong Kingsway Internationalyoshino H 吉野裕子 (1995) Daruma no Minzokugaku Onrsquoyo gogyo kara toku ダルマの民俗

蔵 陰陽五行から解く [The folklore of Daruma from Yin-Yangto the Five Elements Theory] Tokyo Iwanami Shoten

[Yu Hyeong-jae] 유형재 (2002) 108 Dalma 108 달마 [108 Bodhidharmas] Seoul BaekamweitZmAnn K (1996) The Cotton Genesis British Library Codex Cotton Otho B VI Princeton

University PresswelBon G R (1968) The Buddhist Nirvāna and Its Western Interpreters Chicago University of

Chicago Presswu T (1996) Masterpieces of Chinese Painting from the Museum of Fine Arts Boston Tang

through Yuan Dynasties Tōkyō Otsuka Kogeishahempel R (1960) ZENGA Malerei des Zen-buddhismus Muumlnchen R Piper

Bod

hidharm

a in China K

orea and Jap

anMod

els for representations

and com

mercialization of the legend

ary founder of C

han Bud

dhism

in East A

siaB

eatr

ix M

ecsi

  • capa face to face SEGUNDO VOL
  • Index Face to Face
  • Beatrix Mecsi

172 173

The prevailing Sino-Japanese perspective imposes limits on research but here I propose a more inclusive approach Thus I do not want to limit my research to a single country as do the majority of previous studies discussing this topic The visual images from Korea are relatively unknown because there are only a few publications on Korean imagery of the meditational school in Western languages and even in Korean where there are only a few scholarly studies available as compared to the dozens of books and articles devoted to Japanese Zen Therefore I will treat the material with more emphasis on the Korean Bodhidharma images and will not describe Japanese Bodhidharma images in any great depth In this paper I attempt to concentrate on more recent aspects and relatively undiscovered areas

Art and visual culture not only spreads nationally but also across borders influencing the artistic and creative thoughts of other regions It is particularly true of religion where monks were the carriers of Buddhism from one coun-try to another and alongside their religious beliefs they transmitted the visual culture of other territories in the form of religious imagery Here we should examine the artistic influences and the stylistic differences between the regions where Chan Buddhism was adopted

Images and texts have their own lives They are born (created) they are used in some way and exist in a specific context where they work in interaction with viewers and readers As for the creation of images we will have to answer the following questions by whom why and how were these images produced Regarding the imagesrsquo use there are then the following questions by whom where when how and for what purpose were the given images used In this context it is important to distinguish between how we see the surviving images today and how their contemporaries saw them in the past How they were seen in different eras at different points between their ldquocreationrdquo and the present day There are also images which even though they have not survived might have had an influence on later images and which we should thus try to keep in mind even though we may have no tangible evidence of their existence Images from the past live concurrently together with new images Any change from a previous scheme any innovation deserves our attention because they might reveal a great deal about the context and circumstances of an imagersquos production It is also necessary to discuss the idea of an image in East Asia and within this framework we can draw a more accurate picture of the Bodhidharma imagery

It is difficult to acquire knowledge of the intentions and motivations for repre-senting a visual image in this case representations of Bodhidharma but we can contrast the style of chinsō-type coloured paintings2 used for rituals with the more spontaneous monochrome ink-paintings Looking at both their function and production we can see that style had an importance in the use of these images

2 Chinsō Japanese pronounciation of the term for formal portraits of meditation masters usually made in a meticulous style using colour with great attention paid to the realistic depiction of the face

What is the role of representation in the case of Bodhidharma in different times and regions Is it true that the representation of the founder of this school follows the religious teaching practices of Chan Buddhism by rejecting a reliance on ldquowords and lettersrdquo This issue should be also discussed since its aim is to depict the iconography of an iconoclastic tradition which Chan Buddhism claimed to transmit

It is also necessary to discuss the possible reasons for Bodhidharmarsquos popu-larity especially in Japan where his figure is found almost everywhere even in the form of a roly-poly doll (Fig 1) (Mecsi 1999 2008)

How to Grasp Bodhidharma The Nature of Previous Studies Philology Art History Anthropology

For a long time studies of Chan Buddhism were dominated by a mainly uncriti-cal sectarian approach made by scholars who were mostly monks themselves and accepted many of the legends without question To analyse their own view-point was deemed unnecessary since legends and religious imagery served as settings for their own lives Explaining them was only important where they supported their beliefs3 Only in the first half of the 20th century when the Dunhuang manuscripts were rediscovered scholars such as Hu Shih Ui Hakuju Sekiguchi Shindai and Yanagida Seizan started to look at this tradi-tion from a more objective and critical point of view Following these scholars many Western academics mostly historians of religion began to examine Chan Buddhism and attempted to revise the still prevailing approach introduced to the West by D T Suzuki4 Unquestionably Suzuki contributed a lot to Western intellectual knowledge (for instance his influence on Martin Heidegger Erich Fromm Carl Gustav Jung Thomas Merton and Aldous Huxley) but he pre-sented a version of Zen Buddhism which had very little to do with real East

3 As is usually the case with religious art and thought where the ideas often wrapped in myths and legends in order to bring abstract ideas closer to practitioners and ease understanding For more on symbolism see Cassirer 1953

4 Suzuki Teitarō Daisetz (1870ndash1966) knowledgeable about Anglo-American culture and with a strong command of the English language his marriage to an American woman gave him deep roots in the West without weakening his fidelity to his former Zen Buddhist background The Ameri-can writer William James (1842ndash1910) had a great impact on him influencing him in his psycholo-gising style Though he never gave a systematic presentation of Zen throughout his world tours and activity in the West ldquohe was able to cover all aspects in a prolific output that included such influen-tial works as the three volumes of Essays in Zen Buddhism which first published in London between 1927 and 1934 and which have been reprinted and translated many times since then His other works were also popular such as the trilogy comprising An introduction to Zen Buddhism (1934) The Training of the Zen Buddhist Monk (1934) and the Manual of Zen Buddhism (1935) Suzuki was not a regurgitator but he constantly reinterpreted the message he transmitted adapting it to Western concerns and deliberately highlighting certain key themesrdquo (Dumoulin 1992 p 4ndash10)

Bod

hidharm

a in China K

orea and Jap

anMod

els for representations

and com

mercialization of the legend

ary founder of C

han Bud

dhism

in East A

siaB

eatr

ix M

ecsi

174 175

Asian practice5 The Zen which he introduced to the West was inflected by Western thought and delivered in a form that served mainly missionary pur-poses Emphasis was placed on common ideals and thoughts of human harmony found in Zen Buddhism for which one finds parallels in Christianity Using a different vocabulary and more exact psychological descriptions in place of spe-cific symbolic language helped to further the understanding of the psychological motifs of mysticism detached from either religion especially Christianity but it did not say much about the historical and intellectual background of the newly arrived belief system (Otto 1932 Somogyi 1973 Suler 1993 Fromm-Suzuki 1960 and for the activity of the Kyoto school Dumoulin 1992 p 20ndash66)

For a contemporary scholar it is important to approach ChanZenSeon Buddhism as one would do with any other historical phenomenon to define clearly the viewpoint of investigation and try not to be struck by the allure of the philosophical and religious discourse

Sharf draws attention to the fact that the visuality of a religious tradition was previously a very much neglected field in the traditional Western research which is surprising when we consider the profusion of images well documented by even the earliest European explorers (drsquoElia (ed) 1942ndash1949) and suggests that the division of academic labour prevented Western scholars from having a more accurate picture of the actual religious phenomena in East Asia includ-ing the role of visual imagery (Sharf 2001 p 5) In the West Buddhist studies grew out of philology the study of early texts composed in classical languages (Lopez 1995 Welbon 1968 Fong 1987 Almond 1988) The objective of these scholars was to read the scriptural sources and concentrated on the analysis of Buddhist thought and doctrines the narrative and mythological tradition biographies and the institutionalised history of the tradition

In India where Buddhism disappeared a long time ago and where material artefacts are relatively rare and of uncertain provenance this preoccupation with the ancient texts is not so surprising but in the field of East Asian Buddhism there is no such lack of alternative visual sources for a broader understanding of Buddhist tradition Here there are plentiful sources of archaeological and art historical remains and there is a living tradition which is more or less based on ancient religious practices In this case unlike their colleagues in Indological studies such scholarsrsquo fixation on ancient Buddhist textual sources without a sidelong glance at the living tradition or its visual aspects seems unnecessarily limited(Sharf 2001 p 5)

5 Suzuki used the term Zen for naming a way of thinking and practice cut off from its historical roots and elevating it to a universal truth thus enabling Western audiences to absorb more easily the central meaning of its mysticism He did not handle Zen as a historically definite phenomenon as he was more a missionary interested in spreading an updated spiritual message for contemporary Western society than a historian See the criticism of the historian Hu Shih who attempted to revise the views and method introduced to the West by Suzuki (Hu Shih 1953b 3) However Hu Shihrsquos approach was also historically determined (McRae 2001 p 59ndash102)

Fig 1

Daruma dolls in Japan

Photograph taken

by the author in 2007

Nov 21st

Fig 2

Gim Myeongguk b 1600-d

after 1662 Tryptich

17th century Ink on silk

hanging scroll 966sum388

cm each Collection of Tokyo

University of Arts

Reproduced in Choi Sun-taek

Korean Seon Painting pl21

Bod

hidharm

a in China K

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included their visual experiences Art historians have recently challenged the strongly held methodological assumption that ldquonarrative illustrationsrdquo are inevi-tably preceded by a literary text6 Therefore the suggestion of the primacy of the written sources which has long been an integral part of the iconographical and iconological studies is no longer accepted as being inherently self-evident The tendency to look at pictures in order to identify a background text ldquomay cause narratives to be found where they never intended to berdquo (Lachman 1993 p 242)

The other discipline relevant to our investigation is anthropology In the Judeo-Christian intellectual tradition image-veneration was regarded as idola-try and seen as a sign of ignorance superstition and a retarded cultural develop-ment (Marosi 1995) Early anthropologists such as Edward Tylor and Lucien Leacutevy-Bruhl saw animism where inanimate objects are imbued with animate qualities as a distinguishing feature of ldquoprimitive religionrdquo or ldquoprimitive men-talityrdquo (Tylor 1920 Leacutevy-Bruhl 1985 Sharf 2001 p 6 and p 206) Western scholars of Buddhist Studies who were familiar with the philosophical and liter-ary sophistication of researched Buddhist texts therefore had great difficulty in dealing with the image-veneration of those traditions which had once produced such textual references This issue becomes extremely interesting in the study of Chan Buddhism where Western scholars were often led to admire the icono-clastic and extreme statements of Chan Buddhist Masters These scholars have a tendency to interpret the whole tradition based on such textual sources and thus tend to misinterpret the clear differences in the religious-cultic practices of the believers There are scholars who even make a distinction within Chan Buddhist related art and concern themselves only with the monochrome ink paintings made in the style of the literati termed Zenga (Hempel 1960 Addiss 1976 1989 Stevens-Yelen 1990 Fukushima 1978) Stephen Addiss (1989 p 57) wrote in his book on Zen art that ldquoAs a rule Zen has had little use for miracu-lous deeds stressing instead the enlightenment of the everyday worldrdquo

In this way these scholars attempt to avoid the fact that in Zen Buddhist cir-cles too the veneration of images played a very important role and that some of the themes which appeared on the spontaneous ink paintings were actu-ally inspired by venerated icons Magic and miraculous deeds were also com-mon in ChanZen as seen in several studies published recently (Sharf 1992 Granoff and Shinohara 1988 p 119ndash228) Led by their roots in the study of religious texts scholars of East Asian Buddhism also tend to think of Chan Buddhism as an atheistic tradition and therefore also tend not to consider that

6 Erwin Panofsky argues it is not that texts influence images but that images also have genres as do texts (cited in Marosi 1995 p 26) James Cahill observed the types of text-object relationships in Chinese art and noted the same notion that ldquoolder studies took somewhat simplistic views (hellip) considering the text as primary and constant to which illustrations served as embellishment and amplification recent studies see a more organic interaction In the newer model the works in verbal and visual media adapt flexibly to each other For instance illustrations may generate a new version of the text or the choice of excerpts to be illustrated (hellip) leads to a shift of emphases within the narrativerdquo (Cahill 1983)

Obviously the work of translation in order to understand certain phenom-ena is crucial but scholars should be open to the other alternative sources which may help to provide a better understanding of their topic

The Japanese scholarly tradition namely the pre-modern sectarian scho-lasticism also had a strong influence on the training of scholars in the field of East Asian Buddhism Most Japanese scholars of Chinese and Japanese Buddhism are themselves ordained priests and teaching in private Buddhist Universities sponsored by certain Buddhist orders Japanese scholars of East Asian Buddhism also emphasise the importance of the textual tradition and they tend to impart this orientation to their foreign students Sharf points to the danger that often Western students of Buddhism hardly tend to notice the clerical aspects of their mentorsrsquo education while their Japanese teach-ers perhaps understandably avoid drawing attention to their sectarian inter-ests (Sharf 2001 p 5) The result is that many texts written about East Asian Buddhism by such Western scholars ndash especially on Zen a very popular topic among Westerners ndash adopt an uncritical text-oriented approach

The study of Buddhist art as a discipline also has its own history This is rooted in the classical art historical approach namely viewing a particular arte-fact in the context of other artefacts looking for stylistic similarities and dif-ferences In the hands of these scholars Buddhist textual sources are usually used to identify an image its symbolism and iconography The merit of this approach lies in its ability to identify objects and provide a reliable source for further studies but also often fails to acknowledge the broader context

The identification of an image by its iconography or authorship is useful for art dealers and collectors but for scholars who wish to reconstruct and under-stand a tradition it is only a tool for further research Recently this approach was challenged by art historians in the West where the art historian Hans Belting even went so far as to deny his disciplinersquos legacy by referring to the ldquoend of art historyrdquo suggesting that we should look further and deal with the context and place of the art objects (Belting 1987) Following Beltingrsquos approach much research has been done in the field of Christian art elucidating the place and use of artefacts within the rituals challenging long-held views and breathing fresh air into the scholarship of religious imagery

I discuss both written and pictorial visual sources of Bodhidharma In this respect my research attempts to show that visual sources had as enormous an impact on the written tradition as had previous written sources Accordingly one cannot regard written culture as the only inspirational source for the iconog-raphy of visual images Given the ability to write was not widespread not even among the majority of the monks and religious ldquointelligentsiardquo the oral tradition and visual imagination played an important role in the course of everyday life We also have to think that the writers of such sources were probably not only influ-enced by earlier written sources but also by their own knowledge which equally

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178 179

Southern China in 5207 At that time Mahāyāna Buddhism was an already established religion so the Emperor Wu of the Liang dynasty (Liang Wudi r 502ndash549) who was a devout Buddhist led Buddhist assemblies wrote com-mentaries on several sutras and gave the religion his full support invited the Indian monk Bodhidharma to leave Buddhismrsquos homeland and come to his court After their short conversation it was no wonder that Bodhidharma could not stay any longer so he crossed the Yangzi River with the help of a single reed and headed north8 He stopped at the Shaolin monastery near Luoyang in Henan province9 Here he spent nine years in meditation in a cave facing a blank wall10 The novelty of his teachings came from the stress on the impor-tance of meditation (Skrt Dhyana Ch Chan(na) Kor Seon(na) Jp Zen(na)11 hence the name of the school) at a time when Mahāyāna Buddhism was mainly Sutra-oriented As a famous stanza attributed to Bodhidharma says

7 The exact date of his arrival differs in the written sources and is open to speculation in scholarly works (Pelliot 1923) Earlier textual sources indicate his arrival during the Wei or the Liu-Song periods but towards the second half of the 8th century the legend assumed a more stable arrival during the time of the Liang (Lidai fabao ji dated around 774 T 512075 p 179ndash196) This was probably influenced by the legend previously inserted to Bodhidharmarsquos biography about Bodhidharmarsquos audience with the famous Buddhist-patron and emperor Liang Wudi (r 502ndash549) (Putidamo nanzong ding shifei lun dated 732 Jacques Gernet (trans) 1949 p 81ndash91)We have to add that a text from around 730 called Lengqie shizi zhi mentions a Central Indian monk called Gunabhadra who arrived in Canton by ship during the Yuanjia era (425ndash453) He was welcomed by the emperor and among other works translated the Lankavatara Sutra which had great importance and was later associated with Bodhidharma as being the text he transmitted to his successor Huike (Yampolsky 1967 p 20) Based on this text Luo Xianglin (1960 p 14ndash15) believes that Bodhidharma was a disciple of Gunabhadra at the Guangxiao Temple However Hu Shi stated that Gunabhadra died before Bodhidharma arrived in China (Hu Shi 1994) But such speculations which give more credence to certain sources as reference points rather than others cannot be regarded as an acceptable method though they are important in the sense that the relationships between the given sources is telling

8 The earliest written source is the mid-11th century Chuan fa zhengzong ji (Transmission of the Dharma and the correct teaching in the true School) though there is no mention of the reed (T 512078 715ndash768) The earliest written source which mentions the reed is from the 13th century (Wujia zhengzong zan (Eulogies from the Five Houses in the True School) dated 1254 and Shi shi tongjian 1270) But these early 13th century textual sources do not mention that Bodhidharma actually used the reed to cross the river This we know from the visual sources where Bodhidharma is represented as standing on a reed while crossing the river (Lachman 1993 Mecsi 2008 2009)

9 The earliest reference to Bodhidharmarsquos stay at the Shaolin monastery is from the first decade of the 8th century (Chuan fabao ji (Record of the Transmission of the Dharma Jewel) dated around 710) Thereafter it remains a constant part of the legend

10 The wall-meditation was mostly understood as a meditation technique where the mind should be blank like a wall There is general reference to this technique in several sources from the 7th century onwards (Xu gaoseng zhuan (Continued Biographies of Eminent Monks) dated 645) but without mention of the cave where the wall meditation occurred the cave is often depicted in the visual sources from the 13th century onwards

11 Though practice of meditation was common from the 5th century onwards See Prajnaparamita and Yogacara meditation and the contemplative aspects of the Tiantai school (BDK English Tripitaka 75 1998 p 1)

the ldquoperformance of obeisances and offerings to images which appear within this tradition constitutes idolatry per serdquo (Sharf 2001 p 6)

In sum previous studies done in the field of Chan Buddhism can be sepa-rated to three main groups based on their approach The first is the philological approach of the Buddhologists which may grasp the ideals and aims of the tra-dition but not its real appearance and practice in the given milieu The second is that of classical art history which is concerned with the relationships of the visual images within the context of images but only considers their symbolism and style looking at them in their inner context rather than a broader one The third approach is that of anthropology rooted in the Judeo-Christian disdain of idolatry and the sectarian approach with its influence which both stood in the way of the critical scholarship of Chan Buddhist art in its historical context Each of these approaches has its own value and importance Philology gives us the translated texts to interpret the monastic ideals art history gives us the identifi-cation of artefacts that we can organize with more confidence while anthropol-ogy attempts to describe the living tradition While focusing on our questions we need to cross boundaries between disciplines to bring us closer to our answers

The Legend of Bodhidharma

Those familiar with the history of Chan Buddhism might assume that Bodhidharma is a relatively well-known personality but if we have a closer look at the sources referring to his life we can discern that the real person is somewhat hidden behind the hagiographical texts By looking more closely at the legendary life of Bodhidharma we understand that the story is not about one person but an amalgamation of many legends and traditions Historians with a critical approach can shed new light on the tradition of ChanZenSeon Buddhism and of ldquoits own naturerdquo but they often find themselves in a difficult situation when they wish to outline the proper historical facts behind the sur-viving legends If historians deal with texts concerning Bodhidharma as docu-ments from which they need to find historical facts then the research method can lead to misleading results As Bernard Faure very aptly commented ldquooften enough after this mortuary washing only a skeleton remains and it is this skel-eton that will enter the museum of history In fact some missing bones may have to be taken from other skeletons to complete the exhibitrdquo (1986 p 188)

Textual sources about Bodhidharmarsquos life are greatly inconsistent To avoid confusion I will summarize his life-story including all the available legends that surround Bodhidharma with occasional reference to the controversies and the original sources of the legends mentioned in the footnotes

Bodhidharma (c 470ndash532) founder of Chan Buddhism arrived in Canton

Bod

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his left arm and presented it to Bodhidharma in an attempt to make him speak Finally he had Bodhidharmarsquos attention

There is no peace in my mind Please calm down my mind ndash asked HuikePut it in front of me then I will calm it down ndash replied BodhidharmaBut where shall I look for my mind ndash asked Huike ndash I donrsquot find it anywhereThere now ndash answered Bodhidharma ndash I have already calmed it down

Huike in this moment gained enlightenment16 One day Bodhidharma felt the urge to go back to India so he asked all his disciples to tell him what they had learnt from his teachings and how much they had understood17 When the disciples recounted their interpretations one by one Bodhidharma told Daofu ldquoYou only grasped the skinrdquo To nun Zongchi ldquoyou only grasped the bonerdquo Then to Huike ldquoYou grasped the marrowrdquo Thus Huike became the second Chinese Chan patriarch after Bodhidharma who is considered the 28th Patriarch of Chan Buddhism18 This identification follows a story which traces the Chan teachings back to the Buddha himself and how one day as he was sit-ting on a hill and without saying a word picked out a kumbala flower Nobody understood its significance except Mahakashyapa who became his successor the second patriarch after Shakyamuni Buddha Following an uninterrupted line Bodhidharma is the 28th in the Indian lineage and the first in the Chinese lineage of the Chan patriarchate19 Bodhidharma died before he could return to his homeland some say his rivals poisoned him20 He was buried in North

16 For more on Huike see Chapin 1945ndash1946 The calming of the mind (or in other words anxin dialogue first appears in the middle of the 10th century (See Zutang ji (Anthology of the Patriarch Hall) dated 952)

17 The number of his disciples differs across written sources In the first versions of the legend he only mentioned two disciples See Xu gaoseng zhuan (645) Chuan fabao ji (710) Lengqie shizi ji (c 730) From the second half of the 8th century three are mentioned in Lidai fabao ji (740) and four in Baolin zhuan (801) Zutang ji (952) Jingde chuandeng lu (1004) and in Chuan fa zhengzong ji (1061) Still he only has one disciple in Liuzu tan jing (c 830) and Song gaoseng zhuan (988) The first mention of the ldquoflesh bones and marrowrdquo story is in the Lidai fabao ji (774) thereafter it became a common part of the legend

18 The enumeration of the patriarchs first appeared in the Baolin zhuan (801) according to which Bodhidharma is considered 28th in line Later this numbering became widely accepted

19 Dafan tianwang wenfa jieyi jing (T 2006 p 48 325b7ndash12) Nukariya Kaiten writes that ldquothe book in which this incident is described is entitled Sutra on the Great Brahman Kingrsquos Questioning Buddha to Dispel a Doubt but there exists no original text or any Chinese translation in the Tripitaka It is highly probable that some early Chinese Chan scholar of the [Northern] Song dynasty (960ndash1126) fabricated the tradition because Wang An-shih a powerful minister under the emperor Shen-tsung is said to have seen a book in the Imperial Library There is however no evidence as far as we know pointing to the existence of the Sutra in China In Japan there exist in manuscript form two different translations of that book kept in secret veneration by some Zen masters which have been proved to be fictitious by the present writer after his close examination of the contentsrdquo (Kaiten 1913 p 3)

20 On Bodhidharmarsquos poisoning the earliest surviving document is from the 8th century (Chuan fabao ji c 710)

A special transmission outside the scripturesNot depending on words and lettersDirectly pointing to the humanrsquos mindUnderstanding onersquos own nature12

There is a legend which tells how once during meditation Bodhidharma was overcome by drowsiness and became so angry that he tore off his eyelids from which grew a tea shrub with the leaves that were used to provide a refreshing drink throughout East Asia13 And as he spent so much time without mov-ing his legs and arms atrophied and fell off14 But still he was also consid-ered as the founder of the famous martial art Shaolin gongfu (kungfu)15 While Bodhidharma was sitting meditating in the cave a man Senguang later known as Huike came asked him to accept him as a disciple and begged to be taught by the master however Bodhidharma failed to notice him It was snowing heav-ily but Huike continued to wait patiently outside the cave for Bodhidharma to respond and then in final despair and as a mark of sincere intention he cut off

12 My translation differs slightly from versions found in several different publications The important emphasis on personal experience versus written words was very possibly a Daoist influence (Laozi 1994)

13 I have not found the original version of this legend in the primary sources I have collected This episode might be an early 20th-century European creation possibly the result of an incorrect translation made by Engelbert Kaempfer (1651ndash1716) a German traveller and physician After Kaempfers death his mostly unpublished manuscripts were bought by Sir Hans Sloane and taken to England Among them was a History of Japan translated from the manuscript into English by JG Scheuchzer and published in London in 2 vols in 1727 The original German remains unpub-lished the extant German version being taken from the English (Engelbert Kaempfer MD (1727) The History of Japan Together with a Description of the Kingdom of Siam transl JG Scheuchzer 1906 James MacLehose eds reprint AMS New York 3 volumes) courtesy of Dr John Jor-gensen (Griffith University Australia) through personal communication in April 2007

14 This accounts for the armless and legless round-shaped popular dolls of Bodhidharma the so-called ldquoDaruma dollsrdquo found in Japan This episode is also not found in the primary written sources I con-sider it a secondary addition to the legend and some existing visual sources In my opinion there were some dolls shaped like the ldquowould-be Daruma dollsrdquo before people started to identify those dolls with the meditation monk who spent nine years in meditation without moving As the original meanings of such roly-poly dolls faded they gained popularity with the new meaning and the makers of such dolls deliberately altered the old form to fit the new meaning The oldest object I have come across in the form of a round-shaped legless and armless figure is a glazed earthenware whistle sancai from a Tang dynasty tomb (Pacific Asia Museum Pasadena California object number 1995 1025)

15 The text called Yijin Jing which was said to have been found in the Qing period (1644ndash1911) in Shaolin Temple and related to Bodhidharma stresses the cultivation of the body as well as the mind an idea which probably comes from Daoism The Lokapalas (Defenders of the Buddhist Law) in East Asian iconography are said to have shown a defending pose the arhat-pose associ-ated with the later gongfu [kung-fu] (Kim Cheol 1986 p 171) In Shaolin Temple in the Hall of the White Robe Avalokiteśvara a wall painting shows Indian and Chinese monks practising gongfu [kung-fu] (No date given by Choi 1995 p 76) Military monks used concentration and special mental techniques in martial arts This might be a reason why the warrior rulers the shōguns and the samurai in Japan favoured Zen Buddhism About the idea of Dao [Tao] as used for martial arts in East Asian Aesthetics and Art Theories (Nishiyama 1992 p 141ndash148)

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182 183

from the West and in addition that not only were tales about Western monks and religious figures mixed into the legend but that indigenous Chinese myths and beliefs were too as well as acting as a conduit for aspirations of religious power And as a later phenomenon there are accounts of Christian mission-aries who believed this man from the West was familiar with Christianity or more precisely that he was a Christian apostle (Faure 1993)

Iconography of Bodhidharma

Turning to the visual sources of Bodhidharma first we should describe the dif-ferent iconographical types of Bodhidharma and show examples of them from China Korea and Japan

Even for those familiar with the images of East Asia sometimes it is very dif-ficult to name depicted figures because of the lack of inscriptions especially in the late phases of the development of certain iconographies This is due to the tendency of using pre-existing patterns and giving them new meaning as was the case in the Western culture during the early Middle Ages when the pagan Apollo figure was used to represent Jesus Christ Rather than inventing completely new imagery combining existing intellectual and religious systems is an easier way to proceed Therefore we often find that artists were inspired by previous visual models rather than relying primarily on textual sources In many cases these textual sources themselves were also inspired by previous visual representations As the meaning of the depicted figure changed in soci-ety and in the mind of the artist inevitably certain forms merged and new pic-torial representations were produced Being careful with the identification of the earliest images is most important because they can give us vital clues for the history of certain iconographic types

Among the earliest images there are two distinct iconographic types which later became entangled One is a beardless figure in the other the more popu-lar representation Bodhidharma appears as a hairy bearded man with a stocky build exaggerated foreign features often wearing a hood The majority of the images of Bodhidharma are a half body or bust portrait The remaining group includes full body portraits where we can differentiate between standing and sitting images Among the standing images we find Bodhidharma crossing the Yangzi River on a reed carrying one shoe or sandal or a combination of the two themes or sometimes without any such objects Among sitting images we find Bodhidharma in a chair (especially in the earliest periods) or sitting in meditation occurring either in a landscape or entirely removed from time and space with no background or sense of surroundings The landscape set-ting varies For instance there is Bodhidharma in a cave (a more common

China on a mountain called Xiangershan (Bear Ear Mountain) Not long after his death a Chinese Wei official Song Yun21 on his way back to China having been sent by the empress dowager to search for Buddhist works encountered Bodhidharma on Congling (Onion Range) in the Pamir Mountains travelling in the direction of India holding one sandal22 When Song Yun told this story to the emperor Bodhidharmarsquos tomb was opened but nothing was found in the tomb except for a single sandal of the pair that Bodhidharma had been car-rying It is also known from legend that Bodhidharma was reborn as a beggar in Japan where he met Shōtoku Taishi the famous prince a great patron and champion of Buddhism in Japan at the Kataoka crossroads23 They exchanged poems and the prince gave him his mantle just as in Western tradition St Martin shares his cloak with a beggar who he recognizes as Jesus Christ The following day the prince ordered his servants to check on the man he had met but they told him that the beggar had died When the prince heard this story he became very sad and explained to his servants that the man he met was not a simple beggar but a saint He buried him and later sent a messenger to the tomb who returned with the news that the body had vanished and all that was there was the mantle given by the prince

The Textual Sources in the Light of the Nature of the Bodhidharma legend

There are many biographical accounts of Bodhidharma and several works attributed to him But we now know the majority of these works to be apoc-ryphal (Sekiguchi 1957) Some scholars such as Feng Youlan [Fung Yu-lan] (1953) and Paul Pelliot (1923) deny his historical existence and consider Bodhidharma a fictious character for religious purposes My opinion is close to these scholars but I do not deny so absolutely the lack of truth behind the leg-ends or consider them a deliberate ldquolierdquo Based on the Bodhidharma legends in literary and pictorial sources we can suppose the existence of monks who travelled to China from the West with the aim of spreading Buddhist doctrine in the East During the course of my research I have become convinced that the personality of Bodhidharma is an amalgamation of several persons coming

21 His travel record has been translated by Samuel Beal Travels of Fa-hsien and Sung-yun Buddhist Pilgrims from China to India London 1869 (Yampolsky 1967 p 10ndash11)

22 Bodhidharmarsquos meeting with the Wei official first appears in the Xu gaoseng zhuan (645) But reference to the sandal to claim the authenticity of identification of the man in the Pamirs with Bodhidharma only appears in textual sources from the end of the 8th century ( Lidai fabao ji 774)

23 The original story which served as the basis of this tale is in Nihon Shoki (Chronicle of Japan) written in 720 The identification of the beggar with Bodhidharma had already appeared in the 8th century (Ihon Jōgū Taishiden dated 771) Further details in Nishimura 1985 299-310

Bod

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version)24 situated under a tree25 or the combination of the two According to the type of representation we can differentiate between en-face three-quarter profile profile portraits and representations showing Bodhidharma from the back Within the simplified profile and back portraits in set against a timeless and spaceless background there developed a specific iconographic type the ldquoone-brushstroke Bodhidharmardquo which together with the circle (Jp ensō) had an interesting religious-spiritual significance in Chan Buddhism Depending on context one finds single Bodhidharma pictures as well as pictures that form part of a group and sometimes examples where he is represented on the middle panel of a triptych Among these the oldest type is the group representation Maintained genealogy was not the only reason for group portraits The multi-plication of images also had a religious-spiritual significance

Bodhidharma in KoreaPrevious researches on Korean Seon Painting

Compared to the published material and related pictorial art on the Chinese and Japanese meditation school there are only a few sources available on Seon the Korean meditation school There are not enough studies in Western lan-guages that view Buddhism in East Asia including Korea in detail This is partly because of the official ideology of the relatively recent Joseon dynasty (1392ndash1910) was based on Neo-Confucianism with Buddhism a reduced pres-ence following the immense political power Buddhist monasteries had held in the previous period (Goryeo 935ndash1392) when the clergy of the monasteries actively participated in politics

There is little research on the artistic practice associated with Korean medi-tational Buddhism which is more neglected than the religious doctrinal aspects of Seon There is virtually no material on this topic in Western languages but the few sources available in Korean are not always critical but do make a great contribution to our knowledge and provide good reference materials

Gim Myeongguk (Kim Myeongguk) and the problem of Bodhidharma as Huineng

The earliest surviving pictures of Bodhidharma made by Korean masters are from the 16th and the 17th centuries and have a strong connection with Japan

24 Apart from the fact that cave temples were common in India and China their symbolism also plays a role in the interpretation of Bodhidharma imagery

25 Sitting under a tree is a reference to Shakyamuni Buddharsquos enlightenment But the activity is also associated with Buddharsquos contemporary Mahavira the founder of Jainism (Eliade 1997 p 71)

Bod

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Fig 3

Unknown painter Huineng

(from Sancaituhui) Ming

period (1609) print

Reproduced in Sancaituhui

edited by Wang Qi

and Wang Siyi 317

Fig 4

Unknown painter

Bodhidharma with Huike

Joseon period wall painting

Geukrakjeon Daewonsa

Boseong South Jeolla

Province Republic of Korea

186 187

Among them the most famous are Gim Myeonggukrsquos (c 1600ndashafter 1662)26 Bodhidharma paintings which long remained a model for the later artists approaching the theme Gim Myeongguk was a member of the Dohwaseo Royal Painting Institute His contemporaries described him as a carefree drunkard a characterization that corresponds to the Chinese image of the eccentric artist and we know that during his stay in Japan his paintingsrsquo broad forceful brush-strokes suggest such an eccentricity27

In 1637 and 1643 Gim Myeongguk visited Japan as a member of an offi-cial delegation28 It has been said that like Han Sigak he was probably drawn to ZenSeon Buddhist figure painting through commissions from Japanese patrons who generally preferred Buddhist themes (Yi Tong-ju 1973 p 54-58) Many of his paintings held in Japanese collections are of this genre whereas contemporary painting in Korea was dominated by secular themes The style of both Gim Myeonggukrsquos landscapes and his figure paintings is very similar to that of the Chinese Zhe School particularly the works of the eccentric Wu Wei The Seoul National Museum has the most impressive example in this style and his most famous painting of Bodhidharma where the patriarch is captured with a few forceful yet delicate brushstrokes

Among Gim Myeonggukrsquos Bodhidharma paintings a triptychrsquos central panel in the Tokyo National University of Arts shows the Bodhidharma cross-ing water on a reed (Fig 2) His head is covered with a dark hood which is most unusual in this kind of representation yet we can find its source in the famous Ming Chinese printed book Sancai tuhui [Kor Samjaedohwi] an impor-tant resource for the artists with illustrations of famous Daoist and Buddhist masters on every page In this book the Sixth Chan patriarch Huineng is seen in a dark hood and similar facial expressions29 so we might suppose that Gim Myeongguk had used this pattern book adding a little modification to suit his subject (Fig 3) Using Huinengrsquos iconography based on the Sancai tuhui and followed by the Xianfo qizong [Kor Hongssiseonbulgijong] printed in 1602 the

26 According to the ldquoDongguk Munheon rokrdquo (Collection of Records of the Eastern Countries) chapter ldquoHwaga pyeonrdquo (Chapter on painters) his family comes from Ansan also called Yeonseong So maybe this is the origin of his pen name Yeondam (Lotus pond) But as he was connected to Buddhism the lotus in his pen name probably had Buddhist significance His other names were Cheonrsquoyeo (heavenly water) and Chui ong (drunken old man) (O SeChang chapter on Gim Myeongguk) Unfortunately we donrsquot have many written sources on him his birth and death dates are unknown He used three differently written forms of ldquoMyeongrdquo in his name but according to recent research there was no consistency in the way he used the different characters in his name so they do not help date his paintings (Deoksu 1999 see table for the chronology of his use of different characters p 49)

27 We know several stories about him written by Nam Yuyong (1698 ndash 1773) in the collection called Noe Yeon jip (Nam Yuyong Noeyeonjip Jinhwisok ko pp 35ndash36)

28 He stayed for ten months in 163729 Huinengrsquos dark hood existed as a visual formula from the 12th century where we can see Huineng

represented among the patriarchs wearing a separate hood which was darkened in later copies

Bod

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Fig 5

Unknown painter Bodhidharma

with Huike Joseon period

wall painting 267sum140 cm

Eungjinjeon Tongdosa Yangsan

city South Gyeongsang

Province Republic of Korea

Fig 6

Unknown painter Bodhidharma

Ming period rubbing from a

stone relief Shaolin Monastery

Songshan Henan Province

Peoplersquos Republic of China

188 189

hood is no darker than the robe itself which we also find in other represen-tations of Bodhidharma The wall painting of the Geukrak Hall of Daewon temple in South Jeolla province shows Bodhidharma with the same features as the image of Huineng seen in both model books but we can be sure about the identity of the figure in the wall painting as it shows Huike presenting Bodhidharma a severed arm (Fig 4)

The ldquoOriginalrdquo Model from Shaolin Monastery

Other paintings showing Bodhidharma with Huike are quite different from the one discussed above One of Korearsquos three most famous temples the Tongdosa has a wall painting dated around 1670 where a bearded figure with large eyes is seen in profile sitting on a straw mat under a pine tree and holding a begging bowl A young noticeably smaller monk holds a book and bows before the seated man (Fig 5) There is no hint of the removed arm but then how do we know that this person is Bodhidharma Our question leads us back to China to the model preserved at the famous Shaolin monastery a place strongly connected with Bodhidharma him-self The image preserved here shows its subject in the same posture as the seated figure in the wall painting (Fig 6) Recently in 1992 the same face type was used as a model for a commission by a Chinese artist on a Bodhidharma sculpture for the Waujeong temple in Gyeonggi province in Korea (Fig 7)30 In Korearsquos other famous monastery the Haeinsa where the printing blocks of the Buddhist canon the Tripitaka Koreana are kept there is another Bodhidharma painting from the Joseon period which bears a resemblance to the wall painting at Tongdosa We can see its influence on other Bodhidharma paintings too where the facial expressions are similar though the setting is different (eg the painting in the Emille Museum)

Gim Hongdo (Kim Hongdo) and the Problems of Bodhidharma as an Immortal

In the oeuvre of another famous Korean artist Gim Hongdo (1745ndashafter 1814) who is considered one of the most outstanding artists of the Joseon period (1392ndash1910) we find paintings showing figures standing or sitting on a reed One of them where the figure is standing on a reed bears an inscription ldquoPicture of crossing the sea on a reedrdquo (Fig 8) Even though we know stories from Japan claiming that Bodhidharma actually crossed the sea and went to Japan this tra-dition can be also traced back to the depiction of the Daoist immortalsrsquo cross-ing the sea and has a long history in iconography that predates Bodhidharmarsquos

30 In the Korean Seon Buddhist magazine Seon Munhwa (Pyeon Jippu 2002 20ndash21) we read that the erection a sculpture made in China was an attempt to access the ldquorealrdquo image of Bodhidharma while also using the most authentic Chinese sources

Bod

hidharm

a in China K

orea and Jap

anMod

els for representations

and com

mercialization of the legend

ary founder of C

han Bud

dhism

in East A

siaB

eatr

ix M

ecsi

Fig 7

Chinese sculptor (name

unknown) Bodhidharma

Sculpture in Korea 1992

[bronze] Waujeongsa

Yeongin Gyeonggi Province

Republic of Korea Photograph

taken by the author in 2006

Fig 8

Gim Hongdo (1745-1806)

Standing Figure on a Reed

19th century inscription

ldquoCrossing the sea on a reedrdquo

Colors on paper

Gansong Art Gallery Seoul

Reproduced in Choi Seon-taek

[Korean Seon Painting] pl 40

190 191

appearance In the case of Gim Hongdo we know that he painted Daoist topics too And if we look at the figure in his painting we see his East Asian rather than Western features and the fur around his waist which also suggests immor-tal qualities (as a parallel see Shen Choursquos painting of an immortal from China in the Nelson-Atkins Museum) The other painting shows a young boy sitting and sleeping on a reed a topic which was also popular among artists in 18th century Korea (see Sim Sajeongrsquos (1707ndash1769) painting of a similar theme) but even though there is still some confusion in identifying this crossing fig-ure with Bodhidharma (Kim Nami 2000 90ndash91) It is very probable that the young seated figure follows the iconography of an immortal (see other young immortal figures crossing seated without a reed) This is supported by the fact that Gim Hongdo painted very similar scenes of immortals crossing water for instance one such immortal crossing on a shrimp (Fig 9)

However the strongly held view is that Gim Hongdorsquos crossing paintings representing Bodhidharma resulted in later images using this iconography either showing Bodhidharma as a young boy or showing Bodhidharmarsquos cross-ing on a reed in a seated position

We have seen from the above examples that the identification of a certain per-sonality in visual arts is interlinked with the beliefs of a given society adding new qualities to an existing legend In the case of Korean Bodhidharma imagery the tradition of arhat paintings and the Daoist immortals was a great contribution and the existence of illustrative models and pattern books are evident though their use was not always from first-hand and there was a degree of freedom in their recon-figuration as seen in the use of Huinengrsquos model in an image of Bodhidharma

Bodhidharma Images in Contemporary South Korea

Anyone who visits Korea soon encounters the representations of Bodhidharma His figure and legend are usually represented in Buddhist temples but a recent phe-nomenon has taken his figure more and more into the secular and semi-secular context such as souvenir shops not only in the vicinity of temples but in other tour-istic areas and frequently visited places like at motorway service stations or even tube stations and restaurants Popular womenrsquos magazines and television channels often carry advertisements for Bodhidharma painters offering potential well-being

Many scholarly studies have been conducted about Bodhidharma but how the image of Bodhidharma came to be commercialized it is still an understud-ied side to the area As is how the Bodhidharmarsquos representations were distrib-uted in East Asia and influenced local imagination and further representations Also worthy of attention of visual arts scholars is how certain models were used in reproducing new objects with the intent of selling them to the wider public a real phenomenon in contemporary Korea This is similar to Japan in inten-tion but the chosen sources for promoting this saintly figure are very different

Bod

hidharm

a in China K

orea and Jap

anMod

els for representations

and com

mercialization of the legend

ary founder of C

han Bud

dhism

in East A

siaB

eatr

ix M

ecsi

Fig 9

Gim Hongdo (1745-

1806) Immortal

crossing the sea on

a shrimp Ink and

light colors on paper

331sum41 cm Sun

Moon University

Museum Collection

(Sun Moon Collection

2001 pl83 p280)

Fig 10

Katsushika Hokusai

(1760-1849) Big

Daruma ca 1817 ink

on paper Reproduced

in Timon Screech

The Lens Within the

Heart The Western

Scientific Gaze and

Popular Imagery in

Later Edo Japan

London Routledge

Curzon 2002 p 243

pl140

192 193

The manner in which Bodhidharma images enter the secular world differs con-siderably between the Japanese islands and Korea

When we look at the ways Bodhidharma images are popularized in modern and contemporary East Asia we find some basic differences between China Korea and Japan

Among these countries Japan was the first one to popularize Bodhidharma on a large scale not only in simplified ink paintings usually executed by monk paint-ers and in popular colour prints but in a form of a roly-poly doll called Daruma

The transformation of the image of a religious founder into a doll is an interesting phenomenon which only appeared in Japan and this form of representation entered Korea as a symbol of Japaneseness rather than the representation of Bodhidharma himself (for example as a sign in Japanese restaurants like the waving cat)

In China the popularization of Bodhidharma only happened recently but here the visual appearance does not play as such an important role as it does in Japan or Korea Here the cult flourishes especially around the Shaolin mon-astery and mainly among martial arts practitioners to whom Bodhidharma is venerated as the founder of Shaolin kungfu

In Korea producing Bodhidharma images and objects was a fashion in the last decades and increased considerably in the last couple of years It started in 1988 with the Seoul Olympics when the so-called gold cards were launched the market These gold cards are small cards painted with real gold paint usu-ally with some lucky representations like the twelve Oriental zodiac animals Taoist talismans and for Westerners four-leaf clovers images of Jesus Christ but more and more with the image of Bodhidharma

Contemporary painters also turned towards the image of the saint and we find not only monks but some professional painters also started to revitalize his image We clearly see this not only in art shops and exhibitions but also in the publica-tions of several books and albums devoted exclusively to Bodhidharma paintings31

The structure of these books is the same where each painting (usually 100 or more often 108) is followed by a poem or explanation related to the legend or some Buddhist teaching These books often combine the pattern book for-mat with the drawing manual with tips on how to draw Bodhidharma Korean painters of Bodhidharma generally use such pattern books together with other publications on Buddhist imagery and in many cases it is obvious where their models came from showing clear formal affinities with their models However at the same time spontaneous ink paintings require some expression from the artist thus making them very personal and spiritually charged pieces

31 For example Hong Ip-Yo Yi Byoung-kyo Dalmado (Bodhidharma-paintings) Seoul Jayu Segye Publ 1993 Gim Chrsquoangbae Hangukeui Dalmado (Korean Bodhidhma Paintings) Seoul Ehwa Munhwa Publishing 1999 Gim Nami Geurimeuro mannaneun Dalma (Meeting Bodhidharma on Pictures) Seoul Shikongsa Publ 2000 Beomju seunim Dalma seonmuk (Monk Beomju Ink Paintings of Bodhidharma) Seoul Hakmunsa Publishing 2001 Yu Hyeongjae 108 Dalma (108 Bodhidharma) Seoul Baekam Publishing 2002

Bod

hidharm

a in China K

orea and Jap

anMod

els for representations

and com

mercialization of the legend

ary founder of C

han Bud

dhism

in East A

siaB

eatr

ix M

ecsi

When talking about popularization we have to mention the importance of major public events and how some artists have used these occasions to propa-gate the image of Bodhidharma

In 2002 when Korea and Japan held the FIFA World Cup monk-painter Gim Dongseong (b 1954) showed his new works in both countries representing Bodhidharma with a football updating the figure in a manner appropriate for the event However he also included a philosophical explanation for his paintings referring to the basic qualities and shared pronunciation for the word ldquoballrdquo (Kor gong) and emptiness (also gong) an important concept in Buddhism (Skt śunyata)

In 2005 during the International APEC (Asian Pacific Economic Cooperation) meeting in Busan monk Beomju (b 1943) made a public performance by making a huge Bodhidharma painting Painting large scale Bodhidharma images for public events can be traced back to earlier traditions It is recorded that the famous Ukiyo-e artist Hokusai (1760ndash1849) also made a similarly giant image in year 1804 (Fig 10)32

Painting Bodhidharma as a performance is not so rare among Korean monk-artists and Jung Gwang the ldquomad monkrdquo (1934ndash2002) who gained interna-tional reputation with his daring Bodhidharma paintings and performances even influenced contemporary expressionist art in the West

In sum in Korean visual arts and Buddhism there is a burgeoning trend in the production and distribution of images of the first Chan patriarch which requires an attempt to understand it in the context of its inner developments and history while placing it within the larger context of other Asian countries

Bibliography

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Addiss S and Seo A Y (1998) The Art of 20th Century Zen Paintings and Calligraphy by Japanese Masters Boston Shambala

AwAkAwA Y (1970) Zen Painting Tokyo Kodansha InternationalBDK English Tripitaka (2006) Numata Center for Buddhist TraditionBukkyō Daijiten (1933) compiled by Mochizuki ShinkyōBukkyō Daijiten HakkōshoBArnet S and Burto W (1982) Zen Ink Paintings Tokyo KodanshaBelting H (1987) The End of the History of Art (trans C Wood) Chicago University of Chicago

Press[Beomju seunim Dalma seonmuk] (2001) 범주스님 달마 선묵 [Monk Beomjursquos ink paintings of

Bodhidharma] Seoul Hakmunsa[Boun Jippu] 보운 집부 (2002) ldquo1300yeonyeonmane Dalma daesa uri nara e bongrsquoandwaedardquo

1300 여년만에 달마 대사 우리나라에 봉안되다 [ldquoIt was more than 1300 years since Grand Master Bodhidharma was enshrined in Koreardquo] Seon Munhwa 4 p 20ndash21

Brinker H (1973) Die Zen-buddhistische Bildnismalerei in China und Japan Muumlnchener Ostasiatische Studien vol 10 Wiesbaden Franz Steiner

32 Kōriki Enkōan from Hokusai taiga sokusho saizu c 1817 Nagoya City Museum

194 195

mdash (1987) ldquoThe Daruma-shū Dōgen and Sōtō Zenrdquo in Monumenta Nipponica vol 42 nordm 1 p 25ndash55

mdash (1991) The Rhetoric of Immediacy A Cultural Critique of ChanZen Buddhism Princeton New Jersey Princeton University Press

mdash (1993) Chan Insights and Oversights (An Epistemological Critique of the Chan Tradition) Princeton New Jersey Princeton University Press

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California Stanford University Pressmdash (2003) ldquoLa double vie du patriacherdquo in Kyburz J A et al (eds) Eloge des sources

Reflets du Japon ancien et moderne Paris Editions Philippe Picquier p 509ndash538Fo-jih Chi-sung (1007-1072) and Tōrei Enji (1721ndash1792) Damoduolo Chanjing 達摩多羅禪

經 [ldquoBodhidharma Zen Sūtrardquo] (1964) Taishō Shinshū Daizōkyō Kankokai 大正新脩大蔵蔵 [ldquoTripitaka in Chineserdquo] Tōkyō Taishō Issaikyō Kankōkai (T15 No618)

Foulk G T and Sharf R H (1993ndash1994) ldquoOn the Ritual Use of Chrsquoan Portraiture in Medieval Chinardquo in Cahiers drsquoExtrecircme-Asie [Revue bilingue de lrsquoEcole Franccedilaise drsquoExtrecircme Orient Section de Kyoto] Special Issue Chrsquoan Zen Studies vol 7 p 155ndash219

Fontein J and Hickman M L (1970) Zen Painting and Calligraphy Boston Museum of Fine Arts

Fromm E Suzuki DT and DeMartino R (1960) Zen Buddhism and Psychoanalysis New York Harper and Row

gernet J (1949) Les entretiens du maicirctre de dhyāna Chen-houei du Ho-tsouml (668-760) Paris Adrian Maisonneuve

gomBrich E H (1960) Art and Illusion A Study in the Psychology of Pictorial Representation London Phaidon

mdash (1982) The Image and the Eye Further studies in the Psychology of Pictorial Representation London Phaidon

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grAnoFF PH and shinohArA K (1988) Monks and Magicians Religious Biographies in Asia Motilal Banarsidass India

heine S and Wright D S (eds) (2004) The Zen Canon Oxford Oxford University Press[Hong Ip-ik and Yi Byeong-gyo] 홍입익middot이병교 (1993) Dalmado Hwabeop immun gamsang

baektae 달마도 畵法入門 鑑賞百態 [Painting Bodhidharma hundred great ways to achieve enlightenment through painting] Seoul Jayu Segye

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기종 [Marvellous tales of immortals] Sakbuk JayuhisAmAtsu S (1971) Zen and Fine Arts from original Zen to Bijutsu (trans T Gishin) Tokyo

Kodansha Internationalhu S (1953) ldquoChan (Zen) Buddhism in China Its History and Methodrdquo in Philosophy East and

West vol 3 nordm 1 p 3ndash24mdash (1994) ldquoPutidamo gaordquo in Hu Shih Wencun Taibei Yuanliu Khuban Shiyegufen Youxian

Gongsi c Ltd vol12 p 137ndash150hyers C (1973) Zen and the Comic Spirit Philadelphia Westminster Press

Brinker H (1994) Zen in der Kunst des Malens Bern Muumlnchen Wien Otto Wilhelm Barth Verlag

Brinker H and Kanazawa H (1996) Zen Masters of Meditation in Images and Writings Based on a Catalogue of an Exhibition at the Museum Rietberg and Kyoto National Museum

Brinker H Kramers R P and Ouwehand C (eds) (1982) Zen in China Japan East Asian Art Papers of the International Symposium on Zen Zuumlrich University

BAten L (1992) Japanese Folktoys The Playful Arts Tokyo ShufunotomoBuddhist Paintings of Korea (1997ndash2004) Seoul Buddhist Cultural Properties Research

Institute vols1ndash31Buswell R (1992) The Zen Monastic Experience Buddhist Practice in Contemporary Korea

Princeton Princeton University PresscAhill J (1983) ldquoTypes of Text-Object Relationships in Chinese Artrdquo in 31st International

Congress of Human Sciences in Asia and North America (CIISHAN) Abstracts of Papers TōkyōTōhō Gakkai vol 2 p 276

cAssirer E (1953) The Philosophy of Symbolic Forms Vol1 Language (trans R Mannheim) New Haven Yale University Press

[Chang Hee-jeong] 張姬貞 (1996) Joseon hugi Jogyesan jiyeok bulhwaeui yeonrsquogu 朝鮮 後

期 曹溪山地域 佛畵의 硏究 ldquoA Study of Buddhist Paintings of Late Joseon dynasty in Monasteries on Mt Chogyerdquo in Misul Sahak Yeonrsquogu nordm 210 p 71ndash104

chApin H B (1945ndash1946) ldquoThree Early Portraits of Bodhidharmardquo in Archives of the Chinese Art Society of America nordm 1 p 66ndash95

[Choi Seok-hwan] 최석환 (2002) ldquoDalmawa yutopiardquo 달마와 유토피아 [ldquoBodhidharma and Utopiardquo] in Seon Munhwa nordm 4 p 26ndash31

[Choi Sun-taek] 최순택 (1995) Dalmadorsquoeui segye 達磨圖의 世界 [The world of Bodhidharma-paintings] Seoul Hakmunsa

mdash ldquoDalmadorsquoeui yeonrsquogurdquo 達磨圖의 硏究 (1996) [ldquoResearch on Bodhidharma-paintingsrdquo] in Gukje seonmuhakhoe 國際禪武學會 [International Association of Zen and Martial Arts] vol 5 nordm 1 p 21ndash107

mdash Hangukeui seonseohwa 한국의 선서화 (1998) [Korean Seon Painting] Seoul Hakmun[Choi Wan-su] 최완수 (1996) Seokjeong sohwajip 석정 소화집 [Painting collection of monk

Seokjeong] Seoul BeomhaDaruma ten 達磨展 (1988) [ldquoBodhidharma Exhibitionrdquo] Tōkyō Shinjuku Isetan Bijutsukan

vol 4 np 10 p 16drsquoeliA m P (ed) (1942-49) Fonti Ricciane documenti originali concernenti Matteo Ricci e la sto-

ria delle prime relazioni tra lEuropa e la Cina 1579-1615 3 vols Rome Libreria dello Statodukes T [Shifu Nagaboshi Tomio] (1994) The Bodhisattva Warriors The Origin Inner

Philosophy History and Symbolism of the Buddhist Martial Art within India and China York Beach Samuel Weiser

dumoulin H (1992) Zen Buddhism in the 20th Century (trans J S OrsquoLeary) New York and Tokyo Weatherhill

eliAde M (1997 [1978]) Vallaacutesi hiedelmek eacutes eszmeacutek toumlrteacutenete (original title Histoire des croy-ances et des ideacutees religieuses) Budapest Osiris Kiadoacute

FAure B (1986) ldquoBodhidharma as a Textual and Religious Paradigmrdquo in History of Religions vol 25 nordm3 p 187ndash198

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hidharm

a in China K

orea and Jap

anMod

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and com

mercialization of the legend

ary founder of C

han Bud

dhism

in East A

siaB

eatr

ix M

ecsi

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im deok-su (1999) Yeondam Kim Myeongguk eui Seonhwa yeongu [A Study of the Zen Painting by Kim Myeongguk] MA-diss Department of Buddhist Art and Culture The Graduate School of Buddhism Dongguk University Seoul Korea

JArAnd U (trans) (1987) Dialog uumlber das Ausloumlchen der Anschaung ein fruumlher Chinesischer text aus Tunhuang Frankfurt [Main] RG Fischer

Jing A (1996) ldquoThe Eight Immortals The Transformation of Trsquoang and Sung Taoist Eccentrics during the Yuumlan dynastyrdquo in Hearn M K and Smith J G (eds) Arts of The Sung and Yuumlan New York Metropolitan Museum of Art p 213ndash227

Jung K (1979) The Mad Monk Paintings of Unlimited Action Berkeley Lancaster-Miller Publishers

kAnAZAwA H (1979) Japanese Ink Painting Early Zen Masterpieces Japanese Arts Library Tokyo Kodansha International and Shibundo

kidō C (1978 [1932]) Daruma to sono shosō 達磨と其諸相 [Bodhidharma and his representa-tions] Tokyo Heigo Shuppan-sha

[Kim Chang-bae] 김장배 (1999) Hangug eui Dalmado 한국의 달마도 [Korean Bodhidharma paintings] Seoul Ehwa Munhwa

[Kim Chang-bae] 김장배 (2007) Hangug eui Modeun Dalma 한국의 모든달마 [The all Korean Bodhidharma] Seoul Seoyemunrsquoinhwa

[Kim Cheol] 김철 (1986) Taekwondo Kyoyukron (Education of Taekwondo) Seoul Wonkwang Univervisty Publlishers

[Kim Hye-jeong] 김혜정 (2002) ldquoDalma Chukgu gongeul deulda Dongseong seunimeui Dalmadordquo달마 축구공을 들다 동성스님의 달마도 [ldquoBodhidharma holds a footballrdquo] Seon Munhwa vol 4 p 22ndash25

[Kim Na-mi] 김나미 (2000) Geurimeuro mannaneun Dalma 그림으로 만나는 달마 [Meeting Bodhidharma on pictures] Seoul Shikongsa

[Kim Yong-jae] 김영재 (2001) Bulgyo misureul boneun nun 불교미술을 보는 눈 [Eye for Buddhist art] Seoul Sakyejul

[Koam] 고암 (2006) ldquoDalmado geinjeon yeoneun deuksan hwabaek ilneomeseo munyeo-muirordquo 달마도 개인전 여는 득산 화백 일념에서 무념으로 [ldquoHwabaekrsquos private exhibition of Bodhidharma-paintings From one-attachment to no-attachmentrdquo] Seon Munhwa vol 6 p 50ndash55

koderA T J (1980) Dōgenrsquos Formative Years in China London Routledge and Kegan Paul[Kōjō] 光定 (1964) ldquoDenjutsu Isshin Kaimonrdquo 伝述一心戒文 (ldquoThe Record of the Precepts in a

Mindrdquo) in Taishō Shinshū Daizōkyō Kankokai 大正新脩大蔵経 [ldquoTripitaka in Chineserdquo] Tokyo Taisho Issaikyo Kankokai nordm 74 p 639

[Kōkan Shiren] 虎関師錬 (1278-1348) (1921ndash1922) Genkō Shakusho 元亨釈書 [Buddhist his-tory of the Genkō era] vol15ndash16 Takakusu Junjirō et al (eds) Dai Nihon Bukkyō zensho Tōkyō Yoseido Reprinted Suzuki gakujutsu zaidan edition Tōkyō Kodansha 1970ndash1973 vol 62 p 66ndash230

[Kōshū] 光宗 (1276-1350) Keiran Shūyōshū 渓嵐拾葉集 (A Collection of Leaves Gathered in Stormy Streams) (T762410 532b)

kurAnAkA S (1996) ldquoShōtoku Taishi Kataoka Setsuwa no Keiseirdquo 聖徳太子片岡説話の形成 [ldquoThe formation of Prince Shōtokursquos Kataoka-talerdquo] Manrsquoyo vol 10 p 61

[Kwanjo Monk] 관조스님 (1999) Sachrsquoal Byeokhwa 사찰 벽화 [The mural paintings of Buddhist

temples] Seoul Misul Munhwa [Photographs]lAchmAn C (1993) ldquoWhy Did the Patriarch Cross the River The Rushleaf Bodhidharma

Reconsideredrdquo in Asia Major nordm 6 p 237ndash268lAncAster L R (1983) The Dirty Mop Unlimited Action Paintings and Poems by Jung Kwang the

Mad Monk Berkeley and Seoul Asian Humanities Press and Po Chin ChailAo-ce (1994) Tao Te King Az Uacutet eacutes Ereacuteny koumlnyve (Original title Laozi Daode qing (trans

Weoumlres Saacutendor and Tőkei Ferenc) Budapest TericumlopeZ D Jr (ed) (1995) Curators of the Buddha The Study of Buddhism Under Colonialism

Chicago University of Chicago Pressluo XiAnglin (1960) Tang dai Guangzhou Guangxiao si yu Zhong Yin jiao tong zhi guan xi Jiulong

Zhongguo xue she[Manbong seunim chungyo munhwajae je 48 ho] 만봉스님 중요문화재 제 48 호 [Monk Manbong

living cultural asset no48] (2002) Seoul BongwonsamArosi E (1995) Keacutep eacutes hasonmaacutes Műveacuteszet eacutes valoacutesaacuteg a 14-15 szaacutezadi Magyarorszaacutegon [Image

and likeness Art and reality in the 14th and 15th centuries in Hungary] Budapest Akadeacutemiai KiadoacutemcFArlAnd H N (1986) ldquoFeminine Motifs in Bodhidharma Symbology in Japanrdquo in Asian

Folklore Studies [Nagoya Asian Folklore Institute] nordm 14 p 167ndash191mdash (1987) Daruma The Founder of Zen in Japanese Art and Popular Culture Tokyo and New York

Kodansha InternationalmcrAe J (2001) ldquoReligion as Revolution in Chinese Historiography Hu Shih (1891-1962) on

Shen-Hui (684-758)rdquo in Cahiers drsquoExtrecircme-Asie nordm 12 p 59ndash102mecsi B (1999) ldquoHogyan lett a szentből jaacuteteacutekbabardquo [ldquoHow did a saint become a dollrdquo]

Műhely [Atelier] p 116ndash118mdash (2000) ldquoHogyan eacuterkezett Bodhidharma Japaacutenbardquo [ldquoHow did Bodhidharma arrive

to Japanrdquo] in Orientalista Nap MTA Orientalisztikai Bizottsaacuteg amp ELTE Budapest p 120ndash126 and 245ndash257

mdash (2003) ldquoIdentification problems of Korean Bodhidharma-paintingsrdquo University of Rome ldquoLa Sapienziardquo Faculty of Oriental Studies 21st AKSE Conference-papers p 155ndash162

mdash 2005 ldquoWhy did Bodhidharma Come from the West Origins of Representations of the First Zen Patriarchrdquo in Proceedings of the Hawaii International Conference on Arts and Humanities

mdash (2007) ldquoBodhidharma Images in Contemporary Korea Methods and Strategies of Using and Popularizing the Representations of the First Zen Patriarchrdquo in International Biannual Conference for the Association of Korean Studies Europe Dourdan (AKSE)-Publications

mdash (2007) ldquoBuddhist Saints Crossing the Sea Reconsidering Text-Image Relationships for Understanding the Iconography of the First Zen Patriarchrdquo in Proceedings of the Hawaii International Conference on Arts and Humanities

mdash (2007) ldquoA Szent eacutes a Jaacuteteacutekbaba A Zen Buddhizmus alapiacutetoacutejaacutenak alakja a nem-zen hagy-omaacutenyok tuumlkreacutebenrdquo [ldquoThe Saint and the DollThe founder of Zen Buddhism in the con-text of non-Zen Studiesrdquo] Japanisztika a Boumllcseacutesztudomaacutenyban Kaacuteroli Gaacutespaacuter Reformaacutetus Egyetem Budapest p 203ndash210

mdash (2007) ldquoEvolution Distribution and Commercialization of the Images of Bodhidharma Or How did a Religious Founder Become a Toyrdquo in Japanoloacutegiai Koumlrkeacutep (Istvaacuten Szerdahelyi Peacuteter Wintermantel eds) ELTE Eoumltvoumls Kiadoacute p 245ndash254

mdash (2008) ldquoThe Power on Images on Texts Re-Examined The Case of Bodhidharmarsquos Crossing

Bod

hidharm

a in China K

orea and Jap

anMod

els for representations

and com

mercialization of the legend

ary founder of C

han Bud

dhism

in East A

siaB

eatr

ix M

ecsi

198 199

and the Mass-Consumtion of Bodhidharma-images in Japan and Contemporary South Koreardquo in Oriental Archive (Archiv Orientalniacute) Quarterly Journal of African and Asian Studies Oriental Institute Prague vol 76 p 217ndash249

mdash (2008) ldquoAacutetkeleacutes a naacutedszaacutelon Keacutep eacutes szoumlveg kapcsolata a kelet-aacutezsiai vallaacutesos műveacuteszetbenrdquo [ldquoCrossing on a Reed Text-image relationships in East Asian Religious Paintingrdquo] in Kaposvaacuter Szele Baacutelint (ed) Pro Scientia Aranyeacutermesek IX Tudomaacutenyos konferenciaacuteja Pro Scientia Aranyeacutermesek Taacutersasaacutega Budapest p 46ndash58

mdash (2009) ldquoAz lsquoaacutetkeleacutes a naacutedszaacutelonrsquo legenda eredeteacutenek keacuterdeacuteseacuterőlrdquo [ldquoThe problem of the Legend of Crossing on a Reedrdquo] in Taacutevol-keleti Tanulmaacutenyok Budapest Taacutevol-keleti Inteacutezet vol 2 p 103ndash122

mdash (2010) ldquoBodhidharma in Contemporary South Korea The Founder of Chan Buddhism from Sacral to Popular Culturerdquo in Govindasamy G Park C K and Tan S K (eds) Korean affaris A contemporary view Kuala Lumpur Perpustakaan Negara Malaysia p 135ndash147

mdash (2013) Szentből jaacuteteacutekbaba A Daruma baba nyomaacuteban a Taacutevol-Keleten [ldquoDoll from a saint In Search for the Daruma doll in East Asiardquo]Lecture on 28th May 2013 Kaacuteroli Gaacutespaacuter Reformaacutetus Egyetem (12th July 2013) [online] httpwwwyoutubecomwatchv=QBCV11LGXhQampfeature=c4-overviewamplist=UUeXTAOGzx8xduHtd71ZGICQ

Nihon shoki 日本書記 [ldquoChronicle of Japanrdquo] (1987) (trans Inoue Mitsusada) Tōkyō Chūō Koronsha (Shōwa 62) p 98ndash99

nishimurA S (1985) ldquoThe Prince and the Pauper The Dynamics of a Shotoku Legendrdquo in Monumenta Nipponica vol40 Issue 3 p 299ndash310

nishiyAmA I (1992) Nihon Shisō no genryū to tenkai Ise-shi Kogakkan Daigaku ShuppanbunukAriyA K (1913) The Religion of the Samurai London Luzac amp Cootto R (1932) Mysticism East and West a Comparative Analysis of the Nature of Mysticism

(trans B L Bracey and R C Payne) London Macmillanorsquoriley M K (2001) Art Beyond the West London Laurence KingpAnoFsky E (1984) Jelenteacutes a vizuaacutelis műveacuteszetekben [The Meaning in Visual Arts]

Budapest Gondolatpelliot P (1923) ldquoNotes sur quelques artistes des six dynasties et des Trsquoangrdquo in Trsquooung Pao

vol 22 p 215ndash291Wag Qi 王圻 and Wang Siyi 王思義 (eds) (1988) Sancaituhui [Kor Samjaedohwi] 三才圖會

(Collected Illustrations of the Three Realms) Shanghai Shanghai guji chubansheSancaituhui [Kor Samjaedohwi] 三才圖會 (Collected Illustrations of the Three Realms) (2001)

Seoul Dongguk Universityseckel D (1997) Das Portraumlt in Ostasien Heidelberg Universitis Verlagsekiguchi S (1957) Daruma no Kenkyū Tokyo IwanamishArF R H (1922) ldquoThe Idolization of Enlightenment On the Mummification of Chrsquoan

Masters in Mediaeval Chinardquo in History of Religions vol 32 nordm 1 p 1ndash31mdash (1995) ldquoThe Zen of Japanese Nationalismrdquo in Lopez S and Donald Jr (eds) Curators of

the Buddha The Study of Buddhism under Colonialism Chicago and London University of Chicago Press

mdash and Sharf E H (eds) (2001) Living Images Japanese Buddhist Icons in Context Stanford Stanford University Press

[Seokcheon] 석천 (2001) ldquoDalmadowa hamkke ilcheonobaeknyeon jeoneuiroui gihaengrdquo 달

마도와 함께 일천오백년전의로의 기행 [ldquo150 years with Bodhidharma-paintingsrdquo] in Seon Munhwa nordm 8 p 99ndash105

mdash (2003) ldquoMeokseonrsquoi ppumeonaedeut dongyangeui yeokdongjeogin seonrdquo 먹선이 뿜어내

듯 동양의 역동적인 禪 [ ldquoInk-strokes eliminating the Dynamic Sŏn of the Eastrdquo] in Seon Munhwa nordm 7 p 20ndash23

mdash (2005) ldquoDalmaeui seonbeopi dongtoro gan katalgeun han pok eui dalmadoro dwesala nan dalmaseonrdquo 달마의 선법이 동토東土로 간 까닭은 한 폭의 달마도로 되살아 난 달마선 [ldquoWhy did Bodhidharmarsquos Zen teaching went to the Eastrdquo] in Seon Munhwa nordm 12 p 30ndash37

Korean Buddhist Research Institute (ed) (1998) Sǒn Thought in Korean Buddhism Seoul Dongguk University Press

spiro A (1988) ldquoNew Light on Gu Kaizhirdquo in Journal of Chinese Religions nordm 16 p 1ndash17stevens J Y and Rae A (1990) ZENGA Brushstrokes of Enlightenment New Orleans

Museum of Artsuler J R (1993) Contemporary Psychoanalysis and Eastern Thought Albany State

University of New Yorktylor E B (1920) Primitive Culture Researches into the Development of Mythology Philosophy

Religion Language Art and Custom 2 vols London John MurrayyAmpolsky P B (1967) The Platform Sutra of the 6th Patriarch New Yorkmdash (1983) ldquoNew Japanese Studies in Early Chrsquoan Historyrdquo in W Lai and L R Lancaster

(eds) Early Chrsquoan in China and Tibet Berkeley Buddhist Studies Series p 1ndash11Yi Dong-Ju (1973) Hanguk hwehwa saron (Korean Art History) Seoul Yeolhwadang[Yi Jeong-hwa] 이정화 (2002) ldquoDalmadorsquoe damgyeojin munyeom musin eui hyanggiro cham-

nareul Channeunda Beomju seunimrdquo 달마도에 담겨진 무념 무심의 향기로 참나를 찾는다

범주스님 [ldquoThe fragrance of no-mind is within Bodhidharma-paintings Through this fra-grance we try to find the truthrdquo] in Seon Munhwa nordm 5 p 52ndash55

[Yi Ju-yeon] 이주연 (2005) ldquoGibokeul dwieoneom neun bosihaengeui Dalmadordquo 기복을 뛰

어넘는 보시행의 달마도 [ldquoOffering Bodhidharma-paintigs for transcending fluctuationrdquo] in Seon Munhwa nordm 7 p 96ndash99

[Yi Yeong-hui] 이영희 (1997) Hanguk sawoneui bubyeokhwa e Daehan gochal 한국 사원의 부벽

화에 대한 고찰 [A study of the Pu-wall painting of Korean temples] unpublished MA thesis Seoul Deptartment of Art Education Graduate School of Education Dongguk University

ying Z (1981) Shaolin Kung-fu Hong Kong Kingsway Internationalyoshino H 吉野裕子 (1995) Daruma no Minzokugaku Onrsquoyo gogyo kara toku ダルマの民俗

蔵 陰陽五行から解く [The folklore of Daruma from Yin-Yangto the Five Elements Theory] Tokyo Iwanami Shoten

[Yu Hyeong-jae] 유형재 (2002) 108 Dalma 108 달마 [108 Bodhidharmas] Seoul BaekamweitZmAnn K (1996) The Cotton Genesis British Library Codex Cotton Otho B VI Princeton

University PresswelBon G R (1968) The Buddhist Nirvāna and Its Western Interpreters Chicago University of

Chicago Presswu T (1996) Masterpieces of Chinese Painting from the Museum of Fine Arts Boston Tang

through Yuan Dynasties Tōkyō Otsuka Kogeishahempel R (1960) ZENGA Malerei des Zen-buddhismus Muumlnchen R Piper

Bod

hidharm

a in China K

orea and Jap

anMod

els for representations

and com

mercialization of the legend

ary founder of C

han Bud

dhism

in East A

siaB

eatr

ix M

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  • capa face to face SEGUNDO VOL
  • Index Face to Face
  • Beatrix Mecsi

174 175

Asian practice5 The Zen which he introduced to the West was inflected by Western thought and delivered in a form that served mainly missionary pur-poses Emphasis was placed on common ideals and thoughts of human harmony found in Zen Buddhism for which one finds parallels in Christianity Using a different vocabulary and more exact psychological descriptions in place of spe-cific symbolic language helped to further the understanding of the psychological motifs of mysticism detached from either religion especially Christianity but it did not say much about the historical and intellectual background of the newly arrived belief system (Otto 1932 Somogyi 1973 Suler 1993 Fromm-Suzuki 1960 and for the activity of the Kyoto school Dumoulin 1992 p 20ndash66)

For a contemporary scholar it is important to approach ChanZenSeon Buddhism as one would do with any other historical phenomenon to define clearly the viewpoint of investigation and try not to be struck by the allure of the philosophical and religious discourse

Sharf draws attention to the fact that the visuality of a religious tradition was previously a very much neglected field in the traditional Western research which is surprising when we consider the profusion of images well documented by even the earliest European explorers (drsquoElia (ed) 1942ndash1949) and suggests that the division of academic labour prevented Western scholars from having a more accurate picture of the actual religious phenomena in East Asia includ-ing the role of visual imagery (Sharf 2001 p 5) In the West Buddhist studies grew out of philology the study of early texts composed in classical languages (Lopez 1995 Welbon 1968 Fong 1987 Almond 1988) The objective of these scholars was to read the scriptural sources and concentrated on the analysis of Buddhist thought and doctrines the narrative and mythological tradition biographies and the institutionalised history of the tradition

In India where Buddhism disappeared a long time ago and where material artefacts are relatively rare and of uncertain provenance this preoccupation with the ancient texts is not so surprising but in the field of East Asian Buddhism there is no such lack of alternative visual sources for a broader understanding of Buddhist tradition Here there are plentiful sources of archaeological and art historical remains and there is a living tradition which is more or less based on ancient religious practices In this case unlike their colleagues in Indological studies such scholarsrsquo fixation on ancient Buddhist textual sources without a sidelong glance at the living tradition or its visual aspects seems unnecessarily limited(Sharf 2001 p 5)

5 Suzuki used the term Zen for naming a way of thinking and practice cut off from its historical roots and elevating it to a universal truth thus enabling Western audiences to absorb more easily the central meaning of its mysticism He did not handle Zen as a historically definite phenomenon as he was more a missionary interested in spreading an updated spiritual message for contemporary Western society than a historian See the criticism of the historian Hu Shih who attempted to revise the views and method introduced to the West by Suzuki (Hu Shih 1953b 3) However Hu Shihrsquos approach was also historically determined (McRae 2001 p 59ndash102)

Fig 1

Daruma dolls in Japan

Photograph taken

by the author in 2007

Nov 21st

Fig 2

Gim Myeongguk b 1600-d

after 1662 Tryptich

17th century Ink on silk

hanging scroll 966sum388

cm each Collection of Tokyo

University of Arts

Reproduced in Choi Sun-taek

Korean Seon Painting pl21

Bod

hidharm

a in China K

orea and Jap

anMod

els for representations

and com

mercialization of the legend

ary founder of C

han Bud

dhism

in East A

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176 177

included their visual experiences Art historians have recently challenged the strongly held methodological assumption that ldquonarrative illustrationsrdquo are inevi-tably preceded by a literary text6 Therefore the suggestion of the primacy of the written sources which has long been an integral part of the iconographical and iconological studies is no longer accepted as being inherently self-evident The tendency to look at pictures in order to identify a background text ldquomay cause narratives to be found where they never intended to berdquo (Lachman 1993 p 242)

The other discipline relevant to our investigation is anthropology In the Judeo-Christian intellectual tradition image-veneration was regarded as idola-try and seen as a sign of ignorance superstition and a retarded cultural develop-ment (Marosi 1995) Early anthropologists such as Edward Tylor and Lucien Leacutevy-Bruhl saw animism where inanimate objects are imbued with animate qualities as a distinguishing feature of ldquoprimitive religionrdquo or ldquoprimitive men-talityrdquo (Tylor 1920 Leacutevy-Bruhl 1985 Sharf 2001 p 6 and p 206) Western scholars of Buddhist Studies who were familiar with the philosophical and liter-ary sophistication of researched Buddhist texts therefore had great difficulty in dealing with the image-veneration of those traditions which had once produced such textual references This issue becomes extremely interesting in the study of Chan Buddhism where Western scholars were often led to admire the icono-clastic and extreme statements of Chan Buddhist Masters These scholars have a tendency to interpret the whole tradition based on such textual sources and thus tend to misinterpret the clear differences in the religious-cultic practices of the believers There are scholars who even make a distinction within Chan Buddhist related art and concern themselves only with the monochrome ink paintings made in the style of the literati termed Zenga (Hempel 1960 Addiss 1976 1989 Stevens-Yelen 1990 Fukushima 1978) Stephen Addiss (1989 p 57) wrote in his book on Zen art that ldquoAs a rule Zen has had little use for miracu-lous deeds stressing instead the enlightenment of the everyday worldrdquo

In this way these scholars attempt to avoid the fact that in Zen Buddhist cir-cles too the veneration of images played a very important role and that some of the themes which appeared on the spontaneous ink paintings were actu-ally inspired by venerated icons Magic and miraculous deeds were also com-mon in ChanZen as seen in several studies published recently (Sharf 1992 Granoff and Shinohara 1988 p 119ndash228) Led by their roots in the study of religious texts scholars of East Asian Buddhism also tend to think of Chan Buddhism as an atheistic tradition and therefore also tend not to consider that

6 Erwin Panofsky argues it is not that texts influence images but that images also have genres as do texts (cited in Marosi 1995 p 26) James Cahill observed the types of text-object relationships in Chinese art and noted the same notion that ldquoolder studies took somewhat simplistic views (hellip) considering the text as primary and constant to which illustrations served as embellishment and amplification recent studies see a more organic interaction In the newer model the works in verbal and visual media adapt flexibly to each other For instance illustrations may generate a new version of the text or the choice of excerpts to be illustrated (hellip) leads to a shift of emphases within the narrativerdquo (Cahill 1983)

Obviously the work of translation in order to understand certain phenom-ena is crucial but scholars should be open to the other alternative sources which may help to provide a better understanding of their topic

The Japanese scholarly tradition namely the pre-modern sectarian scho-lasticism also had a strong influence on the training of scholars in the field of East Asian Buddhism Most Japanese scholars of Chinese and Japanese Buddhism are themselves ordained priests and teaching in private Buddhist Universities sponsored by certain Buddhist orders Japanese scholars of East Asian Buddhism also emphasise the importance of the textual tradition and they tend to impart this orientation to their foreign students Sharf points to the danger that often Western students of Buddhism hardly tend to notice the clerical aspects of their mentorsrsquo education while their Japanese teach-ers perhaps understandably avoid drawing attention to their sectarian inter-ests (Sharf 2001 p 5) The result is that many texts written about East Asian Buddhism by such Western scholars ndash especially on Zen a very popular topic among Westerners ndash adopt an uncritical text-oriented approach

The study of Buddhist art as a discipline also has its own history This is rooted in the classical art historical approach namely viewing a particular arte-fact in the context of other artefacts looking for stylistic similarities and dif-ferences In the hands of these scholars Buddhist textual sources are usually used to identify an image its symbolism and iconography The merit of this approach lies in its ability to identify objects and provide a reliable source for further studies but also often fails to acknowledge the broader context

The identification of an image by its iconography or authorship is useful for art dealers and collectors but for scholars who wish to reconstruct and under-stand a tradition it is only a tool for further research Recently this approach was challenged by art historians in the West where the art historian Hans Belting even went so far as to deny his disciplinersquos legacy by referring to the ldquoend of art historyrdquo suggesting that we should look further and deal with the context and place of the art objects (Belting 1987) Following Beltingrsquos approach much research has been done in the field of Christian art elucidating the place and use of artefacts within the rituals challenging long-held views and breathing fresh air into the scholarship of religious imagery

I discuss both written and pictorial visual sources of Bodhidharma In this respect my research attempts to show that visual sources had as enormous an impact on the written tradition as had previous written sources Accordingly one cannot regard written culture as the only inspirational source for the iconog-raphy of visual images Given the ability to write was not widespread not even among the majority of the monks and religious ldquointelligentsiardquo the oral tradition and visual imagination played an important role in the course of everyday life We also have to think that the writers of such sources were probably not only influ-enced by earlier written sources but also by their own knowledge which equally

Bod

hidharm

a in China K

orea and Jap

anMod

els for representations

and com

mercialization of the legend

ary founder of C

han Bud

dhism

in East A

siaB

eatr

ix M

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178 179

Southern China in 5207 At that time Mahāyāna Buddhism was an already established religion so the Emperor Wu of the Liang dynasty (Liang Wudi r 502ndash549) who was a devout Buddhist led Buddhist assemblies wrote com-mentaries on several sutras and gave the religion his full support invited the Indian monk Bodhidharma to leave Buddhismrsquos homeland and come to his court After their short conversation it was no wonder that Bodhidharma could not stay any longer so he crossed the Yangzi River with the help of a single reed and headed north8 He stopped at the Shaolin monastery near Luoyang in Henan province9 Here he spent nine years in meditation in a cave facing a blank wall10 The novelty of his teachings came from the stress on the impor-tance of meditation (Skrt Dhyana Ch Chan(na) Kor Seon(na) Jp Zen(na)11 hence the name of the school) at a time when Mahāyāna Buddhism was mainly Sutra-oriented As a famous stanza attributed to Bodhidharma says

7 The exact date of his arrival differs in the written sources and is open to speculation in scholarly works (Pelliot 1923) Earlier textual sources indicate his arrival during the Wei or the Liu-Song periods but towards the second half of the 8th century the legend assumed a more stable arrival during the time of the Liang (Lidai fabao ji dated around 774 T 512075 p 179ndash196) This was probably influenced by the legend previously inserted to Bodhidharmarsquos biography about Bodhidharmarsquos audience with the famous Buddhist-patron and emperor Liang Wudi (r 502ndash549) (Putidamo nanzong ding shifei lun dated 732 Jacques Gernet (trans) 1949 p 81ndash91)We have to add that a text from around 730 called Lengqie shizi zhi mentions a Central Indian monk called Gunabhadra who arrived in Canton by ship during the Yuanjia era (425ndash453) He was welcomed by the emperor and among other works translated the Lankavatara Sutra which had great importance and was later associated with Bodhidharma as being the text he transmitted to his successor Huike (Yampolsky 1967 p 20) Based on this text Luo Xianglin (1960 p 14ndash15) believes that Bodhidharma was a disciple of Gunabhadra at the Guangxiao Temple However Hu Shi stated that Gunabhadra died before Bodhidharma arrived in China (Hu Shi 1994) But such speculations which give more credence to certain sources as reference points rather than others cannot be regarded as an acceptable method though they are important in the sense that the relationships between the given sources is telling

8 The earliest written source is the mid-11th century Chuan fa zhengzong ji (Transmission of the Dharma and the correct teaching in the true School) though there is no mention of the reed (T 512078 715ndash768) The earliest written source which mentions the reed is from the 13th century (Wujia zhengzong zan (Eulogies from the Five Houses in the True School) dated 1254 and Shi shi tongjian 1270) But these early 13th century textual sources do not mention that Bodhidharma actually used the reed to cross the river This we know from the visual sources where Bodhidharma is represented as standing on a reed while crossing the river (Lachman 1993 Mecsi 2008 2009)

9 The earliest reference to Bodhidharmarsquos stay at the Shaolin monastery is from the first decade of the 8th century (Chuan fabao ji (Record of the Transmission of the Dharma Jewel) dated around 710) Thereafter it remains a constant part of the legend

10 The wall-meditation was mostly understood as a meditation technique where the mind should be blank like a wall There is general reference to this technique in several sources from the 7th century onwards (Xu gaoseng zhuan (Continued Biographies of Eminent Monks) dated 645) but without mention of the cave where the wall meditation occurred the cave is often depicted in the visual sources from the 13th century onwards

11 Though practice of meditation was common from the 5th century onwards See Prajnaparamita and Yogacara meditation and the contemplative aspects of the Tiantai school (BDK English Tripitaka 75 1998 p 1)

the ldquoperformance of obeisances and offerings to images which appear within this tradition constitutes idolatry per serdquo (Sharf 2001 p 6)

In sum previous studies done in the field of Chan Buddhism can be sepa-rated to three main groups based on their approach The first is the philological approach of the Buddhologists which may grasp the ideals and aims of the tra-dition but not its real appearance and practice in the given milieu The second is that of classical art history which is concerned with the relationships of the visual images within the context of images but only considers their symbolism and style looking at them in their inner context rather than a broader one The third approach is that of anthropology rooted in the Judeo-Christian disdain of idolatry and the sectarian approach with its influence which both stood in the way of the critical scholarship of Chan Buddhist art in its historical context Each of these approaches has its own value and importance Philology gives us the translated texts to interpret the monastic ideals art history gives us the identifi-cation of artefacts that we can organize with more confidence while anthropol-ogy attempts to describe the living tradition While focusing on our questions we need to cross boundaries between disciplines to bring us closer to our answers

The Legend of Bodhidharma

Those familiar with the history of Chan Buddhism might assume that Bodhidharma is a relatively well-known personality but if we have a closer look at the sources referring to his life we can discern that the real person is somewhat hidden behind the hagiographical texts By looking more closely at the legendary life of Bodhidharma we understand that the story is not about one person but an amalgamation of many legends and traditions Historians with a critical approach can shed new light on the tradition of ChanZenSeon Buddhism and of ldquoits own naturerdquo but they often find themselves in a difficult situation when they wish to outline the proper historical facts behind the sur-viving legends If historians deal with texts concerning Bodhidharma as docu-ments from which they need to find historical facts then the research method can lead to misleading results As Bernard Faure very aptly commented ldquooften enough after this mortuary washing only a skeleton remains and it is this skel-eton that will enter the museum of history In fact some missing bones may have to be taken from other skeletons to complete the exhibitrdquo (1986 p 188)

Textual sources about Bodhidharmarsquos life are greatly inconsistent To avoid confusion I will summarize his life-story including all the available legends that surround Bodhidharma with occasional reference to the controversies and the original sources of the legends mentioned in the footnotes

Bodhidharma (c 470ndash532) founder of Chan Buddhism arrived in Canton

Bod

hidharm

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orea and Jap

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mercialization of the legend

ary founder of C

han Bud

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in East A

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180 181

his left arm and presented it to Bodhidharma in an attempt to make him speak Finally he had Bodhidharmarsquos attention

There is no peace in my mind Please calm down my mind ndash asked HuikePut it in front of me then I will calm it down ndash replied BodhidharmaBut where shall I look for my mind ndash asked Huike ndash I donrsquot find it anywhereThere now ndash answered Bodhidharma ndash I have already calmed it down

Huike in this moment gained enlightenment16 One day Bodhidharma felt the urge to go back to India so he asked all his disciples to tell him what they had learnt from his teachings and how much they had understood17 When the disciples recounted their interpretations one by one Bodhidharma told Daofu ldquoYou only grasped the skinrdquo To nun Zongchi ldquoyou only grasped the bonerdquo Then to Huike ldquoYou grasped the marrowrdquo Thus Huike became the second Chinese Chan patriarch after Bodhidharma who is considered the 28th Patriarch of Chan Buddhism18 This identification follows a story which traces the Chan teachings back to the Buddha himself and how one day as he was sit-ting on a hill and without saying a word picked out a kumbala flower Nobody understood its significance except Mahakashyapa who became his successor the second patriarch after Shakyamuni Buddha Following an uninterrupted line Bodhidharma is the 28th in the Indian lineage and the first in the Chinese lineage of the Chan patriarchate19 Bodhidharma died before he could return to his homeland some say his rivals poisoned him20 He was buried in North

16 For more on Huike see Chapin 1945ndash1946 The calming of the mind (or in other words anxin dialogue first appears in the middle of the 10th century (See Zutang ji (Anthology of the Patriarch Hall) dated 952)

17 The number of his disciples differs across written sources In the first versions of the legend he only mentioned two disciples See Xu gaoseng zhuan (645) Chuan fabao ji (710) Lengqie shizi ji (c 730) From the second half of the 8th century three are mentioned in Lidai fabao ji (740) and four in Baolin zhuan (801) Zutang ji (952) Jingde chuandeng lu (1004) and in Chuan fa zhengzong ji (1061) Still he only has one disciple in Liuzu tan jing (c 830) and Song gaoseng zhuan (988) The first mention of the ldquoflesh bones and marrowrdquo story is in the Lidai fabao ji (774) thereafter it became a common part of the legend

18 The enumeration of the patriarchs first appeared in the Baolin zhuan (801) according to which Bodhidharma is considered 28th in line Later this numbering became widely accepted

19 Dafan tianwang wenfa jieyi jing (T 2006 p 48 325b7ndash12) Nukariya Kaiten writes that ldquothe book in which this incident is described is entitled Sutra on the Great Brahman Kingrsquos Questioning Buddha to Dispel a Doubt but there exists no original text or any Chinese translation in the Tripitaka It is highly probable that some early Chinese Chan scholar of the [Northern] Song dynasty (960ndash1126) fabricated the tradition because Wang An-shih a powerful minister under the emperor Shen-tsung is said to have seen a book in the Imperial Library There is however no evidence as far as we know pointing to the existence of the Sutra in China In Japan there exist in manuscript form two different translations of that book kept in secret veneration by some Zen masters which have been proved to be fictitious by the present writer after his close examination of the contentsrdquo (Kaiten 1913 p 3)

20 On Bodhidharmarsquos poisoning the earliest surviving document is from the 8th century (Chuan fabao ji c 710)

A special transmission outside the scripturesNot depending on words and lettersDirectly pointing to the humanrsquos mindUnderstanding onersquos own nature12

There is a legend which tells how once during meditation Bodhidharma was overcome by drowsiness and became so angry that he tore off his eyelids from which grew a tea shrub with the leaves that were used to provide a refreshing drink throughout East Asia13 And as he spent so much time without mov-ing his legs and arms atrophied and fell off14 But still he was also consid-ered as the founder of the famous martial art Shaolin gongfu (kungfu)15 While Bodhidharma was sitting meditating in the cave a man Senguang later known as Huike came asked him to accept him as a disciple and begged to be taught by the master however Bodhidharma failed to notice him It was snowing heav-ily but Huike continued to wait patiently outside the cave for Bodhidharma to respond and then in final despair and as a mark of sincere intention he cut off

12 My translation differs slightly from versions found in several different publications The important emphasis on personal experience versus written words was very possibly a Daoist influence (Laozi 1994)

13 I have not found the original version of this legend in the primary sources I have collected This episode might be an early 20th-century European creation possibly the result of an incorrect translation made by Engelbert Kaempfer (1651ndash1716) a German traveller and physician After Kaempfers death his mostly unpublished manuscripts were bought by Sir Hans Sloane and taken to England Among them was a History of Japan translated from the manuscript into English by JG Scheuchzer and published in London in 2 vols in 1727 The original German remains unpub-lished the extant German version being taken from the English (Engelbert Kaempfer MD (1727) The History of Japan Together with a Description of the Kingdom of Siam transl JG Scheuchzer 1906 James MacLehose eds reprint AMS New York 3 volumes) courtesy of Dr John Jor-gensen (Griffith University Australia) through personal communication in April 2007

14 This accounts for the armless and legless round-shaped popular dolls of Bodhidharma the so-called ldquoDaruma dollsrdquo found in Japan This episode is also not found in the primary written sources I con-sider it a secondary addition to the legend and some existing visual sources In my opinion there were some dolls shaped like the ldquowould-be Daruma dollsrdquo before people started to identify those dolls with the meditation monk who spent nine years in meditation without moving As the original meanings of such roly-poly dolls faded they gained popularity with the new meaning and the makers of such dolls deliberately altered the old form to fit the new meaning The oldest object I have come across in the form of a round-shaped legless and armless figure is a glazed earthenware whistle sancai from a Tang dynasty tomb (Pacific Asia Museum Pasadena California object number 1995 1025)

15 The text called Yijin Jing which was said to have been found in the Qing period (1644ndash1911) in Shaolin Temple and related to Bodhidharma stresses the cultivation of the body as well as the mind an idea which probably comes from Daoism The Lokapalas (Defenders of the Buddhist Law) in East Asian iconography are said to have shown a defending pose the arhat-pose associ-ated with the later gongfu [kung-fu] (Kim Cheol 1986 p 171) In Shaolin Temple in the Hall of the White Robe Avalokiteśvara a wall painting shows Indian and Chinese monks practising gongfu [kung-fu] (No date given by Choi 1995 p 76) Military monks used concentration and special mental techniques in martial arts This might be a reason why the warrior rulers the shōguns and the samurai in Japan favoured Zen Buddhism About the idea of Dao [Tao] as used for martial arts in East Asian Aesthetics and Art Theories (Nishiyama 1992 p 141ndash148)

Bod

hidharm

a in China K

orea and Jap

anMod

els for representations

and com

mercialization of the legend

ary founder of C

han Bud

dhism

in East A

siaB

eatr

ix M

ecsi

182 183

from the West and in addition that not only were tales about Western monks and religious figures mixed into the legend but that indigenous Chinese myths and beliefs were too as well as acting as a conduit for aspirations of religious power And as a later phenomenon there are accounts of Christian mission-aries who believed this man from the West was familiar with Christianity or more precisely that he was a Christian apostle (Faure 1993)

Iconography of Bodhidharma

Turning to the visual sources of Bodhidharma first we should describe the dif-ferent iconographical types of Bodhidharma and show examples of them from China Korea and Japan

Even for those familiar with the images of East Asia sometimes it is very dif-ficult to name depicted figures because of the lack of inscriptions especially in the late phases of the development of certain iconographies This is due to the tendency of using pre-existing patterns and giving them new meaning as was the case in the Western culture during the early Middle Ages when the pagan Apollo figure was used to represent Jesus Christ Rather than inventing completely new imagery combining existing intellectual and religious systems is an easier way to proceed Therefore we often find that artists were inspired by previous visual models rather than relying primarily on textual sources In many cases these textual sources themselves were also inspired by previous visual representations As the meaning of the depicted figure changed in soci-ety and in the mind of the artist inevitably certain forms merged and new pic-torial representations were produced Being careful with the identification of the earliest images is most important because they can give us vital clues for the history of certain iconographic types

Among the earliest images there are two distinct iconographic types which later became entangled One is a beardless figure in the other the more popu-lar representation Bodhidharma appears as a hairy bearded man with a stocky build exaggerated foreign features often wearing a hood The majority of the images of Bodhidharma are a half body or bust portrait The remaining group includes full body portraits where we can differentiate between standing and sitting images Among the standing images we find Bodhidharma crossing the Yangzi River on a reed carrying one shoe or sandal or a combination of the two themes or sometimes without any such objects Among sitting images we find Bodhidharma in a chair (especially in the earliest periods) or sitting in meditation occurring either in a landscape or entirely removed from time and space with no background or sense of surroundings The landscape set-ting varies For instance there is Bodhidharma in a cave (a more common

China on a mountain called Xiangershan (Bear Ear Mountain) Not long after his death a Chinese Wei official Song Yun21 on his way back to China having been sent by the empress dowager to search for Buddhist works encountered Bodhidharma on Congling (Onion Range) in the Pamir Mountains travelling in the direction of India holding one sandal22 When Song Yun told this story to the emperor Bodhidharmarsquos tomb was opened but nothing was found in the tomb except for a single sandal of the pair that Bodhidharma had been car-rying It is also known from legend that Bodhidharma was reborn as a beggar in Japan where he met Shōtoku Taishi the famous prince a great patron and champion of Buddhism in Japan at the Kataoka crossroads23 They exchanged poems and the prince gave him his mantle just as in Western tradition St Martin shares his cloak with a beggar who he recognizes as Jesus Christ The following day the prince ordered his servants to check on the man he had met but they told him that the beggar had died When the prince heard this story he became very sad and explained to his servants that the man he met was not a simple beggar but a saint He buried him and later sent a messenger to the tomb who returned with the news that the body had vanished and all that was there was the mantle given by the prince

The Textual Sources in the Light of the Nature of the Bodhidharma legend

There are many biographical accounts of Bodhidharma and several works attributed to him But we now know the majority of these works to be apoc-ryphal (Sekiguchi 1957) Some scholars such as Feng Youlan [Fung Yu-lan] (1953) and Paul Pelliot (1923) deny his historical existence and consider Bodhidharma a fictious character for religious purposes My opinion is close to these scholars but I do not deny so absolutely the lack of truth behind the leg-ends or consider them a deliberate ldquolierdquo Based on the Bodhidharma legends in literary and pictorial sources we can suppose the existence of monks who travelled to China from the West with the aim of spreading Buddhist doctrine in the East During the course of my research I have become convinced that the personality of Bodhidharma is an amalgamation of several persons coming

21 His travel record has been translated by Samuel Beal Travels of Fa-hsien and Sung-yun Buddhist Pilgrims from China to India London 1869 (Yampolsky 1967 p 10ndash11)

22 Bodhidharmarsquos meeting with the Wei official first appears in the Xu gaoseng zhuan (645) But reference to the sandal to claim the authenticity of identification of the man in the Pamirs with Bodhidharma only appears in textual sources from the end of the 8th century ( Lidai fabao ji 774)

23 The original story which served as the basis of this tale is in Nihon Shoki (Chronicle of Japan) written in 720 The identification of the beggar with Bodhidharma had already appeared in the 8th century (Ihon Jōgū Taishiden dated 771) Further details in Nishimura 1985 299-310

Bod

hidharm

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orea and Jap

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mercialization of the legend

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184 185

version)24 situated under a tree25 or the combination of the two According to the type of representation we can differentiate between en-face three-quarter profile profile portraits and representations showing Bodhidharma from the back Within the simplified profile and back portraits in set against a timeless and spaceless background there developed a specific iconographic type the ldquoone-brushstroke Bodhidharmardquo which together with the circle (Jp ensō) had an interesting religious-spiritual significance in Chan Buddhism Depending on context one finds single Bodhidharma pictures as well as pictures that form part of a group and sometimes examples where he is represented on the middle panel of a triptych Among these the oldest type is the group representation Maintained genealogy was not the only reason for group portraits The multi-plication of images also had a religious-spiritual significance

Bodhidharma in KoreaPrevious researches on Korean Seon Painting

Compared to the published material and related pictorial art on the Chinese and Japanese meditation school there are only a few sources available on Seon the Korean meditation school There are not enough studies in Western lan-guages that view Buddhism in East Asia including Korea in detail This is partly because of the official ideology of the relatively recent Joseon dynasty (1392ndash1910) was based on Neo-Confucianism with Buddhism a reduced pres-ence following the immense political power Buddhist monasteries had held in the previous period (Goryeo 935ndash1392) when the clergy of the monasteries actively participated in politics

There is little research on the artistic practice associated with Korean medi-tational Buddhism which is more neglected than the religious doctrinal aspects of Seon There is virtually no material on this topic in Western languages but the few sources available in Korean are not always critical but do make a great contribution to our knowledge and provide good reference materials

Gim Myeongguk (Kim Myeongguk) and the problem of Bodhidharma as Huineng

The earliest surviving pictures of Bodhidharma made by Korean masters are from the 16th and the 17th centuries and have a strong connection with Japan

24 Apart from the fact that cave temples were common in India and China their symbolism also plays a role in the interpretation of Bodhidharma imagery

25 Sitting under a tree is a reference to Shakyamuni Buddharsquos enlightenment But the activity is also associated with Buddharsquos contemporary Mahavira the founder of Jainism (Eliade 1997 p 71)

Bod

hidharm

a in China K

orea and Jap

anMod

els for representations

and com

mercialization of the legend

ary founder of C

han Bud

dhism

in East A

siaB

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ecsi

Fig 3

Unknown painter Huineng

(from Sancaituhui) Ming

period (1609) print

Reproduced in Sancaituhui

edited by Wang Qi

and Wang Siyi 317

Fig 4

Unknown painter

Bodhidharma with Huike

Joseon period wall painting

Geukrakjeon Daewonsa

Boseong South Jeolla

Province Republic of Korea

186 187

Among them the most famous are Gim Myeonggukrsquos (c 1600ndashafter 1662)26 Bodhidharma paintings which long remained a model for the later artists approaching the theme Gim Myeongguk was a member of the Dohwaseo Royal Painting Institute His contemporaries described him as a carefree drunkard a characterization that corresponds to the Chinese image of the eccentric artist and we know that during his stay in Japan his paintingsrsquo broad forceful brush-strokes suggest such an eccentricity27

In 1637 and 1643 Gim Myeongguk visited Japan as a member of an offi-cial delegation28 It has been said that like Han Sigak he was probably drawn to ZenSeon Buddhist figure painting through commissions from Japanese patrons who generally preferred Buddhist themes (Yi Tong-ju 1973 p 54-58) Many of his paintings held in Japanese collections are of this genre whereas contemporary painting in Korea was dominated by secular themes The style of both Gim Myeonggukrsquos landscapes and his figure paintings is very similar to that of the Chinese Zhe School particularly the works of the eccentric Wu Wei The Seoul National Museum has the most impressive example in this style and his most famous painting of Bodhidharma where the patriarch is captured with a few forceful yet delicate brushstrokes

Among Gim Myeonggukrsquos Bodhidharma paintings a triptychrsquos central panel in the Tokyo National University of Arts shows the Bodhidharma cross-ing water on a reed (Fig 2) His head is covered with a dark hood which is most unusual in this kind of representation yet we can find its source in the famous Ming Chinese printed book Sancai tuhui [Kor Samjaedohwi] an impor-tant resource for the artists with illustrations of famous Daoist and Buddhist masters on every page In this book the Sixth Chan patriarch Huineng is seen in a dark hood and similar facial expressions29 so we might suppose that Gim Myeongguk had used this pattern book adding a little modification to suit his subject (Fig 3) Using Huinengrsquos iconography based on the Sancai tuhui and followed by the Xianfo qizong [Kor Hongssiseonbulgijong] printed in 1602 the

26 According to the ldquoDongguk Munheon rokrdquo (Collection of Records of the Eastern Countries) chapter ldquoHwaga pyeonrdquo (Chapter on painters) his family comes from Ansan also called Yeonseong So maybe this is the origin of his pen name Yeondam (Lotus pond) But as he was connected to Buddhism the lotus in his pen name probably had Buddhist significance His other names were Cheonrsquoyeo (heavenly water) and Chui ong (drunken old man) (O SeChang chapter on Gim Myeongguk) Unfortunately we donrsquot have many written sources on him his birth and death dates are unknown He used three differently written forms of ldquoMyeongrdquo in his name but according to recent research there was no consistency in the way he used the different characters in his name so they do not help date his paintings (Deoksu 1999 see table for the chronology of his use of different characters p 49)

27 We know several stories about him written by Nam Yuyong (1698 ndash 1773) in the collection called Noe Yeon jip (Nam Yuyong Noeyeonjip Jinhwisok ko pp 35ndash36)

28 He stayed for ten months in 163729 Huinengrsquos dark hood existed as a visual formula from the 12th century where we can see Huineng

represented among the patriarchs wearing a separate hood which was darkened in later copies

Bod

hidharm

a in China K

orea and Jap

anMod

els for representations

and com

mercialization of the legend

ary founder of C

han Bud

dhism

in East A

siaB

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Fig 5

Unknown painter Bodhidharma

with Huike Joseon period

wall painting 267sum140 cm

Eungjinjeon Tongdosa Yangsan

city South Gyeongsang

Province Republic of Korea

Fig 6

Unknown painter Bodhidharma

Ming period rubbing from a

stone relief Shaolin Monastery

Songshan Henan Province

Peoplersquos Republic of China

188 189

hood is no darker than the robe itself which we also find in other represen-tations of Bodhidharma The wall painting of the Geukrak Hall of Daewon temple in South Jeolla province shows Bodhidharma with the same features as the image of Huineng seen in both model books but we can be sure about the identity of the figure in the wall painting as it shows Huike presenting Bodhidharma a severed arm (Fig 4)

The ldquoOriginalrdquo Model from Shaolin Monastery

Other paintings showing Bodhidharma with Huike are quite different from the one discussed above One of Korearsquos three most famous temples the Tongdosa has a wall painting dated around 1670 where a bearded figure with large eyes is seen in profile sitting on a straw mat under a pine tree and holding a begging bowl A young noticeably smaller monk holds a book and bows before the seated man (Fig 5) There is no hint of the removed arm but then how do we know that this person is Bodhidharma Our question leads us back to China to the model preserved at the famous Shaolin monastery a place strongly connected with Bodhidharma him-self The image preserved here shows its subject in the same posture as the seated figure in the wall painting (Fig 6) Recently in 1992 the same face type was used as a model for a commission by a Chinese artist on a Bodhidharma sculpture for the Waujeong temple in Gyeonggi province in Korea (Fig 7)30 In Korearsquos other famous monastery the Haeinsa where the printing blocks of the Buddhist canon the Tripitaka Koreana are kept there is another Bodhidharma painting from the Joseon period which bears a resemblance to the wall painting at Tongdosa We can see its influence on other Bodhidharma paintings too where the facial expressions are similar though the setting is different (eg the painting in the Emille Museum)

Gim Hongdo (Kim Hongdo) and the Problems of Bodhidharma as an Immortal

In the oeuvre of another famous Korean artist Gim Hongdo (1745ndashafter 1814) who is considered one of the most outstanding artists of the Joseon period (1392ndash1910) we find paintings showing figures standing or sitting on a reed One of them where the figure is standing on a reed bears an inscription ldquoPicture of crossing the sea on a reedrdquo (Fig 8) Even though we know stories from Japan claiming that Bodhidharma actually crossed the sea and went to Japan this tra-dition can be also traced back to the depiction of the Daoist immortalsrsquo cross-ing the sea and has a long history in iconography that predates Bodhidharmarsquos

30 In the Korean Seon Buddhist magazine Seon Munhwa (Pyeon Jippu 2002 20ndash21) we read that the erection a sculpture made in China was an attempt to access the ldquorealrdquo image of Bodhidharma while also using the most authentic Chinese sources

Bod

hidharm

a in China K

orea and Jap

anMod

els for representations

and com

mercialization of the legend

ary founder of C

han Bud

dhism

in East A

siaB

eatr

ix M

ecsi

Fig 7

Chinese sculptor (name

unknown) Bodhidharma

Sculpture in Korea 1992

[bronze] Waujeongsa

Yeongin Gyeonggi Province

Republic of Korea Photograph

taken by the author in 2006

Fig 8

Gim Hongdo (1745-1806)

Standing Figure on a Reed

19th century inscription

ldquoCrossing the sea on a reedrdquo

Colors on paper

Gansong Art Gallery Seoul

Reproduced in Choi Seon-taek

[Korean Seon Painting] pl 40

190 191

appearance In the case of Gim Hongdo we know that he painted Daoist topics too And if we look at the figure in his painting we see his East Asian rather than Western features and the fur around his waist which also suggests immor-tal qualities (as a parallel see Shen Choursquos painting of an immortal from China in the Nelson-Atkins Museum) The other painting shows a young boy sitting and sleeping on a reed a topic which was also popular among artists in 18th century Korea (see Sim Sajeongrsquos (1707ndash1769) painting of a similar theme) but even though there is still some confusion in identifying this crossing fig-ure with Bodhidharma (Kim Nami 2000 90ndash91) It is very probable that the young seated figure follows the iconography of an immortal (see other young immortal figures crossing seated without a reed) This is supported by the fact that Gim Hongdo painted very similar scenes of immortals crossing water for instance one such immortal crossing on a shrimp (Fig 9)

However the strongly held view is that Gim Hongdorsquos crossing paintings representing Bodhidharma resulted in later images using this iconography either showing Bodhidharma as a young boy or showing Bodhidharmarsquos cross-ing on a reed in a seated position

We have seen from the above examples that the identification of a certain per-sonality in visual arts is interlinked with the beliefs of a given society adding new qualities to an existing legend In the case of Korean Bodhidharma imagery the tradition of arhat paintings and the Daoist immortals was a great contribution and the existence of illustrative models and pattern books are evident though their use was not always from first-hand and there was a degree of freedom in their recon-figuration as seen in the use of Huinengrsquos model in an image of Bodhidharma

Bodhidharma Images in Contemporary South Korea

Anyone who visits Korea soon encounters the representations of Bodhidharma His figure and legend are usually represented in Buddhist temples but a recent phe-nomenon has taken his figure more and more into the secular and semi-secular context such as souvenir shops not only in the vicinity of temples but in other tour-istic areas and frequently visited places like at motorway service stations or even tube stations and restaurants Popular womenrsquos magazines and television channels often carry advertisements for Bodhidharma painters offering potential well-being

Many scholarly studies have been conducted about Bodhidharma but how the image of Bodhidharma came to be commercialized it is still an understud-ied side to the area As is how the Bodhidharmarsquos representations were distrib-uted in East Asia and influenced local imagination and further representations Also worthy of attention of visual arts scholars is how certain models were used in reproducing new objects with the intent of selling them to the wider public a real phenomenon in contemporary Korea This is similar to Japan in inten-tion but the chosen sources for promoting this saintly figure are very different

Bod

hidharm

a in China K

orea and Jap

anMod

els for representations

and com

mercialization of the legend

ary founder of C

han Bud

dhism

in East A

siaB

eatr

ix M

ecsi

Fig 9

Gim Hongdo (1745-

1806) Immortal

crossing the sea on

a shrimp Ink and

light colors on paper

331sum41 cm Sun

Moon University

Museum Collection

(Sun Moon Collection

2001 pl83 p280)

Fig 10

Katsushika Hokusai

(1760-1849) Big

Daruma ca 1817 ink

on paper Reproduced

in Timon Screech

The Lens Within the

Heart The Western

Scientific Gaze and

Popular Imagery in

Later Edo Japan

London Routledge

Curzon 2002 p 243

pl140

192 193

The manner in which Bodhidharma images enter the secular world differs con-siderably between the Japanese islands and Korea

When we look at the ways Bodhidharma images are popularized in modern and contemporary East Asia we find some basic differences between China Korea and Japan

Among these countries Japan was the first one to popularize Bodhidharma on a large scale not only in simplified ink paintings usually executed by monk paint-ers and in popular colour prints but in a form of a roly-poly doll called Daruma

The transformation of the image of a religious founder into a doll is an interesting phenomenon which only appeared in Japan and this form of representation entered Korea as a symbol of Japaneseness rather than the representation of Bodhidharma himself (for example as a sign in Japanese restaurants like the waving cat)

In China the popularization of Bodhidharma only happened recently but here the visual appearance does not play as such an important role as it does in Japan or Korea Here the cult flourishes especially around the Shaolin mon-astery and mainly among martial arts practitioners to whom Bodhidharma is venerated as the founder of Shaolin kungfu

In Korea producing Bodhidharma images and objects was a fashion in the last decades and increased considerably in the last couple of years It started in 1988 with the Seoul Olympics when the so-called gold cards were launched the market These gold cards are small cards painted with real gold paint usu-ally with some lucky representations like the twelve Oriental zodiac animals Taoist talismans and for Westerners four-leaf clovers images of Jesus Christ but more and more with the image of Bodhidharma

Contemporary painters also turned towards the image of the saint and we find not only monks but some professional painters also started to revitalize his image We clearly see this not only in art shops and exhibitions but also in the publica-tions of several books and albums devoted exclusively to Bodhidharma paintings31

The structure of these books is the same where each painting (usually 100 or more often 108) is followed by a poem or explanation related to the legend or some Buddhist teaching These books often combine the pattern book for-mat with the drawing manual with tips on how to draw Bodhidharma Korean painters of Bodhidharma generally use such pattern books together with other publications on Buddhist imagery and in many cases it is obvious where their models came from showing clear formal affinities with their models However at the same time spontaneous ink paintings require some expression from the artist thus making them very personal and spiritually charged pieces

31 For example Hong Ip-Yo Yi Byoung-kyo Dalmado (Bodhidharma-paintings) Seoul Jayu Segye Publ 1993 Gim Chrsquoangbae Hangukeui Dalmado (Korean Bodhidhma Paintings) Seoul Ehwa Munhwa Publishing 1999 Gim Nami Geurimeuro mannaneun Dalma (Meeting Bodhidharma on Pictures) Seoul Shikongsa Publ 2000 Beomju seunim Dalma seonmuk (Monk Beomju Ink Paintings of Bodhidharma) Seoul Hakmunsa Publishing 2001 Yu Hyeongjae 108 Dalma (108 Bodhidharma) Seoul Baekam Publishing 2002

Bod

hidharm

a in China K

orea and Jap

anMod

els for representations

and com

mercialization of the legend

ary founder of C

han Bud

dhism

in East A

siaB

eatr

ix M

ecsi

When talking about popularization we have to mention the importance of major public events and how some artists have used these occasions to propa-gate the image of Bodhidharma

In 2002 when Korea and Japan held the FIFA World Cup monk-painter Gim Dongseong (b 1954) showed his new works in both countries representing Bodhidharma with a football updating the figure in a manner appropriate for the event However he also included a philosophical explanation for his paintings referring to the basic qualities and shared pronunciation for the word ldquoballrdquo (Kor gong) and emptiness (also gong) an important concept in Buddhism (Skt śunyata)

In 2005 during the International APEC (Asian Pacific Economic Cooperation) meeting in Busan monk Beomju (b 1943) made a public performance by making a huge Bodhidharma painting Painting large scale Bodhidharma images for public events can be traced back to earlier traditions It is recorded that the famous Ukiyo-e artist Hokusai (1760ndash1849) also made a similarly giant image in year 1804 (Fig 10)32

Painting Bodhidharma as a performance is not so rare among Korean monk-artists and Jung Gwang the ldquomad monkrdquo (1934ndash2002) who gained interna-tional reputation with his daring Bodhidharma paintings and performances even influenced contemporary expressionist art in the West

In sum in Korean visual arts and Buddhism there is a burgeoning trend in the production and distribution of images of the first Chan patriarch which requires an attempt to understand it in the context of its inner developments and history while placing it within the larger context of other Asian countries

Bibliography

Addiss S (1989) The Art of Zen Paintings and Calligraphy by Japanese Monks 1600-1925 New York Charles Miers

Addiss S and Seo A Y (1998) The Art of 20th Century Zen Paintings and Calligraphy by Japanese Masters Boston Shambala

AwAkAwA Y (1970) Zen Painting Tokyo Kodansha InternationalBDK English Tripitaka (2006) Numata Center for Buddhist TraditionBukkyō Daijiten (1933) compiled by Mochizuki ShinkyōBukkyō Daijiten HakkōshoBArnet S and Burto W (1982) Zen Ink Paintings Tokyo KodanshaBelting H (1987) The End of the History of Art (trans C Wood) Chicago University of Chicago

Press[Beomju seunim Dalma seonmuk] (2001) 범주스님 달마 선묵 [Monk Beomjursquos ink paintings of

Bodhidharma] Seoul Hakmunsa[Boun Jippu] 보운 집부 (2002) ldquo1300yeonyeonmane Dalma daesa uri nara e bongrsquoandwaedardquo

1300 여년만에 달마 대사 우리나라에 봉안되다 [ldquoIt was more than 1300 years since Grand Master Bodhidharma was enshrined in Koreardquo] Seon Munhwa 4 p 20ndash21

Brinker H (1973) Die Zen-buddhistische Bildnismalerei in China und Japan Muumlnchener Ostasiatische Studien vol 10 Wiesbaden Franz Steiner

32 Kōriki Enkōan from Hokusai taiga sokusho saizu c 1817 Nagoya City Museum

194 195

mdash (1987) ldquoThe Daruma-shū Dōgen and Sōtō Zenrdquo in Monumenta Nipponica vol 42 nordm 1 p 25ndash55

mdash (1991) The Rhetoric of Immediacy A Cultural Critique of ChanZen Buddhism Princeton New Jersey Princeton University Press

mdash (1993) Chan Insights and Oversights (An Epistemological Critique of the Chan Tradition) Princeton New Jersey Princeton University Press

mdash (1996) Visions of Power Princeton Princeton University Pressmdash (1997) The Will to Orthodoxy A Critical Genealogy of Northern Chan Buddhism Stanford

California Stanford University Pressmdash (2003) ldquoLa double vie du patriacherdquo in Kyburz J A et al (eds) Eloge des sources

Reflets du Japon ancien et moderne Paris Editions Philippe Picquier p 509ndash538Fo-jih Chi-sung (1007-1072) and Tōrei Enji (1721ndash1792) Damoduolo Chanjing 達摩多羅禪

經 [ldquoBodhidharma Zen Sūtrardquo] (1964) Taishō Shinshū Daizōkyō Kankokai 大正新脩大蔵蔵 [ldquoTripitaka in Chineserdquo] Tōkyō Taishō Issaikyō Kankōkai (T15 No618)

Foulk G T and Sharf R H (1993ndash1994) ldquoOn the Ritual Use of Chrsquoan Portraiture in Medieval Chinardquo in Cahiers drsquoExtrecircme-Asie [Revue bilingue de lrsquoEcole Franccedilaise drsquoExtrecircme Orient Section de Kyoto] Special Issue Chrsquoan Zen Studies vol 7 p 155ndash219

Fontein J and Hickman M L (1970) Zen Painting and Calligraphy Boston Museum of Fine Arts

Fromm E Suzuki DT and DeMartino R (1960) Zen Buddhism and Psychoanalysis New York Harper and Row

gernet J (1949) Les entretiens du maicirctre de dhyāna Chen-houei du Ho-tsouml (668-760) Paris Adrian Maisonneuve

gomBrich E H (1960) Art and Illusion A Study in the Psychology of Pictorial Representation London Phaidon

mdash (1982) The Image and the Eye Further studies in the Psychology of Pictorial Representation London Phaidon

goodAll J (1979) Heaven and Earth 120 Album Leaves from a Ming Encyclopaedia San-tsrsquoai trsquou-hui 1610 London Lund Humphries

grAnoFF PH and shinohArA K (1988) Monks and Magicians Religious Biographies in Asia Motilal Banarsidass India

heine S and Wright D S (eds) (2004) The Zen Canon Oxford Oxford University Press[Hong Ip-ik and Yi Byeong-gyo] 홍입익middot이병교 (1993) Dalmado Hwabeop immun gamsang

baektae 달마도 畵法入門 鑑賞百態 [Painting Bodhidharma hundred great ways to achieve enlightenment through painting] Seoul Jayu Segye

[Hong Cha-seong and So Cheon-seok] 홍자성소천석 (1974) Hongssi seonbulgijong 홍씨 선불

기종 [Marvellous tales of immortals] Sakbuk JayuhisAmAtsu S (1971) Zen and Fine Arts from original Zen to Bijutsu (trans T Gishin) Tokyo

Kodansha Internationalhu S (1953) ldquoChan (Zen) Buddhism in China Its History and Methodrdquo in Philosophy East and

West vol 3 nordm 1 p 3ndash24mdash (1994) ldquoPutidamo gaordquo in Hu Shih Wencun Taibei Yuanliu Khuban Shiyegufen Youxian

Gongsi c Ltd vol12 p 137ndash150hyers C (1973) Zen and the Comic Spirit Philadelphia Westminster Press

Brinker H (1994) Zen in der Kunst des Malens Bern Muumlnchen Wien Otto Wilhelm Barth Verlag

Brinker H and Kanazawa H (1996) Zen Masters of Meditation in Images and Writings Based on a Catalogue of an Exhibition at the Museum Rietberg and Kyoto National Museum

Brinker H Kramers R P and Ouwehand C (eds) (1982) Zen in China Japan East Asian Art Papers of the International Symposium on Zen Zuumlrich University

BAten L (1992) Japanese Folktoys The Playful Arts Tokyo ShufunotomoBuddhist Paintings of Korea (1997ndash2004) Seoul Buddhist Cultural Properties Research

Institute vols1ndash31Buswell R (1992) The Zen Monastic Experience Buddhist Practice in Contemporary Korea

Princeton Princeton University PresscAhill J (1983) ldquoTypes of Text-Object Relationships in Chinese Artrdquo in 31st International

Congress of Human Sciences in Asia and North America (CIISHAN) Abstracts of Papers TōkyōTōhō Gakkai vol 2 p 276

cAssirer E (1953) The Philosophy of Symbolic Forms Vol1 Language (trans R Mannheim) New Haven Yale University Press

[Chang Hee-jeong] 張姬貞 (1996) Joseon hugi Jogyesan jiyeok bulhwaeui yeonrsquogu 朝鮮 後

期 曹溪山地域 佛畵의 硏究 ldquoA Study of Buddhist Paintings of Late Joseon dynasty in Monasteries on Mt Chogyerdquo in Misul Sahak Yeonrsquogu nordm 210 p 71ndash104

chApin H B (1945ndash1946) ldquoThree Early Portraits of Bodhidharmardquo in Archives of the Chinese Art Society of America nordm 1 p 66ndash95

[Choi Seok-hwan] 최석환 (2002) ldquoDalmawa yutopiardquo 달마와 유토피아 [ldquoBodhidharma and Utopiardquo] in Seon Munhwa nordm 4 p 26ndash31

[Choi Sun-taek] 최순택 (1995) Dalmadorsquoeui segye 達磨圖의 世界 [The world of Bodhidharma-paintings] Seoul Hakmunsa

mdash ldquoDalmadorsquoeui yeonrsquogurdquo 達磨圖의 硏究 (1996) [ldquoResearch on Bodhidharma-paintingsrdquo] in Gukje seonmuhakhoe 國際禪武學會 [International Association of Zen and Martial Arts] vol 5 nordm 1 p 21ndash107

mdash Hangukeui seonseohwa 한국의 선서화 (1998) [Korean Seon Painting] Seoul Hakmun[Choi Wan-su] 최완수 (1996) Seokjeong sohwajip 석정 소화집 [Painting collection of monk

Seokjeong] Seoul BeomhaDaruma ten 達磨展 (1988) [ldquoBodhidharma Exhibitionrdquo] Tōkyō Shinjuku Isetan Bijutsukan

vol 4 np 10 p 16drsquoeliA m P (ed) (1942-49) Fonti Ricciane documenti originali concernenti Matteo Ricci e la sto-

ria delle prime relazioni tra lEuropa e la Cina 1579-1615 3 vols Rome Libreria dello Statodukes T [Shifu Nagaboshi Tomio] (1994) The Bodhisattva Warriors The Origin Inner

Philosophy History and Symbolism of the Buddhist Martial Art within India and China York Beach Samuel Weiser

dumoulin H (1992) Zen Buddhism in the 20th Century (trans J S OrsquoLeary) New York and Tokyo Weatherhill

eliAde M (1997 [1978]) Vallaacutesi hiedelmek eacutes eszmeacutek toumlrteacutenete (original title Histoire des croy-ances et des ideacutees religieuses) Budapest Osiris Kiadoacute

FAure B (1986) ldquoBodhidharma as a Textual and Religious Paradigmrdquo in History of Religions vol 25 nordm3 p 187ndash198

Bod

hidharm

a in China K

orea and Jap

anMod

els for representations

and com

mercialization of the legend

ary founder of C

han Bud

dhism

in East A

siaB

eatr

ix M

ecsi

196 197

im deok-su (1999) Yeondam Kim Myeongguk eui Seonhwa yeongu [A Study of the Zen Painting by Kim Myeongguk] MA-diss Department of Buddhist Art and Culture The Graduate School of Buddhism Dongguk University Seoul Korea

JArAnd U (trans) (1987) Dialog uumlber das Ausloumlchen der Anschaung ein fruumlher Chinesischer text aus Tunhuang Frankfurt [Main] RG Fischer

Jing A (1996) ldquoThe Eight Immortals The Transformation of Trsquoang and Sung Taoist Eccentrics during the Yuumlan dynastyrdquo in Hearn M K and Smith J G (eds) Arts of The Sung and Yuumlan New York Metropolitan Museum of Art p 213ndash227

Jung K (1979) The Mad Monk Paintings of Unlimited Action Berkeley Lancaster-Miller Publishers

kAnAZAwA H (1979) Japanese Ink Painting Early Zen Masterpieces Japanese Arts Library Tokyo Kodansha International and Shibundo

kidō C (1978 [1932]) Daruma to sono shosō 達磨と其諸相 [Bodhidharma and his representa-tions] Tokyo Heigo Shuppan-sha

[Kim Chang-bae] 김장배 (1999) Hangug eui Dalmado 한국의 달마도 [Korean Bodhidharma paintings] Seoul Ehwa Munhwa

[Kim Chang-bae] 김장배 (2007) Hangug eui Modeun Dalma 한국의 모든달마 [The all Korean Bodhidharma] Seoul Seoyemunrsquoinhwa

[Kim Cheol] 김철 (1986) Taekwondo Kyoyukron (Education of Taekwondo) Seoul Wonkwang Univervisty Publlishers

[Kim Hye-jeong] 김혜정 (2002) ldquoDalma Chukgu gongeul deulda Dongseong seunimeui Dalmadordquo달마 축구공을 들다 동성스님의 달마도 [ldquoBodhidharma holds a footballrdquo] Seon Munhwa vol 4 p 22ndash25

[Kim Na-mi] 김나미 (2000) Geurimeuro mannaneun Dalma 그림으로 만나는 달마 [Meeting Bodhidharma on pictures] Seoul Shikongsa

[Kim Yong-jae] 김영재 (2001) Bulgyo misureul boneun nun 불교미술을 보는 눈 [Eye for Buddhist art] Seoul Sakyejul

[Koam] 고암 (2006) ldquoDalmado geinjeon yeoneun deuksan hwabaek ilneomeseo munyeo-muirordquo 달마도 개인전 여는 득산 화백 일념에서 무념으로 [ldquoHwabaekrsquos private exhibition of Bodhidharma-paintings From one-attachment to no-attachmentrdquo] Seon Munhwa vol 6 p 50ndash55

koderA T J (1980) Dōgenrsquos Formative Years in China London Routledge and Kegan Paul[Kōjō] 光定 (1964) ldquoDenjutsu Isshin Kaimonrdquo 伝述一心戒文 (ldquoThe Record of the Precepts in a

Mindrdquo) in Taishō Shinshū Daizōkyō Kankokai 大正新脩大蔵経 [ldquoTripitaka in Chineserdquo] Tokyo Taisho Issaikyo Kankokai nordm 74 p 639

[Kōkan Shiren] 虎関師錬 (1278-1348) (1921ndash1922) Genkō Shakusho 元亨釈書 [Buddhist his-tory of the Genkō era] vol15ndash16 Takakusu Junjirō et al (eds) Dai Nihon Bukkyō zensho Tōkyō Yoseido Reprinted Suzuki gakujutsu zaidan edition Tōkyō Kodansha 1970ndash1973 vol 62 p 66ndash230

[Kōshū] 光宗 (1276-1350) Keiran Shūyōshū 渓嵐拾葉集 (A Collection of Leaves Gathered in Stormy Streams) (T762410 532b)

kurAnAkA S (1996) ldquoShōtoku Taishi Kataoka Setsuwa no Keiseirdquo 聖徳太子片岡説話の形成 [ldquoThe formation of Prince Shōtokursquos Kataoka-talerdquo] Manrsquoyo vol 10 p 61

[Kwanjo Monk] 관조스님 (1999) Sachrsquoal Byeokhwa 사찰 벽화 [The mural paintings of Buddhist

temples] Seoul Misul Munhwa [Photographs]lAchmAn C (1993) ldquoWhy Did the Patriarch Cross the River The Rushleaf Bodhidharma

Reconsideredrdquo in Asia Major nordm 6 p 237ndash268lAncAster L R (1983) The Dirty Mop Unlimited Action Paintings and Poems by Jung Kwang the

Mad Monk Berkeley and Seoul Asian Humanities Press and Po Chin ChailAo-ce (1994) Tao Te King Az Uacutet eacutes Ereacuteny koumlnyve (Original title Laozi Daode qing (trans

Weoumlres Saacutendor and Tőkei Ferenc) Budapest TericumlopeZ D Jr (ed) (1995) Curators of the Buddha The Study of Buddhism Under Colonialism

Chicago University of Chicago Pressluo XiAnglin (1960) Tang dai Guangzhou Guangxiao si yu Zhong Yin jiao tong zhi guan xi Jiulong

Zhongguo xue she[Manbong seunim chungyo munhwajae je 48 ho] 만봉스님 중요문화재 제 48 호 [Monk Manbong

living cultural asset no48] (2002) Seoul BongwonsamArosi E (1995) Keacutep eacutes hasonmaacutes Műveacuteszet eacutes valoacutesaacuteg a 14-15 szaacutezadi Magyarorszaacutegon [Image

and likeness Art and reality in the 14th and 15th centuries in Hungary] Budapest Akadeacutemiai KiadoacutemcFArlAnd H N (1986) ldquoFeminine Motifs in Bodhidharma Symbology in Japanrdquo in Asian

Folklore Studies [Nagoya Asian Folklore Institute] nordm 14 p 167ndash191mdash (1987) Daruma The Founder of Zen in Japanese Art and Popular Culture Tokyo and New York

Kodansha InternationalmcrAe J (2001) ldquoReligion as Revolution in Chinese Historiography Hu Shih (1891-1962) on

Shen-Hui (684-758)rdquo in Cahiers drsquoExtrecircme-Asie nordm 12 p 59ndash102mecsi B (1999) ldquoHogyan lett a szentből jaacuteteacutekbabardquo [ldquoHow did a saint become a dollrdquo]

Műhely [Atelier] p 116ndash118mdash (2000) ldquoHogyan eacuterkezett Bodhidharma Japaacutenbardquo [ldquoHow did Bodhidharma arrive

to Japanrdquo] in Orientalista Nap MTA Orientalisztikai Bizottsaacuteg amp ELTE Budapest p 120ndash126 and 245ndash257

mdash (2003) ldquoIdentification problems of Korean Bodhidharma-paintingsrdquo University of Rome ldquoLa Sapienziardquo Faculty of Oriental Studies 21st AKSE Conference-papers p 155ndash162

mdash 2005 ldquoWhy did Bodhidharma Come from the West Origins of Representations of the First Zen Patriarchrdquo in Proceedings of the Hawaii International Conference on Arts and Humanities

mdash (2007) ldquoBodhidharma Images in Contemporary Korea Methods and Strategies of Using and Popularizing the Representations of the First Zen Patriarchrdquo in International Biannual Conference for the Association of Korean Studies Europe Dourdan (AKSE)-Publications

mdash (2007) ldquoBuddhist Saints Crossing the Sea Reconsidering Text-Image Relationships for Understanding the Iconography of the First Zen Patriarchrdquo in Proceedings of the Hawaii International Conference on Arts and Humanities

mdash (2007) ldquoA Szent eacutes a Jaacuteteacutekbaba A Zen Buddhizmus alapiacutetoacutejaacutenak alakja a nem-zen hagy-omaacutenyok tuumlkreacutebenrdquo [ldquoThe Saint and the DollThe founder of Zen Buddhism in the con-text of non-Zen Studiesrdquo] Japanisztika a Boumllcseacutesztudomaacutenyban Kaacuteroli Gaacutespaacuter Reformaacutetus Egyetem Budapest p 203ndash210

mdash (2007) ldquoEvolution Distribution and Commercialization of the Images of Bodhidharma Or How did a Religious Founder Become a Toyrdquo in Japanoloacutegiai Koumlrkeacutep (Istvaacuten Szerdahelyi Peacuteter Wintermantel eds) ELTE Eoumltvoumls Kiadoacute p 245ndash254

mdash (2008) ldquoThe Power on Images on Texts Re-Examined The Case of Bodhidharmarsquos Crossing

Bod

hidharm

a in China K

orea and Jap

anMod

els for representations

and com

mercialization of the legend

ary founder of C

han Bud

dhism

in East A

siaB

eatr

ix M

ecsi

198 199

and the Mass-Consumtion of Bodhidharma-images in Japan and Contemporary South Koreardquo in Oriental Archive (Archiv Orientalniacute) Quarterly Journal of African and Asian Studies Oriental Institute Prague vol 76 p 217ndash249

mdash (2008) ldquoAacutetkeleacutes a naacutedszaacutelon Keacutep eacutes szoumlveg kapcsolata a kelet-aacutezsiai vallaacutesos műveacuteszetbenrdquo [ldquoCrossing on a Reed Text-image relationships in East Asian Religious Paintingrdquo] in Kaposvaacuter Szele Baacutelint (ed) Pro Scientia Aranyeacutermesek IX Tudomaacutenyos konferenciaacuteja Pro Scientia Aranyeacutermesek Taacutersasaacutega Budapest p 46ndash58

mdash (2009) ldquoAz lsquoaacutetkeleacutes a naacutedszaacutelonrsquo legenda eredeteacutenek keacuterdeacuteseacuterőlrdquo [ldquoThe problem of the Legend of Crossing on a Reedrdquo] in Taacutevol-keleti Tanulmaacutenyok Budapest Taacutevol-keleti Inteacutezet vol 2 p 103ndash122

mdash (2010) ldquoBodhidharma in Contemporary South Korea The Founder of Chan Buddhism from Sacral to Popular Culturerdquo in Govindasamy G Park C K and Tan S K (eds) Korean affaris A contemporary view Kuala Lumpur Perpustakaan Negara Malaysia p 135ndash147

mdash (2013) Szentből jaacuteteacutekbaba A Daruma baba nyomaacuteban a Taacutevol-Keleten [ldquoDoll from a saint In Search for the Daruma doll in East Asiardquo]Lecture on 28th May 2013 Kaacuteroli Gaacutespaacuter Reformaacutetus Egyetem (12th July 2013) [online] httpwwwyoutubecomwatchv=QBCV11LGXhQampfeature=c4-overviewamplist=UUeXTAOGzx8xduHtd71ZGICQ

Nihon shoki 日本書記 [ldquoChronicle of Japanrdquo] (1987) (trans Inoue Mitsusada) Tōkyō Chūō Koronsha (Shōwa 62) p 98ndash99

nishimurA S (1985) ldquoThe Prince and the Pauper The Dynamics of a Shotoku Legendrdquo in Monumenta Nipponica vol40 Issue 3 p 299ndash310

nishiyAmA I (1992) Nihon Shisō no genryū to tenkai Ise-shi Kogakkan Daigaku ShuppanbunukAriyA K (1913) The Religion of the Samurai London Luzac amp Cootto R (1932) Mysticism East and West a Comparative Analysis of the Nature of Mysticism

(trans B L Bracey and R C Payne) London Macmillanorsquoriley M K (2001) Art Beyond the West London Laurence KingpAnoFsky E (1984) Jelenteacutes a vizuaacutelis műveacuteszetekben [The Meaning in Visual Arts]

Budapest Gondolatpelliot P (1923) ldquoNotes sur quelques artistes des six dynasties et des Trsquoangrdquo in Trsquooung Pao

vol 22 p 215ndash291Wag Qi 王圻 and Wang Siyi 王思義 (eds) (1988) Sancaituhui [Kor Samjaedohwi] 三才圖會

(Collected Illustrations of the Three Realms) Shanghai Shanghai guji chubansheSancaituhui [Kor Samjaedohwi] 三才圖會 (Collected Illustrations of the Three Realms) (2001)

Seoul Dongguk Universityseckel D (1997) Das Portraumlt in Ostasien Heidelberg Universitis Verlagsekiguchi S (1957) Daruma no Kenkyū Tokyo IwanamishArF R H (1922) ldquoThe Idolization of Enlightenment On the Mummification of Chrsquoan

Masters in Mediaeval Chinardquo in History of Religions vol 32 nordm 1 p 1ndash31mdash (1995) ldquoThe Zen of Japanese Nationalismrdquo in Lopez S and Donald Jr (eds) Curators of

the Buddha The Study of Buddhism under Colonialism Chicago and London University of Chicago Press

mdash and Sharf E H (eds) (2001) Living Images Japanese Buddhist Icons in Context Stanford Stanford University Press

[Seokcheon] 석천 (2001) ldquoDalmadowa hamkke ilcheonobaeknyeon jeoneuiroui gihaengrdquo 달

마도와 함께 일천오백년전의로의 기행 [ldquo150 years with Bodhidharma-paintingsrdquo] in Seon Munhwa nordm 8 p 99ndash105

mdash (2003) ldquoMeokseonrsquoi ppumeonaedeut dongyangeui yeokdongjeogin seonrdquo 먹선이 뿜어내

듯 동양의 역동적인 禪 [ ldquoInk-strokes eliminating the Dynamic Sŏn of the Eastrdquo] in Seon Munhwa nordm 7 p 20ndash23

mdash (2005) ldquoDalmaeui seonbeopi dongtoro gan katalgeun han pok eui dalmadoro dwesala nan dalmaseonrdquo 달마의 선법이 동토東土로 간 까닭은 한 폭의 달마도로 되살아 난 달마선 [ldquoWhy did Bodhidharmarsquos Zen teaching went to the Eastrdquo] in Seon Munhwa nordm 12 p 30ndash37

Korean Buddhist Research Institute (ed) (1998) Sǒn Thought in Korean Buddhism Seoul Dongguk University Press

spiro A (1988) ldquoNew Light on Gu Kaizhirdquo in Journal of Chinese Religions nordm 16 p 1ndash17stevens J Y and Rae A (1990) ZENGA Brushstrokes of Enlightenment New Orleans

Museum of Artsuler J R (1993) Contemporary Psychoanalysis and Eastern Thought Albany State

University of New Yorktylor E B (1920) Primitive Culture Researches into the Development of Mythology Philosophy

Religion Language Art and Custom 2 vols London John MurrayyAmpolsky P B (1967) The Platform Sutra of the 6th Patriarch New Yorkmdash (1983) ldquoNew Japanese Studies in Early Chrsquoan Historyrdquo in W Lai and L R Lancaster

(eds) Early Chrsquoan in China and Tibet Berkeley Buddhist Studies Series p 1ndash11Yi Dong-Ju (1973) Hanguk hwehwa saron (Korean Art History) Seoul Yeolhwadang[Yi Jeong-hwa] 이정화 (2002) ldquoDalmadorsquoe damgyeojin munyeom musin eui hyanggiro cham-

nareul Channeunda Beomju seunimrdquo 달마도에 담겨진 무념 무심의 향기로 참나를 찾는다

범주스님 [ldquoThe fragrance of no-mind is within Bodhidharma-paintings Through this fra-grance we try to find the truthrdquo] in Seon Munhwa nordm 5 p 52ndash55

[Yi Ju-yeon] 이주연 (2005) ldquoGibokeul dwieoneom neun bosihaengeui Dalmadordquo 기복을 뛰

어넘는 보시행의 달마도 [ldquoOffering Bodhidharma-paintigs for transcending fluctuationrdquo] in Seon Munhwa nordm 7 p 96ndash99

[Yi Yeong-hui] 이영희 (1997) Hanguk sawoneui bubyeokhwa e Daehan gochal 한국 사원의 부벽

화에 대한 고찰 [A study of the Pu-wall painting of Korean temples] unpublished MA thesis Seoul Deptartment of Art Education Graduate School of Education Dongguk University

ying Z (1981) Shaolin Kung-fu Hong Kong Kingsway Internationalyoshino H 吉野裕子 (1995) Daruma no Minzokugaku Onrsquoyo gogyo kara toku ダルマの民俗

蔵 陰陽五行から解く [The folklore of Daruma from Yin-Yangto the Five Elements Theory] Tokyo Iwanami Shoten

[Yu Hyeong-jae] 유형재 (2002) 108 Dalma 108 달마 [108 Bodhidharmas] Seoul BaekamweitZmAnn K (1996) The Cotton Genesis British Library Codex Cotton Otho B VI Princeton

University PresswelBon G R (1968) The Buddhist Nirvāna and Its Western Interpreters Chicago University of

Chicago Presswu T (1996) Masterpieces of Chinese Painting from the Museum of Fine Arts Boston Tang

through Yuan Dynasties Tōkyō Otsuka Kogeishahempel R (1960) ZENGA Malerei des Zen-buddhismus Muumlnchen R Piper

Bod

hidharm

a in China K

orea and Jap

anMod

els for representations

and com

mercialization of the legend

ary founder of C

han Bud

dhism

in East A

siaB

eatr

ix M

ecsi

  • capa face to face SEGUNDO VOL
  • Index Face to Face
  • Beatrix Mecsi

176 177

included their visual experiences Art historians have recently challenged the strongly held methodological assumption that ldquonarrative illustrationsrdquo are inevi-tably preceded by a literary text6 Therefore the suggestion of the primacy of the written sources which has long been an integral part of the iconographical and iconological studies is no longer accepted as being inherently self-evident The tendency to look at pictures in order to identify a background text ldquomay cause narratives to be found where they never intended to berdquo (Lachman 1993 p 242)

The other discipline relevant to our investigation is anthropology In the Judeo-Christian intellectual tradition image-veneration was regarded as idola-try and seen as a sign of ignorance superstition and a retarded cultural develop-ment (Marosi 1995) Early anthropologists such as Edward Tylor and Lucien Leacutevy-Bruhl saw animism where inanimate objects are imbued with animate qualities as a distinguishing feature of ldquoprimitive religionrdquo or ldquoprimitive men-talityrdquo (Tylor 1920 Leacutevy-Bruhl 1985 Sharf 2001 p 6 and p 206) Western scholars of Buddhist Studies who were familiar with the philosophical and liter-ary sophistication of researched Buddhist texts therefore had great difficulty in dealing with the image-veneration of those traditions which had once produced such textual references This issue becomes extremely interesting in the study of Chan Buddhism where Western scholars were often led to admire the icono-clastic and extreme statements of Chan Buddhist Masters These scholars have a tendency to interpret the whole tradition based on such textual sources and thus tend to misinterpret the clear differences in the religious-cultic practices of the believers There are scholars who even make a distinction within Chan Buddhist related art and concern themselves only with the monochrome ink paintings made in the style of the literati termed Zenga (Hempel 1960 Addiss 1976 1989 Stevens-Yelen 1990 Fukushima 1978) Stephen Addiss (1989 p 57) wrote in his book on Zen art that ldquoAs a rule Zen has had little use for miracu-lous deeds stressing instead the enlightenment of the everyday worldrdquo

In this way these scholars attempt to avoid the fact that in Zen Buddhist cir-cles too the veneration of images played a very important role and that some of the themes which appeared on the spontaneous ink paintings were actu-ally inspired by venerated icons Magic and miraculous deeds were also com-mon in ChanZen as seen in several studies published recently (Sharf 1992 Granoff and Shinohara 1988 p 119ndash228) Led by their roots in the study of religious texts scholars of East Asian Buddhism also tend to think of Chan Buddhism as an atheistic tradition and therefore also tend not to consider that

6 Erwin Panofsky argues it is not that texts influence images but that images also have genres as do texts (cited in Marosi 1995 p 26) James Cahill observed the types of text-object relationships in Chinese art and noted the same notion that ldquoolder studies took somewhat simplistic views (hellip) considering the text as primary and constant to which illustrations served as embellishment and amplification recent studies see a more organic interaction In the newer model the works in verbal and visual media adapt flexibly to each other For instance illustrations may generate a new version of the text or the choice of excerpts to be illustrated (hellip) leads to a shift of emphases within the narrativerdquo (Cahill 1983)

Obviously the work of translation in order to understand certain phenom-ena is crucial but scholars should be open to the other alternative sources which may help to provide a better understanding of their topic

The Japanese scholarly tradition namely the pre-modern sectarian scho-lasticism also had a strong influence on the training of scholars in the field of East Asian Buddhism Most Japanese scholars of Chinese and Japanese Buddhism are themselves ordained priests and teaching in private Buddhist Universities sponsored by certain Buddhist orders Japanese scholars of East Asian Buddhism also emphasise the importance of the textual tradition and they tend to impart this orientation to their foreign students Sharf points to the danger that often Western students of Buddhism hardly tend to notice the clerical aspects of their mentorsrsquo education while their Japanese teach-ers perhaps understandably avoid drawing attention to their sectarian inter-ests (Sharf 2001 p 5) The result is that many texts written about East Asian Buddhism by such Western scholars ndash especially on Zen a very popular topic among Westerners ndash adopt an uncritical text-oriented approach

The study of Buddhist art as a discipline also has its own history This is rooted in the classical art historical approach namely viewing a particular arte-fact in the context of other artefacts looking for stylistic similarities and dif-ferences In the hands of these scholars Buddhist textual sources are usually used to identify an image its symbolism and iconography The merit of this approach lies in its ability to identify objects and provide a reliable source for further studies but also often fails to acknowledge the broader context

The identification of an image by its iconography or authorship is useful for art dealers and collectors but for scholars who wish to reconstruct and under-stand a tradition it is only a tool for further research Recently this approach was challenged by art historians in the West where the art historian Hans Belting even went so far as to deny his disciplinersquos legacy by referring to the ldquoend of art historyrdquo suggesting that we should look further and deal with the context and place of the art objects (Belting 1987) Following Beltingrsquos approach much research has been done in the field of Christian art elucidating the place and use of artefacts within the rituals challenging long-held views and breathing fresh air into the scholarship of religious imagery

I discuss both written and pictorial visual sources of Bodhidharma In this respect my research attempts to show that visual sources had as enormous an impact on the written tradition as had previous written sources Accordingly one cannot regard written culture as the only inspirational source for the iconog-raphy of visual images Given the ability to write was not widespread not even among the majority of the monks and religious ldquointelligentsiardquo the oral tradition and visual imagination played an important role in the course of everyday life We also have to think that the writers of such sources were probably not only influ-enced by earlier written sources but also by their own knowledge which equally

Bod

hidharm

a in China K

orea and Jap

anMod

els for representations

and com

mercialization of the legend

ary founder of C

han Bud

dhism

in East A

siaB

eatr

ix M

ecsi

178 179

Southern China in 5207 At that time Mahāyāna Buddhism was an already established religion so the Emperor Wu of the Liang dynasty (Liang Wudi r 502ndash549) who was a devout Buddhist led Buddhist assemblies wrote com-mentaries on several sutras and gave the religion his full support invited the Indian monk Bodhidharma to leave Buddhismrsquos homeland and come to his court After their short conversation it was no wonder that Bodhidharma could not stay any longer so he crossed the Yangzi River with the help of a single reed and headed north8 He stopped at the Shaolin monastery near Luoyang in Henan province9 Here he spent nine years in meditation in a cave facing a blank wall10 The novelty of his teachings came from the stress on the impor-tance of meditation (Skrt Dhyana Ch Chan(na) Kor Seon(na) Jp Zen(na)11 hence the name of the school) at a time when Mahāyāna Buddhism was mainly Sutra-oriented As a famous stanza attributed to Bodhidharma says

7 The exact date of his arrival differs in the written sources and is open to speculation in scholarly works (Pelliot 1923) Earlier textual sources indicate his arrival during the Wei or the Liu-Song periods but towards the second half of the 8th century the legend assumed a more stable arrival during the time of the Liang (Lidai fabao ji dated around 774 T 512075 p 179ndash196) This was probably influenced by the legend previously inserted to Bodhidharmarsquos biography about Bodhidharmarsquos audience with the famous Buddhist-patron and emperor Liang Wudi (r 502ndash549) (Putidamo nanzong ding shifei lun dated 732 Jacques Gernet (trans) 1949 p 81ndash91)We have to add that a text from around 730 called Lengqie shizi zhi mentions a Central Indian monk called Gunabhadra who arrived in Canton by ship during the Yuanjia era (425ndash453) He was welcomed by the emperor and among other works translated the Lankavatara Sutra which had great importance and was later associated with Bodhidharma as being the text he transmitted to his successor Huike (Yampolsky 1967 p 20) Based on this text Luo Xianglin (1960 p 14ndash15) believes that Bodhidharma was a disciple of Gunabhadra at the Guangxiao Temple However Hu Shi stated that Gunabhadra died before Bodhidharma arrived in China (Hu Shi 1994) But such speculations which give more credence to certain sources as reference points rather than others cannot be regarded as an acceptable method though they are important in the sense that the relationships between the given sources is telling

8 The earliest written source is the mid-11th century Chuan fa zhengzong ji (Transmission of the Dharma and the correct teaching in the true School) though there is no mention of the reed (T 512078 715ndash768) The earliest written source which mentions the reed is from the 13th century (Wujia zhengzong zan (Eulogies from the Five Houses in the True School) dated 1254 and Shi shi tongjian 1270) But these early 13th century textual sources do not mention that Bodhidharma actually used the reed to cross the river This we know from the visual sources where Bodhidharma is represented as standing on a reed while crossing the river (Lachman 1993 Mecsi 2008 2009)

9 The earliest reference to Bodhidharmarsquos stay at the Shaolin monastery is from the first decade of the 8th century (Chuan fabao ji (Record of the Transmission of the Dharma Jewel) dated around 710) Thereafter it remains a constant part of the legend

10 The wall-meditation was mostly understood as a meditation technique where the mind should be blank like a wall There is general reference to this technique in several sources from the 7th century onwards (Xu gaoseng zhuan (Continued Biographies of Eminent Monks) dated 645) but without mention of the cave where the wall meditation occurred the cave is often depicted in the visual sources from the 13th century onwards

11 Though practice of meditation was common from the 5th century onwards See Prajnaparamita and Yogacara meditation and the contemplative aspects of the Tiantai school (BDK English Tripitaka 75 1998 p 1)

the ldquoperformance of obeisances and offerings to images which appear within this tradition constitutes idolatry per serdquo (Sharf 2001 p 6)

In sum previous studies done in the field of Chan Buddhism can be sepa-rated to three main groups based on their approach The first is the philological approach of the Buddhologists which may grasp the ideals and aims of the tra-dition but not its real appearance and practice in the given milieu The second is that of classical art history which is concerned with the relationships of the visual images within the context of images but only considers their symbolism and style looking at them in their inner context rather than a broader one The third approach is that of anthropology rooted in the Judeo-Christian disdain of idolatry and the sectarian approach with its influence which both stood in the way of the critical scholarship of Chan Buddhist art in its historical context Each of these approaches has its own value and importance Philology gives us the translated texts to interpret the monastic ideals art history gives us the identifi-cation of artefacts that we can organize with more confidence while anthropol-ogy attempts to describe the living tradition While focusing on our questions we need to cross boundaries between disciplines to bring us closer to our answers

The Legend of Bodhidharma

Those familiar with the history of Chan Buddhism might assume that Bodhidharma is a relatively well-known personality but if we have a closer look at the sources referring to his life we can discern that the real person is somewhat hidden behind the hagiographical texts By looking more closely at the legendary life of Bodhidharma we understand that the story is not about one person but an amalgamation of many legends and traditions Historians with a critical approach can shed new light on the tradition of ChanZenSeon Buddhism and of ldquoits own naturerdquo but they often find themselves in a difficult situation when they wish to outline the proper historical facts behind the sur-viving legends If historians deal with texts concerning Bodhidharma as docu-ments from which they need to find historical facts then the research method can lead to misleading results As Bernard Faure very aptly commented ldquooften enough after this mortuary washing only a skeleton remains and it is this skel-eton that will enter the museum of history In fact some missing bones may have to be taken from other skeletons to complete the exhibitrdquo (1986 p 188)

Textual sources about Bodhidharmarsquos life are greatly inconsistent To avoid confusion I will summarize his life-story including all the available legends that surround Bodhidharma with occasional reference to the controversies and the original sources of the legends mentioned in the footnotes

Bodhidharma (c 470ndash532) founder of Chan Buddhism arrived in Canton

Bod

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180 181

his left arm and presented it to Bodhidharma in an attempt to make him speak Finally he had Bodhidharmarsquos attention

There is no peace in my mind Please calm down my mind ndash asked HuikePut it in front of me then I will calm it down ndash replied BodhidharmaBut where shall I look for my mind ndash asked Huike ndash I donrsquot find it anywhereThere now ndash answered Bodhidharma ndash I have already calmed it down

Huike in this moment gained enlightenment16 One day Bodhidharma felt the urge to go back to India so he asked all his disciples to tell him what they had learnt from his teachings and how much they had understood17 When the disciples recounted their interpretations one by one Bodhidharma told Daofu ldquoYou only grasped the skinrdquo To nun Zongchi ldquoyou only grasped the bonerdquo Then to Huike ldquoYou grasped the marrowrdquo Thus Huike became the second Chinese Chan patriarch after Bodhidharma who is considered the 28th Patriarch of Chan Buddhism18 This identification follows a story which traces the Chan teachings back to the Buddha himself and how one day as he was sit-ting on a hill and without saying a word picked out a kumbala flower Nobody understood its significance except Mahakashyapa who became his successor the second patriarch after Shakyamuni Buddha Following an uninterrupted line Bodhidharma is the 28th in the Indian lineage and the first in the Chinese lineage of the Chan patriarchate19 Bodhidharma died before he could return to his homeland some say his rivals poisoned him20 He was buried in North

16 For more on Huike see Chapin 1945ndash1946 The calming of the mind (or in other words anxin dialogue first appears in the middle of the 10th century (See Zutang ji (Anthology of the Patriarch Hall) dated 952)

17 The number of his disciples differs across written sources In the first versions of the legend he only mentioned two disciples See Xu gaoseng zhuan (645) Chuan fabao ji (710) Lengqie shizi ji (c 730) From the second half of the 8th century three are mentioned in Lidai fabao ji (740) and four in Baolin zhuan (801) Zutang ji (952) Jingde chuandeng lu (1004) and in Chuan fa zhengzong ji (1061) Still he only has one disciple in Liuzu tan jing (c 830) and Song gaoseng zhuan (988) The first mention of the ldquoflesh bones and marrowrdquo story is in the Lidai fabao ji (774) thereafter it became a common part of the legend

18 The enumeration of the patriarchs first appeared in the Baolin zhuan (801) according to which Bodhidharma is considered 28th in line Later this numbering became widely accepted

19 Dafan tianwang wenfa jieyi jing (T 2006 p 48 325b7ndash12) Nukariya Kaiten writes that ldquothe book in which this incident is described is entitled Sutra on the Great Brahman Kingrsquos Questioning Buddha to Dispel a Doubt but there exists no original text or any Chinese translation in the Tripitaka It is highly probable that some early Chinese Chan scholar of the [Northern] Song dynasty (960ndash1126) fabricated the tradition because Wang An-shih a powerful minister under the emperor Shen-tsung is said to have seen a book in the Imperial Library There is however no evidence as far as we know pointing to the existence of the Sutra in China In Japan there exist in manuscript form two different translations of that book kept in secret veneration by some Zen masters which have been proved to be fictitious by the present writer after his close examination of the contentsrdquo (Kaiten 1913 p 3)

20 On Bodhidharmarsquos poisoning the earliest surviving document is from the 8th century (Chuan fabao ji c 710)

A special transmission outside the scripturesNot depending on words and lettersDirectly pointing to the humanrsquos mindUnderstanding onersquos own nature12

There is a legend which tells how once during meditation Bodhidharma was overcome by drowsiness and became so angry that he tore off his eyelids from which grew a tea shrub with the leaves that were used to provide a refreshing drink throughout East Asia13 And as he spent so much time without mov-ing his legs and arms atrophied and fell off14 But still he was also consid-ered as the founder of the famous martial art Shaolin gongfu (kungfu)15 While Bodhidharma was sitting meditating in the cave a man Senguang later known as Huike came asked him to accept him as a disciple and begged to be taught by the master however Bodhidharma failed to notice him It was snowing heav-ily but Huike continued to wait patiently outside the cave for Bodhidharma to respond and then in final despair and as a mark of sincere intention he cut off

12 My translation differs slightly from versions found in several different publications The important emphasis on personal experience versus written words was very possibly a Daoist influence (Laozi 1994)

13 I have not found the original version of this legend in the primary sources I have collected This episode might be an early 20th-century European creation possibly the result of an incorrect translation made by Engelbert Kaempfer (1651ndash1716) a German traveller and physician After Kaempfers death his mostly unpublished manuscripts were bought by Sir Hans Sloane and taken to England Among them was a History of Japan translated from the manuscript into English by JG Scheuchzer and published in London in 2 vols in 1727 The original German remains unpub-lished the extant German version being taken from the English (Engelbert Kaempfer MD (1727) The History of Japan Together with a Description of the Kingdom of Siam transl JG Scheuchzer 1906 James MacLehose eds reprint AMS New York 3 volumes) courtesy of Dr John Jor-gensen (Griffith University Australia) through personal communication in April 2007

14 This accounts for the armless and legless round-shaped popular dolls of Bodhidharma the so-called ldquoDaruma dollsrdquo found in Japan This episode is also not found in the primary written sources I con-sider it a secondary addition to the legend and some existing visual sources In my opinion there were some dolls shaped like the ldquowould-be Daruma dollsrdquo before people started to identify those dolls with the meditation monk who spent nine years in meditation without moving As the original meanings of such roly-poly dolls faded they gained popularity with the new meaning and the makers of such dolls deliberately altered the old form to fit the new meaning The oldest object I have come across in the form of a round-shaped legless and armless figure is a glazed earthenware whistle sancai from a Tang dynasty tomb (Pacific Asia Museum Pasadena California object number 1995 1025)

15 The text called Yijin Jing which was said to have been found in the Qing period (1644ndash1911) in Shaolin Temple and related to Bodhidharma stresses the cultivation of the body as well as the mind an idea which probably comes from Daoism The Lokapalas (Defenders of the Buddhist Law) in East Asian iconography are said to have shown a defending pose the arhat-pose associ-ated with the later gongfu [kung-fu] (Kim Cheol 1986 p 171) In Shaolin Temple in the Hall of the White Robe Avalokiteśvara a wall painting shows Indian and Chinese monks practising gongfu [kung-fu] (No date given by Choi 1995 p 76) Military monks used concentration and special mental techniques in martial arts This might be a reason why the warrior rulers the shōguns and the samurai in Japan favoured Zen Buddhism About the idea of Dao [Tao] as used for martial arts in East Asian Aesthetics and Art Theories (Nishiyama 1992 p 141ndash148)

Bod

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182 183

from the West and in addition that not only were tales about Western monks and religious figures mixed into the legend but that indigenous Chinese myths and beliefs were too as well as acting as a conduit for aspirations of religious power And as a later phenomenon there are accounts of Christian mission-aries who believed this man from the West was familiar with Christianity or more precisely that he was a Christian apostle (Faure 1993)

Iconography of Bodhidharma

Turning to the visual sources of Bodhidharma first we should describe the dif-ferent iconographical types of Bodhidharma and show examples of them from China Korea and Japan

Even for those familiar with the images of East Asia sometimes it is very dif-ficult to name depicted figures because of the lack of inscriptions especially in the late phases of the development of certain iconographies This is due to the tendency of using pre-existing patterns and giving them new meaning as was the case in the Western culture during the early Middle Ages when the pagan Apollo figure was used to represent Jesus Christ Rather than inventing completely new imagery combining existing intellectual and religious systems is an easier way to proceed Therefore we often find that artists were inspired by previous visual models rather than relying primarily on textual sources In many cases these textual sources themselves were also inspired by previous visual representations As the meaning of the depicted figure changed in soci-ety and in the mind of the artist inevitably certain forms merged and new pic-torial representations were produced Being careful with the identification of the earliest images is most important because they can give us vital clues for the history of certain iconographic types

Among the earliest images there are two distinct iconographic types which later became entangled One is a beardless figure in the other the more popu-lar representation Bodhidharma appears as a hairy bearded man with a stocky build exaggerated foreign features often wearing a hood The majority of the images of Bodhidharma are a half body or bust portrait The remaining group includes full body portraits where we can differentiate between standing and sitting images Among the standing images we find Bodhidharma crossing the Yangzi River on a reed carrying one shoe or sandal or a combination of the two themes or sometimes without any such objects Among sitting images we find Bodhidharma in a chair (especially in the earliest periods) or sitting in meditation occurring either in a landscape or entirely removed from time and space with no background or sense of surroundings The landscape set-ting varies For instance there is Bodhidharma in a cave (a more common

China on a mountain called Xiangershan (Bear Ear Mountain) Not long after his death a Chinese Wei official Song Yun21 on his way back to China having been sent by the empress dowager to search for Buddhist works encountered Bodhidharma on Congling (Onion Range) in the Pamir Mountains travelling in the direction of India holding one sandal22 When Song Yun told this story to the emperor Bodhidharmarsquos tomb was opened but nothing was found in the tomb except for a single sandal of the pair that Bodhidharma had been car-rying It is also known from legend that Bodhidharma was reborn as a beggar in Japan where he met Shōtoku Taishi the famous prince a great patron and champion of Buddhism in Japan at the Kataoka crossroads23 They exchanged poems and the prince gave him his mantle just as in Western tradition St Martin shares his cloak with a beggar who he recognizes as Jesus Christ The following day the prince ordered his servants to check on the man he had met but they told him that the beggar had died When the prince heard this story he became very sad and explained to his servants that the man he met was not a simple beggar but a saint He buried him and later sent a messenger to the tomb who returned with the news that the body had vanished and all that was there was the mantle given by the prince

The Textual Sources in the Light of the Nature of the Bodhidharma legend

There are many biographical accounts of Bodhidharma and several works attributed to him But we now know the majority of these works to be apoc-ryphal (Sekiguchi 1957) Some scholars such as Feng Youlan [Fung Yu-lan] (1953) and Paul Pelliot (1923) deny his historical existence and consider Bodhidharma a fictious character for religious purposes My opinion is close to these scholars but I do not deny so absolutely the lack of truth behind the leg-ends or consider them a deliberate ldquolierdquo Based on the Bodhidharma legends in literary and pictorial sources we can suppose the existence of monks who travelled to China from the West with the aim of spreading Buddhist doctrine in the East During the course of my research I have become convinced that the personality of Bodhidharma is an amalgamation of several persons coming

21 His travel record has been translated by Samuel Beal Travels of Fa-hsien and Sung-yun Buddhist Pilgrims from China to India London 1869 (Yampolsky 1967 p 10ndash11)

22 Bodhidharmarsquos meeting with the Wei official first appears in the Xu gaoseng zhuan (645) But reference to the sandal to claim the authenticity of identification of the man in the Pamirs with Bodhidharma only appears in textual sources from the end of the 8th century ( Lidai fabao ji 774)

23 The original story which served as the basis of this tale is in Nihon Shoki (Chronicle of Japan) written in 720 The identification of the beggar with Bodhidharma had already appeared in the 8th century (Ihon Jōgū Taishiden dated 771) Further details in Nishimura 1985 299-310

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version)24 situated under a tree25 or the combination of the two According to the type of representation we can differentiate between en-face three-quarter profile profile portraits and representations showing Bodhidharma from the back Within the simplified profile and back portraits in set against a timeless and spaceless background there developed a specific iconographic type the ldquoone-brushstroke Bodhidharmardquo which together with the circle (Jp ensō) had an interesting religious-spiritual significance in Chan Buddhism Depending on context one finds single Bodhidharma pictures as well as pictures that form part of a group and sometimes examples where he is represented on the middle panel of a triptych Among these the oldest type is the group representation Maintained genealogy was not the only reason for group portraits The multi-plication of images also had a religious-spiritual significance

Bodhidharma in KoreaPrevious researches on Korean Seon Painting

Compared to the published material and related pictorial art on the Chinese and Japanese meditation school there are only a few sources available on Seon the Korean meditation school There are not enough studies in Western lan-guages that view Buddhism in East Asia including Korea in detail This is partly because of the official ideology of the relatively recent Joseon dynasty (1392ndash1910) was based on Neo-Confucianism with Buddhism a reduced pres-ence following the immense political power Buddhist monasteries had held in the previous period (Goryeo 935ndash1392) when the clergy of the monasteries actively participated in politics

There is little research on the artistic practice associated with Korean medi-tational Buddhism which is more neglected than the religious doctrinal aspects of Seon There is virtually no material on this topic in Western languages but the few sources available in Korean are not always critical but do make a great contribution to our knowledge and provide good reference materials

Gim Myeongguk (Kim Myeongguk) and the problem of Bodhidharma as Huineng

The earliest surviving pictures of Bodhidharma made by Korean masters are from the 16th and the 17th centuries and have a strong connection with Japan

24 Apart from the fact that cave temples were common in India and China their symbolism also plays a role in the interpretation of Bodhidharma imagery

25 Sitting under a tree is a reference to Shakyamuni Buddharsquos enlightenment But the activity is also associated with Buddharsquos contemporary Mahavira the founder of Jainism (Eliade 1997 p 71)

Bod

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Fig 3

Unknown painter Huineng

(from Sancaituhui) Ming

period (1609) print

Reproduced in Sancaituhui

edited by Wang Qi

and Wang Siyi 317

Fig 4

Unknown painter

Bodhidharma with Huike

Joseon period wall painting

Geukrakjeon Daewonsa

Boseong South Jeolla

Province Republic of Korea

186 187

Among them the most famous are Gim Myeonggukrsquos (c 1600ndashafter 1662)26 Bodhidharma paintings which long remained a model for the later artists approaching the theme Gim Myeongguk was a member of the Dohwaseo Royal Painting Institute His contemporaries described him as a carefree drunkard a characterization that corresponds to the Chinese image of the eccentric artist and we know that during his stay in Japan his paintingsrsquo broad forceful brush-strokes suggest such an eccentricity27

In 1637 and 1643 Gim Myeongguk visited Japan as a member of an offi-cial delegation28 It has been said that like Han Sigak he was probably drawn to ZenSeon Buddhist figure painting through commissions from Japanese patrons who generally preferred Buddhist themes (Yi Tong-ju 1973 p 54-58) Many of his paintings held in Japanese collections are of this genre whereas contemporary painting in Korea was dominated by secular themes The style of both Gim Myeonggukrsquos landscapes and his figure paintings is very similar to that of the Chinese Zhe School particularly the works of the eccentric Wu Wei The Seoul National Museum has the most impressive example in this style and his most famous painting of Bodhidharma where the patriarch is captured with a few forceful yet delicate brushstrokes

Among Gim Myeonggukrsquos Bodhidharma paintings a triptychrsquos central panel in the Tokyo National University of Arts shows the Bodhidharma cross-ing water on a reed (Fig 2) His head is covered with a dark hood which is most unusual in this kind of representation yet we can find its source in the famous Ming Chinese printed book Sancai tuhui [Kor Samjaedohwi] an impor-tant resource for the artists with illustrations of famous Daoist and Buddhist masters on every page In this book the Sixth Chan patriarch Huineng is seen in a dark hood and similar facial expressions29 so we might suppose that Gim Myeongguk had used this pattern book adding a little modification to suit his subject (Fig 3) Using Huinengrsquos iconography based on the Sancai tuhui and followed by the Xianfo qizong [Kor Hongssiseonbulgijong] printed in 1602 the

26 According to the ldquoDongguk Munheon rokrdquo (Collection of Records of the Eastern Countries) chapter ldquoHwaga pyeonrdquo (Chapter on painters) his family comes from Ansan also called Yeonseong So maybe this is the origin of his pen name Yeondam (Lotus pond) But as he was connected to Buddhism the lotus in his pen name probably had Buddhist significance His other names were Cheonrsquoyeo (heavenly water) and Chui ong (drunken old man) (O SeChang chapter on Gim Myeongguk) Unfortunately we donrsquot have many written sources on him his birth and death dates are unknown He used three differently written forms of ldquoMyeongrdquo in his name but according to recent research there was no consistency in the way he used the different characters in his name so they do not help date his paintings (Deoksu 1999 see table for the chronology of his use of different characters p 49)

27 We know several stories about him written by Nam Yuyong (1698 ndash 1773) in the collection called Noe Yeon jip (Nam Yuyong Noeyeonjip Jinhwisok ko pp 35ndash36)

28 He stayed for ten months in 163729 Huinengrsquos dark hood existed as a visual formula from the 12th century where we can see Huineng

represented among the patriarchs wearing a separate hood which was darkened in later copies

Bod

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Fig 5

Unknown painter Bodhidharma

with Huike Joseon period

wall painting 267sum140 cm

Eungjinjeon Tongdosa Yangsan

city South Gyeongsang

Province Republic of Korea

Fig 6

Unknown painter Bodhidharma

Ming period rubbing from a

stone relief Shaolin Monastery

Songshan Henan Province

Peoplersquos Republic of China

188 189

hood is no darker than the robe itself which we also find in other represen-tations of Bodhidharma The wall painting of the Geukrak Hall of Daewon temple in South Jeolla province shows Bodhidharma with the same features as the image of Huineng seen in both model books but we can be sure about the identity of the figure in the wall painting as it shows Huike presenting Bodhidharma a severed arm (Fig 4)

The ldquoOriginalrdquo Model from Shaolin Monastery

Other paintings showing Bodhidharma with Huike are quite different from the one discussed above One of Korearsquos three most famous temples the Tongdosa has a wall painting dated around 1670 where a bearded figure with large eyes is seen in profile sitting on a straw mat under a pine tree and holding a begging bowl A young noticeably smaller monk holds a book and bows before the seated man (Fig 5) There is no hint of the removed arm but then how do we know that this person is Bodhidharma Our question leads us back to China to the model preserved at the famous Shaolin monastery a place strongly connected with Bodhidharma him-self The image preserved here shows its subject in the same posture as the seated figure in the wall painting (Fig 6) Recently in 1992 the same face type was used as a model for a commission by a Chinese artist on a Bodhidharma sculpture for the Waujeong temple in Gyeonggi province in Korea (Fig 7)30 In Korearsquos other famous monastery the Haeinsa where the printing blocks of the Buddhist canon the Tripitaka Koreana are kept there is another Bodhidharma painting from the Joseon period which bears a resemblance to the wall painting at Tongdosa We can see its influence on other Bodhidharma paintings too where the facial expressions are similar though the setting is different (eg the painting in the Emille Museum)

Gim Hongdo (Kim Hongdo) and the Problems of Bodhidharma as an Immortal

In the oeuvre of another famous Korean artist Gim Hongdo (1745ndashafter 1814) who is considered one of the most outstanding artists of the Joseon period (1392ndash1910) we find paintings showing figures standing or sitting on a reed One of them where the figure is standing on a reed bears an inscription ldquoPicture of crossing the sea on a reedrdquo (Fig 8) Even though we know stories from Japan claiming that Bodhidharma actually crossed the sea and went to Japan this tra-dition can be also traced back to the depiction of the Daoist immortalsrsquo cross-ing the sea and has a long history in iconography that predates Bodhidharmarsquos

30 In the Korean Seon Buddhist magazine Seon Munhwa (Pyeon Jippu 2002 20ndash21) we read that the erection a sculpture made in China was an attempt to access the ldquorealrdquo image of Bodhidharma while also using the most authentic Chinese sources

Bod

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Fig 7

Chinese sculptor (name

unknown) Bodhidharma

Sculpture in Korea 1992

[bronze] Waujeongsa

Yeongin Gyeonggi Province

Republic of Korea Photograph

taken by the author in 2006

Fig 8

Gim Hongdo (1745-1806)

Standing Figure on a Reed

19th century inscription

ldquoCrossing the sea on a reedrdquo

Colors on paper

Gansong Art Gallery Seoul

Reproduced in Choi Seon-taek

[Korean Seon Painting] pl 40

190 191

appearance In the case of Gim Hongdo we know that he painted Daoist topics too And if we look at the figure in his painting we see his East Asian rather than Western features and the fur around his waist which also suggests immor-tal qualities (as a parallel see Shen Choursquos painting of an immortal from China in the Nelson-Atkins Museum) The other painting shows a young boy sitting and sleeping on a reed a topic which was also popular among artists in 18th century Korea (see Sim Sajeongrsquos (1707ndash1769) painting of a similar theme) but even though there is still some confusion in identifying this crossing fig-ure with Bodhidharma (Kim Nami 2000 90ndash91) It is very probable that the young seated figure follows the iconography of an immortal (see other young immortal figures crossing seated without a reed) This is supported by the fact that Gim Hongdo painted very similar scenes of immortals crossing water for instance one such immortal crossing on a shrimp (Fig 9)

However the strongly held view is that Gim Hongdorsquos crossing paintings representing Bodhidharma resulted in later images using this iconography either showing Bodhidharma as a young boy or showing Bodhidharmarsquos cross-ing on a reed in a seated position

We have seen from the above examples that the identification of a certain per-sonality in visual arts is interlinked with the beliefs of a given society adding new qualities to an existing legend In the case of Korean Bodhidharma imagery the tradition of arhat paintings and the Daoist immortals was a great contribution and the existence of illustrative models and pattern books are evident though their use was not always from first-hand and there was a degree of freedom in their recon-figuration as seen in the use of Huinengrsquos model in an image of Bodhidharma

Bodhidharma Images in Contemporary South Korea

Anyone who visits Korea soon encounters the representations of Bodhidharma His figure and legend are usually represented in Buddhist temples but a recent phe-nomenon has taken his figure more and more into the secular and semi-secular context such as souvenir shops not only in the vicinity of temples but in other tour-istic areas and frequently visited places like at motorway service stations or even tube stations and restaurants Popular womenrsquos magazines and television channels often carry advertisements for Bodhidharma painters offering potential well-being

Many scholarly studies have been conducted about Bodhidharma but how the image of Bodhidharma came to be commercialized it is still an understud-ied side to the area As is how the Bodhidharmarsquos representations were distrib-uted in East Asia and influenced local imagination and further representations Also worthy of attention of visual arts scholars is how certain models were used in reproducing new objects with the intent of selling them to the wider public a real phenomenon in contemporary Korea This is similar to Japan in inten-tion but the chosen sources for promoting this saintly figure are very different

Bod

hidharm

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Fig 9

Gim Hongdo (1745-

1806) Immortal

crossing the sea on

a shrimp Ink and

light colors on paper

331sum41 cm Sun

Moon University

Museum Collection

(Sun Moon Collection

2001 pl83 p280)

Fig 10

Katsushika Hokusai

(1760-1849) Big

Daruma ca 1817 ink

on paper Reproduced

in Timon Screech

The Lens Within the

Heart The Western

Scientific Gaze and

Popular Imagery in

Later Edo Japan

London Routledge

Curzon 2002 p 243

pl140

192 193

The manner in which Bodhidharma images enter the secular world differs con-siderably between the Japanese islands and Korea

When we look at the ways Bodhidharma images are popularized in modern and contemporary East Asia we find some basic differences between China Korea and Japan

Among these countries Japan was the first one to popularize Bodhidharma on a large scale not only in simplified ink paintings usually executed by monk paint-ers and in popular colour prints but in a form of a roly-poly doll called Daruma

The transformation of the image of a religious founder into a doll is an interesting phenomenon which only appeared in Japan and this form of representation entered Korea as a symbol of Japaneseness rather than the representation of Bodhidharma himself (for example as a sign in Japanese restaurants like the waving cat)

In China the popularization of Bodhidharma only happened recently but here the visual appearance does not play as such an important role as it does in Japan or Korea Here the cult flourishes especially around the Shaolin mon-astery and mainly among martial arts practitioners to whom Bodhidharma is venerated as the founder of Shaolin kungfu

In Korea producing Bodhidharma images and objects was a fashion in the last decades and increased considerably in the last couple of years It started in 1988 with the Seoul Olympics when the so-called gold cards were launched the market These gold cards are small cards painted with real gold paint usu-ally with some lucky representations like the twelve Oriental zodiac animals Taoist talismans and for Westerners four-leaf clovers images of Jesus Christ but more and more with the image of Bodhidharma

Contemporary painters also turned towards the image of the saint and we find not only monks but some professional painters also started to revitalize his image We clearly see this not only in art shops and exhibitions but also in the publica-tions of several books and albums devoted exclusively to Bodhidharma paintings31

The structure of these books is the same where each painting (usually 100 or more often 108) is followed by a poem or explanation related to the legend or some Buddhist teaching These books often combine the pattern book for-mat with the drawing manual with tips on how to draw Bodhidharma Korean painters of Bodhidharma generally use such pattern books together with other publications on Buddhist imagery and in many cases it is obvious where their models came from showing clear formal affinities with their models However at the same time spontaneous ink paintings require some expression from the artist thus making them very personal and spiritually charged pieces

31 For example Hong Ip-Yo Yi Byoung-kyo Dalmado (Bodhidharma-paintings) Seoul Jayu Segye Publ 1993 Gim Chrsquoangbae Hangukeui Dalmado (Korean Bodhidhma Paintings) Seoul Ehwa Munhwa Publishing 1999 Gim Nami Geurimeuro mannaneun Dalma (Meeting Bodhidharma on Pictures) Seoul Shikongsa Publ 2000 Beomju seunim Dalma seonmuk (Monk Beomju Ink Paintings of Bodhidharma) Seoul Hakmunsa Publishing 2001 Yu Hyeongjae 108 Dalma (108 Bodhidharma) Seoul Baekam Publishing 2002

Bod

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ecsi

When talking about popularization we have to mention the importance of major public events and how some artists have used these occasions to propa-gate the image of Bodhidharma

In 2002 when Korea and Japan held the FIFA World Cup monk-painter Gim Dongseong (b 1954) showed his new works in both countries representing Bodhidharma with a football updating the figure in a manner appropriate for the event However he also included a philosophical explanation for his paintings referring to the basic qualities and shared pronunciation for the word ldquoballrdquo (Kor gong) and emptiness (also gong) an important concept in Buddhism (Skt śunyata)

In 2005 during the International APEC (Asian Pacific Economic Cooperation) meeting in Busan monk Beomju (b 1943) made a public performance by making a huge Bodhidharma painting Painting large scale Bodhidharma images for public events can be traced back to earlier traditions It is recorded that the famous Ukiyo-e artist Hokusai (1760ndash1849) also made a similarly giant image in year 1804 (Fig 10)32

Painting Bodhidharma as a performance is not so rare among Korean monk-artists and Jung Gwang the ldquomad monkrdquo (1934ndash2002) who gained interna-tional reputation with his daring Bodhidharma paintings and performances even influenced contemporary expressionist art in the West

In sum in Korean visual arts and Buddhism there is a burgeoning trend in the production and distribution of images of the first Chan patriarch which requires an attempt to understand it in the context of its inner developments and history while placing it within the larger context of other Asian countries

Bibliography

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Addiss S and Seo A Y (1998) The Art of 20th Century Zen Paintings and Calligraphy by Japanese Masters Boston Shambala

AwAkAwA Y (1970) Zen Painting Tokyo Kodansha InternationalBDK English Tripitaka (2006) Numata Center for Buddhist TraditionBukkyō Daijiten (1933) compiled by Mochizuki ShinkyōBukkyō Daijiten HakkōshoBArnet S and Burto W (1982) Zen Ink Paintings Tokyo KodanshaBelting H (1987) The End of the History of Art (trans C Wood) Chicago University of Chicago

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Bodhidharma] Seoul Hakmunsa[Boun Jippu] 보운 집부 (2002) ldquo1300yeonyeonmane Dalma daesa uri nara e bongrsquoandwaedardquo

1300 여년만에 달마 대사 우리나라에 봉안되다 [ldquoIt was more than 1300 years since Grand Master Bodhidharma was enshrined in Koreardquo] Seon Munhwa 4 p 20ndash21

Brinker H (1973) Die Zen-buddhistische Bildnismalerei in China und Japan Muumlnchener Ostasiatische Studien vol 10 Wiesbaden Franz Steiner

32 Kōriki Enkōan from Hokusai taiga sokusho saizu c 1817 Nagoya City Museum

194 195

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California Stanford University Pressmdash (2003) ldquoLa double vie du patriacherdquo in Kyburz J A et al (eds) Eloge des sources

Reflets du Japon ancien et moderne Paris Editions Philippe Picquier p 509ndash538Fo-jih Chi-sung (1007-1072) and Tōrei Enji (1721ndash1792) Damoduolo Chanjing 達摩多羅禪

經 [ldquoBodhidharma Zen Sūtrardquo] (1964) Taishō Shinshū Daizōkyō Kankokai 大正新脩大蔵蔵 [ldquoTripitaka in Chineserdquo] Tōkyō Taishō Issaikyō Kankōkai (T15 No618)

Foulk G T and Sharf R H (1993ndash1994) ldquoOn the Ritual Use of Chrsquoan Portraiture in Medieval Chinardquo in Cahiers drsquoExtrecircme-Asie [Revue bilingue de lrsquoEcole Franccedilaise drsquoExtrecircme Orient Section de Kyoto] Special Issue Chrsquoan Zen Studies vol 7 p 155ndash219

Fontein J and Hickman M L (1970) Zen Painting and Calligraphy Boston Museum of Fine Arts

Fromm E Suzuki DT and DeMartino R (1960) Zen Buddhism and Psychoanalysis New York Harper and Row

gernet J (1949) Les entretiens du maicirctre de dhyāna Chen-houei du Ho-tsouml (668-760) Paris Adrian Maisonneuve

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mdash (1982) The Image and the Eye Further studies in the Psychology of Pictorial Representation London Phaidon

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grAnoFF PH and shinohArA K (1988) Monks and Magicians Religious Biographies in Asia Motilal Banarsidass India

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baektae 달마도 畵法入門 鑑賞百態 [Painting Bodhidharma hundred great ways to achieve enlightenment through painting] Seoul Jayu Segye

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기종 [Marvellous tales of immortals] Sakbuk JayuhisAmAtsu S (1971) Zen and Fine Arts from original Zen to Bijutsu (trans T Gishin) Tokyo

Kodansha Internationalhu S (1953) ldquoChan (Zen) Buddhism in China Its History and Methodrdquo in Philosophy East and

West vol 3 nordm 1 p 3ndash24mdash (1994) ldquoPutidamo gaordquo in Hu Shih Wencun Taibei Yuanliu Khuban Shiyegufen Youxian

Gongsi c Ltd vol12 p 137ndash150hyers C (1973) Zen and the Comic Spirit Philadelphia Westminster Press

Brinker H (1994) Zen in der Kunst des Malens Bern Muumlnchen Wien Otto Wilhelm Barth Verlag

Brinker H and Kanazawa H (1996) Zen Masters of Meditation in Images and Writings Based on a Catalogue of an Exhibition at the Museum Rietberg and Kyoto National Museum

Brinker H Kramers R P and Ouwehand C (eds) (1982) Zen in China Japan East Asian Art Papers of the International Symposium on Zen Zuumlrich University

BAten L (1992) Japanese Folktoys The Playful Arts Tokyo ShufunotomoBuddhist Paintings of Korea (1997ndash2004) Seoul Buddhist Cultural Properties Research

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Princeton Princeton University PresscAhill J (1983) ldquoTypes of Text-Object Relationships in Chinese Artrdquo in 31st International

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cAssirer E (1953) The Philosophy of Symbolic Forms Vol1 Language (trans R Mannheim) New Haven Yale University Press

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期 曹溪山地域 佛畵의 硏究 ldquoA Study of Buddhist Paintings of Late Joseon dynasty in Monasteries on Mt Chogyerdquo in Misul Sahak Yeonrsquogu nordm 210 p 71ndash104

chApin H B (1945ndash1946) ldquoThree Early Portraits of Bodhidharmardquo in Archives of the Chinese Art Society of America nordm 1 p 66ndash95

[Choi Seok-hwan] 최석환 (2002) ldquoDalmawa yutopiardquo 달마와 유토피아 [ldquoBodhidharma and Utopiardquo] in Seon Munhwa nordm 4 p 26ndash31

[Choi Sun-taek] 최순택 (1995) Dalmadorsquoeui segye 達磨圖의 世界 [The world of Bodhidharma-paintings] Seoul Hakmunsa

mdash ldquoDalmadorsquoeui yeonrsquogurdquo 達磨圖의 硏究 (1996) [ldquoResearch on Bodhidharma-paintingsrdquo] in Gukje seonmuhakhoe 國際禪武學會 [International Association of Zen and Martial Arts] vol 5 nordm 1 p 21ndash107

mdash Hangukeui seonseohwa 한국의 선서화 (1998) [Korean Seon Painting] Seoul Hakmun[Choi Wan-su] 최완수 (1996) Seokjeong sohwajip 석정 소화집 [Painting collection of monk

Seokjeong] Seoul BeomhaDaruma ten 達磨展 (1988) [ldquoBodhidharma Exhibitionrdquo] Tōkyō Shinjuku Isetan Bijutsukan

vol 4 np 10 p 16drsquoeliA m P (ed) (1942-49) Fonti Ricciane documenti originali concernenti Matteo Ricci e la sto-

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Philosophy History and Symbolism of the Buddhist Martial Art within India and China York Beach Samuel Weiser

dumoulin H (1992) Zen Buddhism in the 20th Century (trans J S OrsquoLeary) New York and Tokyo Weatherhill

eliAde M (1997 [1978]) Vallaacutesi hiedelmek eacutes eszmeacutek toumlrteacutenete (original title Histoire des croy-ances et des ideacutees religieuses) Budapest Osiris Kiadoacute

FAure B (1986) ldquoBodhidharma as a Textual and Religious Paradigmrdquo in History of Religions vol 25 nordm3 p 187ndash198

Bod

hidharm

a in China K

orea and Jap

anMod

els for representations

and com

mercialization of the legend

ary founder of C

han Bud

dhism

in East A

siaB

eatr

ix M

ecsi

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im deok-su (1999) Yeondam Kim Myeongguk eui Seonhwa yeongu [A Study of the Zen Painting by Kim Myeongguk] MA-diss Department of Buddhist Art and Culture The Graduate School of Buddhism Dongguk University Seoul Korea

JArAnd U (trans) (1987) Dialog uumlber das Ausloumlchen der Anschaung ein fruumlher Chinesischer text aus Tunhuang Frankfurt [Main] RG Fischer

Jing A (1996) ldquoThe Eight Immortals The Transformation of Trsquoang and Sung Taoist Eccentrics during the Yuumlan dynastyrdquo in Hearn M K and Smith J G (eds) Arts of The Sung and Yuumlan New York Metropolitan Museum of Art p 213ndash227

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kAnAZAwA H (1979) Japanese Ink Painting Early Zen Masterpieces Japanese Arts Library Tokyo Kodansha International and Shibundo

kidō C (1978 [1932]) Daruma to sono shosō 達磨と其諸相 [Bodhidharma and his representa-tions] Tokyo Heigo Shuppan-sha

[Kim Chang-bae] 김장배 (1999) Hangug eui Dalmado 한국의 달마도 [Korean Bodhidharma paintings] Seoul Ehwa Munhwa

[Kim Chang-bae] 김장배 (2007) Hangug eui Modeun Dalma 한국의 모든달마 [The all Korean Bodhidharma] Seoul Seoyemunrsquoinhwa

[Kim Cheol] 김철 (1986) Taekwondo Kyoyukron (Education of Taekwondo) Seoul Wonkwang Univervisty Publlishers

[Kim Hye-jeong] 김혜정 (2002) ldquoDalma Chukgu gongeul deulda Dongseong seunimeui Dalmadordquo달마 축구공을 들다 동성스님의 달마도 [ldquoBodhidharma holds a footballrdquo] Seon Munhwa vol 4 p 22ndash25

[Kim Na-mi] 김나미 (2000) Geurimeuro mannaneun Dalma 그림으로 만나는 달마 [Meeting Bodhidharma on pictures] Seoul Shikongsa

[Kim Yong-jae] 김영재 (2001) Bulgyo misureul boneun nun 불교미술을 보는 눈 [Eye for Buddhist art] Seoul Sakyejul

[Koam] 고암 (2006) ldquoDalmado geinjeon yeoneun deuksan hwabaek ilneomeseo munyeo-muirordquo 달마도 개인전 여는 득산 화백 일념에서 무념으로 [ldquoHwabaekrsquos private exhibition of Bodhidharma-paintings From one-attachment to no-attachmentrdquo] Seon Munhwa vol 6 p 50ndash55

koderA T J (1980) Dōgenrsquos Formative Years in China London Routledge and Kegan Paul[Kōjō] 光定 (1964) ldquoDenjutsu Isshin Kaimonrdquo 伝述一心戒文 (ldquoThe Record of the Precepts in a

Mindrdquo) in Taishō Shinshū Daizōkyō Kankokai 大正新脩大蔵経 [ldquoTripitaka in Chineserdquo] Tokyo Taisho Issaikyo Kankokai nordm 74 p 639

[Kōkan Shiren] 虎関師錬 (1278-1348) (1921ndash1922) Genkō Shakusho 元亨釈書 [Buddhist his-tory of the Genkō era] vol15ndash16 Takakusu Junjirō et al (eds) Dai Nihon Bukkyō zensho Tōkyō Yoseido Reprinted Suzuki gakujutsu zaidan edition Tōkyō Kodansha 1970ndash1973 vol 62 p 66ndash230

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kurAnAkA S (1996) ldquoShōtoku Taishi Kataoka Setsuwa no Keiseirdquo 聖徳太子片岡説話の形成 [ldquoThe formation of Prince Shōtokursquos Kataoka-talerdquo] Manrsquoyo vol 10 p 61

[Kwanjo Monk] 관조스님 (1999) Sachrsquoal Byeokhwa 사찰 벽화 [The mural paintings of Buddhist

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Reconsideredrdquo in Asia Major nordm 6 p 237ndash268lAncAster L R (1983) The Dirty Mop Unlimited Action Paintings and Poems by Jung Kwang the

Mad Monk Berkeley and Seoul Asian Humanities Press and Po Chin ChailAo-ce (1994) Tao Te King Az Uacutet eacutes Ereacuteny koumlnyve (Original title Laozi Daode qing (trans

Weoumlres Saacutendor and Tőkei Ferenc) Budapest TericumlopeZ D Jr (ed) (1995) Curators of the Buddha The Study of Buddhism Under Colonialism

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living cultural asset no48] (2002) Seoul BongwonsamArosi E (1995) Keacutep eacutes hasonmaacutes Műveacuteszet eacutes valoacutesaacuteg a 14-15 szaacutezadi Magyarorszaacutegon [Image

and likeness Art and reality in the 14th and 15th centuries in Hungary] Budapest Akadeacutemiai KiadoacutemcFArlAnd H N (1986) ldquoFeminine Motifs in Bodhidharma Symbology in Japanrdquo in Asian

Folklore Studies [Nagoya Asian Folklore Institute] nordm 14 p 167ndash191mdash (1987) Daruma The Founder of Zen in Japanese Art and Popular Culture Tokyo and New York

Kodansha InternationalmcrAe J (2001) ldquoReligion as Revolution in Chinese Historiography Hu Shih (1891-1962) on

Shen-Hui (684-758)rdquo in Cahiers drsquoExtrecircme-Asie nordm 12 p 59ndash102mecsi B (1999) ldquoHogyan lett a szentből jaacuteteacutekbabardquo [ldquoHow did a saint become a dollrdquo]

Műhely [Atelier] p 116ndash118mdash (2000) ldquoHogyan eacuterkezett Bodhidharma Japaacutenbardquo [ldquoHow did Bodhidharma arrive

to Japanrdquo] in Orientalista Nap MTA Orientalisztikai Bizottsaacuteg amp ELTE Budapest p 120ndash126 and 245ndash257

mdash (2003) ldquoIdentification problems of Korean Bodhidharma-paintingsrdquo University of Rome ldquoLa Sapienziardquo Faculty of Oriental Studies 21st AKSE Conference-papers p 155ndash162

mdash 2005 ldquoWhy did Bodhidharma Come from the West Origins of Representations of the First Zen Patriarchrdquo in Proceedings of the Hawaii International Conference on Arts and Humanities

mdash (2007) ldquoBodhidharma Images in Contemporary Korea Methods and Strategies of Using and Popularizing the Representations of the First Zen Patriarchrdquo in International Biannual Conference for the Association of Korean Studies Europe Dourdan (AKSE)-Publications

mdash (2007) ldquoBuddhist Saints Crossing the Sea Reconsidering Text-Image Relationships for Understanding the Iconography of the First Zen Patriarchrdquo in Proceedings of the Hawaii International Conference on Arts and Humanities

mdash (2007) ldquoA Szent eacutes a Jaacuteteacutekbaba A Zen Buddhizmus alapiacutetoacutejaacutenak alakja a nem-zen hagy-omaacutenyok tuumlkreacutebenrdquo [ldquoThe Saint and the DollThe founder of Zen Buddhism in the con-text of non-Zen Studiesrdquo] Japanisztika a Boumllcseacutesztudomaacutenyban Kaacuteroli Gaacutespaacuter Reformaacutetus Egyetem Budapest p 203ndash210

mdash (2007) ldquoEvolution Distribution and Commercialization of the Images of Bodhidharma Or How did a Religious Founder Become a Toyrdquo in Japanoloacutegiai Koumlrkeacutep (Istvaacuten Szerdahelyi Peacuteter Wintermantel eds) ELTE Eoumltvoumls Kiadoacute p 245ndash254

mdash (2008) ldquoThe Power on Images on Texts Re-Examined The Case of Bodhidharmarsquos Crossing

Bod

hidharm

a in China K

orea and Jap

anMod

els for representations

and com

mercialization of the legend

ary founder of C

han Bud

dhism

in East A

siaB

eatr

ix M

ecsi

198 199

and the Mass-Consumtion of Bodhidharma-images in Japan and Contemporary South Koreardquo in Oriental Archive (Archiv Orientalniacute) Quarterly Journal of African and Asian Studies Oriental Institute Prague vol 76 p 217ndash249

mdash (2008) ldquoAacutetkeleacutes a naacutedszaacutelon Keacutep eacutes szoumlveg kapcsolata a kelet-aacutezsiai vallaacutesos műveacuteszetbenrdquo [ldquoCrossing on a Reed Text-image relationships in East Asian Religious Paintingrdquo] in Kaposvaacuter Szele Baacutelint (ed) Pro Scientia Aranyeacutermesek IX Tudomaacutenyos konferenciaacuteja Pro Scientia Aranyeacutermesek Taacutersasaacutega Budapest p 46ndash58

mdash (2009) ldquoAz lsquoaacutetkeleacutes a naacutedszaacutelonrsquo legenda eredeteacutenek keacuterdeacuteseacuterőlrdquo [ldquoThe problem of the Legend of Crossing on a Reedrdquo] in Taacutevol-keleti Tanulmaacutenyok Budapest Taacutevol-keleti Inteacutezet vol 2 p 103ndash122

mdash (2010) ldquoBodhidharma in Contemporary South Korea The Founder of Chan Buddhism from Sacral to Popular Culturerdquo in Govindasamy G Park C K and Tan S K (eds) Korean affaris A contemporary view Kuala Lumpur Perpustakaan Negara Malaysia p 135ndash147

mdash (2013) Szentből jaacuteteacutekbaba A Daruma baba nyomaacuteban a Taacutevol-Keleten [ldquoDoll from a saint In Search for the Daruma doll in East Asiardquo]Lecture on 28th May 2013 Kaacuteroli Gaacutespaacuter Reformaacutetus Egyetem (12th July 2013) [online] httpwwwyoutubecomwatchv=QBCV11LGXhQampfeature=c4-overviewamplist=UUeXTAOGzx8xduHtd71ZGICQ

Nihon shoki 日本書記 [ldquoChronicle of Japanrdquo] (1987) (trans Inoue Mitsusada) Tōkyō Chūō Koronsha (Shōwa 62) p 98ndash99

nishimurA S (1985) ldquoThe Prince and the Pauper The Dynamics of a Shotoku Legendrdquo in Monumenta Nipponica vol40 Issue 3 p 299ndash310

nishiyAmA I (1992) Nihon Shisō no genryū to tenkai Ise-shi Kogakkan Daigaku ShuppanbunukAriyA K (1913) The Religion of the Samurai London Luzac amp Cootto R (1932) Mysticism East and West a Comparative Analysis of the Nature of Mysticism

(trans B L Bracey and R C Payne) London Macmillanorsquoriley M K (2001) Art Beyond the West London Laurence KingpAnoFsky E (1984) Jelenteacutes a vizuaacutelis műveacuteszetekben [The Meaning in Visual Arts]

Budapest Gondolatpelliot P (1923) ldquoNotes sur quelques artistes des six dynasties et des Trsquoangrdquo in Trsquooung Pao

vol 22 p 215ndash291Wag Qi 王圻 and Wang Siyi 王思義 (eds) (1988) Sancaituhui [Kor Samjaedohwi] 三才圖會

(Collected Illustrations of the Three Realms) Shanghai Shanghai guji chubansheSancaituhui [Kor Samjaedohwi] 三才圖會 (Collected Illustrations of the Three Realms) (2001)

Seoul Dongguk Universityseckel D (1997) Das Portraumlt in Ostasien Heidelberg Universitis Verlagsekiguchi S (1957) Daruma no Kenkyū Tokyo IwanamishArF R H (1922) ldquoThe Idolization of Enlightenment On the Mummification of Chrsquoan

Masters in Mediaeval Chinardquo in History of Religions vol 32 nordm 1 p 1ndash31mdash (1995) ldquoThe Zen of Japanese Nationalismrdquo in Lopez S and Donald Jr (eds) Curators of

the Buddha The Study of Buddhism under Colonialism Chicago and London University of Chicago Press

mdash and Sharf E H (eds) (2001) Living Images Japanese Buddhist Icons in Context Stanford Stanford University Press

[Seokcheon] 석천 (2001) ldquoDalmadowa hamkke ilcheonobaeknyeon jeoneuiroui gihaengrdquo 달

마도와 함께 일천오백년전의로의 기행 [ldquo150 years with Bodhidharma-paintingsrdquo] in Seon Munhwa nordm 8 p 99ndash105

mdash (2003) ldquoMeokseonrsquoi ppumeonaedeut dongyangeui yeokdongjeogin seonrdquo 먹선이 뿜어내

듯 동양의 역동적인 禪 [ ldquoInk-strokes eliminating the Dynamic Sŏn of the Eastrdquo] in Seon Munhwa nordm 7 p 20ndash23

mdash (2005) ldquoDalmaeui seonbeopi dongtoro gan katalgeun han pok eui dalmadoro dwesala nan dalmaseonrdquo 달마의 선법이 동토東土로 간 까닭은 한 폭의 달마도로 되살아 난 달마선 [ldquoWhy did Bodhidharmarsquos Zen teaching went to the Eastrdquo] in Seon Munhwa nordm 12 p 30ndash37

Korean Buddhist Research Institute (ed) (1998) Sǒn Thought in Korean Buddhism Seoul Dongguk University Press

spiro A (1988) ldquoNew Light on Gu Kaizhirdquo in Journal of Chinese Religions nordm 16 p 1ndash17stevens J Y and Rae A (1990) ZENGA Brushstrokes of Enlightenment New Orleans

Museum of Artsuler J R (1993) Contemporary Psychoanalysis and Eastern Thought Albany State

University of New Yorktylor E B (1920) Primitive Culture Researches into the Development of Mythology Philosophy

Religion Language Art and Custom 2 vols London John MurrayyAmpolsky P B (1967) The Platform Sutra of the 6th Patriarch New Yorkmdash (1983) ldquoNew Japanese Studies in Early Chrsquoan Historyrdquo in W Lai and L R Lancaster

(eds) Early Chrsquoan in China and Tibet Berkeley Buddhist Studies Series p 1ndash11Yi Dong-Ju (1973) Hanguk hwehwa saron (Korean Art History) Seoul Yeolhwadang[Yi Jeong-hwa] 이정화 (2002) ldquoDalmadorsquoe damgyeojin munyeom musin eui hyanggiro cham-

nareul Channeunda Beomju seunimrdquo 달마도에 담겨진 무념 무심의 향기로 참나를 찾는다

범주스님 [ldquoThe fragrance of no-mind is within Bodhidharma-paintings Through this fra-grance we try to find the truthrdquo] in Seon Munhwa nordm 5 p 52ndash55

[Yi Ju-yeon] 이주연 (2005) ldquoGibokeul dwieoneom neun bosihaengeui Dalmadordquo 기복을 뛰

어넘는 보시행의 달마도 [ldquoOffering Bodhidharma-paintigs for transcending fluctuationrdquo] in Seon Munhwa nordm 7 p 96ndash99

[Yi Yeong-hui] 이영희 (1997) Hanguk sawoneui bubyeokhwa e Daehan gochal 한국 사원의 부벽

화에 대한 고찰 [A study of the Pu-wall painting of Korean temples] unpublished MA thesis Seoul Deptartment of Art Education Graduate School of Education Dongguk University

ying Z (1981) Shaolin Kung-fu Hong Kong Kingsway Internationalyoshino H 吉野裕子 (1995) Daruma no Minzokugaku Onrsquoyo gogyo kara toku ダルマの民俗

蔵 陰陽五行から解く [The folklore of Daruma from Yin-Yangto the Five Elements Theory] Tokyo Iwanami Shoten

[Yu Hyeong-jae] 유형재 (2002) 108 Dalma 108 달마 [108 Bodhidharmas] Seoul BaekamweitZmAnn K (1996) The Cotton Genesis British Library Codex Cotton Otho B VI Princeton

University PresswelBon G R (1968) The Buddhist Nirvāna and Its Western Interpreters Chicago University of

Chicago Presswu T (1996) Masterpieces of Chinese Painting from the Museum of Fine Arts Boston Tang

through Yuan Dynasties Tōkyō Otsuka Kogeishahempel R (1960) ZENGA Malerei des Zen-buddhismus Muumlnchen R Piper

Bod

hidharm

a in China K

orea and Jap

anMod

els for representations

and com

mercialization of the legend

ary founder of C

han Bud

dhism

in East A

siaB

eatr

ix M

ecsi

  • capa face to face SEGUNDO VOL
  • Index Face to Face
  • Beatrix Mecsi

178 179

Southern China in 5207 At that time Mahāyāna Buddhism was an already established religion so the Emperor Wu of the Liang dynasty (Liang Wudi r 502ndash549) who was a devout Buddhist led Buddhist assemblies wrote com-mentaries on several sutras and gave the religion his full support invited the Indian monk Bodhidharma to leave Buddhismrsquos homeland and come to his court After their short conversation it was no wonder that Bodhidharma could not stay any longer so he crossed the Yangzi River with the help of a single reed and headed north8 He stopped at the Shaolin monastery near Luoyang in Henan province9 Here he spent nine years in meditation in a cave facing a blank wall10 The novelty of his teachings came from the stress on the impor-tance of meditation (Skrt Dhyana Ch Chan(na) Kor Seon(na) Jp Zen(na)11 hence the name of the school) at a time when Mahāyāna Buddhism was mainly Sutra-oriented As a famous stanza attributed to Bodhidharma says

7 The exact date of his arrival differs in the written sources and is open to speculation in scholarly works (Pelliot 1923) Earlier textual sources indicate his arrival during the Wei or the Liu-Song periods but towards the second half of the 8th century the legend assumed a more stable arrival during the time of the Liang (Lidai fabao ji dated around 774 T 512075 p 179ndash196) This was probably influenced by the legend previously inserted to Bodhidharmarsquos biography about Bodhidharmarsquos audience with the famous Buddhist-patron and emperor Liang Wudi (r 502ndash549) (Putidamo nanzong ding shifei lun dated 732 Jacques Gernet (trans) 1949 p 81ndash91)We have to add that a text from around 730 called Lengqie shizi zhi mentions a Central Indian monk called Gunabhadra who arrived in Canton by ship during the Yuanjia era (425ndash453) He was welcomed by the emperor and among other works translated the Lankavatara Sutra which had great importance and was later associated with Bodhidharma as being the text he transmitted to his successor Huike (Yampolsky 1967 p 20) Based on this text Luo Xianglin (1960 p 14ndash15) believes that Bodhidharma was a disciple of Gunabhadra at the Guangxiao Temple However Hu Shi stated that Gunabhadra died before Bodhidharma arrived in China (Hu Shi 1994) But such speculations which give more credence to certain sources as reference points rather than others cannot be regarded as an acceptable method though they are important in the sense that the relationships between the given sources is telling

8 The earliest written source is the mid-11th century Chuan fa zhengzong ji (Transmission of the Dharma and the correct teaching in the true School) though there is no mention of the reed (T 512078 715ndash768) The earliest written source which mentions the reed is from the 13th century (Wujia zhengzong zan (Eulogies from the Five Houses in the True School) dated 1254 and Shi shi tongjian 1270) But these early 13th century textual sources do not mention that Bodhidharma actually used the reed to cross the river This we know from the visual sources where Bodhidharma is represented as standing on a reed while crossing the river (Lachman 1993 Mecsi 2008 2009)

9 The earliest reference to Bodhidharmarsquos stay at the Shaolin monastery is from the first decade of the 8th century (Chuan fabao ji (Record of the Transmission of the Dharma Jewel) dated around 710) Thereafter it remains a constant part of the legend

10 The wall-meditation was mostly understood as a meditation technique where the mind should be blank like a wall There is general reference to this technique in several sources from the 7th century onwards (Xu gaoseng zhuan (Continued Biographies of Eminent Monks) dated 645) but without mention of the cave where the wall meditation occurred the cave is often depicted in the visual sources from the 13th century onwards

11 Though practice of meditation was common from the 5th century onwards See Prajnaparamita and Yogacara meditation and the contemplative aspects of the Tiantai school (BDK English Tripitaka 75 1998 p 1)

the ldquoperformance of obeisances and offerings to images which appear within this tradition constitutes idolatry per serdquo (Sharf 2001 p 6)

In sum previous studies done in the field of Chan Buddhism can be sepa-rated to three main groups based on their approach The first is the philological approach of the Buddhologists which may grasp the ideals and aims of the tra-dition but not its real appearance and practice in the given milieu The second is that of classical art history which is concerned with the relationships of the visual images within the context of images but only considers their symbolism and style looking at them in their inner context rather than a broader one The third approach is that of anthropology rooted in the Judeo-Christian disdain of idolatry and the sectarian approach with its influence which both stood in the way of the critical scholarship of Chan Buddhist art in its historical context Each of these approaches has its own value and importance Philology gives us the translated texts to interpret the monastic ideals art history gives us the identifi-cation of artefacts that we can organize with more confidence while anthropol-ogy attempts to describe the living tradition While focusing on our questions we need to cross boundaries between disciplines to bring us closer to our answers

The Legend of Bodhidharma

Those familiar with the history of Chan Buddhism might assume that Bodhidharma is a relatively well-known personality but if we have a closer look at the sources referring to his life we can discern that the real person is somewhat hidden behind the hagiographical texts By looking more closely at the legendary life of Bodhidharma we understand that the story is not about one person but an amalgamation of many legends and traditions Historians with a critical approach can shed new light on the tradition of ChanZenSeon Buddhism and of ldquoits own naturerdquo but they often find themselves in a difficult situation when they wish to outline the proper historical facts behind the sur-viving legends If historians deal with texts concerning Bodhidharma as docu-ments from which they need to find historical facts then the research method can lead to misleading results As Bernard Faure very aptly commented ldquooften enough after this mortuary washing only a skeleton remains and it is this skel-eton that will enter the museum of history In fact some missing bones may have to be taken from other skeletons to complete the exhibitrdquo (1986 p 188)

Textual sources about Bodhidharmarsquos life are greatly inconsistent To avoid confusion I will summarize his life-story including all the available legends that surround Bodhidharma with occasional reference to the controversies and the original sources of the legends mentioned in the footnotes

Bodhidharma (c 470ndash532) founder of Chan Buddhism arrived in Canton

Bod

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180 181

his left arm and presented it to Bodhidharma in an attempt to make him speak Finally he had Bodhidharmarsquos attention

There is no peace in my mind Please calm down my mind ndash asked HuikePut it in front of me then I will calm it down ndash replied BodhidharmaBut where shall I look for my mind ndash asked Huike ndash I donrsquot find it anywhereThere now ndash answered Bodhidharma ndash I have already calmed it down

Huike in this moment gained enlightenment16 One day Bodhidharma felt the urge to go back to India so he asked all his disciples to tell him what they had learnt from his teachings and how much they had understood17 When the disciples recounted their interpretations one by one Bodhidharma told Daofu ldquoYou only grasped the skinrdquo To nun Zongchi ldquoyou only grasped the bonerdquo Then to Huike ldquoYou grasped the marrowrdquo Thus Huike became the second Chinese Chan patriarch after Bodhidharma who is considered the 28th Patriarch of Chan Buddhism18 This identification follows a story which traces the Chan teachings back to the Buddha himself and how one day as he was sit-ting on a hill and without saying a word picked out a kumbala flower Nobody understood its significance except Mahakashyapa who became his successor the second patriarch after Shakyamuni Buddha Following an uninterrupted line Bodhidharma is the 28th in the Indian lineage and the first in the Chinese lineage of the Chan patriarchate19 Bodhidharma died before he could return to his homeland some say his rivals poisoned him20 He was buried in North

16 For more on Huike see Chapin 1945ndash1946 The calming of the mind (or in other words anxin dialogue first appears in the middle of the 10th century (See Zutang ji (Anthology of the Patriarch Hall) dated 952)

17 The number of his disciples differs across written sources In the first versions of the legend he only mentioned two disciples See Xu gaoseng zhuan (645) Chuan fabao ji (710) Lengqie shizi ji (c 730) From the second half of the 8th century three are mentioned in Lidai fabao ji (740) and four in Baolin zhuan (801) Zutang ji (952) Jingde chuandeng lu (1004) and in Chuan fa zhengzong ji (1061) Still he only has one disciple in Liuzu tan jing (c 830) and Song gaoseng zhuan (988) The first mention of the ldquoflesh bones and marrowrdquo story is in the Lidai fabao ji (774) thereafter it became a common part of the legend

18 The enumeration of the patriarchs first appeared in the Baolin zhuan (801) according to which Bodhidharma is considered 28th in line Later this numbering became widely accepted

19 Dafan tianwang wenfa jieyi jing (T 2006 p 48 325b7ndash12) Nukariya Kaiten writes that ldquothe book in which this incident is described is entitled Sutra on the Great Brahman Kingrsquos Questioning Buddha to Dispel a Doubt but there exists no original text or any Chinese translation in the Tripitaka It is highly probable that some early Chinese Chan scholar of the [Northern] Song dynasty (960ndash1126) fabricated the tradition because Wang An-shih a powerful minister under the emperor Shen-tsung is said to have seen a book in the Imperial Library There is however no evidence as far as we know pointing to the existence of the Sutra in China In Japan there exist in manuscript form two different translations of that book kept in secret veneration by some Zen masters which have been proved to be fictitious by the present writer after his close examination of the contentsrdquo (Kaiten 1913 p 3)

20 On Bodhidharmarsquos poisoning the earliest surviving document is from the 8th century (Chuan fabao ji c 710)

A special transmission outside the scripturesNot depending on words and lettersDirectly pointing to the humanrsquos mindUnderstanding onersquos own nature12

There is a legend which tells how once during meditation Bodhidharma was overcome by drowsiness and became so angry that he tore off his eyelids from which grew a tea shrub with the leaves that were used to provide a refreshing drink throughout East Asia13 And as he spent so much time without mov-ing his legs and arms atrophied and fell off14 But still he was also consid-ered as the founder of the famous martial art Shaolin gongfu (kungfu)15 While Bodhidharma was sitting meditating in the cave a man Senguang later known as Huike came asked him to accept him as a disciple and begged to be taught by the master however Bodhidharma failed to notice him It was snowing heav-ily but Huike continued to wait patiently outside the cave for Bodhidharma to respond and then in final despair and as a mark of sincere intention he cut off

12 My translation differs slightly from versions found in several different publications The important emphasis on personal experience versus written words was very possibly a Daoist influence (Laozi 1994)

13 I have not found the original version of this legend in the primary sources I have collected This episode might be an early 20th-century European creation possibly the result of an incorrect translation made by Engelbert Kaempfer (1651ndash1716) a German traveller and physician After Kaempfers death his mostly unpublished manuscripts were bought by Sir Hans Sloane and taken to England Among them was a History of Japan translated from the manuscript into English by JG Scheuchzer and published in London in 2 vols in 1727 The original German remains unpub-lished the extant German version being taken from the English (Engelbert Kaempfer MD (1727) The History of Japan Together with a Description of the Kingdom of Siam transl JG Scheuchzer 1906 James MacLehose eds reprint AMS New York 3 volumes) courtesy of Dr John Jor-gensen (Griffith University Australia) through personal communication in April 2007

14 This accounts for the armless and legless round-shaped popular dolls of Bodhidharma the so-called ldquoDaruma dollsrdquo found in Japan This episode is also not found in the primary written sources I con-sider it a secondary addition to the legend and some existing visual sources In my opinion there were some dolls shaped like the ldquowould-be Daruma dollsrdquo before people started to identify those dolls with the meditation monk who spent nine years in meditation without moving As the original meanings of such roly-poly dolls faded they gained popularity with the new meaning and the makers of such dolls deliberately altered the old form to fit the new meaning The oldest object I have come across in the form of a round-shaped legless and armless figure is a glazed earthenware whistle sancai from a Tang dynasty tomb (Pacific Asia Museum Pasadena California object number 1995 1025)

15 The text called Yijin Jing which was said to have been found in the Qing period (1644ndash1911) in Shaolin Temple and related to Bodhidharma stresses the cultivation of the body as well as the mind an idea which probably comes from Daoism The Lokapalas (Defenders of the Buddhist Law) in East Asian iconography are said to have shown a defending pose the arhat-pose associ-ated with the later gongfu [kung-fu] (Kim Cheol 1986 p 171) In Shaolin Temple in the Hall of the White Robe Avalokiteśvara a wall painting shows Indian and Chinese monks practising gongfu [kung-fu] (No date given by Choi 1995 p 76) Military monks used concentration and special mental techniques in martial arts This might be a reason why the warrior rulers the shōguns and the samurai in Japan favoured Zen Buddhism About the idea of Dao [Tao] as used for martial arts in East Asian Aesthetics and Art Theories (Nishiyama 1992 p 141ndash148)

Bod

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182 183

from the West and in addition that not only were tales about Western monks and religious figures mixed into the legend but that indigenous Chinese myths and beliefs were too as well as acting as a conduit for aspirations of religious power And as a later phenomenon there are accounts of Christian mission-aries who believed this man from the West was familiar with Christianity or more precisely that he was a Christian apostle (Faure 1993)

Iconography of Bodhidharma

Turning to the visual sources of Bodhidharma first we should describe the dif-ferent iconographical types of Bodhidharma and show examples of them from China Korea and Japan

Even for those familiar with the images of East Asia sometimes it is very dif-ficult to name depicted figures because of the lack of inscriptions especially in the late phases of the development of certain iconographies This is due to the tendency of using pre-existing patterns and giving them new meaning as was the case in the Western culture during the early Middle Ages when the pagan Apollo figure was used to represent Jesus Christ Rather than inventing completely new imagery combining existing intellectual and religious systems is an easier way to proceed Therefore we often find that artists were inspired by previous visual models rather than relying primarily on textual sources In many cases these textual sources themselves were also inspired by previous visual representations As the meaning of the depicted figure changed in soci-ety and in the mind of the artist inevitably certain forms merged and new pic-torial representations were produced Being careful with the identification of the earliest images is most important because they can give us vital clues for the history of certain iconographic types

Among the earliest images there are two distinct iconographic types which later became entangled One is a beardless figure in the other the more popu-lar representation Bodhidharma appears as a hairy bearded man with a stocky build exaggerated foreign features often wearing a hood The majority of the images of Bodhidharma are a half body or bust portrait The remaining group includes full body portraits where we can differentiate between standing and sitting images Among the standing images we find Bodhidharma crossing the Yangzi River on a reed carrying one shoe or sandal or a combination of the two themes or sometimes without any such objects Among sitting images we find Bodhidharma in a chair (especially in the earliest periods) or sitting in meditation occurring either in a landscape or entirely removed from time and space with no background or sense of surroundings The landscape set-ting varies For instance there is Bodhidharma in a cave (a more common

China on a mountain called Xiangershan (Bear Ear Mountain) Not long after his death a Chinese Wei official Song Yun21 on his way back to China having been sent by the empress dowager to search for Buddhist works encountered Bodhidharma on Congling (Onion Range) in the Pamir Mountains travelling in the direction of India holding one sandal22 When Song Yun told this story to the emperor Bodhidharmarsquos tomb was opened but nothing was found in the tomb except for a single sandal of the pair that Bodhidharma had been car-rying It is also known from legend that Bodhidharma was reborn as a beggar in Japan where he met Shōtoku Taishi the famous prince a great patron and champion of Buddhism in Japan at the Kataoka crossroads23 They exchanged poems and the prince gave him his mantle just as in Western tradition St Martin shares his cloak with a beggar who he recognizes as Jesus Christ The following day the prince ordered his servants to check on the man he had met but they told him that the beggar had died When the prince heard this story he became very sad and explained to his servants that the man he met was not a simple beggar but a saint He buried him and later sent a messenger to the tomb who returned with the news that the body had vanished and all that was there was the mantle given by the prince

The Textual Sources in the Light of the Nature of the Bodhidharma legend

There are many biographical accounts of Bodhidharma and several works attributed to him But we now know the majority of these works to be apoc-ryphal (Sekiguchi 1957) Some scholars such as Feng Youlan [Fung Yu-lan] (1953) and Paul Pelliot (1923) deny his historical existence and consider Bodhidharma a fictious character for religious purposes My opinion is close to these scholars but I do not deny so absolutely the lack of truth behind the leg-ends or consider them a deliberate ldquolierdquo Based on the Bodhidharma legends in literary and pictorial sources we can suppose the existence of monks who travelled to China from the West with the aim of spreading Buddhist doctrine in the East During the course of my research I have become convinced that the personality of Bodhidharma is an amalgamation of several persons coming

21 His travel record has been translated by Samuel Beal Travels of Fa-hsien and Sung-yun Buddhist Pilgrims from China to India London 1869 (Yampolsky 1967 p 10ndash11)

22 Bodhidharmarsquos meeting with the Wei official first appears in the Xu gaoseng zhuan (645) But reference to the sandal to claim the authenticity of identification of the man in the Pamirs with Bodhidharma only appears in textual sources from the end of the 8th century ( Lidai fabao ji 774)

23 The original story which served as the basis of this tale is in Nihon Shoki (Chronicle of Japan) written in 720 The identification of the beggar with Bodhidharma had already appeared in the 8th century (Ihon Jōgū Taishiden dated 771) Further details in Nishimura 1985 299-310

Bod

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version)24 situated under a tree25 or the combination of the two According to the type of representation we can differentiate between en-face three-quarter profile profile portraits and representations showing Bodhidharma from the back Within the simplified profile and back portraits in set against a timeless and spaceless background there developed a specific iconographic type the ldquoone-brushstroke Bodhidharmardquo which together with the circle (Jp ensō) had an interesting religious-spiritual significance in Chan Buddhism Depending on context one finds single Bodhidharma pictures as well as pictures that form part of a group and sometimes examples where he is represented on the middle panel of a triptych Among these the oldest type is the group representation Maintained genealogy was not the only reason for group portraits The multi-plication of images also had a religious-spiritual significance

Bodhidharma in KoreaPrevious researches on Korean Seon Painting

Compared to the published material and related pictorial art on the Chinese and Japanese meditation school there are only a few sources available on Seon the Korean meditation school There are not enough studies in Western lan-guages that view Buddhism in East Asia including Korea in detail This is partly because of the official ideology of the relatively recent Joseon dynasty (1392ndash1910) was based on Neo-Confucianism with Buddhism a reduced pres-ence following the immense political power Buddhist monasteries had held in the previous period (Goryeo 935ndash1392) when the clergy of the monasteries actively participated in politics

There is little research on the artistic practice associated with Korean medi-tational Buddhism which is more neglected than the religious doctrinal aspects of Seon There is virtually no material on this topic in Western languages but the few sources available in Korean are not always critical but do make a great contribution to our knowledge and provide good reference materials

Gim Myeongguk (Kim Myeongguk) and the problem of Bodhidharma as Huineng

The earliest surviving pictures of Bodhidharma made by Korean masters are from the 16th and the 17th centuries and have a strong connection with Japan

24 Apart from the fact that cave temples were common in India and China their symbolism also plays a role in the interpretation of Bodhidharma imagery

25 Sitting under a tree is a reference to Shakyamuni Buddharsquos enlightenment But the activity is also associated with Buddharsquos contemporary Mahavira the founder of Jainism (Eliade 1997 p 71)

Bod

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Fig 3

Unknown painter Huineng

(from Sancaituhui) Ming

period (1609) print

Reproduced in Sancaituhui

edited by Wang Qi

and Wang Siyi 317

Fig 4

Unknown painter

Bodhidharma with Huike

Joseon period wall painting

Geukrakjeon Daewonsa

Boseong South Jeolla

Province Republic of Korea

186 187

Among them the most famous are Gim Myeonggukrsquos (c 1600ndashafter 1662)26 Bodhidharma paintings which long remained a model for the later artists approaching the theme Gim Myeongguk was a member of the Dohwaseo Royal Painting Institute His contemporaries described him as a carefree drunkard a characterization that corresponds to the Chinese image of the eccentric artist and we know that during his stay in Japan his paintingsrsquo broad forceful brush-strokes suggest such an eccentricity27

In 1637 and 1643 Gim Myeongguk visited Japan as a member of an offi-cial delegation28 It has been said that like Han Sigak he was probably drawn to ZenSeon Buddhist figure painting through commissions from Japanese patrons who generally preferred Buddhist themes (Yi Tong-ju 1973 p 54-58) Many of his paintings held in Japanese collections are of this genre whereas contemporary painting in Korea was dominated by secular themes The style of both Gim Myeonggukrsquos landscapes and his figure paintings is very similar to that of the Chinese Zhe School particularly the works of the eccentric Wu Wei The Seoul National Museum has the most impressive example in this style and his most famous painting of Bodhidharma where the patriarch is captured with a few forceful yet delicate brushstrokes

Among Gim Myeonggukrsquos Bodhidharma paintings a triptychrsquos central panel in the Tokyo National University of Arts shows the Bodhidharma cross-ing water on a reed (Fig 2) His head is covered with a dark hood which is most unusual in this kind of representation yet we can find its source in the famous Ming Chinese printed book Sancai tuhui [Kor Samjaedohwi] an impor-tant resource for the artists with illustrations of famous Daoist and Buddhist masters on every page In this book the Sixth Chan patriarch Huineng is seen in a dark hood and similar facial expressions29 so we might suppose that Gim Myeongguk had used this pattern book adding a little modification to suit his subject (Fig 3) Using Huinengrsquos iconography based on the Sancai tuhui and followed by the Xianfo qizong [Kor Hongssiseonbulgijong] printed in 1602 the

26 According to the ldquoDongguk Munheon rokrdquo (Collection of Records of the Eastern Countries) chapter ldquoHwaga pyeonrdquo (Chapter on painters) his family comes from Ansan also called Yeonseong So maybe this is the origin of his pen name Yeondam (Lotus pond) But as he was connected to Buddhism the lotus in his pen name probably had Buddhist significance His other names were Cheonrsquoyeo (heavenly water) and Chui ong (drunken old man) (O SeChang chapter on Gim Myeongguk) Unfortunately we donrsquot have many written sources on him his birth and death dates are unknown He used three differently written forms of ldquoMyeongrdquo in his name but according to recent research there was no consistency in the way he used the different characters in his name so they do not help date his paintings (Deoksu 1999 see table for the chronology of his use of different characters p 49)

27 We know several stories about him written by Nam Yuyong (1698 ndash 1773) in the collection called Noe Yeon jip (Nam Yuyong Noeyeonjip Jinhwisok ko pp 35ndash36)

28 He stayed for ten months in 163729 Huinengrsquos dark hood existed as a visual formula from the 12th century where we can see Huineng

represented among the patriarchs wearing a separate hood which was darkened in later copies

Bod

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Fig 5

Unknown painter Bodhidharma

with Huike Joseon period

wall painting 267sum140 cm

Eungjinjeon Tongdosa Yangsan

city South Gyeongsang

Province Republic of Korea

Fig 6

Unknown painter Bodhidharma

Ming period rubbing from a

stone relief Shaolin Monastery

Songshan Henan Province

Peoplersquos Republic of China

188 189

hood is no darker than the robe itself which we also find in other represen-tations of Bodhidharma The wall painting of the Geukrak Hall of Daewon temple in South Jeolla province shows Bodhidharma with the same features as the image of Huineng seen in both model books but we can be sure about the identity of the figure in the wall painting as it shows Huike presenting Bodhidharma a severed arm (Fig 4)

The ldquoOriginalrdquo Model from Shaolin Monastery

Other paintings showing Bodhidharma with Huike are quite different from the one discussed above One of Korearsquos three most famous temples the Tongdosa has a wall painting dated around 1670 where a bearded figure with large eyes is seen in profile sitting on a straw mat under a pine tree and holding a begging bowl A young noticeably smaller monk holds a book and bows before the seated man (Fig 5) There is no hint of the removed arm but then how do we know that this person is Bodhidharma Our question leads us back to China to the model preserved at the famous Shaolin monastery a place strongly connected with Bodhidharma him-self The image preserved here shows its subject in the same posture as the seated figure in the wall painting (Fig 6) Recently in 1992 the same face type was used as a model for a commission by a Chinese artist on a Bodhidharma sculpture for the Waujeong temple in Gyeonggi province in Korea (Fig 7)30 In Korearsquos other famous monastery the Haeinsa where the printing blocks of the Buddhist canon the Tripitaka Koreana are kept there is another Bodhidharma painting from the Joseon period which bears a resemblance to the wall painting at Tongdosa We can see its influence on other Bodhidharma paintings too where the facial expressions are similar though the setting is different (eg the painting in the Emille Museum)

Gim Hongdo (Kim Hongdo) and the Problems of Bodhidharma as an Immortal

In the oeuvre of another famous Korean artist Gim Hongdo (1745ndashafter 1814) who is considered one of the most outstanding artists of the Joseon period (1392ndash1910) we find paintings showing figures standing or sitting on a reed One of them where the figure is standing on a reed bears an inscription ldquoPicture of crossing the sea on a reedrdquo (Fig 8) Even though we know stories from Japan claiming that Bodhidharma actually crossed the sea and went to Japan this tra-dition can be also traced back to the depiction of the Daoist immortalsrsquo cross-ing the sea and has a long history in iconography that predates Bodhidharmarsquos

30 In the Korean Seon Buddhist magazine Seon Munhwa (Pyeon Jippu 2002 20ndash21) we read that the erection a sculpture made in China was an attempt to access the ldquorealrdquo image of Bodhidharma while also using the most authentic Chinese sources

Bod

hidharm

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orea and Jap

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Fig 7

Chinese sculptor (name

unknown) Bodhidharma

Sculpture in Korea 1992

[bronze] Waujeongsa

Yeongin Gyeonggi Province

Republic of Korea Photograph

taken by the author in 2006

Fig 8

Gim Hongdo (1745-1806)

Standing Figure on a Reed

19th century inscription

ldquoCrossing the sea on a reedrdquo

Colors on paper

Gansong Art Gallery Seoul

Reproduced in Choi Seon-taek

[Korean Seon Painting] pl 40

190 191

appearance In the case of Gim Hongdo we know that he painted Daoist topics too And if we look at the figure in his painting we see his East Asian rather than Western features and the fur around his waist which also suggests immor-tal qualities (as a parallel see Shen Choursquos painting of an immortal from China in the Nelson-Atkins Museum) The other painting shows a young boy sitting and sleeping on a reed a topic which was also popular among artists in 18th century Korea (see Sim Sajeongrsquos (1707ndash1769) painting of a similar theme) but even though there is still some confusion in identifying this crossing fig-ure with Bodhidharma (Kim Nami 2000 90ndash91) It is very probable that the young seated figure follows the iconography of an immortal (see other young immortal figures crossing seated without a reed) This is supported by the fact that Gim Hongdo painted very similar scenes of immortals crossing water for instance one such immortal crossing on a shrimp (Fig 9)

However the strongly held view is that Gim Hongdorsquos crossing paintings representing Bodhidharma resulted in later images using this iconography either showing Bodhidharma as a young boy or showing Bodhidharmarsquos cross-ing on a reed in a seated position

We have seen from the above examples that the identification of a certain per-sonality in visual arts is interlinked with the beliefs of a given society adding new qualities to an existing legend In the case of Korean Bodhidharma imagery the tradition of arhat paintings and the Daoist immortals was a great contribution and the existence of illustrative models and pattern books are evident though their use was not always from first-hand and there was a degree of freedom in their recon-figuration as seen in the use of Huinengrsquos model in an image of Bodhidharma

Bodhidharma Images in Contemporary South Korea

Anyone who visits Korea soon encounters the representations of Bodhidharma His figure and legend are usually represented in Buddhist temples but a recent phe-nomenon has taken his figure more and more into the secular and semi-secular context such as souvenir shops not only in the vicinity of temples but in other tour-istic areas and frequently visited places like at motorway service stations or even tube stations and restaurants Popular womenrsquos magazines and television channels often carry advertisements for Bodhidharma painters offering potential well-being

Many scholarly studies have been conducted about Bodhidharma but how the image of Bodhidharma came to be commercialized it is still an understud-ied side to the area As is how the Bodhidharmarsquos representations were distrib-uted in East Asia and influenced local imagination and further representations Also worthy of attention of visual arts scholars is how certain models were used in reproducing new objects with the intent of selling them to the wider public a real phenomenon in contemporary Korea This is similar to Japan in inten-tion but the chosen sources for promoting this saintly figure are very different

Bod

hidharm

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orea and Jap

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Fig 9

Gim Hongdo (1745-

1806) Immortal

crossing the sea on

a shrimp Ink and

light colors on paper

331sum41 cm Sun

Moon University

Museum Collection

(Sun Moon Collection

2001 pl83 p280)

Fig 10

Katsushika Hokusai

(1760-1849) Big

Daruma ca 1817 ink

on paper Reproduced

in Timon Screech

The Lens Within the

Heart The Western

Scientific Gaze and

Popular Imagery in

Later Edo Japan

London Routledge

Curzon 2002 p 243

pl140

192 193

The manner in which Bodhidharma images enter the secular world differs con-siderably between the Japanese islands and Korea

When we look at the ways Bodhidharma images are popularized in modern and contemporary East Asia we find some basic differences between China Korea and Japan

Among these countries Japan was the first one to popularize Bodhidharma on a large scale not only in simplified ink paintings usually executed by monk paint-ers and in popular colour prints but in a form of a roly-poly doll called Daruma

The transformation of the image of a religious founder into a doll is an interesting phenomenon which only appeared in Japan and this form of representation entered Korea as a symbol of Japaneseness rather than the representation of Bodhidharma himself (for example as a sign in Japanese restaurants like the waving cat)

In China the popularization of Bodhidharma only happened recently but here the visual appearance does not play as such an important role as it does in Japan or Korea Here the cult flourishes especially around the Shaolin mon-astery and mainly among martial arts practitioners to whom Bodhidharma is venerated as the founder of Shaolin kungfu

In Korea producing Bodhidharma images and objects was a fashion in the last decades and increased considerably in the last couple of years It started in 1988 with the Seoul Olympics when the so-called gold cards were launched the market These gold cards are small cards painted with real gold paint usu-ally with some lucky representations like the twelve Oriental zodiac animals Taoist talismans and for Westerners four-leaf clovers images of Jesus Christ but more and more with the image of Bodhidharma

Contemporary painters also turned towards the image of the saint and we find not only monks but some professional painters also started to revitalize his image We clearly see this not only in art shops and exhibitions but also in the publica-tions of several books and albums devoted exclusively to Bodhidharma paintings31

The structure of these books is the same where each painting (usually 100 or more often 108) is followed by a poem or explanation related to the legend or some Buddhist teaching These books often combine the pattern book for-mat with the drawing manual with tips on how to draw Bodhidharma Korean painters of Bodhidharma generally use such pattern books together with other publications on Buddhist imagery and in many cases it is obvious where their models came from showing clear formal affinities with their models However at the same time spontaneous ink paintings require some expression from the artist thus making them very personal and spiritually charged pieces

31 For example Hong Ip-Yo Yi Byoung-kyo Dalmado (Bodhidharma-paintings) Seoul Jayu Segye Publ 1993 Gim Chrsquoangbae Hangukeui Dalmado (Korean Bodhidhma Paintings) Seoul Ehwa Munhwa Publishing 1999 Gim Nami Geurimeuro mannaneun Dalma (Meeting Bodhidharma on Pictures) Seoul Shikongsa Publ 2000 Beomju seunim Dalma seonmuk (Monk Beomju Ink Paintings of Bodhidharma) Seoul Hakmunsa Publishing 2001 Yu Hyeongjae 108 Dalma (108 Bodhidharma) Seoul Baekam Publishing 2002

Bod

hidharm

a in China K

orea and Jap

anMod

els for representations

and com

mercialization of the legend

ary founder of C

han Bud

dhism

in East A

siaB

eatr

ix M

ecsi

When talking about popularization we have to mention the importance of major public events and how some artists have used these occasions to propa-gate the image of Bodhidharma

In 2002 when Korea and Japan held the FIFA World Cup monk-painter Gim Dongseong (b 1954) showed his new works in both countries representing Bodhidharma with a football updating the figure in a manner appropriate for the event However he also included a philosophical explanation for his paintings referring to the basic qualities and shared pronunciation for the word ldquoballrdquo (Kor gong) and emptiness (also gong) an important concept in Buddhism (Skt śunyata)

In 2005 during the International APEC (Asian Pacific Economic Cooperation) meeting in Busan monk Beomju (b 1943) made a public performance by making a huge Bodhidharma painting Painting large scale Bodhidharma images for public events can be traced back to earlier traditions It is recorded that the famous Ukiyo-e artist Hokusai (1760ndash1849) also made a similarly giant image in year 1804 (Fig 10)32

Painting Bodhidharma as a performance is not so rare among Korean monk-artists and Jung Gwang the ldquomad monkrdquo (1934ndash2002) who gained interna-tional reputation with his daring Bodhidharma paintings and performances even influenced contemporary expressionist art in the West

In sum in Korean visual arts and Buddhism there is a burgeoning trend in the production and distribution of images of the first Chan patriarch which requires an attempt to understand it in the context of its inner developments and history while placing it within the larger context of other Asian countries

Bibliography

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Addiss S and Seo A Y (1998) The Art of 20th Century Zen Paintings and Calligraphy by Japanese Masters Boston Shambala

AwAkAwA Y (1970) Zen Painting Tokyo Kodansha InternationalBDK English Tripitaka (2006) Numata Center for Buddhist TraditionBukkyō Daijiten (1933) compiled by Mochizuki ShinkyōBukkyō Daijiten HakkōshoBArnet S and Burto W (1982) Zen Ink Paintings Tokyo KodanshaBelting H (1987) The End of the History of Art (trans C Wood) Chicago University of Chicago

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Bodhidharma] Seoul Hakmunsa[Boun Jippu] 보운 집부 (2002) ldquo1300yeonyeonmane Dalma daesa uri nara e bongrsquoandwaedardquo

1300 여년만에 달마 대사 우리나라에 봉안되다 [ldquoIt was more than 1300 years since Grand Master Bodhidharma was enshrined in Koreardquo] Seon Munhwa 4 p 20ndash21

Brinker H (1973) Die Zen-buddhistische Bildnismalerei in China und Japan Muumlnchener Ostasiatische Studien vol 10 Wiesbaden Franz Steiner

32 Kōriki Enkōan from Hokusai taiga sokusho saizu c 1817 Nagoya City Museum

194 195

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California Stanford University Pressmdash (2003) ldquoLa double vie du patriacherdquo in Kyburz J A et al (eds) Eloge des sources

Reflets du Japon ancien et moderne Paris Editions Philippe Picquier p 509ndash538Fo-jih Chi-sung (1007-1072) and Tōrei Enji (1721ndash1792) Damoduolo Chanjing 達摩多羅禪

經 [ldquoBodhidharma Zen Sūtrardquo] (1964) Taishō Shinshū Daizōkyō Kankokai 大正新脩大蔵蔵 [ldquoTripitaka in Chineserdquo] Tōkyō Taishō Issaikyō Kankōkai (T15 No618)

Foulk G T and Sharf R H (1993ndash1994) ldquoOn the Ritual Use of Chrsquoan Portraiture in Medieval Chinardquo in Cahiers drsquoExtrecircme-Asie [Revue bilingue de lrsquoEcole Franccedilaise drsquoExtrecircme Orient Section de Kyoto] Special Issue Chrsquoan Zen Studies vol 7 p 155ndash219

Fontein J and Hickman M L (1970) Zen Painting and Calligraphy Boston Museum of Fine Arts

Fromm E Suzuki DT and DeMartino R (1960) Zen Buddhism and Psychoanalysis New York Harper and Row

gernet J (1949) Les entretiens du maicirctre de dhyāna Chen-houei du Ho-tsouml (668-760) Paris Adrian Maisonneuve

gomBrich E H (1960) Art and Illusion A Study in the Psychology of Pictorial Representation London Phaidon

mdash (1982) The Image and the Eye Further studies in the Psychology of Pictorial Representation London Phaidon

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grAnoFF PH and shinohArA K (1988) Monks and Magicians Religious Biographies in Asia Motilal Banarsidass India

heine S and Wright D S (eds) (2004) The Zen Canon Oxford Oxford University Press[Hong Ip-ik and Yi Byeong-gyo] 홍입익middot이병교 (1993) Dalmado Hwabeop immun gamsang

baektae 달마도 畵法入門 鑑賞百態 [Painting Bodhidharma hundred great ways to achieve enlightenment through painting] Seoul Jayu Segye

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기종 [Marvellous tales of immortals] Sakbuk JayuhisAmAtsu S (1971) Zen and Fine Arts from original Zen to Bijutsu (trans T Gishin) Tokyo

Kodansha Internationalhu S (1953) ldquoChan (Zen) Buddhism in China Its History and Methodrdquo in Philosophy East and

West vol 3 nordm 1 p 3ndash24mdash (1994) ldquoPutidamo gaordquo in Hu Shih Wencun Taibei Yuanliu Khuban Shiyegufen Youxian

Gongsi c Ltd vol12 p 137ndash150hyers C (1973) Zen and the Comic Spirit Philadelphia Westminster Press

Brinker H (1994) Zen in der Kunst des Malens Bern Muumlnchen Wien Otto Wilhelm Barth Verlag

Brinker H and Kanazawa H (1996) Zen Masters of Meditation in Images and Writings Based on a Catalogue of an Exhibition at the Museum Rietberg and Kyoto National Museum

Brinker H Kramers R P and Ouwehand C (eds) (1982) Zen in China Japan East Asian Art Papers of the International Symposium on Zen Zuumlrich University

BAten L (1992) Japanese Folktoys The Playful Arts Tokyo ShufunotomoBuddhist Paintings of Korea (1997ndash2004) Seoul Buddhist Cultural Properties Research

Institute vols1ndash31Buswell R (1992) The Zen Monastic Experience Buddhist Practice in Contemporary Korea

Princeton Princeton University PresscAhill J (1983) ldquoTypes of Text-Object Relationships in Chinese Artrdquo in 31st International

Congress of Human Sciences in Asia and North America (CIISHAN) Abstracts of Papers TōkyōTōhō Gakkai vol 2 p 276

cAssirer E (1953) The Philosophy of Symbolic Forms Vol1 Language (trans R Mannheim) New Haven Yale University Press

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期 曹溪山地域 佛畵의 硏究 ldquoA Study of Buddhist Paintings of Late Joseon dynasty in Monasteries on Mt Chogyerdquo in Misul Sahak Yeonrsquogu nordm 210 p 71ndash104

chApin H B (1945ndash1946) ldquoThree Early Portraits of Bodhidharmardquo in Archives of the Chinese Art Society of America nordm 1 p 66ndash95

[Choi Seok-hwan] 최석환 (2002) ldquoDalmawa yutopiardquo 달마와 유토피아 [ldquoBodhidharma and Utopiardquo] in Seon Munhwa nordm 4 p 26ndash31

[Choi Sun-taek] 최순택 (1995) Dalmadorsquoeui segye 達磨圖의 世界 [The world of Bodhidharma-paintings] Seoul Hakmunsa

mdash ldquoDalmadorsquoeui yeonrsquogurdquo 達磨圖의 硏究 (1996) [ldquoResearch on Bodhidharma-paintingsrdquo] in Gukje seonmuhakhoe 國際禪武學會 [International Association of Zen and Martial Arts] vol 5 nordm 1 p 21ndash107

mdash Hangukeui seonseohwa 한국의 선서화 (1998) [Korean Seon Painting] Seoul Hakmun[Choi Wan-su] 최완수 (1996) Seokjeong sohwajip 석정 소화집 [Painting collection of monk

Seokjeong] Seoul BeomhaDaruma ten 達磨展 (1988) [ldquoBodhidharma Exhibitionrdquo] Tōkyō Shinjuku Isetan Bijutsukan

vol 4 np 10 p 16drsquoeliA m P (ed) (1942-49) Fonti Ricciane documenti originali concernenti Matteo Ricci e la sto-

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Philosophy History and Symbolism of the Buddhist Martial Art within India and China York Beach Samuel Weiser

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eliAde M (1997 [1978]) Vallaacutesi hiedelmek eacutes eszmeacutek toumlrteacutenete (original title Histoire des croy-ances et des ideacutees religieuses) Budapest Osiris Kiadoacute

FAure B (1986) ldquoBodhidharma as a Textual and Religious Paradigmrdquo in History of Religions vol 25 nordm3 p 187ndash198

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hidharm

a in China K

orea and Jap

anMod

els for representations

and com

mercialization of the legend

ary founder of C

han Bud

dhism

in East A

siaB

eatr

ix M

ecsi

196 197

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Jing A (1996) ldquoThe Eight Immortals The Transformation of Trsquoang and Sung Taoist Eccentrics during the Yuumlan dynastyrdquo in Hearn M K and Smith J G (eds) Arts of The Sung and Yuumlan New York Metropolitan Museum of Art p 213ndash227

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[Kim Na-mi] 김나미 (2000) Geurimeuro mannaneun Dalma 그림으로 만나는 달마 [Meeting Bodhidharma on pictures] Seoul Shikongsa

[Kim Yong-jae] 김영재 (2001) Bulgyo misureul boneun nun 불교미술을 보는 눈 [Eye for Buddhist art] Seoul Sakyejul

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Mindrdquo) in Taishō Shinshū Daizōkyō Kankokai 大正新脩大蔵経 [ldquoTripitaka in Chineserdquo] Tokyo Taisho Issaikyo Kankokai nordm 74 p 639

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Reconsideredrdquo in Asia Major nordm 6 p 237ndash268lAncAster L R (1983) The Dirty Mop Unlimited Action Paintings and Poems by Jung Kwang the

Mad Monk Berkeley and Seoul Asian Humanities Press and Po Chin ChailAo-ce (1994) Tao Te King Az Uacutet eacutes Ereacuteny koumlnyve (Original title Laozi Daode qing (trans

Weoumlres Saacutendor and Tőkei Ferenc) Budapest TericumlopeZ D Jr (ed) (1995) Curators of the Buddha The Study of Buddhism Under Colonialism

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and likeness Art and reality in the 14th and 15th centuries in Hungary] Budapest Akadeacutemiai KiadoacutemcFArlAnd H N (1986) ldquoFeminine Motifs in Bodhidharma Symbology in Japanrdquo in Asian

Folklore Studies [Nagoya Asian Folklore Institute] nordm 14 p 167ndash191mdash (1987) Daruma The Founder of Zen in Japanese Art and Popular Culture Tokyo and New York

Kodansha InternationalmcrAe J (2001) ldquoReligion as Revolution in Chinese Historiography Hu Shih (1891-1962) on

Shen-Hui (684-758)rdquo in Cahiers drsquoExtrecircme-Asie nordm 12 p 59ndash102mecsi B (1999) ldquoHogyan lett a szentből jaacuteteacutekbabardquo [ldquoHow did a saint become a dollrdquo]

Műhely [Atelier] p 116ndash118mdash (2000) ldquoHogyan eacuterkezett Bodhidharma Japaacutenbardquo [ldquoHow did Bodhidharma arrive

to Japanrdquo] in Orientalista Nap MTA Orientalisztikai Bizottsaacuteg amp ELTE Budapest p 120ndash126 and 245ndash257

mdash (2003) ldquoIdentification problems of Korean Bodhidharma-paintingsrdquo University of Rome ldquoLa Sapienziardquo Faculty of Oriental Studies 21st AKSE Conference-papers p 155ndash162

mdash 2005 ldquoWhy did Bodhidharma Come from the West Origins of Representations of the First Zen Patriarchrdquo in Proceedings of the Hawaii International Conference on Arts and Humanities

mdash (2007) ldquoBodhidharma Images in Contemporary Korea Methods and Strategies of Using and Popularizing the Representations of the First Zen Patriarchrdquo in International Biannual Conference for the Association of Korean Studies Europe Dourdan (AKSE)-Publications

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mdash (2007) ldquoA Szent eacutes a Jaacuteteacutekbaba A Zen Buddhizmus alapiacutetoacutejaacutenak alakja a nem-zen hagy-omaacutenyok tuumlkreacutebenrdquo [ldquoThe Saint and the DollThe founder of Zen Buddhism in the con-text of non-Zen Studiesrdquo] Japanisztika a Boumllcseacutesztudomaacutenyban Kaacuteroli Gaacutespaacuter Reformaacutetus Egyetem Budapest p 203ndash210

mdash (2007) ldquoEvolution Distribution and Commercialization of the Images of Bodhidharma Or How did a Religious Founder Become a Toyrdquo in Japanoloacutegiai Koumlrkeacutep (Istvaacuten Szerdahelyi Peacuteter Wintermantel eds) ELTE Eoumltvoumls Kiadoacute p 245ndash254

mdash (2008) ldquoThe Power on Images on Texts Re-Examined The Case of Bodhidharmarsquos Crossing

Bod

hidharm

a in China K

orea and Jap

anMod

els for representations

and com

mercialization of the legend

ary founder of C

han Bud

dhism

in East A

siaB

eatr

ix M

ecsi

198 199

and the Mass-Consumtion of Bodhidharma-images in Japan and Contemporary South Koreardquo in Oriental Archive (Archiv Orientalniacute) Quarterly Journal of African and Asian Studies Oriental Institute Prague vol 76 p 217ndash249

mdash (2008) ldquoAacutetkeleacutes a naacutedszaacutelon Keacutep eacutes szoumlveg kapcsolata a kelet-aacutezsiai vallaacutesos műveacuteszetbenrdquo [ldquoCrossing on a Reed Text-image relationships in East Asian Religious Paintingrdquo] in Kaposvaacuter Szele Baacutelint (ed) Pro Scientia Aranyeacutermesek IX Tudomaacutenyos konferenciaacuteja Pro Scientia Aranyeacutermesek Taacutersasaacutega Budapest p 46ndash58

mdash (2009) ldquoAz lsquoaacutetkeleacutes a naacutedszaacutelonrsquo legenda eredeteacutenek keacuterdeacuteseacuterőlrdquo [ldquoThe problem of the Legend of Crossing on a Reedrdquo] in Taacutevol-keleti Tanulmaacutenyok Budapest Taacutevol-keleti Inteacutezet vol 2 p 103ndash122

mdash (2010) ldquoBodhidharma in Contemporary South Korea The Founder of Chan Buddhism from Sacral to Popular Culturerdquo in Govindasamy G Park C K and Tan S K (eds) Korean affaris A contemporary view Kuala Lumpur Perpustakaan Negara Malaysia p 135ndash147

mdash (2013) Szentből jaacuteteacutekbaba A Daruma baba nyomaacuteban a Taacutevol-Keleten [ldquoDoll from a saint In Search for the Daruma doll in East Asiardquo]Lecture on 28th May 2013 Kaacuteroli Gaacutespaacuter Reformaacutetus Egyetem (12th July 2013) [online] httpwwwyoutubecomwatchv=QBCV11LGXhQampfeature=c4-overviewamplist=UUeXTAOGzx8xduHtd71ZGICQ

Nihon shoki 日本書記 [ldquoChronicle of Japanrdquo] (1987) (trans Inoue Mitsusada) Tōkyō Chūō Koronsha (Shōwa 62) p 98ndash99

nishimurA S (1985) ldquoThe Prince and the Pauper The Dynamics of a Shotoku Legendrdquo in Monumenta Nipponica vol40 Issue 3 p 299ndash310

nishiyAmA I (1992) Nihon Shisō no genryū to tenkai Ise-shi Kogakkan Daigaku ShuppanbunukAriyA K (1913) The Religion of the Samurai London Luzac amp Cootto R (1932) Mysticism East and West a Comparative Analysis of the Nature of Mysticism

(trans B L Bracey and R C Payne) London Macmillanorsquoriley M K (2001) Art Beyond the West London Laurence KingpAnoFsky E (1984) Jelenteacutes a vizuaacutelis műveacuteszetekben [The Meaning in Visual Arts]

Budapest Gondolatpelliot P (1923) ldquoNotes sur quelques artistes des six dynasties et des Trsquoangrdquo in Trsquooung Pao

vol 22 p 215ndash291Wag Qi 王圻 and Wang Siyi 王思義 (eds) (1988) Sancaituhui [Kor Samjaedohwi] 三才圖會

(Collected Illustrations of the Three Realms) Shanghai Shanghai guji chubansheSancaituhui [Kor Samjaedohwi] 三才圖會 (Collected Illustrations of the Three Realms) (2001)

Seoul Dongguk Universityseckel D (1997) Das Portraumlt in Ostasien Heidelberg Universitis Verlagsekiguchi S (1957) Daruma no Kenkyū Tokyo IwanamishArF R H (1922) ldquoThe Idolization of Enlightenment On the Mummification of Chrsquoan

Masters in Mediaeval Chinardquo in History of Religions vol 32 nordm 1 p 1ndash31mdash (1995) ldquoThe Zen of Japanese Nationalismrdquo in Lopez S and Donald Jr (eds) Curators of

the Buddha The Study of Buddhism under Colonialism Chicago and London University of Chicago Press

mdash and Sharf E H (eds) (2001) Living Images Japanese Buddhist Icons in Context Stanford Stanford University Press

[Seokcheon] 석천 (2001) ldquoDalmadowa hamkke ilcheonobaeknyeon jeoneuiroui gihaengrdquo 달

마도와 함께 일천오백년전의로의 기행 [ldquo150 years with Bodhidharma-paintingsrdquo] in Seon Munhwa nordm 8 p 99ndash105

mdash (2003) ldquoMeokseonrsquoi ppumeonaedeut dongyangeui yeokdongjeogin seonrdquo 먹선이 뿜어내

듯 동양의 역동적인 禪 [ ldquoInk-strokes eliminating the Dynamic Sŏn of the Eastrdquo] in Seon Munhwa nordm 7 p 20ndash23

mdash (2005) ldquoDalmaeui seonbeopi dongtoro gan katalgeun han pok eui dalmadoro dwesala nan dalmaseonrdquo 달마의 선법이 동토東土로 간 까닭은 한 폭의 달마도로 되살아 난 달마선 [ldquoWhy did Bodhidharmarsquos Zen teaching went to the Eastrdquo] in Seon Munhwa nordm 12 p 30ndash37

Korean Buddhist Research Institute (ed) (1998) Sǒn Thought in Korean Buddhism Seoul Dongguk University Press

spiro A (1988) ldquoNew Light on Gu Kaizhirdquo in Journal of Chinese Religions nordm 16 p 1ndash17stevens J Y and Rae A (1990) ZENGA Brushstrokes of Enlightenment New Orleans

Museum of Artsuler J R (1993) Contemporary Psychoanalysis and Eastern Thought Albany State

University of New Yorktylor E B (1920) Primitive Culture Researches into the Development of Mythology Philosophy

Religion Language Art and Custom 2 vols London John MurrayyAmpolsky P B (1967) The Platform Sutra of the 6th Patriarch New Yorkmdash (1983) ldquoNew Japanese Studies in Early Chrsquoan Historyrdquo in W Lai and L R Lancaster

(eds) Early Chrsquoan in China and Tibet Berkeley Buddhist Studies Series p 1ndash11Yi Dong-Ju (1973) Hanguk hwehwa saron (Korean Art History) Seoul Yeolhwadang[Yi Jeong-hwa] 이정화 (2002) ldquoDalmadorsquoe damgyeojin munyeom musin eui hyanggiro cham-

nareul Channeunda Beomju seunimrdquo 달마도에 담겨진 무념 무심의 향기로 참나를 찾는다

범주스님 [ldquoThe fragrance of no-mind is within Bodhidharma-paintings Through this fra-grance we try to find the truthrdquo] in Seon Munhwa nordm 5 p 52ndash55

[Yi Ju-yeon] 이주연 (2005) ldquoGibokeul dwieoneom neun bosihaengeui Dalmadordquo 기복을 뛰

어넘는 보시행의 달마도 [ldquoOffering Bodhidharma-paintigs for transcending fluctuationrdquo] in Seon Munhwa nordm 7 p 96ndash99

[Yi Yeong-hui] 이영희 (1997) Hanguk sawoneui bubyeokhwa e Daehan gochal 한국 사원의 부벽

화에 대한 고찰 [A study of the Pu-wall painting of Korean temples] unpublished MA thesis Seoul Deptartment of Art Education Graduate School of Education Dongguk University

ying Z (1981) Shaolin Kung-fu Hong Kong Kingsway Internationalyoshino H 吉野裕子 (1995) Daruma no Minzokugaku Onrsquoyo gogyo kara toku ダルマの民俗

蔵 陰陽五行から解く [The folklore of Daruma from Yin-Yangto the Five Elements Theory] Tokyo Iwanami Shoten

[Yu Hyeong-jae] 유형재 (2002) 108 Dalma 108 달마 [108 Bodhidharmas] Seoul BaekamweitZmAnn K (1996) The Cotton Genesis British Library Codex Cotton Otho B VI Princeton

University PresswelBon G R (1968) The Buddhist Nirvāna and Its Western Interpreters Chicago University of

Chicago Presswu T (1996) Masterpieces of Chinese Painting from the Museum of Fine Arts Boston Tang

through Yuan Dynasties Tōkyō Otsuka Kogeishahempel R (1960) ZENGA Malerei des Zen-buddhismus Muumlnchen R Piper

Bod

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  • capa face to face SEGUNDO VOL
  • Index Face to Face
  • Beatrix Mecsi

180 181

his left arm and presented it to Bodhidharma in an attempt to make him speak Finally he had Bodhidharmarsquos attention

There is no peace in my mind Please calm down my mind ndash asked HuikePut it in front of me then I will calm it down ndash replied BodhidharmaBut where shall I look for my mind ndash asked Huike ndash I donrsquot find it anywhereThere now ndash answered Bodhidharma ndash I have already calmed it down

Huike in this moment gained enlightenment16 One day Bodhidharma felt the urge to go back to India so he asked all his disciples to tell him what they had learnt from his teachings and how much they had understood17 When the disciples recounted their interpretations one by one Bodhidharma told Daofu ldquoYou only grasped the skinrdquo To nun Zongchi ldquoyou only grasped the bonerdquo Then to Huike ldquoYou grasped the marrowrdquo Thus Huike became the second Chinese Chan patriarch after Bodhidharma who is considered the 28th Patriarch of Chan Buddhism18 This identification follows a story which traces the Chan teachings back to the Buddha himself and how one day as he was sit-ting on a hill and without saying a word picked out a kumbala flower Nobody understood its significance except Mahakashyapa who became his successor the second patriarch after Shakyamuni Buddha Following an uninterrupted line Bodhidharma is the 28th in the Indian lineage and the first in the Chinese lineage of the Chan patriarchate19 Bodhidharma died before he could return to his homeland some say his rivals poisoned him20 He was buried in North

16 For more on Huike see Chapin 1945ndash1946 The calming of the mind (or in other words anxin dialogue first appears in the middle of the 10th century (See Zutang ji (Anthology of the Patriarch Hall) dated 952)

17 The number of his disciples differs across written sources In the first versions of the legend he only mentioned two disciples See Xu gaoseng zhuan (645) Chuan fabao ji (710) Lengqie shizi ji (c 730) From the second half of the 8th century three are mentioned in Lidai fabao ji (740) and four in Baolin zhuan (801) Zutang ji (952) Jingde chuandeng lu (1004) and in Chuan fa zhengzong ji (1061) Still he only has one disciple in Liuzu tan jing (c 830) and Song gaoseng zhuan (988) The first mention of the ldquoflesh bones and marrowrdquo story is in the Lidai fabao ji (774) thereafter it became a common part of the legend

18 The enumeration of the patriarchs first appeared in the Baolin zhuan (801) according to which Bodhidharma is considered 28th in line Later this numbering became widely accepted

19 Dafan tianwang wenfa jieyi jing (T 2006 p 48 325b7ndash12) Nukariya Kaiten writes that ldquothe book in which this incident is described is entitled Sutra on the Great Brahman Kingrsquos Questioning Buddha to Dispel a Doubt but there exists no original text or any Chinese translation in the Tripitaka It is highly probable that some early Chinese Chan scholar of the [Northern] Song dynasty (960ndash1126) fabricated the tradition because Wang An-shih a powerful minister under the emperor Shen-tsung is said to have seen a book in the Imperial Library There is however no evidence as far as we know pointing to the existence of the Sutra in China In Japan there exist in manuscript form two different translations of that book kept in secret veneration by some Zen masters which have been proved to be fictitious by the present writer after his close examination of the contentsrdquo (Kaiten 1913 p 3)

20 On Bodhidharmarsquos poisoning the earliest surviving document is from the 8th century (Chuan fabao ji c 710)

A special transmission outside the scripturesNot depending on words and lettersDirectly pointing to the humanrsquos mindUnderstanding onersquos own nature12

There is a legend which tells how once during meditation Bodhidharma was overcome by drowsiness and became so angry that he tore off his eyelids from which grew a tea shrub with the leaves that were used to provide a refreshing drink throughout East Asia13 And as he spent so much time without mov-ing his legs and arms atrophied and fell off14 But still he was also consid-ered as the founder of the famous martial art Shaolin gongfu (kungfu)15 While Bodhidharma was sitting meditating in the cave a man Senguang later known as Huike came asked him to accept him as a disciple and begged to be taught by the master however Bodhidharma failed to notice him It was snowing heav-ily but Huike continued to wait patiently outside the cave for Bodhidharma to respond and then in final despair and as a mark of sincere intention he cut off

12 My translation differs slightly from versions found in several different publications The important emphasis on personal experience versus written words was very possibly a Daoist influence (Laozi 1994)

13 I have not found the original version of this legend in the primary sources I have collected This episode might be an early 20th-century European creation possibly the result of an incorrect translation made by Engelbert Kaempfer (1651ndash1716) a German traveller and physician After Kaempfers death his mostly unpublished manuscripts were bought by Sir Hans Sloane and taken to England Among them was a History of Japan translated from the manuscript into English by JG Scheuchzer and published in London in 2 vols in 1727 The original German remains unpub-lished the extant German version being taken from the English (Engelbert Kaempfer MD (1727) The History of Japan Together with a Description of the Kingdom of Siam transl JG Scheuchzer 1906 James MacLehose eds reprint AMS New York 3 volumes) courtesy of Dr John Jor-gensen (Griffith University Australia) through personal communication in April 2007

14 This accounts for the armless and legless round-shaped popular dolls of Bodhidharma the so-called ldquoDaruma dollsrdquo found in Japan This episode is also not found in the primary written sources I con-sider it a secondary addition to the legend and some existing visual sources In my opinion there were some dolls shaped like the ldquowould-be Daruma dollsrdquo before people started to identify those dolls with the meditation monk who spent nine years in meditation without moving As the original meanings of such roly-poly dolls faded they gained popularity with the new meaning and the makers of such dolls deliberately altered the old form to fit the new meaning The oldest object I have come across in the form of a round-shaped legless and armless figure is a glazed earthenware whistle sancai from a Tang dynasty tomb (Pacific Asia Museum Pasadena California object number 1995 1025)

15 The text called Yijin Jing which was said to have been found in the Qing period (1644ndash1911) in Shaolin Temple and related to Bodhidharma stresses the cultivation of the body as well as the mind an idea which probably comes from Daoism The Lokapalas (Defenders of the Buddhist Law) in East Asian iconography are said to have shown a defending pose the arhat-pose associ-ated with the later gongfu [kung-fu] (Kim Cheol 1986 p 171) In Shaolin Temple in the Hall of the White Robe Avalokiteśvara a wall painting shows Indian and Chinese monks practising gongfu [kung-fu] (No date given by Choi 1995 p 76) Military monks used concentration and special mental techniques in martial arts This might be a reason why the warrior rulers the shōguns and the samurai in Japan favoured Zen Buddhism About the idea of Dao [Tao] as used for martial arts in East Asian Aesthetics and Art Theories (Nishiyama 1992 p 141ndash148)

Bod

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182 183

from the West and in addition that not only were tales about Western monks and religious figures mixed into the legend but that indigenous Chinese myths and beliefs were too as well as acting as a conduit for aspirations of religious power And as a later phenomenon there are accounts of Christian mission-aries who believed this man from the West was familiar with Christianity or more precisely that he was a Christian apostle (Faure 1993)

Iconography of Bodhidharma

Turning to the visual sources of Bodhidharma first we should describe the dif-ferent iconographical types of Bodhidharma and show examples of them from China Korea and Japan

Even for those familiar with the images of East Asia sometimes it is very dif-ficult to name depicted figures because of the lack of inscriptions especially in the late phases of the development of certain iconographies This is due to the tendency of using pre-existing patterns and giving them new meaning as was the case in the Western culture during the early Middle Ages when the pagan Apollo figure was used to represent Jesus Christ Rather than inventing completely new imagery combining existing intellectual and religious systems is an easier way to proceed Therefore we often find that artists were inspired by previous visual models rather than relying primarily on textual sources In many cases these textual sources themselves were also inspired by previous visual representations As the meaning of the depicted figure changed in soci-ety and in the mind of the artist inevitably certain forms merged and new pic-torial representations were produced Being careful with the identification of the earliest images is most important because they can give us vital clues for the history of certain iconographic types

Among the earliest images there are two distinct iconographic types which later became entangled One is a beardless figure in the other the more popu-lar representation Bodhidharma appears as a hairy bearded man with a stocky build exaggerated foreign features often wearing a hood The majority of the images of Bodhidharma are a half body or bust portrait The remaining group includes full body portraits where we can differentiate between standing and sitting images Among the standing images we find Bodhidharma crossing the Yangzi River on a reed carrying one shoe or sandal or a combination of the two themes or sometimes without any such objects Among sitting images we find Bodhidharma in a chair (especially in the earliest periods) or sitting in meditation occurring either in a landscape or entirely removed from time and space with no background or sense of surroundings The landscape set-ting varies For instance there is Bodhidharma in a cave (a more common

China on a mountain called Xiangershan (Bear Ear Mountain) Not long after his death a Chinese Wei official Song Yun21 on his way back to China having been sent by the empress dowager to search for Buddhist works encountered Bodhidharma on Congling (Onion Range) in the Pamir Mountains travelling in the direction of India holding one sandal22 When Song Yun told this story to the emperor Bodhidharmarsquos tomb was opened but nothing was found in the tomb except for a single sandal of the pair that Bodhidharma had been car-rying It is also known from legend that Bodhidharma was reborn as a beggar in Japan where he met Shōtoku Taishi the famous prince a great patron and champion of Buddhism in Japan at the Kataoka crossroads23 They exchanged poems and the prince gave him his mantle just as in Western tradition St Martin shares his cloak with a beggar who he recognizes as Jesus Christ The following day the prince ordered his servants to check on the man he had met but they told him that the beggar had died When the prince heard this story he became very sad and explained to his servants that the man he met was not a simple beggar but a saint He buried him and later sent a messenger to the tomb who returned with the news that the body had vanished and all that was there was the mantle given by the prince

The Textual Sources in the Light of the Nature of the Bodhidharma legend

There are many biographical accounts of Bodhidharma and several works attributed to him But we now know the majority of these works to be apoc-ryphal (Sekiguchi 1957) Some scholars such as Feng Youlan [Fung Yu-lan] (1953) and Paul Pelliot (1923) deny his historical existence and consider Bodhidharma a fictious character for religious purposes My opinion is close to these scholars but I do not deny so absolutely the lack of truth behind the leg-ends or consider them a deliberate ldquolierdquo Based on the Bodhidharma legends in literary and pictorial sources we can suppose the existence of monks who travelled to China from the West with the aim of spreading Buddhist doctrine in the East During the course of my research I have become convinced that the personality of Bodhidharma is an amalgamation of several persons coming

21 His travel record has been translated by Samuel Beal Travels of Fa-hsien and Sung-yun Buddhist Pilgrims from China to India London 1869 (Yampolsky 1967 p 10ndash11)

22 Bodhidharmarsquos meeting with the Wei official first appears in the Xu gaoseng zhuan (645) But reference to the sandal to claim the authenticity of identification of the man in the Pamirs with Bodhidharma only appears in textual sources from the end of the 8th century ( Lidai fabao ji 774)

23 The original story which served as the basis of this tale is in Nihon Shoki (Chronicle of Japan) written in 720 The identification of the beggar with Bodhidharma had already appeared in the 8th century (Ihon Jōgū Taishiden dated 771) Further details in Nishimura 1985 299-310

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184 185

version)24 situated under a tree25 or the combination of the two According to the type of representation we can differentiate between en-face three-quarter profile profile portraits and representations showing Bodhidharma from the back Within the simplified profile and back portraits in set against a timeless and spaceless background there developed a specific iconographic type the ldquoone-brushstroke Bodhidharmardquo which together with the circle (Jp ensō) had an interesting religious-spiritual significance in Chan Buddhism Depending on context one finds single Bodhidharma pictures as well as pictures that form part of a group and sometimes examples where he is represented on the middle panel of a triptych Among these the oldest type is the group representation Maintained genealogy was not the only reason for group portraits The multi-plication of images also had a religious-spiritual significance

Bodhidharma in KoreaPrevious researches on Korean Seon Painting

Compared to the published material and related pictorial art on the Chinese and Japanese meditation school there are only a few sources available on Seon the Korean meditation school There are not enough studies in Western lan-guages that view Buddhism in East Asia including Korea in detail This is partly because of the official ideology of the relatively recent Joseon dynasty (1392ndash1910) was based on Neo-Confucianism with Buddhism a reduced pres-ence following the immense political power Buddhist monasteries had held in the previous period (Goryeo 935ndash1392) when the clergy of the monasteries actively participated in politics

There is little research on the artistic practice associated with Korean medi-tational Buddhism which is more neglected than the religious doctrinal aspects of Seon There is virtually no material on this topic in Western languages but the few sources available in Korean are not always critical but do make a great contribution to our knowledge and provide good reference materials

Gim Myeongguk (Kim Myeongguk) and the problem of Bodhidharma as Huineng

The earliest surviving pictures of Bodhidharma made by Korean masters are from the 16th and the 17th centuries and have a strong connection with Japan

24 Apart from the fact that cave temples were common in India and China their symbolism also plays a role in the interpretation of Bodhidharma imagery

25 Sitting under a tree is a reference to Shakyamuni Buddharsquos enlightenment But the activity is also associated with Buddharsquos contemporary Mahavira the founder of Jainism (Eliade 1997 p 71)

Bod

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Fig 3

Unknown painter Huineng

(from Sancaituhui) Ming

period (1609) print

Reproduced in Sancaituhui

edited by Wang Qi

and Wang Siyi 317

Fig 4

Unknown painter

Bodhidharma with Huike

Joseon period wall painting

Geukrakjeon Daewonsa

Boseong South Jeolla

Province Republic of Korea

186 187

Among them the most famous are Gim Myeonggukrsquos (c 1600ndashafter 1662)26 Bodhidharma paintings which long remained a model for the later artists approaching the theme Gim Myeongguk was a member of the Dohwaseo Royal Painting Institute His contemporaries described him as a carefree drunkard a characterization that corresponds to the Chinese image of the eccentric artist and we know that during his stay in Japan his paintingsrsquo broad forceful brush-strokes suggest such an eccentricity27

In 1637 and 1643 Gim Myeongguk visited Japan as a member of an offi-cial delegation28 It has been said that like Han Sigak he was probably drawn to ZenSeon Buddhist figure painting through commissions from Japanese patrons who generally preferred Buddhist themes (Yi Tong-ju 1973 p 54-58) Many of his paintings held in Japanese collections are of this genre whereas contemporary painting in Korea was dominated by secular themes The style of both Gim Myeonggukrsquos landscapes and his figure paintings is very similar to that of the Chinese Zhe School particularly the works of the eccentric Wu Wei The Seoul National Museum has the most impressive example in this style and his most famous painting of Bodhidharma where the patriarch is captured with a few forceful yet delicate brushstrokes

Among Gim Myeonggukrsquos Bodhidharma paintings a triptychrsquos central panel in the Tokyo National University of Arts shows the Bodhidharma cross-ing water on a reed (Fig 2) His head is covered with a dark hood which is most unusual in this kind of representation yet we can find its source in the famous Ming Chinese printed book Sancai tuhui [Kor Samjaedohwi] an impor-tant resource for the artists with illustrations of famous Daoist and Buddhist masters on every page In this book the Sixth Chan patriarch Huineng is seen in a dark hood and similar facial expressions29 so we might suppose that Gim Myeongguk had used this pattern book adding a little modification to suit his subject (Fig 3) Using Huinengrsquos iconography based on the Sancai tuhui and followed by the Xianfo qizong [Kor Hongssiseonbulgijong] printed in 1602 the

26 According to the ldquoDongguk Munheon rokrdquo (Collection of Records of the Eastern Countries) chapter ldquoHwaga pyeonrdquo (Chapter on painters) his family comes from Ansan also called Yeonseong So maybe this is the origin of his pen name Yeondam (Lotus pond) But as he was connected to Buddhism the lotus in his pen name probably had Buddhist significance His other names were Cheonrsquoyeo (heavenly water) and Chui ong (drunken old man) (O SeChang chapter on Gim Myeongguk) Unfortunately we donrsquot have many written sources on him his birth and death dates are unknown He used three differently written forms of ldquoMyeongrdquo in his name but according to recent research there was no consistency in the way he used the different characters in his name so they do not help date his paintings (Deoksu 1999 see table for the chronology of his use of different characters p 49)

27 We know several stories about him written by Nam Yuyong (1698 ndash 1773) in the collection called Noe Yeon jip (Nam Yuyong Noeyeonjip Jinhwisok ko pp 35ndash36)

28 He stayed for ten months in 163729 Huinengrsquos dark hood existed as a visual formula from the 12th century where we can see Huineng

represented among the patriarchs wearing a separate hood which was darkened in later copies

Bod

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Fig 5

Unknown painter Bodhidharma

with Huike Joseon period

wall painting 267sum140 cm

Eungjinjeon Tongdosa Yangsan

city South Gyeongsang

Province Republic of Korea

Fig 6

Unknown painter Bodhidharma

Ming period rubbing from a

stone relief Shaolin Monastery

Songshan Henan Province

Peoplersquos Republic of China

188 189

hood is no darker than the robe itself which we also find in other represen-tations of Bodhidharma The wall painting of the Geukrak Hall of Daewon temple in South Jeolla province shows Bodhidharma with the same features as the image of Huineng seen in both model books but we can be sure about the identity of the figure in the wall painting as it shows Huike presenting Bodhidharma a severed arm (Fig 4)

The ldquoOriginalrdquo Model from Shaolin Monastery

Other paintings showing Bodhidharma with Huike are quite different from the one discussed above One of Korearsquos three most famous temples the Tongdosa has a wall painting dated around 1670 where a bearded figure with large eyes is seen in profile sitting on a straw mat under a pine tree and holding a begging bowl A young noticeably smaller monk holds a book and bows before the seated man (Fig 5) There is no hint of the removed arm but then how do we know that this person is Bodhidharma Our question leads us back to China to the model preserved at the famous Shaolin monastery a place strongly connected with Bodhidharma him-self The image preserved here shows its subject in the same posture as the seated figure in the wall painting (Fig 6) Recently in 1992 the same face type was used as a model for a commission by a Chinese artist on a Bodhidharma sculpture for the Waujeong temple in Gyeonggi province in Korea (Fig 7)30 In Korearsquos other famous monastery the Haeinsa where the printing blocks of the Buddhist canon the Tripitaka Koreana are kept there is another Bodhidharma painting from the Joseon period which bears a resemblance to the wall painting at Tongdosa We can see its influence on other Bodhidharma paintings too where the facial expressions are similar though the setting is different (eg the painting in the Emille Museum)

Gim Hongdo (Kim Hongdo) and the Problems of Bodhidharma as an Immortal

In the oeuvre of another famous Korean artist Gim Hongdo (1745ndashafter 1814) who is considered one of the most outstanding artists of the Joseon period (1392ndash1910) we find paintings showing figures standing or sitting on a reed One of them where the figure is standing on a reed bears an inscription ldquoPicture of crossing the sea on a reedrdquo (Fig 8) Even though we know stories from Japan claiming that Bodhidharma actually crossed the sea and went to Japan this tra-dition can be also traced back to the depiction of the Daoist immortalsrsquo cross-ing the sea and has a long history in iconography that predates Bodhidharmarsquos

30 In the Korean Seon Buddhist magazine Seon Munhwa (Pyeon Jippu 2002 20ndash21) we read that the erection a sculpture made in China was an attempt to access the ldquorealrdquo image of Bodhidharma while also using the most authentic Chinese sources

Bod

hidharm

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Fig 7

Chinese sculptor (name

unknown) Bodhidharma

Sculpture in Korea 1992

[bronze] Waujeongsa

Yeongin Gyeonggi Province

Republic of Korea Photograph

taken by the author in 2006

Fig 8

Gim Hongdo (1745-1806)

Standing Figure on a Reed

19th century inscription

ldquoCrossing the sea on a reedrdquo

Colors on paper

Gansong Art Gallery Seoul

Reproduced in Choi Seon-taek

[Korean Seon Painting] pl 40

190 191

appearance In the case of Gim Hongdo we know that he painted Daoist topics too And if we look at the figure in his painting we see his East Asian rather than Western features and the fur around his waist which also suggests immor-tal qualities (as a parallel see Shen Choursquos painting of an immortal from China in the Nelson-Atkins Museum) The other painting shows a young boy sitting and sleeping on a reed a topic which was also popular among artists in 18th century Korea (see Sim Sajeongrsquos (1707ndash1769) painting of a similar theme) but even though there is still some confusion in identifying this crossing fig-ure with Bodhidharma (Kim Nami 2000 90ndash91) It is very probable that the young seated figure follows the iconography of an immortal (see other young immortal figures crossing seated without a reed) This is supported by the fact that Gim Hongdo painted very similar scenes of immortals crossing water for instance one such immortal crossing on a shrimp (Fig 9)

However the strongly held view is that Gim Hongdorsquos crossing paintings representing Bodhidharma resulted in later images using this iconography either showing Bodhidharma as a young boy or showing Bodhidharmarsquos cross-ing on a reed in a seated position

We have seen from the above examples that the identification of a certain per-sonality in visual arts is interlinked with the beliefs of a given society adding new qualities to an existing legend In the case of Korean Bodhidharma imagery the tradition of arhat paintings and the Daoist immortals was a great contribution and the existence of illustrative models and pattern books are evident though their use was not always from first-hand and there was a degree of freedom in their recon-figuration as seen in the use of Huinengrsquos model in an image of Bodhidharma

Bodhidharma Images in Contemporary South Korea

Anyone who visits Korea soon encounters the representations of Bodhidharma His figure and legend are usually represented in Buddhist temples but a recent phe-nomenon has taken his figure more and more into the secular and semi-secular context such as souvenir shops not only in the vicinity of temples but in other tour-istic areas and frequently visited places like at motorway service stations or even tube stations and restaurants Popular womenrsquos magazines and television channels often carry advertisements for Bodhidharma painters offering potential well-being

Many scholarly studies have been conducted about Bodhidharma but how the image of Bodhidharma came to be commercialized it is still an understud-ied side to the area As is how the Bodhidharmarsquos representations were distrib-uted in East Asia and influenced local imagination and further representations Also worthy of attention of visual arts scholars is how certain models were used in reproducing new objects with the intent of selling them to the wider public a real phenomenon in contemporary Korea This is similar to Japan in inten-tion but the chosen sources for promoting this saintly figure are very different

Bod

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Fig 9

Gim Hongdo (1745-

1806) Immortal

crossing the sea on

a shrimp Ink and

light colors on paper

331sum41 cm Sun

Moon University

Museum Collection

(Sun Moon Collection

2001 pl83 p280)

Fig 10

Katsushika Hokusai

(1760-1849) Big

Daruma ca 1817 ink

on paper Reproduced

in Timon Screech

The Lens Within the

Heart The Western

Scientific Gaze and

Popular Imagery in

Later Edo Japan

London Routledge

Curzon 2002 p 243

pl140

192 193

The manner in which Bodhidharma images enter the secular world differs con-siderably between the Japanese islands and Korea

When we look at the ways Bodhidharma images are popularized in modern and contemporary East Asia we find some basic differences between China Korea and Japan

Among these countries Japan was the first one to popularize Bodhidharma on a large scale not only in simplified ink paintings usually executed by monk paint-ers and in popular colour prints but in a form of a roly-poly doll called Daruma

The transformation of the image of a religious founder into a doll is an interesting phenomenon which only appeared in Japan and this form of representation entered Korea as a symbol of Japaneseness rather than the representation of Bodhidharma himself (for example as a sign in Japanese restaurants like the waving cat)

In China the popularization of Bodhidharma only happened recently but here the visual appearance does not play as such an important role as it does in Japan or Korea Here the cult flourishes especially around the Shaolin mon-astery and mainly among martial arts practitioners to whom Bodhidharma is venerated as the founder of Shaolin kungfu

In Korea producing Bodhidharma images and objects was a fashion in the last decades and increased considerably in the last couple of years It started in 1988 with the Seoul Olympics when the so-called gold cards were launched the market These gold cards are small cards painted with real gold paint usu-ally with some lucky representations like the twelve Oriental zodiac animals Taoist talismans and for Westerners four-leaf clovers images of Jesus Christ but more and more with the image of Bodhidharma

Contemporary painters also turned towards the image of the saint and we find not only monks but some professional painters also started to revitalize his image We clearly see this not only in art shops and exhibitions but also in the publica-tions of several books and albums devoted exclusively to Bodhidharma paintings31

The structure of these books is the same where each painting (usually 100 or more often 108) is followed by a poem or explanation related to the legend or some Buddhist teaching These books often combine the pattern book for-mat with the drawing manual with tips on how to draw Bodhidharma Korean painters of Bodhidharma generally use such pattern books together with other publications on Buddhist imagery and in many cases it is obvious where their models came from showing clear formal affinities with their models However at the same time spontaneous ink paintings require some expression from the artist thus making them very personal and spiritually charged pieces

31 For example Hong Ip-Yo Yi Byoung-kyo Dalmado (Bodhidharma-paintings) Seoul Jayu Segye Publ 1993 Gim Chrsquoangbae Hangukeui Dalmado (Korean Bodhidhma Paintings) Seoul Ehwa Munhwa Publishing 1999 Gim Nami Geurimeuro mannaneun Dalma (Meeting Bodhidharma on Pictures) Seoul Shikongsa Publ 2000 Beomju seunim Dalma seonmuk (Monk Beomju Ink Paintings of Bodhidharma) Seoul Hakmunsa Publishing 2001 Yu Hyeongjae 108 Dalma (108 Bodhidharma) Seoul Baekam Publishing 2002

Bod

hidharm

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and com

mercialization of the legend

ary founder of C

han Bud

dhism

in East A

siaB

eatr

ix M

ecsi

When talking about popularization we have to mention the importance of major public events and how some artists have used these occasions to propa-gate the image of Bodhidharma

In 2002 when Korea and Japan held the FIFA World Cup monk-painter Gim Dongseong (b 1954) showed his new works in both countries representing Bodhidharma with a football updating the figure in a manner appropriate for the event However he also included a philosophical explanation for his paintings referring to the basic qualities and shared pronunciation for the word ldquoballrdquo (Kor gong) and emptiness (also gong) an important concept in Buddhism (Skt śunyata)

In 2005 during the International APEC (Asian Pacific Economic Cooperation) meeting in Busan monk Beomju (b 1943) made a public performance by making a huge Bodhidharma painting Painting large scale Bodhidharma images for public events can be traced back to earlier traditions It is recorded that the famous Ukiyo-e artist Hokusai (1760ndash1849) also made a similarly giant image in year 1804 (Fig 10)32

Painting Bodhidharma as a performance is not so rare among Korean monk-artists and Jung Gwang the ldquomad monkrdquo (1934ndash2002) who gained interna-tional reputation with his daring Bodhidharma paintings and performances even influenced contemporary expressionist art in the West

In sum in Korean visual arts and Buddhism there is a burgeoning trend in the production and distribution of images of the first Chan patriarch which requires an attempt to understand it in the context of its inner developments and history while placing it within the larger context of other Asian countries

Bibliography

Addiss S (1989) The Art of Zen Paintings and Calligraphy by Japanese Monks 1600-1925 New York Charles Miers

Addiss S and Seo A Y (1998) The Art of 20th Century Zen Paintings and Calligraphy by Japanese Masters Boston Shambala

AwAkAwA Y (1970) Zen Painting Tokyo Kodansha InternationalBDK English Tripitaka (2006) Numata Center for Buddhist TraditionBukkyō Daijiten (1933) compiled by Mochizuki ShinkyōBukkyō Daijiten HakkōshoBArnet S and Burto W (1982) Zen Ink Paintings Tokyo KodanshaBelting H (1987) The End of the History of Art (trans C Wood) Chicago University of Chicago

Press[Beomju seunim Dalma seonmuk] (2001) 범주스님 달마 선묵 [Monk Beomjursquos ink paintings of

Bodhidharma] Seoul Hakmunsa[Boun Jippu] 보운 집부 (2002) ldquo1300yeonyeonmane Dalma daesa uri nara e bongrsquoandwaedardquo

1300 여년만에 달마 대사 우리나라에 봉안되다 [ldquoIt was more than 1300 years since Grand Master Bodhidharma was enshrined in Koreardquo] Seon Munhwa 4 p 20ndash21

Brinker H (1973) Die Zen-buddhistische Bildnismalerei in China und Japan Muumlnchener Ostasiatische Studien vol 10 Wiesbaden Franz Steiner

32 Kōriki Enkōan from Hokusai taiga sokusho saizu c 1817 Nagoya City Museum

194 195

mdash (1987) ldquoThe Daruma-shū Dōgen and Sōtō Zenrdquo in Monumenta Nipponica vol 42 nordm 1 p 25ndash55

mdash (1991) The Rhetoric of Immediacy A Cultural Critique of ChanZen Buddhism Princeton New Jersey Princeton University Press

mdash (1993) Chan Insights and Oversights (An Epistemological Critique of the Chan Tradition) Princeton New Jersey Princeton University Press

mdash (1996) Visions of Power Princeton Princeton University Pressmdash (1997) The Will to Orthodoxy A Critical Genealogy of Northern Chan Buddhism Stanford

California Stanford University Pressmdash (2003) ldquoLa double vie du patriacherdquo in Kyburz J A et al (eds) Eloge des sources

Reflets du Japon ancien et moderne Paris Editions Philippe Picquier p 509ndash538Fo-jih Chi-sung (1007-1072) and Tōrei Enji (1721ndash1792) Damoduolo Chanjing 達摩多羅禪

經 [ldquoBodhidharma Zen Sūtrardquo] (1964) Taishō Shinshū Daizōkyō Kankokai 大正新脩大蔵蔵 [ldquoTripitaka in Chineserdquo] Tōkyō Taishō Issaikyō Kankōkai (T15 No618)

Foulk G T and Sharf R H (1993ndash1994) ldquoOn the Ritual Use of Chrsquoan Portraiture in Medieval Chinardquo in Cahiers drsquoExtrecircme-Asie [Revue bilingue de lrsquoEcole Franccedilaise drsquoExtrecircme Orient Section de Kyoto] Special Issue Chrsquoan Zen Studies vol 7 p 155ndash219

Fontein J and Hickman M L (1970) Zen Painting and Calligraphy Boston Museum of Fine Arts

Fromm E Suzuki DT and DeMartino R (1960) Zen Buddhism and Psychoanalysis New York Harper and Row

gernet J (1949) Les entretiens du maicirctre de dhyāna Chen-houei du Ho-tsouml (668-760) Paris Adrian Maisonneuve

gomBrich E H (1960) Art and Illusion A Study in the Psychology of Pictorial Representation London Phaidon

mdash (1982) The Image and the Eye Further studies in the Psychology of Pictorial Representation London Phaidon

goodAll J (1979) Heaven and Earth 120 Album Leaves from a Ming Encyclopaedia San-tsrsquoai trsquou-hui 1610 London Lund Humphries

grAnoFF PH and shinohArA K (1988) Monks and Magicians Religious Biographies in Asia Motilal Banarsidass India

heine S and Wright D S (eds) (2004) The Zen Canon Oxford Oxford University Press[Hong Ip-ik and Yi Byeong-gyo] 홍입익middot이병교 (1993) Dalmado Hwabeop immun gamsang

baektae 달마도 畵法入門 鑑賞百態 [Painting Bodhidharma hundred great ways to achieve enlightenment through painting] Seoul Jayu Segye

[Hong Cha-seong and So Cheon-seok] 홍자성소천석 (1974) Hongssi seonbulgijong 홍씨 선불

기종 [Marvellous tales of immortals] Sakbuk JayuhisAmAtsu S (1971) Zen and Fine Arts from original Zen to Bijutsu (trans T Gishin) Tokyo

Kodansha Internationalhu S (1953) ldquoChan (Zen) Buddhism in China Its History and Methodrdquo in Philosophy East and

West vol 3 nordm 1 p 3ndash24mdash (1994) ldquoPutidamo gaordquo in Hu Shih Wencun Taibei Yuanliu Khuban Shiyegufen Youxian

Gongsi c Ltd vol12 p 137ndash150hyers C (1973) Zen and the Comic Spirit Philadelphia Westminster Press

Brinker H (1994) Zen in der Kunst des Malens Bern Muumlnchen Wien Otto Wilhelm Barth Verlag

Brinker H and Kanazawa H (1996) Zen Masters of Meditation in Images and Writings Based on a Catalogue of an Exhibition at the Museum Rietberg and Kyoto National Museum

Brinker H Kramers R P and Ouwehand C (eds) (1982) Zen in China Japan East Asian Art Papers of the International Symposium on Zen Zuumlrich University

BAten L (1992) Japanese Folktoys The Playful Arts Tokyo ShufunotomoBuddhist Paintings of Korea (1997ndash2004) Seoul Buddhist Cultural Properties Research

Institute vols1ndash31Buswell R (1992) The Zen Monastic Experience Buddhist Practice in Contemporary Korea

Princeton Princeton University PresscAhill J (1983) ldquoTypes of Text-Object Relationships in Chinese Artrdquo in 31st International

Congress of Human Sciences in Asia and North America (CIISHAN) Abstracts of Papers TōkyōTōhō Gakkai vol 2 p 276

cAssirer E (1953) The Philosophy of Symbolic Forms Vol1 Language (trans R Mannheim) New Haven Yale University Press

[Chang Hee-jeong] 張姬貞 (1996) Joseon hugi Jogyesan jiyeok bulhwaeui yeonrsquogu 朝鮮 後

期 曹溪山地域 佛畵의 硏究 ldquoA Study of Buddhist Paintings of Late Joseon dynasty in Monasteries on Mt Chogyerdquo in Misul Sahak Yeonrsquogu nordm 210 p 71ndash104

chApin H B (1945ndash1946) ldquoThree Early Portraits of Bodhidharmardquo in Archives of the Chinese Art Society of America nordm 1 p 66ndash95

[Choi Seok-hwan] 최석환 (2002) ldquoDalmawa yutopiardquo 달마와 유토피아 [ldquoBodhidharma and Utopiardquo] in Seon Munhwa nordm 4 p 26ndash31

[Choi Sun-taek] 최순택 (1995) Dalmadorsquoeui segye 達磨圖의 世界 [The world of Bodhidharma-paintings] Seoul Hakmunsa

mdash ldquoDalmadorsquoeui yeonrsquogurdquo 達磨圖의 硏究 (1996) [ldquoResearch on Bodhidharma-paintingsrdquo] in Gukje seonmuhakhoe 國際禪武學會 [International Association of Zen and Martial Arts] vol 5 nordm 1 p 21ndash107

mdash Hangukeui seonseohwa 한국의 선서화 (1998) [Korean Seon Painting] Seoul Hakmun[Choi Wan-su] 최완수 (1996) Seokjeong sohwajip 석정 소화집 [Painting collection of monk

Seokjeong] Seoul BeomhaDaruma ten 達磨展 (1988) [ldquoBodhidharma Exhibitionrdquo] Tōkyō Shinjuku Isetan Bijutsukan

vol 4 np 10 p 16drsquoeliA m P (ed) (1942-49) Fonti Ricciane documenti originali concernenti Matteo Ricci e la sto-

ria delle prime relazioni tra lEuropa e la Cina 1579-1615 3 vols Rome Libreria dello Statodukes T [Shifu Nagaboshi Tomio] (1994) The Bodhisattva Warriors The Origin Inner

Philosophy History and Symbolism of the Buddhist Martial Art within India and China York Beach Samuel Weiser

dumoulin H (1992) Zen Buddhism in the 20th Century (trans J S OrsquoLeary) New York and Tokyo Weatherhill

eliAde M (1997 [1978]) Vallaacutesi hiedelmek eacutes eszmeacutek toumlrteacutenete (original title Histoire des croy-ances et des ideacutees religieuses) Budapest Osiris Kiadoacute

FAure B (1986) ldquoBodhidharma as a Textual and Religious Paradigmrdquo in History of Religions vol 25 nordm3 p 187ndash198

Bod

hidharm

a in China K

orea and Jap

anMod

els for representations

and com

mercialization of the legend

ary founder of C

han Bud

dhism

in East A

siaB

eatr

ix M

ecsi

196 197

im deok-su (1999) Yeondam Kim Myeongguk eui Seonhwa yeongu [A Study of the Zen Painting by Kim Myeongguk] MA-diss Department of Buddhist Art and Culture The Graduate School of Buddhism Dongguk University Seoul Korea

JArAnd U (trans) (1987) Dialog uumlber das Ausloumlchen der Anschaung ein fruumlher Chinesischer text aus Tunhuang Frankfurt [Main] RG Fischer

Jing A (1996) ldquoThe Eight Immortals The Transformation of Trsquoang and Sung Taoist Eccentrics during the Yuumlan dynastyrdquo in Hearn M K and Smith J G (eds) Arts of The Sung and Yuumlan New York Metropolitan Museum of Art p 213ndash227

Jung K (1979) The Mad Monk Paintings of Unlimited Action Berkeley Lancaster-Miller Publishers

kAnAZAwA H (1979) Japanese Ink Painting Early Zen Masterpieces Japanese Arts Library Tokyo Kodansha International and Shibundo

kidō C (1978 [1932]) Daruma to sono shosō 達磨と其諸相 [Bodhidharma and his representa-tions] Tokyo Heigo Shuppan-sha

[Kim Chang-bae] 김장배 (1999) Hangug eui Dalmado 한국의 달마도 [Korean Bodhidharma paintings] Seoul Ehwa Munhwa

[Kim Chang-bae] 김장배 (2007) Hangug eui Modeun Dalma 한국의 모든달마 [The all Korean Bodhidharma] Seoul Seoyemunrsquoinhwa

[Kim Cheol] 김철 (1986) Taekwondo Kyoyukron (Education of Taekwondo) Seoul Wonkwang Univervisty Publlishers

[Kim Hye-jeong] 김혜정 (2002) ldquoDalma Chukgu gongeul deulda Dongseong seunimeui Dalmadordquo달마 축구공을 들다 동성스님의 달마도 [ldquoBodhidharma holds a footballrdquo] Seon Munhwa vol 4 p 22ndash25

[Kim Na-mi] 김나미 (2000) Geurimeuro mannaneun Dalma 그림으로 만나는 달마 [Meeting Bodhidharma on pictures] Seoul Shikongsa

[Kim Yong-jae] 김영재 (2001) Bulgyo misureul boneun nun 불교미술을 보는 눈 [Eye for Buddhist art] Seoul Sakyejul

[Koam] 고암 (2006) ldquoDalmado geinjeon yeoneun deuksan hwabaek ilneomeseo munyeo-muirordquo 달마도 개인전 여는 득산 화백 일념에서 무념으로 [ldquoHwabaekrsquos private exhibition of Bodhidharma-paintings From one-attachment to no-attachmentrdquo] Seon Munhwa vol 6 p 50ndash55

koderA T J (1980) Dōgenrsquos Formative Years in China London Routledge and Kegan Paul[Kōjō] 光定 (1964) ldquoDenjutsu Isshin Kaimonrdquo 伝述一心戒文 (ldquoThe Record of the Precepts in a

Mindrdquo) in Taishō Shinshū Daizōkyō Kankokai 大正新脩大蔵経 [ldquoTripitaka in Chineserdquo] Tokyo Taisho Issaikyo Kankokai nordm 74 p 639

[Kōkan Shiren] 虎関師錬 (1278-1348) (1921ndash1922) Genkō Shakusho 元亨釈書 [Buddhist his-tory of the Genkō era] vol15ndash16 Takakusu Junjirō et al (eds) Dai Nihon Bukkyō zensho Tōkyō Yoseido Reprinted Suzuki gakujutsu zaidan edition Tōkyō Kodansha 1970ndash1973 vol 62 p 66ndash230

[Kōshū] 光宗 (1276-1350) Keiran Shūyōshū 渓嵐拾葉集 (A Collection of Leaves Gathered in Stormy Streams) (T762410 532b)

kurAnAkA S (1996) ldquoShōtoku Taishi Kataoka Setsuwa no Keiseirdquo 聖徳太子片岡説話の形成 [ldquoThe formation of Prince Shōtokursquos Kataoka-talerdquo] Manrsquoyo vol 10 p 61

[Kwanjo Monk] 관조스님 (1999) Sachrsquoal Byeokhwa 사찰 벽화 [The mural paintings of Buddhist

temples] Seoul Misul Munhwa [Photographs]lAchmAn C (1993) ldquoWhy Did the Patriarch Cross the River The Rushleaf Bodhidharma

Reconsideredrdquo in Asia Major nordm 6 p 237ndash268lAncAster L R (1983) The Dirty Mop Unlimited Action Paintings and Poems by Jung Kwang the

Mad Monk Berkeley and Seoul Asian Humanities Press and Po Chin ChailAo-ce (1994) Tao Te King Az Uacutet eacutes Ereacuteny koumlnyve (Original title Laozi Daode qing (trans

Weoumlres Saacutendor and Tőkei Ferenc) Budapest TericumlopeZ D Jr (ed) (1995) Curators of the Buddha The Study of Buddhism Under Colonialism

Chicago University of Chicago Pressluo XiAnglin (1960) Tang dai Guangzhou Guangxiao si yu Zhong Yin jiao tong zhi guan xi Jiulong

Zhongguo xue she[Manbong seunim chungyo munhwajae je 48 ho] 만봉스님 중요문화재 제 48 호 [Monk Manbong

living cultural asset no48] (2002) Seoul BongwonsamArosi E (1995) Keacutep eacutes hasonmaacutes Műveacuteszet eacutes valoacutesaacuteg a 14-15 szaacutezadi Magyarorszaacutegon [Image

and likeness Art and reality in the 14th and 15th centuries in Hungary] Budapest Akadeacutemiai KiadoacutemcFArlAnd H N (1986) ldquoFeminine Motifs in Bodhidharma Symbology in Japanrdquo in Asian

Folklore Studies [Nagoya Asian Folklore Institute] nordm 14 p 167ndash191mdash (1987) Daruma The Founder of Zen in Japanese Art and Popular Culture Tokyo and New York

Kodansha InternationalmcrAe J (2001) ldquoReligion as Revolution in Chinese Historiography Hu Shih (1891-1962) on

Shen-Hui (684-758)rdquo in Cahiers drsquoExtrecircme-Asie nordm 12 p 59ndash102mecsi B (1999) ldquoHogyan lett a szentből jaacuteteacutekbabardquo [ldquoHow did a saint become a dollrdquo]

Műhely [Atelier] p 116ndash118mdash (2000) ldquoHogyan eacuterkezett Bodhidharma Japaacutenbardquo [ldquoHow did Bodhidharma arrive

to Japanrdquo] in Orientalista Nap MTA Orientalisztikai Bizottsaacuteg amp ELTE Budapest p 120ndash126 and 245ndash257

mdash (2003) ldquoIdentification problems of Korean Bodhidharma-paintingsrdquo University of Rome ldquoLa Sapienziardquo Faculty of Oriental Studies 21st AKSE Conference-papers p 155ndash162

mdash 2005 ldquoWhy did Bodhidharma Come from the West Origins of Representations of the First Zen Patriarchrdquo in Proceedings of the Hawaii International Conference on Arts and Humanities

mdash (2007) ldquoBodhidharma Images in Contemporary Korea Methods and Strategies of Using and Popularizing the Representations of the First Zen Patriarchrdquo in International Biannual Conference for the Association of Korean Studies Europe Dourdan (AKSE)-Publications

mdash (2007) ldquoBuddhist Saints Crossing the Sea Reconsidering Text-Image Relationships for Understanding the Iconography of the First Zen Patriarchrdquo in Proceedings of the Hawaii International Conference on Arts and Humanities

mdash (2007) ldquoA Szent eacutes a Jaacuteteacutekbaba A Zen Buddhizmus alapiacutetoacutejaacutenak alakja a nem-zen hagy-omaacutenyok tuumlkreacutebenrdquo [ldquoThe Saint and the DollThe founder of Zen Buddhism in the con-text of non-Zen Studiesrdquo] Japanisztika a Boumllcseacutesztudomaacutenyban Kaacuteroli Gaacutespaacuter Reformaacutetus Egyetem Budapest p 203ndash210

mdash (2007) ldquoEvolution Distribution and Commercialization of the Images of Bodhidharma Or How did a Religious Founder Become a Toyrdquo in Japanoloacutegiai Koumlrkeacutep (Istvaacuten Szerdahelyi Peacuteter Wintermantel eds) ELTE Eoumltvoumls Kiadoacute p 245ndash254

mdash (2008) ldquoThe Power on Images on Texts Re-Examined The Case of Bodhidharmarsquos Crossing

Bod

hidharm

a in China K

orea and Jap

anMod

els for representations

and com

mercialization of the legend

ary founder of C

han Bud

dhism

in East A

siaB

eatr

ix M

ecsi

198 199

and the Mass-Consumtion of Bodhidharma-images in Japan and Contemporary South Koreardquo in Oriental Archive (Archiv Orientalniacute) Quarterly Journal of African and Asian Studies Oriental Institute Prague vol 76 p 217ndash249

mdash (2008) ldquoAacutetkeleacutes a naacutedszaacutelon Keacutep eacutes szoumlveg kapcsolata a kelet-aacutezsiai vallaacutesos műveacuteszetbenrdquo [ldquoCrossing on a Reed Text-image relationships in East Asian Religious Paintingrdquo] in Kaposvaacuter Szele Baacutelint (ed) Pro Scientia Aranyeacutermesek IX Tudomaacutenyos konferenciaacuteja Pro Scientia Aranyeacutermesek Taacutersasaacutega Budapest p 46ndash58

mdash (2009) ldquoAz lsquoaacutetkeleacutes a naacutedszaacutelonrsquo legenda eredeteacutenek keacuterdeacuteseacuterőlrdquo [ldquoThe problem of the Legend of Crossing on a Reedrdquo] in Taacutevol-keleti Tanulmaacutenyok Budapest Taacutevol-keleti Inteacutezet vol 2 p 103ndash122

mdash (2010) ldquoBodhidharma in Contemporary South Korea The Founder of Chan Buddhism from Sacral to Popular Culturerdquo in Govindasamy G Park C K and Tan S K (eds) Korean affaris A contemporary view Kuala Lumpur Perpustakaan Negara Malaysia p 135ndash147

mdash (2013) Szentből jaacuteteacutekbaba A Daruma baba nyomaacuteban a Taacutevol-Keleten [ldquoDoll from a saint In Search for the Daruma doll in East Asiardquo]Lecture on 28th May 2013 Kaacuteroli Gaacutespaacuter Reformaacutetus Egyetem (12th July 2013) [online] httpwwwyoutubecomwatchv=QBCV11LGXhQampfeature=c4-overviewamplist=UUeXTAOGzx8xduHtd71ZGICQ

Nihon shoki 日本書記 [ldquoChronicle of Japanrdquo] (1987) (trans Inoue Mitsusada) Tōkyō Chūō Koronsha (Shōwa 62) p 98ndash99

nishimurA S (1985) ldquoThe Prince and the Pauper The Dynamics of a Shotoku Legendrdquo in Monumenta Nipponica vol40 Issue 3 p 299ndash310

nishiyAmA I (1992) Nihon Shisō no genryū to tenkai Ise-shi Kogakkan Daigaku ShuppanbunukAriyA K (1913) The Religion of the Samurai London Luzac amp Cootto R (1932) Mysticism East and West a Comparative Analysis of the Nature of Mysticism

(trans B L Bracey and R C Payne) London Macmillanorsquoriley M K (2001) Art Beyond the West London Laurence KingpAnoFsky E (1984) Jelenteacutes a vizuaacutelis műveacuteszetekben [The Meaning in Visual Arts]

Budapest Gondolatpelliot P (1923) ldquoNotes sur quelques artistes des six dynasties et des Trsquoangrdquo in Trsquooung Pao

vol 22 p 215ndash291Wag Qi 王圻 and Wang Siyi 王思義 (eds) (1988) Sancaituhui [Kor Samjaedohwi] 三才圖會

(Collected Illustrations of the Three Realms) Shanghai Shanghai guji chubansheSancaituhui [Kor Samjaedohwi] 三才圖會 (Collected Illustrations of the Three Realms) (2001)

Seoul Dongguk Universityseckel D (1997) Das Portraumlt in Ostasien Heidelberg Universitis Verlagsekiguchi S (1957) Daruma no Kenkyū Tokyo IwanamishArF R H (1922) ldquoThe Idolization of Enlightenment On the Mummification of Chrsquoan

Masters in Mediaeval Chinardquo in History of Religions vol 32 nordm 1 p 1ndash31mdash (1995) ldquoThe Zen of Japanese Nationalismrdquo in Lopez S and Donald Jr (eds) Curators of

the Buddha The Study of Buddhism under Colonialism Chicago and London University of Chicago Press

mdash and Sharf E H (eds) (2001) Living Images Japanese Buddhist Icons in Context Stanford Stanford University Press

[Seokcheon] 석천 (2001) ldquoDalmadowa hamkke ilcheonobaeknyeon jeoneuiroui gihaengrdquo 달

마도와 함께 일천오백년전의로의 기행 [ldquo150 years with Bodhidharma-paintingsrdquo] in Seon Munhwa nordm 8 p 99ndash105

mdash (2003) ldquoMeokseonrsquoi ppumeonaedeut dongyangeui yeokdongjeogin seonrdquo 먹선이 뿜어내

듯 동양의 역동적인 禪 [ ldquoInk-strokes eliminating the Dynamic Sŏn of the Eastrdquo] in Seon Munhwa nordm 7 p 20ndash23

mdash (2005) ldquoDalmaeui seonbeopi dongtoro gan katalgeun han pok eui dalmadoro dwesala nan dalmaseonrdquo 달마의 선법이 동토東土로 간 까닭은 한 폭의 달마도로 되살아 난 달마선 [ldquoWhy did Bodhidharmarsquos Zen teaching went to the Eastrdquo] in Seon Munhwa nordm 12 p 30ndash37

Korean Buddhist Research Institute (ed) (1998) Sǒn Thought in Korean Buddhism Seoul Dongguk University Press

spiro A (1988) ldquoNew Light on Gu Kaizhirdquo in Journal of Chinese Religions nordm 16 p 1ndash17stevens J Y and Rae A (1990) ZENGA Brushstrokes of Enlightenment New Orleans

Museum of Artsuler J R (1993) Contemporary Psychoanalysis and Eastern Thought Albany State

University of New Yorktylor E B (1920) Primitive Culture Researches into the Development of Mythology Philosophy

Religion Language Art and Custom 2 vols London John MurrayyAmpolsky P B (1967) The Platform Sutra of the 6th Patriarch New Yorkmdash (1983) ldquoNew Japanese Studies in Early Chrsquoan Historyrdquo in W Lai and L R Lancaster

(eds) Early Chrsquoan in China and Tibet Berkeley Buddhist Studies Series p 1ndash11Yi Dong-Ju (1973) Hanguk hwehwa saron (Korean Art History) Seoul Yeolhwadang[Yi Jeong-hwa] 이정화 (2002) ldquoDalmadorsquoe damgyeojin munyeom musin eui hyanggiro cham-

nareul Channeunda Beomju seunimrdquo 달마도에 담겨진 무념 무심의 향기로 참나를 찾는다

범주스님 [ldquoThe fragrance of no-mind is within Bodhidharma-paintings Through this fra-grance we try to find the truthrdquo] in Seon Munhwa nordm 5 p 52ndash55

[Yi Ju-yeon] 이주연 (2005) ldquoGibokeul dwieoneom neun bosihaengeui Dalmadordquo 기복을 뛰

어넘는 보시행의 달마도 [ldquoOffering Bodhidharma-paintigs for transcending fluctuationrdquo] in Seon Munhwa nordm 7 p 96ndash99

[Yi Yeong-hui] 이영희 (1997) Hanguk sawoneui bubyeokhwa e Daehan gochal 한국 사원의 부벽

화에 대한 고찰 [A study of the Pu-wall painting of Korean temples] unpublished MA thesis Seoul Deptartment of Art Education Graduate School of Education Dongguk University

ying Z (1981) Shaolin Kung-fu Hong Kong Kingsway Internationalyoshino H 吉野裕子 (1995) Daruma no Minzokugaku Onrsquoyo gogyo kara toku ダルマの民俗

蔵 陰陽五行から解く [The folklore of Daruma from Yin-Yangto the Five Elements Theory] Tokyo Iwanami Shoten

[Yu Hyeong-jae] 유형재 (2002) 108 Dalma 108 달마 [108 Bodhidharmas] Seoul BaekamweitZmAnn K (1996) The Cotton Genesis British Library Codex Cotton Otho B VI Princeton

University PresswelBon G R (1968) The Buddhist Nirvāna and Its Western Interpreters Chicago University of

Chicago Presswu T (1996) Masterpieces of Chinese Painting from the Museum of Fine Arts Boston Tang

through Yuan Dynasties Tōkyō Otsuka Kogeishahempel R (1960) ZENGA Malerei des Zen-buddhismus Muumlnchen R Piper

Bod

hidharm

a in China K

orea and Jap

anMod

els for representations

and com

mercialization of the legend

ary founder of C

han Bud

dhism

in East A

siaB

eatr

ix M

ecsi

  • capa face to face SEGUNDO VOL
  • Index Face to Face
  • Beatrix Mecsi

182 183

from the West and in addition that not only were tales about Western monks and religious figures mixed into the legend but that indigenous Chinese myths and beliefs were too as well as acting as a conduit for aspirations of religious power And as a later phenomenon there are accounts of Christian mission-aries who believed this man from the West was familiar with Christianity or more precisely that he was a Christian apostle (Faure 1993)

Iconography of Bodhidharma

Turning to the visual sources of Bodhidharma first we should describe the dif-ferent iconographical types of Bodhidharma and show examples of them from China Korea and Japan

Even for those familiar with the images of East Asia sometimes it is very dif-ficult to name depicted figures because of the lack of inscriptions especially in the late phases of the development of certain iconographies This is due to the tendency of using pre-existing patterns and giving them new meaning as was the case in the Western culture during the early Middle Ages when the pagan Apollo figure was used to represent Jesus Christ Rather than inventing completely new imagery combining existing intellectual and religious systems is an easier way to proceed Therefore we often find that artists were inspired by previous visual models rather than relying primarily on textual sources In many cases these textual sources themselves were also inspired by previous visual representations As the meaning of the depicted figure changed in soci-ety and in the mind of the artist inevitably certain forms merged and new pic-torial representations were produced Being careful with the identification of the earliest images is most important because they can give us vital clues for the history of certain iconographic types

Among the earliest images there are two distinct iconographic types which later became entangled One is a beardless figure in the other the more popu-lar representation Bodhidharma appears as a hairy bearded man with a stocky build exaggerated foreign features often wearing a hood The majority of the images of Bodhidharma are a half body or bust portrait The remaining group includes full body portraits where we can differentiate between standing and sitting images Among the standing images we find Bodhidharma crossing the Yangzi River on a reed carrying one shoe or sandal or a combination of the two themes or sometimes without any such objects Among sitting images we find Bodhidharma in a chair (especially in the earliest periods) or sitting in meditation occurring either in a landscape or entirely removed from time and space with no background or sense of surroundings The landscape set-ting varies For instance there is Bodhidharma in a cave (a more common

China on a mountain called Xiangershan (Bear Ear Mountain) Not long after his death a Chinese Wei official Song Yun21 on his way back to China having been sent by the empress dowager to search for Buddhist works encountered Bodhidharma on Congling (Onion Range) in the Pamir Mountains travelling in the direction of India holding one sandal22 When Song Yun told this story to the emperor Bodhidharmarsquos tomb was opened but nothing was found in the tomb except for a single sandal of the pair that Bodhidharma had been car-rying It is also known from legend that Bodhidharma was reborn as a beggar in Japan where he met Shōtoku Taishi the famous prince a great patron and champion of Buddhism in Japan at the Kataoka crossroads23 They exchanged poems and the prince gave him his mantle just as in Western tradition St Martin shares his cloak with a beggar who he recognizes as Jesus Christ The following day the prince ordered his servants to check on the man he had met but they told him that the beggar had died When the prince heard this story he became very sad and explained to his servants that the man he met was not a simple beggar but a saint He buried him and later sent a messenger to the tomb who returned with the news that the body had vanished and all that was there was the mantle given by the prince

The Textual Sources in the Light of the Nature of the Bodhidharma legend

There are many biographical accounts of Bodhidharma and several works attributed to him But we now know the majority of these works to be apoc-ryphal (Sekiguchi 1957) Some scholars such as Feng Youlan [Fung Yu-lan] (1953) and Paul Pelliot (1923) deny his historical existence and consider Bodhidharma a fictious character for religious purposes My opinion is close to these scholars but I do not deny so absolutely the lack of truth behind the leg-ends or consider them a deliberate ldquolierdquo Based on the Bodhidharma legends in literary and pictorial sources we can suppose the existence of monks who travelled to China from the West with the aim of spreading Buddhist doctrine in the East During the course of my research I have become convinced that the personality of Bodhidharma is an amalgamation of several persons coming

21 His travel record has been translated by Samuel Beal Travels of Fa-hsien and Sung-yun Buddhist Pilgrims from China to India London 1869 (Yampolsky 1967 p 10ndash11)

22 Bodhidharmarsquos meeting with the Wei official first appears in the Xu gaoseng zhuan (645) But reference to the sandal to claim the authenticity of identification of the man in the Pamirs with Bodhidharma only appears in textual sources from the end of the 8th century ( Lidai fabao ji 774)

23 The original story which served as the basis of this tale is in Nihon Shoki (Chronicle of Japan) written in 720 The identification of the beggar with Bodhidharma had already appeared in the 8th century (Ihon Jōgū Taishiden dated 771) Further details in Nishimura 1985 299-310

Bod

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184 185

version)24 situated under a tree25 or the combination of the two According to the type of representation we can differentiate between en-face three-quarter profile profile portraits and representations showing Bodhidharma from the back Within the simplified profile and back portraits in set against a timeless and spaceless background there developed a specific iconographic type the ldquoone-brushstroke Bodhidharmardquo which together with the circle (Jp ensō) had an interesting religious-spiritual significance in Chan Buddhism Depending on context one finds single Bodhidharma pictures as well as pictures that form part of a group and sometimes examples where he is represented on the middle panel of a triptych Among these the oldest type is the group representation Maintained genealogy was not the only reason for group portraits The multi-plication of images also had a religious-spiritual significance

Bodhidharma in KoreaPrevious researches on Korean Seon Painting

Compared to the published material and related pictorial art on the Chinese and Japanese meditation school there are only a few sources available on Seon the Korean meditation school There are not enough studies in Western lan-guages that view Buddhism in East Asia including Korea in detail This is partly because of the official ideology of the relatively recent Joseon dynasty (1392ndash1910) was based on Neo-Confucianism with Buddhism a reduced pres-ence following the immense political power Buddhist monasteries had held in the previous period (Goryeo 935ndash1392) when the clergy of the monasteries actively participated in politics

There is little research on the artistic practice associated with Korean medi-tational Buddhism which is more neglected than the religious doctrinal aspects of Seon There is virtually no material on this topic in Western languages but the few sources available in Korean are not always critical but do make a great contribution to our knowledge and provide good reference materials

Gim Myeongguk (Kim Myeongguk) and the problem of Bodhidharma as Huineng

The earliest surviving pictures of Bodhidharma made by Korean masters are from the 16th and the 17th centuries and have a strong connection with Japan

24 Apart from the fact that cave temples were common in India and China their symbolism also plays a role in the interpretation of Bodhidharma imagery

25 Sitting under a tree is a reference to Shakyamuni Buddharsquos enlightenment But the activity is also associated with Buddharsquos contemporary Mahavira the founder of Jainism (Eliade 1997 p 71)

Bod

hidharm

a in China K

orea and Jap

anMod

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and com

mercialization of the legend

ary founder of C

han Bud

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in East A

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Fig 3

Unknown painter Huineng

(from Sancaituhui) Ming

period (1609) print

Reproduced in Sancaituhui

edited by Wang Qi

and Wang Siyi 317

Fig 4

Unknown painter

Bodhidharma with Huike

Joseon period wall painting

Geukrakjeon Daewonsa

Boseong South Jeolla

Province Republic of Korea

186 187

Among them the most famous are Gim Myeonggukrsquos (c 1600ndashafter 1662)26 Bodhidharma paintings which long remained a model for the later artists approaching the theme Gim Myeongguk was a member of the Dohwaseo Royal Painting Institute His contemporaries described him as a carefree drunkard a characterization that corresponds to the Chinese image of the eccentric artist and we know that during his stay in Japan his paintingsrsquo broad forceful brush-strokes suggest such an eccentricity27

In 1637 and 1643 Gim Myeongguk visited Japan as a member of an offi-cial delegation28 It has been said that like Han Sigak he was probably drawn to ZenSeon Buddhist figure painting through commissions from Japanese patrons who generally preferred Buddhist themes (Yi Tong-ju 1973 p 54-58) Many of his paintings held in Japanese collections are of this genre whereas contemporary painting in Korea was dominated by secular themes The style of both Gim Myeonggukrsquos landscapes and his figure paintings is very similar to that of the Chinese Zhe School particularly the works of the eccentric Wu Wei The Seoul National Museum has the most impressive example in this style and his most famous painting of Bodhidharma where the patriarch is captured with a few forceful yet delicate brushstrokes

Among Gim Myeonggukrsquos Bodhidharma paintings a triptychrsquos central panel in the Tokyo National University of Arts shows the Bodhidharma cross-ing water on a reed (Fig 2) His head is covered with a dark hood which is most unusual in this kind of representation yet we can find its source in the famous Ming Chinese printed book Sancai tuhui [Kor Samjaedohwi] an impor-tant resource for the artists with illustrations of famous Daoist and Buddhist masters on every page In this book the Sixth Chan patriarch Huineng is seen in a dark hood and similar facial expressions29 so we might suppose that Gim Myeongguk had used this pattern book adding a little modification to suit his subject (Fig 3) Using Huinengrsquos iconography based on the Sancai tuhui and followed by the Xianfo qizong [Kor Hongssiseonbulgijong] printed in 1602 the

26 According to the ldquoDongguk Munheon rokrdquo (Collection of Records of the Eastern Countries) chapter ldquoHwaga pyeonrdquo (Chapter on painters) his family comes from Ansan also called Yeonseong So maybe this is the origin of his pen name Yeondam (Lotus pond) But as he was connected to Buddhism the lotus in his pen name probably had Buddhist significance His other names were Cheonrsquoyeo (heavenly water) and Chui ong (drunken old man) (O SeChang chapter on Gim Myeongguk) Unfortunately we donrsquot have many written sources on him his birth and death dates are unknown He used three differently written forms of ldquoMyeongrdquo in his name but according to recent research there was no consistency in the way he used the different characters in his name so they do not help date his paintings (Deoksu 1999 see table for the chronology of his use of different characters p 49)

27 We know several stories about him written by Nam Yuyong (1698 ndash 1773) in the collection called Noe Yeon jip (Nam Yuyong Noeyeonjip Jinhwisok ko pp 35ndash36)

28 He stayed for ten months in 163729 Huinengrsquos dark hood existed as a visual formula from the 12th century where we can see Huineng

represented among the patriarchs wearing a separate hood which was darkened in later copies

Bod

hidharm

a in China K

orea and Jap

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mercialization of the legend

ary founder of C

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Fig 5

Unknown painter Bodhidharma

with Huike Joseon period

wall painting 267sum140 cm

Eungjinjeon Tongdosa Yangsan

city South Gyeongsang

Province Republic of Korea

Fig 6

Unknown painter Bodhidharma

Ming period rubbing from a

stone relief Shaolin Monastery

Songshan Henan Province

Peoplersquos Republic of China

188 189

hood is no darker than the robe itself which we also find in other represen-tations of Bodhidharma The wall painting of the Geukrak Hall of Daewon temple in South Jeolla province shows Bodhidharma with the same features as the image of Huineng seen in both model books but we can be sure about the identity of the figure in the wall painting as it shows Huike presenting Bodhidharma a severed arm (Fig 4)

The ldquoOriginalrdquo Model from Shaolin Monastery

Other paintings showing Bodhidharma with Huike are quite different from the one discussed above One of Korearsquos three most famous temples the Tongdosa has a wall painting dated around 1670 where a bearded figure with large eyes is seen in profile sitting on a straw mat under a pine tree and holding a begging bowl A young noticeably smaller monk holds a book and bows before the seated man (Fig 5) There is no hint of the removed arm but then how do we know that this person is Bodhidharma Our question leads us back to China to the model preserved at the famous Shaolin monastery a place strongly connected with Bodhidharma him-self The image preserved here shows its subject in the same posture as the seated figure in the wall painting (Fig 6) Recently in 1992 the same face type was used as a model for a commission by a Chinese artist on a Bodhidharma sculpture for the Waujeong temple in Gyeonggi province in Korea (Fig 7)30 In Korearsquos other famous monastery the Haeinsa where the printing blocks of the Buddhist canon the Tripitaka Koreana are kept there is another Bodhidharma painting from the Joseon period which bears a resemblance to the wall painting at Tongdosa We can see its influence on other Bodhidharma paintings too where the facial expressions are similar though the setting is different (eg the painting in the Emille Museum)

Gim Hongdo (Kim Hongdo) and the Problems of Bodhidharma as an Immortal

In the oeuvre of another famous Korean artist Gim Hongdo (1745ndashafter 1814) who is considered one of the most outstanding artists of the Joseon period (1392ndash1910) we find paintings showing figures standing or sitting on a reed One of them where the figure is standing on a reed bears an inscription ldquoPicture of crossing the sea on a reedrdquo (Fig 8) Even though we know stories from Japan claiming that Bodhidharma actually crossed the sea and went to Japan this tra-dition can be also traced back to the depiction of the Daoist immortalsrsquo cross-ing the sea and has a long history in iconography that predates Bodhidharmarsquos

30 In the Korean Seon Buddhist magazine Seon Munhwa (Pyeon Jippu 2002 20ndash21) we read that the erection a sculpture made in China was an attempt to access the ldquorealrdquo image of Bodhidharma while also using the most authentic Chinese sources

Bod

hidharm

a in China K

orea and Jap

anMod

els for representations

and com

mercialization of the legend

ary founder of C

han Bud

dhism

in East A

siaB

eatr

ix M

ecsi

Fig 7

Chinese sculptor (name

unknown) Bodhidharma

Sculpture in Korea 1992

[bronze] Waujeongsa

Yeongin Gyeonggi Province

Republic of Korea Photograph

taken by the author in 2006

Fig 8

Gim Hongdo (1745-1806)

Standing Figure on a Reed

19th century inscription

ldquoCrossing the sea on a reedrdquo

Colors on paper

Gansong Art Gallery Seoul

Reproduced in Choi Seon-taek

[Korean Seon Painting] pl 40

190 191

appearance In the case of Gim Hongdo we know that he painted Daoist topics too And if we look at the figure in his painting we see his East Asian rather than Western features and the fur around his waist which also suggests immor-tal qualities (as a parallel see Shen Choursquos painting of an immortal from China in the Nelson-Atkins Museum) The other painting shows a young boy sitting and sleeping on a reed a topic which was also popular among artists in 18th century Korea (see Sim Sajeongrsquos (1707ndash1769) painting of a similar theme) but even though there is still some confusion in identifying this crossing fig-ure with Bodhidharma (Kim Nami 2000 90ndash91) It is very probable that the young seated figure follows the iconography of an immortal (see other young immortal figures crossing seated without a reed) This is supported by the fact that Gim Hongdo painted very similar scenes of immortals crossing water for instance one such immortal crossing on a shrimp (Fig 9)

However the strongly held view is that Gim Hongdorsquos crossing paintings representing Bodhidharma resulted in later images using this iconography either showing Bodhidharma as a young boy or showing Bodhidharmarsquos cross-ing on a reed in a seated position

We have seen from the above examples that the identification of a certain per-sonality in visual arts is interlinked with the beliefs of a given society adding new qualities to an existing legend In the case of Korean Bodhidharma imagery the tradition of arhat paintings and the Daoist immortals was a great contribution and the existence of illustrative models and pattern books are evident though their use was not always from first-hand and there was a degree of freedom in their recon-figuration as seen in the use of Huinengrsquos model in an image of Bodhidharma

Bodhidharma Images in Contemporary South Korea

Anyone who visits Korea soon encounters the representations of Bodhidharma His figure and legend are usually represented in Buddhist temples but a recent phe-nomenon has taken his figure more and more into the secular and semi-secular context such as souvenir shops not only in the vicinity of temples but in other tour-istic areas and frequently visited places like at motorway service stations or even tube stations and restaurants Popular womenrsquos magazines and television channels often carry advertisements for Bodhidharma painters offering potential well-being

Many scholarly studies have been conducted about Bodhidharma but how the image of Bodhidharma came to be commercialized it is still an understud-ied side to the area As is how the Bodhidharmarsquos representations were distrib-uted in East Asia and influenced local imagination and further representations Also worthy of attention of visual arts scholars is how certain models were used in reproducing new objects with the intent of selling them to the wider public a real phenomenon in contemporary Korea This is similar to Japan in inten-tion but the chosen sources for promoting this saintly figure are very different

Bod

hidharm

a in China K

orea and Jap

anMod

els for representations

and com

mercialization of the legend

ary founder of C

han Bud

dhism

in East A

siaB

eatr

ix M

ecsi

Fig 9

Gim Hongdo (1745-

1806) Immortal

crossing the sea on

a shrimp Ink and

light colors on paper

331sum41 cm Sun

Moon University

Museum Collection

(Sun Moon Collection

2001 pl83 p280)

Fig 10

Katsushika Hokusai

(1760-1849) Big

Daruma ca 1817 ink

on paper Reproduced

in Timon Screech

The Lens Within the

Heart The Western

Scientific Gaze and

Popular Imagery in

Later Edo Japan

London Routledge

Curzon 2002 p 243

pl140

192 193

The manner in which Bodhidharma images enter the secular world differs con-siderably between the Japanese islands and Korea

When we look at the ways Bodhidharma images are popularized in modern and contemporary East Asia we find some basic differences between China Korea and Japan

Among these countries Japan was the first one to popularize Bodhidharma on a large scale not only in simplified ink paintings usually executed by monk paint-ers and in popular colour prints but in a form of a roly-poly doll called Daruma

The transformation of the image of a religious founder into a doll is an interesting phenomenon which only appeared in Japan and this form of representation entered Korea as a symbol of Japaneseness rather than the representation of Bodhidharma himself (for example as a sign in Japanese restaurants like the waving cat)

In China the popularization of Bodhidharma only happened recently but here the visual appearance does not play as such an important role as it does in Japan or Korea Here the cult flourishes especially around the Shaolin mon-astery and mainly among martial arts practitioners to whom Bodhidharma is venerated as the founder of Shaolin kungfu

In Korea producing Bodhidharma images and objects was a fashion in the last decades and increased considerably in the last couple of years It started in 1988 with the Seoul Olympics when the so-called gold cards were launched the market These gold cards are small cards painted with real gold paint usu-ally with some lucky representations like the twelve Oriental zodiac animals Taoist talismans and for Westerners four-leaf clovers images of Jesus Christ but more and more with the image of Bodhidharma

Contemporary painters also turned towards the image of the saint and we find not only monks but some professional painters also started to revitalize his image We clearly see this not only in art shops and exhibitions but also in the publica-tions of several books and albums devoted exclusively to Bodhidharma paintings31

The structure of these books is the same where each painting (usually 100 or more often 108) is followed by a poem or explanation related to the legend or some Buddhist teaching These books often combine the pattern book for-mat with the drawing manual with tips on how to draw Bodhidharma Korean painters of Bodhidharma generally use such pattern books together with other publications on Buddhist imagery and in many cases it is obvious where their models came from showing clear formal affinities with their models However at the same time spontaneous ink paintings require some expression from the artist thus making them very personal and spiritually charged pieces

31 For example Hong Ip-Yo Yi Byoung-kyo Dalmado (Bodhidharma-paintings) Seoul Jayu Segye Publ 1993 Gim Chrsquoangbae Hangukeui Dalmado (Korean Bodhidhma Paintings) Seoul Ehwa Munhwa Publishing 1999 Gim Nami Geurimeuro mannaneun Dalma (Meeting Bodhidharma on Pictures) Seoul Shikongsa Publ 2000 Beomju seunim Dalma seonmuk (Monk Beomju Ink Paintings of Bodhidharma) Seoul Hakmunsa Publishing 2001 Yu Hyeongjae 108 Dalma (108 Bodhidharma) Seoul Baekam Publishing 2002

Bod

hidharm

a in China K

orea and Jap

anMod

els for representations

and com

mercialization of the legend

ary founder of C

han Bud

dhism

in East A

siaB

eatr

ix M

ecsi

When talking about popularization we have to mention the importance of major public events and how some artists have used these occasions to propa-gate the image of Bodhidharma

In 2002 when Korea and Japan held the FIFA World Cup monk-painter Gim Dongseong (b 1954) showed his new works in both countries representing Bodhidharma with a football updating the figure in a manner appropriate for the event However he also included a philosophical explanation for his paintings referring to the basic qualities and shared pronunciation for the word ldquoballrdquo (Kor gong) and emptiness (also gong) an important concept in Buddhism (Skt śunyata)

In 2005 during the International APEC (Asian Pacific Economic Cooperation) meeting in Busan monk Beomju (b 1943) made a public performance by making a huge Bodhidharma painting Painting large scale Bodhidharma images for public events can be traced back to earlier traditions It is recorded that the famous Ukiyo-e artist Hokusai (1760ndash1849) also made a similarly giant image in year 1804 (Fig 10)32

Painting Bodhidharma as a performance is not so rare among Korean monk-artists and Jung Gwang the ldquomad monkrdquo (1934ndash2002) who gained interna-tional reputation with his daring Bodhidharma paintings and performances even influenced contemporary expressionist art in the West

In sum in Korean visual arts and Buddhism there is a burgeoning trend in the production and distribution of images of the first Chan patriarch which requires an attempt to understand it in the context of its inner developments and history while placing it within the larger context of other Asian countries

Bibliography

Addiss S (1989) The Art of Zen Paintings and Calligraphy by Japanese Monks 1600-1925 New York Charles Miers

Addiss S and Seo A Y (1998) The Art of 20th Century Zen Paintings and Calligraphy by Japanese Masters Boston Shambala

AwAkAwA Y (1970) Zen Painting Tokyo Kodansha InternationalBDK English Tripitaka (2006) Numata Center for Buddhist TraditionBukkyō Daijiten (1933) compiled by Mochizuki ShinkyōBukkyō Daijiten HakkōshoBArnet S and Burto W (1982) Zen Ink Paintings Tokyo KodanshaBelting H (1987) The End of the History of Art (trans C Wood) Chicago University of Chicago

Press[Beomju seunim Dalma seonmuk] (2001) 범주스님 달마 선묵 [Monk Beomjursquos ink paintings of

Bodhidharma] Seoul Hakmunsa[Boun Jippu] 보운 집부 (2002) ldquo1300yeonyeonmane Dalma daesa uri nara e bongrsquoandwaedardquo

1300 여년만에 달마 대사 우리나라에 봉안되다 [ldquoIt was more than 1300 years since Grand Master Bodhidharma was enshrined in Koreardquo] Seon Munhwa 4 p 20ndash21

Brinker H (1973) Die Zen-buddhistische Bildnismalerei in China und Japan Muumlnchener Ostasiatische Studien vol 10 Wiesbaden Franz Steiner

32 Kōriki Enkōan from Hokusai taiga sokusho saizu c 1817 Nagoya City Museum

194 195

mdash (1987) ldquoThe Daruma-shū Dōgen and Sōtō Zenrdquo in Monumenta Nipponica vol 42 nordm 1 p 25ndash55

mdash (1991) The Rhetoric of Immediacy A Cultural Critique of ChanZen Buddhism Princeton New Jersey Princeton University Press

mdash (1993) Chan Insights and Oversights (An Epistemological Critique of the Chan Tradition) Princeton New Jersey Princeton University Press

mdash (1996) Visions of Power Princeton Princeton University Pressmdash (1997) The Will to Orthodoxy A Critical Genealogy of Northern Chan Buddhism Stanford

California Stanford University Pressmdash (2003) ldquoLa double vie du patriacherdquo in Kyburz J A et al (eds) Eloge des sources

Reflets du Japon ancien et moderne Paris Editions Philippe Picquier p 509ndash538Fo-jih Chi-sung (1007-1072) and Tōrei Enji (1721ndash1792) Damoduolo Chanjing 達摩多羅禪

經 [ldquoBodhidharma Zen Sūtrardquo] (1964) Taishō Shinshū Daizōkyō Kankokai 大正新脩大蔵蔵 [ldquoTripitaka in Chineserdquo] Tōkyō Taishō Issaikyō Kankōkai (T15 No618)

Foulk G T and Sharf R H (1993ndash1994) ldquoOn the Ritual Use of Chrsquoan Portraiture in Medieval Chinardquo in Cahiers drsquoExtrecircme-Asie [Revue bilingue de lrsquoEcole Franccedilaise drsquoExtrecircme Orient Section de Kyoto] Special Issue Chrsquoan Zen Studies vol 7 p 155ndash219

Fontein J and Hickman M L (1970) Zen Painting and Calligraphy Boston Museum of Fine Arts

Fromm E Suzuki DT and DeMartino R (1960) Zen Buddhism and Psychoanalysis New York Harper and Row

gernet J (1949) Les entretiens du maicirctre de dhyāna Chen-houei du Ho-tsouml (668-760) Paris Adrian Maisonneuve

gomBrich E H (1960) Art and Illusion A Study in the Psychology of Pictorial Representation London Phaidon

mdash (1982) The Image and the Eye Further studies in the Psychology of Pictorial Representation London Phaidon

goodAll J (1979) Heaven and Earth 120 Album Leaves from a Ming Encyclopaedia San-tsrsquoai trsquou-hui 1610 London Lund Humphries

grAnoFF PH and shinohArA K (1988) Monks and Magicians Religious Biographies in Asia Motilal Banarsidass India

heine S and Wright D S (eds) (2004) The Zen Canon Oxford Oxford University Press[Hong Ip-ik and Yi Byeong-gyo] 홍입익middot이병교 (1993) Dalmado Hwabeop immun gamsang

baektae 달마도 畵法入門 鑑賞百態 [Painting Bodhidharma hundred great ways to achieve enlightenment through painting] Seoul Jayu Segye

[Hong Cha-seong and So Cheon-seok] 홍자성소천석 (1974) Hongssi seonbulgijong 홍씨 선불

기종 [Marvellous tales of immortals] Sakbuk JayuhisAmAtsu S (1971) Zen and Fine Arts from original Zen to Bijutsu (trans T Gishin) Tokyo

Kodansha Internationalhu S (1953) ldquoChan (Zen) Buddhism in China Its History and Methodrdquo in Philosophy East and

West vol 3 nordm 1 p 3ndash24mdash (1994) ldquoPutidamo gaordquo in Hu Shih Wencun Taibei Yuanliu Khuban Shiyegufen Youxian

Gongsi c Ltd vol12 p 137ndash150hyers C (1973) Zen and the Comic Spirit Philadelphia Westminster Press

Brinker H (1994) Zen in der Kunst des Malens Bern Muumlnchen Wien Otto Wilhelm Barth Verlag

Brinker H and Kanazawa H (1996) Zen Masters of Meditation in Images and Writings Based on a Catalogue of an Exhibition at the Museum Rietberg and Kyoto National Museum

Brinker H Kramers R P and Ouwehand C (eds) (1982) Zen in China Japan East Asian Art Papers of the International Symposium on Zen Zuumlrich University

BAten L (1992) Japanese Folktoys The Playful Arts Tokyo ShufunotomoBuddhist Paintings of Korea (1997ndash2004) Seoul Buddhist Cultural Properties Research

Institute vols1ndash31Buswell R (1992) The Zen Monastic Experience Buddhist Practice in Contemporary Korea

Princeton Princeton University PresscAhill J (1983) ldquoTypes of Text-Object Relationships in Chinese Artrdquo in 31st International

Congress of Human Sciences in Asia and North America (CIISHAN) Abstracts of Papers TōkyōTōhō Gakkai vol 2 p 276

cAssirer E (1953) The Philosophy of Symbolic Forms Vol1 Language (trans R Mannheim) New Haven Yale University Press

[Chang Hee-jeong] 張姬貞 (1996) Joseon hugi Jogyesan jiyeok bulhwaeui yeonrsquogu 朝鮮 後

期 曹溪山地域 佛畵의 硏究 ldquoA Study of Buddhist Paintings of Late Joseon dynasty in Monasteries on Mt Chogyerdquo in Misul Sahak Yeonrsquogu nordm 210 p 71ndash104

chApin H B (1945ndash1946) ldquoThree Early Portraits of Bodhidharmardquo in Archives of the Chinese Art Society of America nordm 1 p 66ndash95

[Choi Seok-hwan] 최석환 (2002) ldquoDalmawa yutopiardquo 달마와 유토피아 [ldquoBodhidharma and Utopiardquo] in Seon Munhwa nordm 4 p 26ndash31

[Choi Sun-taek] 최순택 (1995) Dalmadorsquoeui segye 達磨圖의 世界 [The world of Bodhidharma-paintings] Seoul Hakmunsa

mdash ldquoDalmadorsquoeui yeonrsquogurdquo 達磨圖의 硏究 (1996) [ldquoResearch on Bodhidharma-paintingsrdquo] in Gukje seonmuhakhoe 國際禪武學會 [International Association of Zen and Martial Arts] vol 5 nordm 1 p 21ndash107

mdash Hangukeui seonseohwa 한국의 선서화 (1998) [Korean Seon Painting] Seoul Hakmun[Choi Wan-su] 최완수 (1996) Seokjeong sohwajip 석정 소화집 [Painting collection of monk

Seokjeong] Seoul BeomhaDaruma ten 達磨展 (1988) [ldquoBodhidharma Exhibitionrdquo] Tōkyō Shinjuku Isetan Bijutsukan

vol 4 np 10 p 16drsquoeliA m P (ed) (1942-49) Fonti Ricciane documenti originali concernenti Matteo Ricci e la sto-

ria delle prime relazioni tra lEuropa e la Cina 1579-1615 3 vols Rome Libreria dello Statodukes T [Shifu Nagaboshi Tomio] (1994) The Bodhisattva Warriors The Origin Inner

Philosophy History and Symbolism of the Buddhist Martial Art within India and China York Beach Samuel Weiser

dumoulin H (1992) Zen Buddhism in the 20th Century (trans J S OrsquoLeary) New York and Tokyo Weatherhill

eliAde M (1997 [1978]) Vallaacutesi hiedelmek eacutes eszmeacutek toumlrteacutenete (original title Histoire des croy-ances et des ideacutees religieuses) Budapest Osiris Kiadoacute

FAure B (1986) ldquoBodhidharma as a Textual and Religious Paradigmrdquo in History of Religions vol 25 nordm3 p 187ndash198

Bod

hidharm

a in China K

orea and Jap

anMod

els for representations

and com

mercialization of the legend

ary founder of C

han Bud

dhism

in East A

siaB

eatr

ix M

ecsi

196 197

im deok-su (1999) Yeondam Kim Myeongguk eui Seonhwa yeongu [A Study of the Zen Painting by Kim Myeongguk] MA-diss Department of Buddhist Art and Culture The Graduate School of Buddhism Dongguk University Seoul Korea

JArAnd U (trans) (1987) Dialog uumlber das Ausloumlchen der Anschaung ein fruumlher Chinesischer text aus Tunhuang Frankfurt [Main] RG Fischer

Jing A (1996) ldquoThe Eight Immortals The Transformation of Trsquoang and Sung Taoist Eccentrics during the Yuumlan dynastyrdquo in Hearn M K and Smith J G (eds) Arts of The Sung and Yuumlan New York Metropolitan Museum of Art p 213ndash227

Jung K (1979) The Mad Monk Paintings of Unlimited Action Berkeley Lancaster-Miller Publishers

kAnAZAwA H (1979) Japanese Ink Painting Early Zen Masterpieces Japanese Arts Library Tokyo Kodansha International and Shibundo

kidō C (1978 [1932]) Daruma to sono shosō 達磨と其諸相 [Bodhidharma and his representa-tions] Tokyo Heigo Shuppan-sha

[Kim Chang-bae] 김장배 (1999) Hangug eui Dalmado 한국의 달마도 [Korean Bodhidharma paintings] Seoul Ehwa Munhwa

[Kim Chang-bae] 김장배 (2007) Hangug eui Modeun Dalma 한국의 모든달마 [The all Korean Bodhidharma] Seoul Seoyemunrsquoinhwa

[Kim Cheol] 김철 (1986) Taekwondo Kyoyukron (Education of Taekwondo) Seoul Wonkwang Univervisty Publlishers

[Kim Hye-jeong] 김혜정 (2002) ldquoDalma Chukgu gongeul deulda Dongseong seunimeui Dalmadordquo달마 축구공을 들다 동성스님의 달마도 [ldquoBodhidharma holds a footballrdquo] Seon Munhwa vol 4 p 22ndash25

[Kim Na-mi] 김나미 (2000) Geurimeuro mannaneun Dalma 그림으로 만나는 달마 [Meeting Bodhidharma on pictures] Seoul Shikongsa

[Kim Yong-jae] 김영재 (2001) Bulgyo misureul boneun nun 불교미술을 보는 눈 [Eye for Buddhist art] Seoul Sakyejul

[Koam] 고암 (2006) ldquoDalmado geinjeon yeoneun deuksan hwabaek ilneomeseo munyeo-muirordquo 달마도 개인전 여는 득산 화백 일념에서 무념으로 [ldquoHwabaekrsquos private exhibition of Bodhidharma-paintings From one-attachment to no-attachmentrdquo] Seon Munhwa vol 6 p 50ndash55

koderA T J (1980) Dōgenrsquos Formative Years in China London Routledge and Kegan Paul[Kōjō] 光定 (1964) ldquoDenjutsu Isshin Kaimonrdquo 伝述一心戒文 (ldquoThe Record of the Precepts in a

Mindrdquo) in Taishō Shinshū Daizōkyō Kankokai 大正新脩大蔵経 [ldquoTripitaka in Chineserdquo] Tokyo Taisho Issaikyo Kankokai nordm 74 p 639

[Kōkan Shiren] 虎関師錬 (1278-1348) (1921ndash1922) Genkō Shakusho 元亨釈書 [Buddhist his-tory of the Genkō era] vol15ndash16 Takakusu Junjirō et al (eds) Dai Nihon Bukkyō zensho Tōkyō Yoseido Reprinted Suzuki gakujutsu zaidan edition Tōkyō Kodansha 1970ndash1973 vol 62 p 66ndash230

[Kōshū] 光宗 (1276-1350) Keiran Shūyōshū 渓嵐拾葉集 (A Collection of Leaves Gathered in Stormy Streams) (T762410 532b)

kurAnAkA S (1996) ldquoShōtoku Taishi Kataoka Setsuwa no Keiseirdquo 聖徳太子片岡説話の形成 [ldquoThe formation of Prince Shōtokursquos Kataoka-talerdquo] Manrsquoyo vol 10 p 61

[Kwanjo Monk] 관조스님 (1999) Sachrsquoal Byeokhwa 사찰 벽화 [The mural paintings of Buddhist

temples] Seoul Misul Munhwa [Photographs]lAchmAn C (1993) ldquoWhy Did the Patriarch Cross the River The Rushleaf Bodhidharma

Reconsideredrdquo in Asia Major nordm 6 p 237ndash268lAncAster L R (1983) The Dirty Mop Unlimited Action Paintings and Poems by Jung Kwang the

Mad Monk Berkeley and Seoul Asian Humanities Press and Po Chin ChailAo-ce (1994) Tao Te King Az Uacutet eacutes Ereacuteny koumlnyve (Original title Laozi Daode qing (trans

Weoumlres Saacutendor and Tőkei Ferenc) Budapest TericumlopeZ D Jr (ed) (1995) Curators of the Buddha The Study of Buddhism Under Colonialism

Chicago University of Chicago Pressluo XiAnglin (1960) Tang dai Guangzhou Guangxiao si yu Zhong Yin jiao tong zhi guan xi Jiulong

Zhongguo xue she[Manbong seunim chungyo munhwajae je 48 ho] 만봉스님 중요문화재 제 48 호 [Monk Manbong

living cultural asset no48] (2002) Seoul BongwonsamArosi E (1995) Keacutep eacutes hasonmaacutes Műveacuteszet eacutes valoacutesaacuteg a 14-15 szaacutezadi Magyarorszaacutegon [Image

and likeness Art and reality in the 14th and 15th centuries in Hungary] Budapest Akadeacutemiai KiadoacutemcFArlAnd H N (1986) ldquoFeminine Motifs in Bodhidharma Symbology in Japanrdquo in Asian

Folklore Studies [Nagoya Asian Folklore Institute] nordm 14 p 167ndash191mdash (1987) Daruma The Founder of Zen in Japanese Art and Popular Culture Tokyo and New York

Kodansha InternationalmcrAe J (2001) ldquoReligion as Revolution in Chinese Historiography Hu Shih (1891-1962) on

Shen-Hui (684-758)rdquo in Cahiers drsquoExtrecircme-Asie nordm 12 p 59ndash102mecsi B (1999) ldquoHogyan lett a szentből jaacuteteacutekbabardquo [ldquoHow did a saint become a dollrdquo]

Műhely [Atelier] p 116ndash118mdash (2000) ldquoHogyan eacuterkezett Bodhidharma Japaacutenbardquo [ldquoHow did Bodhidharma arrive

to Japanrdquo] in Orientalista Nap MTA Orientalisztikai Bizottsaacuteg amp ELTE Budapest p 120ndash126 and 245ndash257

mdash (2003) ldquoIdentification problems of Korean Bodhidharma-paintingsrdquo University of Rome ldquoLa Sapienziardquo Faculty of Oriental Studies 21st AKSE Conference-papers p 155ndash162

mdash 2005 ldquoWhy did Bodhidharma Come from the West Origins of Representations of the First Zen Patriarchrdquo in Proceedings of the Hawaii International Conference on Arts and Humanities

mdash (2007) ldquoBodhidharma Images in Contemporary Korea Methods and Strategies of Using and Popularizing the Representations of the First Zen Patriarchrdquo in International Biannual Conference for the Association of Korean Studies Europe Dourdan (AKSE)-Publications

mdash (2007) ldquoBuddhist Saints Crossing the Sea Reconsidering Text-Image Relationships for Understanding the Iconography of the First Zen Patriarchrdquo in Proceedings of the Hawaii International Conference on Arts and Humanities

mdash (2007) ldquoA Szent eacutes a Jaacuteteacutekbaba A Zen Buddhizmus alapiacutetoacutejaacutenak alakja a nem-zen hagy-omaacutenyok tuumlkreacutebenrdquo [ldquoThe Saint and the DollThe founder of Zen Buddhism in the con-text of non-Zen Studiesrdquo] Japanisztika a Boumllcseacutesztudomaacutenyban Kaacuteroli Gaacutespaacuter Reformaacutetus Egyetem Budapest p 203ndash210

mdash (2007) ldquoEvolution Distribution and Commercialization of the Images of Bodhidharma Or How did a Religious Founder Become a Toyrdquo in Japanoloacutegiai Koumlrkeacutep (Istvaacuten Szerdahelyi Peacuteter Wintermantel eds) ELTE Eoumltvoumls Kiadoacute p 245ndash254

mdash (2008) ldquoThe Power on Images on Texts Re-Examined The Case of Bodhidharmarsquos Crossing

Bod

hidharm

a in China K

orea and Jap

anMod

els for representations

and com

mercialization of the legend

ary founder of C

han Bud

dhism

in East A

siaB

eatr

ix M

ecsi

198 199

and the Mass-Consumtion of Bodhidharma-images in Japan and Contemporary South Koreardquo in Oriental Archive (Archiv Orientalniacute) Quarterly Journal of African and Asian Studies Oriental Institute Prague vol 76 p 217ndash249

mdash (2008) ldquoAacutetkeleacutes a naacutedszaacutelon Keacutep eacutes szoumlveg kapcsolata a kelet-aacutezsiai vallaacutesos műveacuteszetbenrdquo [ldquoCrossing on a Reed Text-image relationships in East Asian Religious Paintingrdquo] in Kaposvaacuter Szele Baacutelint (ed) Pro Scientia Aranyeacutermesek IX Tudomaacutenyos konferenciaacuteja Pro Scientia Aranyeacutermesek Taacutersasaacutega Budapest p 46ndash58

mdash (2009) ldquoAz lsquoaacutetkeleacutes a naacutedszaacutelonrsquo legenda eredeteacutenek keacuterdeacuteseacuterőlrdquo [ldquoThe problem of the Legend of Crossing on a Reedrdquo] in Taacutevol-keleti Tanulmaacutenyok Budapest Taacutevol-keleti Inteacutezet vol 2 p 103ndash122

mdash (2010) ldquoBodhidharma in Contemporary South Korea The Founder of Chan Buddhism from Sacral to Popular Culturerdquo in Govindasamy G Park C K and Tan S K (eds) Korean affaris A contemporary view Kuala Lumpur Perpustakaan Negara Malaysia p 135ndash147

mdash (2013) Szentből jaacuteteacutekbaba A Daruma baba nyomaacuteban a Taacutevol-Keleten [ldquoDoll from a saint In Search for the Daruma doll in East Asiardquo]Lecture on 28th May 2013 Kaacuteroli Gaacutespaacuter Reformaacutetus Egyetem (12th July 2013) [online] httpwwwyoutubecomwatchv=QBCV11LGXhQampfeature=c4-overviewamplist=UUeXTAOGzx8xduHtd71ZGICQ

Nihon shoki 日本書記 [ldquoChronicle of Japanrdquo] (1987) (trans Inoue Mitsusada) Tōkyō Chūō Koronsha (Shōwa 62) p 98ndash99

nishimurA S (1985) ldquoThe Prince and the Pauper The Dynamics of a Shotoku Legendrdquo in Monumenta Nipponica vol40 Issue 3 p 299ndash310

nishiyAmA I (1992) Nihon Shisō no genryū to tenkai Ise-shi Kogakkan Daigaku ShuppanbunukAriyA K (1913) The Religion of the Samurai London Luzac amp Cootto R (1932) Mysticism East and West a Comparative Analysis of the Nature of Mysticism

(trans B L Bracey and R C Payne) London Macmillanorsquoriley M K (2001) Art Beyond the West London Laurence KingpAnoFsky E (1984) Jelenteacutes a vizuaacutelis műveacuteszetekben [The Meaning in Visual Arts]

Budapest Gondolatpelliot P (1923) ldquoNotes sur quelques artistes des six dynasties et des Trsquoangrdquo in Trsquooung Pao

vol 22 p 215ndash291Wag Qi 王圻 and Wang Siyi 王思義 (eds) (1988) Sancaituhui [Kor Samjaedohwi] 三才圖會

(Collected Illustrations of the Three Realms) Shanghai Shanghai guji chubansheSancaituhui [Kor Samjaedohwi] 三才圖會 (Collected Illustrations of the Three Realms) (2001)

Seoul Dongguk Universityseckel D (1997) Das Portraumlt in Ostasien Heidelberg Universitis Verlagsekiguchi S (1957) Daruma no Kenkyū Tokyo IwanamishArF R H (1922) ldquoThe Idolization of Enlightenment On the Mummification of Chrsquoan

Masters in Mediaeval Chinardquo in History of Religions vol 32 nordm 1 p 1ndash31mdash (1995) ldquoThe Zen of Japanese Nationalismrdquo in Lopez S and Donald Jr (eds) Curators of

the Buddha The Study of Buddhism under Colonialism Chicago and London University of Chicago Press

mdash and Sharf E H (eds) (2001) Living Images Japanese Buddhist Icons in Context Stanford Stanford University Press

[Seokcheon] 석천 (2001) ldquoDalmadowa hamkke ilcheonobaeknyeon jeoneuiroui gihaengrdquo 달

마도와 함께 일천오백년전의로의 기행 [ldquo150 years with Bodhidharma-paintingsrdquo] in Seon Munhwa nordm 8 p 99ndash105

mdash (2003) ldquoMeokseonrsquoi ppumeonaedeut dongyangeui yeokdongjeogin seonrdquo 먹선이 뿜어내

듯 동양의 역동적인 禪 [ ldquoInk-strokes eliminating the Dynamic Sŏn of the Eastrdquo] in Seon Munhwa nordm 7 p 20ndash23

mdash (2005) ldquoDalmaeui seonbeopi dongtoro gan katalgeun han pok eui dalmadoro dwesala nan dalmaseonrdquo 달마의 선법이 동토東土로 간 까닭은 한 폭의 달마도로 되살아 난 달마선 [ldquoWhy did Bodhidharmarsquos Zen teaching went to the Eastrdquo] in Seon Munhwa nordm 12 p 30ndash37

Korean Buddhist Research Institute (ed) (1998) Sǒn Thought in Korean Buddhism Seoul Dongguk University Press

spiro A (1988) ldquoNew Light on Gu Kaizhirdquo in Journal of Chinese Religions nordm 16 p 1ndash17stevens J Y and Rae A (1990) ZENGA Brushstrokes of Enlightenment New Orleans

Museum of Artsuler J R (1993) Contemporary Psychoanalysis and Eastern Thought Albany State

University of New Yorktylor E B (1920) Primitive Culture Researches into the Development of Mythology Philosophy

Religion Language Art and Custom 2 vols London John MurrayyAmpolsky P B (1967) The Platform Sutra of the 6th Patriarch New Yorkmdash (1983) ldquoNew Japanese Studies in Early Chrsquoan Historyrdquo in W Lai and L R Lancaster

(eds) Early Chrsquoan in China and Tibet Berkeley Buddhist Studies Series p 1ndash11Yi Dong-Ju (1973) Hanguk hwehwa saron (Korean Art History) Seoul Yeolhwadang[Yi Jeong-hwa] 이정화 (2002) ldquoDalmadorsquoe damgyeojin munyeom musin eui hyanggiro cham-

nareul Channeunda Beomju seunimrdquo 달마도에 담겨진 무념 무심의 향기로 참나를 찾는다

범주스님 [ldquoThe fragrance of no-mind is within Bodhidharma-paintings Through this fra-grance we try to find the truthrdquo] in Seon Munhwa nordm 5 p 52ndash55

[Yi Ju-yeon] 이주연 (2005) ldquoGibokeul dwieoneom neun bosihaengeui Dalmadordquo 기복을 뛰

어넘는 보시행의 달마도 [ldquoOffering Bodhidharma-paintigs for transcending fluctuationrdquo] in Seon Munhwa nordm 7 p 96ndash99

[Yi Yeong-hui] 이영희 (1997) Hanguk sawoneui bubyeokhwa e Daehan gochal 한국 사원의 부벽

화에 대한 고찰 [A study of the Pu-wall painting of Korean temples] unpublished MA thesis Seoul Deptartment of Art Education Graduate School of Education Dongguk University

ying Z (1981) Shaolin Kung-fu Hong Kong Kingsway Internationalyoshino H 吉野裕子 (1995) Daruma no Minzokugaku Onrsquoyo gogyo kara toku ダルマの民俗

蔵 陰陽五行から解く [The folklore of Daruma from Yin-Yangto the Five Elements Theory] Tokyo Iwanami Shoten

[Yu Hyeong-jae] 유형재 (2002) 108 Dalma 108 달마 [108 Bodhidharmas] Seoul BaekamweitZmAnn K (1996) The Cotton Genesis British Library Codex Cotton Otho B VI Princeton

University PresswelBon G R (1968) The Buddhist Nirvāna and Its Western Interpreters Chicago University of

Chicago Presswu T (1996) Masterpieces of Chinese Painting from the Museum of Fine Arts Boston Tang

through Yuan Dynasties Tōkyō Otsuka Kogeishahempel R (1960) ZENGA Malerei des Zen-buddhismus Muumlnchen R Piper

Bod

hidharm

a in China K

orea and Jap

anMod

els for representations

and com

mercialization of the legend

ary founder of C

han Bud

dhism

in East A

siaB

eatr

ix M

ecsi

  • capa face to face SEGUNDO VOL
  • Index Face to Face
  • Beatrix Mecsi

184 185

version)24 situated under a tree25 or the combination of the two According to the type of representation we can differentiate between en-face three-quarter profile profile portraits and representations showing Bodhidharma from the back Within the simplified profile and back portraits in set against a timeless and spaceless background there developed a specific iconographic type the ldquoone-brushstroke Bodhidharmardquo which together with the circle (Jp ensō) had an interesting religious-spiritual significance in Chan Buddhism Depending on context one finds single Bodhidharma pictures as well as pictures that form part of a group and sometimes examples where he is represented on the middle panel of a triptych Among these the oldest type is the group representation Maintained genealogy was not the only reason for group portraits The multi-plication of images also had a religious-spiritual significance

Bodhidharma in KoreaPrevious researches on Korean Seon Painting

Compared to the published material and related pictorial art on the Chinese and Japanese meditation school there are only a few sources available on Seon the Korean meditation school There are not enough studies in Western lan-guages that view Buddhism in East Asia including Korea in detail This is partly because of the official ideology of the relatively recent Joseon dynasty (1392ndash1910) was based on Neo-Confucianism with Buddhism a reduced pres-ence following the immense political power Buddhist monasteries had held in the previous period (Goryeo 935ndash1392) when the clergy of the monasteries actively participated in politics

There is little research on the artistic practice associated with Korean medi-tational Buddhism which is more neglected than the religious doctrinal aspects of Seon There is virtually no material on this topic in Western languages but the few sources available in Korean are not always critical but do make a great contribution to our knowledge and provide good reference materials

Gim Myeongguk (Kim Myeongguk) and the problem of Bodhidharma as Huineng

The earliest surviving pictures of Bodhidharma made by Korean masters are from the 16th and the 17th centuries and have a strong connection with Japan

24 Apart from the fact that cave temples were common in India and China their symbolism also plays a role in the interpretation of Bodhidharma imagery

25 Sitting under a tree is a reference to Shakyamuni Buddharsquos enlightenment But the activity is also associated with Buddharsquos contemporary Mahavira the founder of Jainism (Eliade 1997 p 71)

Bod

hidharm

a in China K

orea and Jap

anMod

els for representations

and com

mercialization of the legend

ary founder of C

han Bud

dhism

in East A

siaB

eatr

ix M

ecsi

Fig 3

Unknown painter Huineng

(from Sancaituhui) Ming

period (1609) print

Reproduced in Sancaituhui

edited by Wang Qi

and Wang Siyi 317

Fig 4

Unknown painter

Bodhidharma with Huike

Joseon period wall painting

Geukrakjeon Daewonsa

Boseong South Jeolla

Province Republic of Korea

186 187

Among them the most famous are Gim Myeonggukrsquos (c 1600ndashafter 1662)26 Bodhidharma paintings which long remained a model for the later artists approaching the theme Gim Myeongguk was a member of the Dohwaseo Royal Painting Institute His contemporaries described him as a carefree drunkard a characterization that corresponds to the Chinese image of the eccentric artist and we know that during his stay in Japan his paintingsrsquo broad forceful brush-strokes suggest such an eccentricity27

In 1637 and 1643 Gim Myeongguk visited Japan as a member of an offi-cial delegation28 It has been said that like Han Sigak he was probably drawn to ZenSeon Buddhist figure painting through commissions from Japanese patrons who generally preferred Buddhist themes (Yi Tong-ju 1973 p 54-58) Many of his paintings held in Japanese collections are of this genre whereas contemporary painting in Korea was dominated by secular themes The style of both Gim Myeonggukrsquos landscapes and his figure paintings is very similar to that of the Chinese Zhe School particularly the works of the eccentric Wu Wei The Seoul National Museum has the most impressive example in this style and his most famous painting of Bodhidharma where the patriarch is captured with a few forceful yet delicate brushstrokes

Among Gim Myeonggukrsquos Bodhidharma paintings a triptychrsquos central panel in the Tokyo National University of Arts shows the Bodhidharma cross-ing water on a reed (Fig 2) His head is covered with a dark hood which is most unusual in this kind of representation yet we can find its source in the famous Ming Chinese printed book Sancai tuhui [Kor Samjaedohwi] an impor-tant resource for the artists with illustrations of famous Daoist and Buddhist masters on every page In this book the Sixth Chan patriarch Huineng is seen in a dark hood and similar facial expressions29 so we might suppose that Gim Myeongguk had used this pattern book adding a little modification to suit his subject (Fig 3) Using Huinengrsquos iconography based on the Sancai tuhui and followed by the Xianfo qizong [Kor Hongssiseonbulgijong] printed in 1602 the

26 According to the ldquoDongguk Munheon rokrdquo (Collection of Records of the Eastern Countries) chapter ldquoHwaga pyeonrdquo (Chapter on painters) his family comes from Ansan also called Yeonseong So maybe this is the origin of his pen name Yeondam (Lotus pond) But as he was connected to Buddhism the lotus in his pen name probably had Buddhist significance His other names were Cheonrsquoyeo (heavenly water) and Chui ong (drunken old man) (O SeChang chapter on Gim Myeongguk) Unfortunately we donrsquot have many written sources on him his birth and death dates are unknown He used three differently written forms of ldquoMyeongrdquo in his name but according to recent research there was no consistency in the way he used the different characters in his name so they do not help date his paintings (Deoksu 1999 see table for the chronology of his use of different characters p 49)

27 We know several stories about him written by Nam Yuyong (1698 ndash 1773) in the collection called Noe Yeon jip (Nam Yuyong Noeyeonjip Jinhwisok ko pp 35ndash36)

28 He stayed for ten months in 163729 Huinengrsquos dark hood existed as a visual formula from the 12th century where we can see Huineng

represented among the patriarchs wearing a separate hood which was darkened in later copies

Bod

hidharm

a in China K

orea and Jap

anMod

els for representations

and com

mercialization of the legend

ary founder of C

han Bud

dhism

in East A

siaB

eatr

ix M

ecsi

Fig 5

Unknown painter Bodhidharma

with Huike Joseon period

wall painting 267sum140 cm

Eungjinjeon Tongdosa Yangsan

city South Gyeongsang

Province Republic of Korea

Fig 6

Unknown painter Bodhidharma

Ming period rubbing from a

stone relief Shaolin Monastery

Songshan Henan Province

Peoplersquos Republic of China

188 189

hood is no darker than the robe itself which we also find in other represen-tations of Bodhidharma The wall painting of the Geukrak Hall of Daewon temple in South Jeolla province shows Bodhidharma with the same features as the image of Huineng seen in both model books but we can be sure about the identity of the figure in the wall painting as it shows Huike presenting Bodhidharma a severed arm (Fig 4)

The ldquoOriginalrdquo Model from Shaolin Monastery

Other paintings showing Bodhidharma with Huike are quite different from the one discussed above One of Korearsquos three most famous temples the Tongdosa has a wall painting dated around 1670 where a bearded figure with large eyes is seen in profile sitting on a straw mat under a pine tree and holding a begging bowl A young noticeably smaller monk holds a book and bows before the seated man (Fig 5) There is no hint of the removed arm but then how do we know that this person is Bodhidharma Our question leads us back to China to the model preserved at the famous Shaolin monastery a place strongly connected with Bodhidharma him-self The image preserved here shows its subject in the same posture as the seated figure in the wall painting (Fig 6) Recently in 1992 the same face type was used as a model for a commission by a Chinese artist on a Bodhidharma sculpture for the Waujeong temple in Gyeonggi province in Korea (Fig 7)30 In Korearsquos other famous monastery the Haeinsa where the printing blocks of the Buddhist canon the Tripitaka Koreana are kept there is another Bodhidharma painting from the Joseon period which bears a resemblance to the wall painting at Tongdosa We can see its influence on other Bodhidharma paintings too where the facial expressions are similar though the setting is different (eg the painting in the Emille Museum)

Gim Hongdo (Kim Hongdo) and the Problems of Bodhidharma as an Immortal

In the oeuvre of another famous Korean artist Gim Hongdo (1745ndashafter 1814) who is considered one of the most outstanding artists of the Joseon period (1392ndash1910) we find paintings showing figures standing or sitting on a reed One of them where the figure is standing on a reed bears an inscription ldquoPicture of crossing the sea on a reedrdquo (Fig 8) Even though we know stories from Japan claiming that Bodhidharma actually crossed the sea and went to Japan this tra-dition can be also traced back to the depiction of the Daoist immortalsrsquo cross-ing the sea and has a long history in iconography that predates Bodhidharmarsquos

30 In the Korean Seon Buddhist magazine Seon Munhwa (Pyeon Jippu 2002 20ndash21) we read that the erection a sculpture made in China was an attempt to access the ldquorealrdquo image of Bodhidharma while also using the most authentic Chinese sources

Bod

hidharm

a in China K

orea and Jap

anMod

els for representations

and com

mercialization of the legend

ary founder of C

han Bud

dhism

in East A

siaB

eatr

ix M

ecsi

Fig 7

Chinese sculptor (name

unknown) Bodhidharma

Sculpture in Korea 1992

[bronze] Waujeongsa

Yeongin Gyeonggi Province

Republic of Korea Photograph

taken by the author in 2006

Fig 8

Gim Hongdo (1745-1806)

Standing Figure on a Reed

19th century inscription

ldquoCrossing the sea on a reedrdquo

Colors on paper

Gansong Art Gallery Seoul

Reproduced in Choi Seon-taek

[Korean Seon Painting] pl 40

190 191

appearance In the case of Gim Hongdo we know that he painted Daoist topics too And if we look at the figure in his painting we see his East Asian rather than Western features and the fur around his waist which also suggests immor-tal qualities (as a parallel see Shen Choursquos painting of an immortal from China in the Nelson-Atkins Museum) The other painting shows a young boy sitting and sleeping on a reed a topic which was also popular among artists in 18th century Korea (see Sim Sajeongrsquos (1707ndash1769) painting of a similar theme) but even though there is still some confusion in identifying this crossing fig-ure with Bodhidharma (Kim Nami 2000 90ndash91) It is very probable that the young seated figure follows the iconography of an immortal (see other young immortal figures crossing seated without a reed) This is supported by the fact that Gim Hongdo painted very similar scenes of immortals crossing water for instance one such immortal crossing on a shrimp (Fig 9)

However the strongly held view is that Gim Hongdorsquos crossing paintings representing Bodhidharma resulted in later images using this iconography either showing Bodhidharma as a young boy or showing Bodhidharmarsquos cross-ing on a reed in a seated position

We have seen from the above examples that the identification of a certain per-sonality in visual arts is interlinked with the beliefs of a given society adding new qualities to an existing legend In the case of Korean Bodhidharma imagery the tradition of arhat paintings and the Daoist immortals was a great contribution and the existence of illustrative models and pattern books are evident though their use was not always from first-hand and there was a degree of freedom in their recon-figuration as seen in the use of Huinengrsquos model in an image of Bodhidharma

Bodhidharma Images in Contemporary South Korea

Anyone who visits Korea soon encounters the representations of Bodhidharma His figure and legend are usually represented in Buddhist temples but a recent phe-nomenon has taken his figure more and more into the secular and semi-secular context such as souvenir shops not only in the vicinity of temples but in other tour-istic areas and frequently visited places like at motorway service stations or even tube stations and restaurants Popular womenrsquos magazines and television channels often carry advertisements for Bodhidharma painters offering potential well-being

Many scholarly studies have been conducted about Bodhidharma but how the image of Bodhidharma came to be commercialized it is still an understud-ied side to the area As is how the Bodhidharmarsquos representations were distrib-uted in East Asia and influenced local imagination and further representations Also worthy of attention of visual arts scholars is how certain models were used in reproducing new objects with the intent of selling them to the wider public a real phenomenon in contemporary Korea This is similar to Japan in inten-tion but the chosen sources for promoting this saintly figure are very different

Bod

hidharm

a in China K

orea and Jap

anMod

els for representations

and com

mercialization of the legend

ary founder of C

han Bud

dhism

in East A

siaB

eatr

ix M

ecsi

Fig 9

Gim Hongdo (1745-

1806) Immortal

crossing the sea on

a shrimp Ink and

light colors on paper

331sum41 cm Sun

Moon University

Museum Collection

(Sun Moon Collection

2001 pl83 p280)

Fig 10

Katsushika Hokusai

(1760-1849) Big

Daruma ca 1817 ink

on paper Reproduced

in Timon Screech

The Lens Within the

Heart The Western

Scientific Gaze and

Popular Imagery in

Later Edo Japan

London Routledge

Curzon 2002 p 243

pl140

192 193

The manner in which Bodhidharma images enter the secular world differs con-siderably between the Japanese islands and Korea

When we look at the ways Bodhidharma images are popularized in modern and contemporary East Asia we find some basic differences between China Korea and Japan

Among these countries Japan was the first one to popularize Bodhidharma on a large scale not only in simplified ink paintings usually executed by monk paint-ers and in popular colour prints but in a form of a roly-poly doll called Daruma

The transformation of the image of a religious founder into a doll is an interesting phenomenon which only appeared in Japan and this form of representation entered Korea as a symbol of Japaneseness rather than the representation of Bodhidharma himself (for example as a sign in Japanese restaurants like the waving cat)

In China the popularization of Bodhidharma only happened recently but here the visual appearance does not play as such an important role as it does in Japan or Korea Here the cult flourishes especially around the Shaolin mon-astery and mainly among martial arts practitioners to whom Bodhidharma is venerated as the founder of Shaolin kungfu

In Korea producing Bodhidharma images and objects was a fashion in the last decades and increased considerably in the last couple of years It started in 1988 with the Seoul Olympics when the so-called gold cards were launched the market These gold cards are small cards painted with real gold paint usu-ally with some lucky representations like the twelve Oriental zodiac animals Taoist talismans and for Westerners four-leaf clovers images of Jesus Christ but more and more with the image of Bodhidharma

Contemporary painters also turned towards the image of the saint and we find not only monks but some professional painters also started to revitalize his image We clearly see this not only in art shops and exhibitions but also in the publica-tions of several books and albums devoted exclusively to Bodhidharma paintings31

The structure of these books is the same where each painting (usually 100 or more often 108) is followed by a poem or explanation related to the legend or some Buddhist teaching These books often combine the pattern book for-mat with the drawing manual with tips on how to draw Bodhidharma Korean painters of Bodhidharma generally use such pattern books together with other publications on Buddhist imagery and in many cases it is obvious where their models came from showing clear formal affinities with their models However at the same time spontaneous ink paintings require some expression from the artist thus making them very personal and spiritually charged pieces

31 For example Hong Ip-Yo Yi Byoung-kyo Dalmado (Bodhidharma-paintings) Seoul Jayu Segye Publ 1993 Gim Chrsquoangbae Hangukeui Dalmado (Korean Bodhidhma Paintings) Seoul Ehwa Munhwa Publishing 1999 Gim Nami Geurimeuro mannaneun Dalma (Meeting Bodhidharma on Pictures) Seoul Shikongsa Publ 2000 Beomju seunim Dalma seonmuk (Monk Beomju Ink Paintings of Bodhidharma) Seoul Hakmunsa Publishing 2001 Yu Hyeongjae 108 Dalma (108 Bodhidharma) Seoul Baekam Publishing 2002

Bod

hidharm

a in China K

orea and Jap

anMod

els for representations

and com

mercialization of the legend

ary founder of C

han Bud

dhism

in East A

siaB

eatr

ix M

ecsi

When talking about popularization we have to mention the importance of major public events and how some artists have used these occasions to propa-gate the image of Bodhidharma

In 2002 when Korea and Japan held the FIFA World Cup monk-painter Gim Dongseong (b 1954) showed his new works in both countries representing Bodhidharma with a football updating the figure in a manner appropriate for the event However he also included a philosophical explanation for his paintings referring to the basic qualities and shared pronunciation for the word ldquoballrdquo (Kor gong) and emptiness (also gong) an important concept in Buddhism (Skt śunyata)

In 2005 during the International APEC (Asian Pacific Economic Cooperation) meeting in Busan monk Beomju (b 1943) made a public performance by making a huge Bodhidharma painting Painting large scale Bodhidharma images for public events can be traced back to earlier traditions It is recorded that the famous Ukiyo-e artist Hokusai (1760ndash1849) also made a similarly giant image in year 1804 (Fig 10)32

Painting Bodhidharma as a performance is not so rare among Korean monk-artists and Jung Gwang the ldquomad monkrdquo (1934ndash2002) who gained interna-tional reputation with his daring Bodhidharma paintings and performances even influenced contemporary expressionist art in the West

In sum in Korean visual arts and Buddhism there is a burgeoning trend in the production and distribution of images of the first Chan patriarch which requires an attempt to understand it in the context of its inner developments and history while placing it within the larger context of other Asian countries

Bibliography

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Addiss S and Seo A Y (1998) The Art of 20th Century Zen Paintings and Calligraphy by Japanese Masters Boston Shambala

AwAkAwA Y (1970) Zen Painting Tokyo Kodansha InternationalBDK English Tripitaka (2006) Numata Center for Buddhist TraditionBukkyō Daijiten (1933) compiled by Mochizuki ShinkyōBukkyō Daijiten HakkōshoBArnet S and Burto W (1982) Zen Ink Paintings Tokyo KodanshaBelting H (1987) The End of the History of Art (trans C Wood) Chicago University of Chicago

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Bodhidharma] Seoul Hakmunsa[Boun Jippu] 보운 집부 (2002) ldquo1300yeonyeonmane Dalma daesa uri nara e bongrsquoandwaedardquo

1300 여년만에 달마 대사 우리나라에 봉안되다 [ldquoIt was more than 1300 years since Grand Master Bodhidharma was enshrined in Koreardquo] Seon Munhwa 4 p 20ndash21

Brinker H (1973) Die Zen-buddhistische Bildnismalerei in China und Japan Muumlnchener Ostasiatische Studien vol 10 Wiesbaden Franz Steiner

32 Kōriki Enkōan from Hokusai taiga sokusho saizu c 1817 Nagoya City Museum

194 195

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California Stanford University Pressmdash (2003) ldquoLa double vie du patriacherdquo in Kyburz J A et al (eds) Eloge des sources

Reflets du Japon ancien et moderne Paris Editions Philippe Picquier p 509ndash538Fo-jih Chi-sung (1007-1072) and Tōrei Enji (1721ndash1792) Damoduolo Chanjing 達摩多羅禪

經 [ldquoBodhidharma Zen Sūtrardquo] (1964) Taishō Shinshū Daizōkyō Kankokai 大正新脩大蔵蔵 [ldquoTripitaka in Chineserdquo] Tōkyō Taishō Issaikyō Kankōkai (T15 No618)

Foulk G T and Sharf R H (1993ndash1994) ldquoOn the Ritual Use of Chrsquoan Portraiture in Medieval Chinardquo in Cahiers drsquoExtrecircme-Asie [Revue bilingue de lrsquoEcole Franccedilaise drsquoExtrecircme Orient Section de Kyoto] Special Issue Chrsquoan Zen Studies vol 7 p 155ndash219

Fontein J and Hickman M L (1970) Zen Painting and Calligraphy Boston Museum of Fine Arts

Fromm E Suzuki DT and DeMartino R (1960) Zen Buddhism and Psychoanalysis New York Harper and Row

gernet J (1949) Les entretiens du maicirctre de dhyāna Chen-houei du Ho-tsouml (668-760) Paris Adrian Maisonneuve

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grAnoFF PH and shinohArA K (1988) Monks and Magicians Religious Biographies in Asia Motilal Banarsidass India

heine S and Wright D S (eds) (2004) The Zen Canon Oxford Oxford University Press[Hong Ip-ik and Yi Byeong-gyo] 홍입익middot이병교 (1993) Dalmado Hwabeop immun gamsang

baektae 달마도 畵法入門 鑑賞百態 [Painting Bodhidharma hundred great ways to achieve enlightenment through painting] Seoul Jayu Segye

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기종 [Marvellous tales of immortals] Sakbuk JayuhisAmAtsu S (1971) Zen and Fine Arts from original Zen to Bijutsu (trans T Gishin) Tokyo

Kodansha Internationalhu S (1953) ldquoChan (Zen) Buddhism in China Its History and Methodrdquo in Philosophy East and

West vol 3 nordm 1 p 3ndash24mdash (1994) ldquoPutidamo gaordquo in Hu Shih Wencun Taibei Yuanliu Khuban Shiyegufen Youxian

Gongsi c Ltd vol12 p 137ndash150hyers C (1973) Zen and the Comic Spirit Philadelphia Westminster Press

Brinker H (1994) Zen in der Kunst des Malens Bern Muumlnchen Wien Otto Wilhelm Barth Verlag

Brinker H and Kanazawa H (1996) Zen Masters of Meditation in Images and Writings Based on a Catalogue of an Exhibition at the Museum Rietberg and Kyoto National Museum

Brinker H Kramers R P and Ouwehand C (eds) (1982) Zen in China Japan East Asian Art Papers of the International Symposium on Zen Zuumlrich University

BAten L (1992) Japanese Folktoys The Playful Arts Tokyo ShufunotomoBuddhist Paintings of Korea (1997ndash2004) Seoul Buddhist Cultural Properties Research

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Princeton Princeton University PresscAhill J (1983) ldquoTypes of Text-Object Relationships in Chinese Artrdquo in 31st International

Congress of Human Sciences in Asia and North America (CIISHAN) Abstracts of Papers TōkyōTōhō Gakkai vol 2 p 276

cAssirer E (1953) The Philosophy of Symbolic Forms Vol1 Language (trans R Mannheim) New Haven Yale University Press

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期 曹溪山地域 佛畵의 硏究 ldquoA Study of Buddhist Paintings of Late Joseon dynasty in Monasteries on Mt Chogyerdquo in Misul Sahak Yeonrsquogu nordm 210 p 71ndash104

chApin H B (1945ndash1946) ldquoThree Early Portraits of Bodhidharmardquo in Archives of the Chinese Art Society of America nordm 1 p 66ndash95

[Choi Seok-hwan] 최석환 (2002) ldquoDalmawa yutopiardquo 달마와 유토피아 [ldquoBodhidharma and Utopiardquo] in Seon Munhwa nordm 4 p 26ndash31

[Choi Sun-taek] 최순택 (1995) Dalmadorsquoeui segye 達磨圖의 世界 [The world of Bodhidharma-paintings] Seoul Hakmunsa

mdash ldquoDalmadorsquoeui yeonrsquogurdquo 達磨圖의 硏究 (1996) [ldquoResearch on Bodhidharma-paintingsrdquo] in Gukje seonmuhakhoe 國際禪武學會 [International Association of Zen and Martial Arts] vol 5 nordm 1 p 21ndash107

mdash Hangukeui seonseohwa 한국의 선서화 (1998) [Korean Seon Painting] Seoul Hakmun[Choi Wan-su] 최완수 (1996) Seokjeong sohwajip 석정 소화집 [Painting collection of monk

Seokjeong] Seoul BeomhaDaruma ten 達磨展 (1988) [ldquoBodhidharma Exhibitionrdquo] Tōkyō Shinjuku Isetan Bijutsukan

vol 4 np 10 p 16drsquoeliA m P (ed) (1942-49) Fonti Ricciane documenti originali concernenti Matteo Ricci e la sto-

ria delle prime relazioni tra lEuropa e la Cina 1579-1615 3 vols Rome Libreria dello Statodukes T [Shifu Nagaboshi Tomio] (1994) The Bodhisattva Warriors The Origin Inner

Philosophy History and Symbolism of the Buddhist Martial Art within India and China York Beach Samuel Weiser

dumoulin H (1992) Zen Buddhism in the 20th Century (trans J S OrsquoLeary) New York and Tokyo Weatherhill

eliAde M (1997 [1978]) Vallaacutesi hiedelmek eacutes eszmeacutek toumlrteacutenete (original title Histoire des croy-ances et des ideacutees religieuses) Budapest Osiris Kiadoacute

FAure B (1986) ldquoBodhidharma as a Textual and Religious Paradigmrdquo in History of Religions vol 25 nordm3 p 187ndash198

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hidharm

a in China K

orea and Jap

anMod

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and com

mercialization of the legend

ary founder of C

han Bud

dhism

in East A

siaB

eatr

ix M

ecsi

196 197

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Jing A (1996) ldquoThe Eight Immortals The Transformation of Trsquoang and Sung Taoist Eccentrics during the Yuumlan dynastyrdquo in Hearn M K and Smith J G (eds) Arts of The Sung and Yuumlan New York Metropolitan Museum of Art p 213ndash227

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[Kim Chang-bae] 김장배 (2007) Hangug eui Modeun Dalma 한국의 모든달마 [The all Korean Bodhidharma] Seoul Seoyemunrsquoinhwa

[Kim Cheol] 김철 (1986) Taekwondo Kyoyukron (Education of Taekwondo) Seoul Wonkwang Univervisty Publlishers

[Kim Hye-jeong] 김혜정 (2002) ldquoDalma Chukgu gongeul deulda Dongseong seunimeui Dalmadordquo달마 축구공을 들다 동성스님의 달마도 [ldquoBodhidharma holds a footballrdquo] Seon Munhwa vol 4 p 22ndash25

[Kim Na-mi] 김나미 (2000) Geurimeuro mannaneun Dalma 그림으로 만나는 달마 [Meeting Bodhidharma on pictures] Seoul Shikongsa

[Kim Yong-jae] 김영재 (2001) Bulgyo misureul boneun nun 불교미술을 보는 눈 [Eye for Buddhist art] Seoul Sakyejul

[Koam] 고암 (2006) ldquoDalmado geinjeon yeoneun deuksan hwabaek ilneomeseo munyeo-muirordquo 달마도 개인전 여는 득산 화백 일념에서 무념으로 [ldquoHwabaekrsquos private exhibition of Bodhidharma-paintings From one-attachment to no-attachmentrdquo] Seon Munhwa vol 6 p 50ndash55

koderA T J (1980) Dōgenrsquos Formative Years in China London Routledge and Kegan Paul[Kōjō] 光定 (1964) ldquoDenjutsu Isshin Kaimonrdquo 伝述一心戒文 (ldquoThe Record of the Precepts in a

Mindrdquo) in Taishō Shinshū Daizōkyō Kankokai 大正新脩大蔵経 [ldquoTripitaka in Chineserdquo] Tokyo Taisho Issaikyo Kankokai nordm 74 p 639

[Kōkan Shiren] 虎関師錬 (1278-1348) (1921ndash1922) Genkō Shakusho 元亨釈書 [Buddhist his-tory of the Genkō era] vol15ndash16 Takakusu Junjirō et al (eds) Dai Nihon Bukkyō zensho Tōkyō Yoseido Reprinted Suzuki gakujutsu zaidan edition Tōkyō Kodansha 1970ndash1973 vol 62 p 66ndash230

[Kōshū] 光宗 (1276-1350) Keiran Shūyōshū 渓嵐拾葉集 (A Collection of Leaves Gathered in Stormy Streams) (T762410 532b)

kurAnAkA S (1996) ldquoShōtoku Taishi Kataoka Setsuwa no Keiseirdquo 聖徳太子片岡説話の形成 [ldquoThe formation of Prince Shōtokursquos Kataoka-talerdquo] Manrsquoyo vol 10 p 61

[Kwanjo Monk] 관조스님 (1999) Sachrsquoal Byeokhwa 사찰 벽화 [The mural paintings of Buddhist

temples] Seoul Misul Munhwa [Photographs]lAchmAn C (1993) ldquoWhy Did the Patriarch Cross the River The Rushleaf Bodhidharma

Reconsideredrdquo in Asia Major nordm 6 p 237ndash268lAncAster L R (1983) The Dirty Mop Unlimited Action Paintings and Poems by Jung Kwang the

Mad Monk Berkeley and Seoul Asian Humanities Press and Po Chin ChailAo-ce (1994) Tao Te King Az Uacutet eacutes Ereacuteny koumlnyve (Original title Laozi Daode qing (trans

Weoumlres Saacutendor and Tőkei Ferenc) Budapest TericumlopeZ D Jr (ed) (1995) Curators of the Buddha The Study of Buddhism Under Colonialism

Chicago University of Chicago Pressluo XiAnglin (1960) Tang dai Guangzhou Guangxiao si yu Zhong Yin jiao tong zhi guan xi Jiulong

Zhongguo xue she[Manbong seunim chungyo munhwajae je 48 ho] 만봉스님 중요문화재 제 48 호 [Monk Manbong

living cultural asset no48] (2002) Seoul BongwonsamArosi E (1995) Keacutep eacutes hasonmaacutes Műveacuteszet eacutes valoacutesaacuteg a 14-15 szaacutezadi Magyarorszaacutegon [Image

and likeness Art and reality in the 14th and 15th centuries in Hungary] Budapest Akadeacutemiai KiadoacutemcFArlAnd H N (1986) ldquoFeminine Motifs in Bodhidharma Symbology in Japanrdquo in Asian

Folklore Studies [Nagoya Asian Folklore Institute] nordm 14 p 167ndash191mdash (1987) Daruma The Founder of Zen in Japanese Art and Popular Culture Tokyo and New York

Kodansha InternationalmcrAe J (2001) ldquoReligion as Revolution in Chinese Historiography Hu Shih (1891-1962) on

Shen-Hui (684-758)rdquo in Cahiers drsquoExtrecircme-Asie nordm 12 p 59ndash102mecsi B (1999) ldquoHogyan lett a szentből jaacuteteacutekbabardquo [ldquoHow did a saint become a dollrdquo]

Műhely [Atelier] p 116ndash118mdash (2000) ldquoHogyan eacuterkezett Bodhidharma Japaacutenbardquo [ldquoHow did Bodhidharma arrive

to Japanrdquo] in Orientalista Nap MTA Orientalisztikai Bizottsaacuteg amp ELTE Budapest p 120ndash126 and 245ndash257

mdash (2003) ldquoIdentification problems of Korean Bodhidharma-paintingsrdquo University of Rome ldquoLa Sapienziardquo Faculty of Oriental Studies 21st AKSE Conference-papers p 155ndash162

mdash 2005 ldquoWhy did Bodhidharma Come from the West Origins of Representations of the First Zen Patriarchrdquo in Proceedings of the Hawaii International Conference on Arts and Humanities

mdash (2007) ldquoBodhidharma Images in Contemporary Korea Methods and Strategies of Using and Popularizing the Representations of the First Zen Patriarchrdquo in International Biannual Conference for the Association of Korean Studies Europe Dourdan (AKSE)-Publications

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mdash (2007) ldquoA Szent eacutes a Jaacuteteacutekbaba A Zen Buddhizmus alapiacutetoacutejaacutenak alakja a nem-zen hagy-omaacutenyok tuumlkreacutebenrdquo [ldquoThe Saint and the DollThe founder of Zen Buddhism in the con-text of non-Zen Studiesrdquo] Japanisztika a Boumllcseacutesztudomaacutenyban Kaacuteroli Gaacutespaacuter Reformaacutetus Egyetem Budapest p 203ndash210

mdash (2007) ldquoEvolution Distribution and Commercialization of the Images of Bodhidharma Or How did a Religious Founder Become a Toyrdquo in Japanoloacutegiai Koumlrkeacutep (Istvaacuten Szerdahelyi Peacuteter Wintermantel eds) ELTE Eoumltvoumls Kiadoacute p 245ndash254

mdash (2008) ldquoThe Power on Images on Texts Re-Examined The Case of Bodhidharmarsquos Crossing

Bod

hidharm

a in China K

orea and Jap

anMod

els for representations

and com

mercialization of the legend

ary founder of C

han Bud

dhism

in East A

siaB

eatr

ix M

ecsi

198 199

and the Mass-Consumtion of Bodhidharma-images in Japan and Contemporary South Koreardquo in Oriental Archive (Archiv Orientalniacute) Quarterly Journal of African and Asian Studies Oriental Institute Prague vol 76 p 217ndash249

mdash (2008) ldquoAacutetkeleacutes a naacutedszaacutelon Keacutep eacutes szoumlveg kapcsolata a kelet-aacutezsiai vallaacutesos műveacuteszetbenrdquo [ldquoCrossing on a Reed Text-image relationships in East Asian Religious Paintingrdquo] in Kaposvaacuter Szele Baacutelint (ed) Pro Scientia Aranyeacutermesek IX Tudomaacutenyos konferenciaacuteja Pro Scientia Aranyeacutermesek Taacutersasaacutega Budapest p 46ndash58

mdash (2009) ldquoAz lsquoaacutetkeleacutes a naacutedszaacutelonrsquo legenda eredeteacutenek keacuterdeacuteseacuterőlrdquo [ldquoThe problem of the Legend of Crossing on a Reedrdquo] in Taacutevol-keleti Tanulmaacutenyok Budapest Taacutevol-keleti Inteacutezet vol 2 p 103ndash122

mdash (2010) ldquoBodhidharma in Contemporary South Korea The Founder of Chan Buddhism from Sacral to Popular Culturerdquo in Govindasamy G Park C K and Tan S K (eds) Korean affaris A contemporary view Kuala Lumpur Perpustakaan Negara Malaysia p 135ndash147

mdash (2013) Szentből jaacuteteacutekbaba A Daruma baba nyomaacuteban a Taacutevol-Keleten [ldquoDoll from a saint In Search for the Daruma doll in East Asiardquo]Lecture on 28th May 2013 Kaacuteroli Gaacutespaacuter Reformaacutetus Egyetem (12th July 2013) [online] httpwwwyoutubecomwatchv=QBCV11LGXhQampfeature=c4-overviewamplist=UUeXTAOGzx8xduHtd71ZGICQ

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nishimurA S (1985) ldquoThe Prince and the Pauper The Dynamics of a Shotoku Legendrdquo in Monumenta Nipponica vol40 Issue 3 p 299ndash310

nishiyAmA I (1992) Nihon Shisō no genryū to tenkai Ise-shi Kogakkan Daigaku ShuppanbunukAriyA K (1913) The Religion of the Samurai London Luzac amp Cootto R (1932) Mysticism East and West a Comparative Analysis of the Nature of Mysticism

(trans B L Bracey and R C Payne) London Macmillanorsquoriley M K (2001) Art Beyond the West London Laurence KingpAnoFsky E (1984) Jelenteacutes a vizuaacutelis műveacuteszetekben [The Meaning in Visual Arts]

Budapest Gondolatpelliot P (1923) ldquoNotes sur quelques artistes des six dynasties et des Trsquoangrdquo in Trsquooung Pao

vol 22 p 215ndash291Wag Qi 王圻 and Wang Siyi 王思義 (eds) (1988) Sancaituhui [Kor Samjaedohwi] 三才圖會

(Collected Illustrations of the Three Realms) Shanghai Shanghai guji chubansheSancaituhui [Kor Samjaedohwi] 三才圖會 (Collected Illustrations of the Three Realms) (2001)

Seoul Dongguk Universityseckel D (1997) Das Portraumlt in Ostasien Heidelberg Universitis Verlagsekiguchi S (1957) Daruma no Kenkyū Tokyo IwanamishArF R H (1922) ldquoThe Idolization of Enlightenment On the Mummification of Chrsquoan

Masters in Mediaeval Chinardquo in History of Religions vol 32 nordm 1 p 1ndash31mdash (1995) ldquoThe Zen of Japanese Nationalismrdquo in Lopez S and Donald Jr (eds) Curators of

the Buddha The Study of Buddhism under Colonialism Chicago and London University of Chicago Press

mdash and Sharf E H (eds) (2001) Living Images Japanese Buddhist Icons in Context Stanford Stanford University Press

[Seokcheon] 석천 (2001) ldquoDalmadowa hamkke ilcheonobaeknyeon jeoneuiroui gihaengrdquo 달

마도와 함께 일천오백년전의로의 기행 [ldquo150 years with Bodhidharma-paintingsrdquo] in Seon Munhwa nordm 8 p 99ndash105

mdash (2003) ldquoMeokseonrsquoi ppumeonaedeut dongyangeui yeokdongjeogin seonrdquo 먹선이 뿜어내

듯 동양의 역동적인 禪 [ ldquoInk-strokes eliminating the Dynamic Sŏn of the Eastrdquo] in Seon Munhwa nordm 7 p 20ndash23

mdash (2005) ldquoDalmaeui seonbeopi dongtoro gan katalgeun han pok eui dalmadoro dwesala nan dalmaseonrdquo 달마의 선법이 동토東土로 간 까닭은 한 폭의 달마도로 되살아 난 달마선 [ldquoWhy did Bodhidharmarsquos Zen teaching went to the Eastrdquo] in Seon Munhwa nordm 12 p 30ndash37

Korean Buddhist Research Institute (ed) (1998) Sǒn Thought in Korean Buddhism Seoul Dongguk University Press

spiro A (1988) ldquoNew Light on Gu Kaizhirdquo in Journal of Chinese Religions nordm 16 p 1ndash17stevens J Y and Rae A (1990) ZENGA Brushstrokes of Enlightenment New Orleans

Museum of Artsuler J R (1993) Contemporary Psychoanalysis and Eastern Thought Albany State

University of New Yorktylor E B (1920) Primitive Culture Researches into the Development of Mythology Philosophy

Religion Language Art and Custom 2 vols London John MurrayyAmpolsky P B (1967) The Platform Sutra of the 6th Patriarch New Yorkmdash (1983) ldquoNew Japanese Studies in Early Chrsquoan Historyrdquo in W Lai and L R Lancaster

(eds) Early Chrsquoan in China and Tibet Berkeley Buddhist Studies Series p 1ndash11Yi Dong-Ju (1973) Hanguk hwehwa saron (Korean Art History) Seoul Yeolhwadang[Yi Jeong-hwa] 이정화 (2002) ldquoDalmadorsquoe damgyeojin munyeom musin eui hyanggiro cham-

nareul Channeunda Beomju seunimrdquo 달마도에 담겨진 무념 무심의 향기로 참나를 찾는다

범주스님 [ldquoThe fragrance of no-mind is within Bodhidharma-paintings Through this fra-grance we try to find the truthrdquo] in Seon Munhwa nordm 5 p 52ndash55

[Yi Ju-yeon] 이주연 (2005) ldquoGibokeul dwieoneom neun bosihaengeui Dalmadordquo 기복을 뛰

어넘는 보시행의 달마도 [ldquoOffering Bodhidharma-paintigs for transcending fluctuationrdquo] in Seon Munhwa nordm 7 p 96ndash99

[Yi Yeong-hui] 이영희 (1997) Hanguk sawoneui bubyeokhwa e Daehan gochal 한국 사원의 부벽

화에 대한 고찰 [A study of the Pu-wall painting of Korean temples] unpublished MA thesis Seoul Deptartment of Art Education Graduate School of Education Dongguk University

ying Z (1981) Shaolin Kung-fu Hong Kong Kingsway Internationalyoshino H 吉野裕子 (1995) Daruma no Minzokugaku Onrsquoyo gogyo kara toku ダルマの民俗

蔵 陰陽五行から解く [The folklore of Daruma from Yin-Yangto the Five Elements Theory] Tokyo Iwanami Shoten

[Yu Hyeong-jae] 유형재 (2002) 108 Dalma 108 달마 [108 Bodhidharmas] Seoul BaekamweitZmAnn K (1996) The Cotton Genesis British Library Codex Cotton Otho B VI Princeton

University PresswelBon G R (1968) The Buddhist Nirvāna and Its Western Interpreters Chicago University of

Chicago Presswu T (1996) Masterpieces of Chinese Painting from the Museum of Fine Arts Boston Tang

through Yuan Dynasties Tōkyō Otsuka Kogeishahempel R (1960) ZENGA Malerei des Zen-buddhismus Muumlnchen R Piper

Bod

hidharm

a in China K

orea and Jap

anMod

els for representations

and com

mercialization of the legend

ary founder of C

han Bud

dhism

in East A

siaB

eatr

ix M

ecsi

  • capa face to face SEGUNDO VOL
  • Index Face to Face
  • Beatrix Mecsi

186 187

Among them the most famous are Gim Myeonggukrsquos (c 1600ndashafter 1662)26 Bodhidharma paintings which long remained a model for the later artists approaching the theme Gim Myeongguk was a member of the Dohwaseo Royal Painting Institute His contemporaries described him as a carefree drunkard a characterization that corresponds to the Chinese image of the eccentric artist and we know that during his stay in Japan his paintingsrsquo broad forceful brush-strokes suggest such an eccentricity27

In 1637 and 1643 Gim Myeongguk visited Japan as a member of an offi-cial delegation28 It has been said that like Han Sigak he was probably drawn to ZenSeon Buddhist figure painting through commissions from Japanese patrons who generally preferred Buddhist themes (Yi Tong-ju 1973 p 54-58) Many of his paintings held in Japanese collections are of this genre whereas contemporary painting in Korea was dominated by secular themes The style of both Gim Myeonggukrsquos landscapes and his figure paintings is very similar to that of the Chinese Zhe School particularly the works of the eccentric Wu Wei The Seoul National Museum has the most impressive example in this style and his most famous painting of Bodhidharma where the patriarch is captured with a few forceful yet delicate brushstrokes

Among Gim Myeonggukrsquos Bodhidharma paintings a triptychrsquos central panel in the Tokyo National University of Arts shows the Bodhidharma cross-ing water on a reed (Fig 2) His head is covered with a dark hood which is most unusual in this kind of representation yet we can find its source in the famous Ming Chinese printed book Sancai tuhui [Kor Samjaedohwi] an impor-tant resource for the artists with illustrations of famous Daoist and Buddhist masters on every page In this book the Sixth Chan patriarch Huineng is seen in a dark hood and similar facial expressions29 so we might suppose that Gim Myeongguk had used this pattern book adding a little modification to suit his subject (Fig 3) Using Huinengrsquos iconography based on the Sancai tuhui and followed by the Xianfo qizong [Kor Hongssiseonbulgijong] printed in 1602 the

26 According to the ldquoDongguk Munheon rokrdquo (Collection of Records of the Eastern Countries) chapter ldquoHwaga pyeonrdquo (Chapter on painters) his family comes from Ansan also called Yeonseong So maybe this is the origin of his pen name Yeondam (Lotus pond) But as he was connected to Buddhism the lotus in his pen name probably had Buddhist significance His other names were Cheonrsquoyeo (heavenly water) and Chui ong (drunken old man) (O SeChang chapter on Gim Myeongguk) Unfortunately we donrsquot have many written sources on him his birth and death dates are unknown He used three differently written forms of ldquoMyeongrdquo in his name but according to recent research there was no consistency in the way he used the different characters in his name so they do not help date his paintings (Deoksu 1999 see table for the chronology of his use of different characters p 49)

27 We know several stories about him written by Nam Yuyong (1698 ndash 1773) in the collection called Noe Yeon jip (Nam Yuyong Noeyeonjip Jinhwisok ko pp 35ndash36)

28 He stayed for ten months in 163729 Huinengrsquos dark hood existed as a visual formula from the 12th century where we can see Huineng

represented among the patriarchs wearing a separate hood which was darkened in later copies

Bod

hidharm

a in China K

orea and Jap

anMod

els for representations

and com

mercialization of the legend

ary founder of C

han Bud

dhism

in East A

siaB

eatr

ix M

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Fig 5

Unknown painter Bodhidharma

with Huike Joseon period

wall painting 267sum140 cm

Eungjinjeon Tongdosa Yangsan

city South Gyeongsang

Province Republic of Korea

Fig 6

Unknown painter Bodhidharma

Ming period rubbing from a

stone relief Shaolin Monastery

Songshan Henan Province

Peoplersquos Republic of China

188 189

hood is no darker than the robe itself which we also find in other represen-tations of Bodhidharma The wall painting of the Geukrak Hall of Daewon temple in South Jeolla province shows Bodhidharma with the same features as the image of Huineng seen in both model books but we can be sure about the identity of the figure in the wall painting as it shows Huike presenting Bodhidharma a severed arm (Fig 4)

The ldquoOriginalrdquo Model from Shaolin Monastery

Other paintings showing Bodhidharma with Huike are quite different from the one discussed above One of Korearsquos three most famous temples the Tongdosa has a wall painting dated around 1670 where a bearded figure with large eyes is seen in profile sitting on a straw mat under a pine tree and holding a begging bowl A young noticeably smaller monk holds a book and bows before the seated man (Fig 5) There is no hint of the removed arm but then how do we know that this person is Bodhidharma Our question leads us back to China to the model preserved at the famous Shaolin monastery a place strongly connected with Bodhidharma him-self The image preserved here shows its subject in the same posture as the seated figure in the wall painting (Fig 6) Recently in 1992 the same face type was used as a model for a commission by a Chinese artist on a Bodhidharma sculpture for the Waujeong temple in Gyeonggi province in Korea (Fig 7)30 In Korearsquos other famous monastery the Haeinsa where the printing blocks of the Buddhist canon the Tripitaka Koreana are kept there is another Bodhidharma painting from the Joseon period which bears a resemblance to the wall painting at Tongdosa We can see its influence on other Bodhidharma paintings too where the facial expressions are similar though the setting is different (eg the painting in the Emille Museum)

Gim Hongdo (Kim Hongdo) and the Problems of Bodhidharma as an Immortal

In the oeuvre of another famous Korean artist Gim Hongdo (1745ndashafter 1814) who is considered one of the most outstanding artists of the Joseon period (1392ndash1910) we find paintings showing figures standing or sitting on a reed One of them where the figure is standing on a reed bears an inscription ldquoPicture of crossing the sea on a reedrdquo (Fig 8) Even though we know stories from Japan claiming that Bodhidharma actually crossed the sea and went to Japan this tra-dition can be also traced back to the depiction of the Daoist immortalsrsquo cross-ing the sea and has a long history in iconography that predates Bodhidharmarsquos

30 In the Korean Seon Buddhist magazine Seon Munhwa (Pyeon Jippu 2002 20ndash21) we read that the erection a sculpture made in China was an attempt to access the ldquorealrdquo image of Bodhidharma while also using the most authentic Chinese sources

Bod

hidharm

a in China K

orea and Jap

anMod

els for representations

and com

mercialization of the legend

ary founder of C

han Bud

dhism

in East A

siaB

eatr

ix M

ecsi

Fig 7

Chinese sculptor (name

unknown) Bodhidharma

Sculpture in Korea 1992

[bronze] Waujeongsa

Yeongin Gyeonggi Province

Republic of Korea Photograph

taken by the author in 2006

Fig 8

Gim Hongdo (1745-1806)

Standing Figure on a Reed

19th century inscription

ldquoCrossing the sea on a reedrdquo

Colors on paper

Gansong Art Gallery Seoul

Reproduced in Choi Seon-taek

[Korean Seon Painting] pl 40

190 191

appearance In the case of Gim Hongdo we know that he painted Daoist topics too And if we look at the figure in his painting we see his East Asian rather than Western features and the fur around his waist which also suggests immor-tal qualities (as a parallel see Shen Choursquos painting of an immortal from China in the Nelson-Atkins Museum) The other painting shows a young boy sitting and sleeping on a reed a topic which was also popular among artists in 18th century Korea (see Sim Sajeongrsquos (1707ndash1769) painting of a similar theme) but even though there is still some confusion in identifying this crossing fig-ure with Bodhidharma (Kim Nami 2000 90ndash91) It is very probable that the young seated figure follows the iconography of an immortal (see other young immortal figures crossing seated without a reed) This is supported by the fact that Gim Hongdo painted very similar scenes of immortals crossing water for instance one such immortal crossing on a shrimp (Fig 9)

However the strongly held view is that Gim Hongdorsquos crossing paintings representing Bodhidharma resulted in later images using this iconography either showing Bodhidharma as a young boy or showing Bodhidharmarsquos cross-ing on a reed in a seated position

We have seen from the above examples that the identification of a certain per-sonality in visual arts is interlinked with the beliefs of a given society adding new qualities to an existing legend In the case of Korean Bodhidharma imagery the tradition of arhat paintings and the Daoist immortals was a great contribution and the existence of illustrative models and pattern books are evident though their use was not always from first-hand and there was a degree of freedom in their recon-figuration as seen in the use of Huinengrsquos model in an image of Bodhidharma

Bodhidharma Images in Contemporary South Korea

Anyone who visits Korea soon encounters the representations of Bodhidharma His figure and legend are usually represented in Buddhist temples but a recent phe-nomenon has taken his figure more and more into the secular and semi-secular context such as souvenir shops not only in the vicinity of temples but in other tour-istic areas and frequently visited places like at motorway service stations or even tube stations and restaurants Popular womenrsquos magazines and television channels often carry advertisements for Bodhidharma painters offering potential well-being

Many scholarly studies have been conducted about Bodhidharma but how the image of Bodhidharma came to be commercialized it is still an understud-ied side to the area As is how the Bodhidharmarsquos representations were distrib-uted in East Asia and influenced local imagination and further representations Also worthy of attention of visual arts scholars is how certain models were used in reproducing new objects with the intent of selling them to the wider public a real phenomenon in contemporary Korea This is similar to Japan in inten-tion but the chosen sources for promoting this saintly figure are very different

Bod

hidharm

a in China K

orea and Jap

anMod

els for representations

and com

mercialization of the legend

ary founder of C

han Bud

dhism

in East A

siaB

eatr

ix M

ecsi

Fig 9

Gim Hongdo (1745-

1806) Immortal

crossing the sea on

a shrimp Ink and

light colors on paper

331sum41 cm Sun

Moon University

Museum Collection

(Sun Moon Collection

2001 pl83 p280)

Fig 10

Katsushika Hokusai

(1760-1849) Big

Daruma ca 1817 ink

on paper Reproduced

in Timon Screech

The Lens Within the

Heart The Western

Scientific Gaze and

Popular Imagery in

Later Edo Japan

London Routledge

Curzon 2002 p 243

pl140

192 193

The manner in which Bodhidharma images enter the secular world differs con-siderably between the Japanese islands and Korea

When we look at the ways Bodhidharma images are popularized in modern and contemporary East Asia we find some basic differences between China Korea and Japan

Among these countries Japan was the first one to popularize Bodhidharma on a large scale not only in simplified ink paintings usually executed by monk paint-ers and in popular colour prints but in a form of a roly-poly doll called Daruma

The transformation of the image of a religious founder into a doll is an interesting phenomenon which only appeared in Japan and this form of representation entered Korea as a symbol of Japaneseness rather than the representation of Bodhidharma himself (for example as a sign in Japanese restaurants like the waving cat)

In China the popularization of Bodhidharma only happened recently but here the visual appearance does not play as such an important role as it does in Japan or Korea Here the cult flourishes especially around the Shaolin mon-astery and mainly among martial arts practitioners to whom Bodhidharma is venerated as the founder of Shaolin kungfu

In Korea producing Bodhidharma images and objects was a fashion in the last decades and increased considerably in the last couple of years It started in 1988 with the Seoul Olympics when the so-called gold cards were launched the market These gold cards are small cards painted with real gold paint usu-ally with some lucky representations like the twelve Oriental zodiac animals Taoist talismans and for Westerners four-leaf clovers images of Jesus Christ but more and more with the image of Bodhidharma

Contemporary painters also turned towards the image of the saint and we find not only monks but some professional painters also started to revitalize his image We clearly see this not only in art shops and exhibitions but also in the publica-tions of several books and albums devoted exclusively to Bodhidharma paintings31

The structure of these books is the same where each painting (usually 100 or more often 108) is followed by a poem or explanation related to the legend or some Buddhist teaching These books often combine the pattern book for-mat with the drawing manual with tips on how to draw Bodhidharma Korean painters of Bodhidharma generally use such pattern books together with other publications on Buddhist imagery and in many cases it is obvious where their models came from showing clear formal affinities with their models However at the same time spontaneous ink paintings require some expression from the artist thus making them very personal and spiritually charged pieces

31 For example Hong Ip-Yo Yi Byoung-kyo Dalmado (Bodhidharma-paintings) Seoul Jayu Segye Publ 1993 Gim Chrsquoangbae Hangukeui Dalmado (Korean Bodhidhma Paintings) Seoul Ehwa Munhwa Publishing 1999 Gim Nami Geurimeuro mannaneun Dalma (Meeting Bodhidharma on Pictures) Seoul Shikongsa Publ 2000 Beomju seunim Dalma seonmuk (Monk Beomju Ink Paintings of Bodhidharma) Seoul Hakmunsa Publishing 2001 Yu Hyeongjae 108 Dalma (108 Bodhidharma) Seoul Baekam Publishing 2002

Bod

hidharm

a in China K

orea and Jap

anMod

els for representations

and com

mercialization of the legend

ary founder of C

han Bud

dhism

in East A

siaB

eatr

ix M

ecsi

When talking about popularization we have to mention the importance of major public events and how some artists have used these occasions to propa-gate the image of Bodhidharma

In 2002 when Korea and Japan held the FIFA World Cup monk-painter Gim Dongseong (b 1954) showed his new works in both countries representing Bodhidharma with a football updating the figure in a manner appropriate for the event However he also included a philosophical explanation for his paintings referring to the basic qualities and shared pronunciation for the word ldquoballrdquo (Kor gong) and emptiness (also gong) an important concept in Buddhism (Skt śunyata)

In 2005 during the International APEC (Asian Pacific Economic Cooperation) meeting in Busan monk Beomju (b 1943) made a public performance by making a huge Bodhidharma painting Painting large scale Bodhidharma images for public events can be traced back to earlier traditions It is recorded that the famous Ukiyo-e artist Hokusai (1760ndash1849) also made a similarly giant image in year 1804 (Fig 10)32

Painting Bodhidharma as a performance is not so rare among Korean monk-artists and Jung Gwang the ldquomad monkrdquo (1934ndash2002) who gained interna-tional reputation with his daring Bodhidharma paintings and performances even influenced contemporary expressionist art in the West

In sum in Korean visual arts and Buddhism there is a burgeoning trend in the production and distribution of images of the first Chan patriarch which requires an attempt to understand it in the context of its inner developments and history while placing it within the larger context of other Asian countries

Bibliography

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Addiss S and Seo A Y (1998) The Art of 20th Century Zen Paintings and Calligraphy by Japanese Masters Boston Shambala

AwAkAwA Y (1970) Zen Painting Tokyo Kodansha InternationalBDK English Tripitaka (2006) Numata Center for Buddhist TraditionBukkyō Daijiten (1933) compiled by Mochizuki ShinkyōBukkyō Daijiten HakkōshoBArnet S and Burto W (1982) Zen Ink Paintings Tokyo KodanshaBelting H (1987) The End of the History of Art (trans C Wood) Chicago University of Chicago

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Bodhidharma] Seoul Hakmunsa[Boun Jippu] 보운 집부 (2002) ldquo1300yeonyeonmane Dalma daesa uri nara e bongrsquoandwaedardquo

1300 여년만에 달마 대사 우리나라에 봉안되다 [ldquoIt was more than 1300 years since Grand Master Bodhidharma was enshrined in Koreardquo] Seon Munhwa 4 p 20ndash21

Brinker H (1973) Die Zen-buddhistische Bildnismalerei in China und Japan Muumlnchener Ostasiatische Studien vol 10 Wiesbaden Franz Steiner

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mdash (1987) ldquoThe Daruma-shū Dōgen and Sōtō Zenrdquo in Monumenta Nipponica vol 42 nordm 1 p 25ndash55

mdash (1991) The Rhetoric of Immediacy A Cultural Critique of ChanZen Buddhism Princeton New Jersey Princeton University Press

mdash (1993) Chan Insights and Oversights (An Epistemological Critique of the Chan Tradition) Princeton New Jersey Princeton University Press

mdash (1996) Visions of Power Princeton Princeton University Pressmdash (1997) The Will to Orthodoxy A Critical Genealogy of Northern Chan Buddhism Stanford

California Stanford University Pressmdash (2003) ldquoLa double vie du patriacherdquo in Kyburz J A et al (eds) Eloge des sources

Reflets du Japon ancien et moderne Paris Editions Philippe Picquier p 509ndash538Fo-jih Chi-sung (1007-1072) and Tōrei Enji (1721ndash1792) Damoduolo Chanjing 達摩多羅禪

經 [ldquoBodhidharma Zen Sūtrardquo] (1964) Taishō Shinshū Daizōkyō Kankokai 大正新脩大蔵蔵 [ldquoTripitaka in Chineserdquo] Tōkyō Taishō Issaikyō Kankōkai (T15 No618)

Foulk G T and Sharf R H (1993ndash1994) ldquoOn the Ritual Use of Chrsquoan Portraiture in Medieval Chinardquo in Cahiers drsquoExtrecircme-Asie [Revue bilingue de lrsquoEcole Franccedilaise drsquoExtrecircme Orient Section de Kyoto] Special Issue Chrsquoan Zen Studies vol 7 p 155ndash219

Fontein J and Hickman M L (1970) Zen Painting and Calligraphy Boston Museum of Fine Arts

Fromm E Suzuki DT and DeMartino R (1960) Zen Buddhism and Psychoanalysis New York Harper and Row

gernet J (1949) Les entretiens du maicirctre de dhyāna Chen-houei du Ho-tsouml (668-760) Paris Adrian Maisonneuve

gomBrich E H (1960) Art and Illusion A Study in the Psychology of Pictorial Representation London Phaidon

mdash (1982) The Image and the Eye Further studies in the Psychology of Pictorial Representation London Phaidon

goodAll J (1979) Heaven and Earth 120 Album Leaves from a Ming Encyclopaedia San-tsrsquoai trsquou-hui 1610 London Lund Humphries

grAnoFF PH and shinohArA K (1988) Monks and Magicians Religious Biographies in Asia Motilal Banarsidass India

heine S and Wright D S (eds) (2004) The Zen Canon Oxford Oxford University Press[Hong Ip-ik and Yi Byeong-gyo] 홍입익middot이병교 (1993) Dalmado Hwabeop immun gamsang

baektae 달마도 畵法入門 鑑賞百態 [Painting Bodhidharma hundred great ways to achieve enlightenment through painting] Seoul Jayu Segye

[Hong Cha-seong and So Cheon-seok] 홍자성소천석 (1974) Hongssi seonbulgijong 홍씨 선불

기종 [Marvellous tales of immortals] Sakbuk JayuhisAmAtsu S (1971) Zen and Fine Arts from original Zen to Bijutsu (trans T Gishin) Tokyo

Kodansha Internationalhu S (1953) ldquoChan (Zen) Buddhism in China Its History and Methodrdquo in Philosophy East and

West vol 3 nordm 1 p 3ndash24mdash (1994) ldquoPutidamo gaordquo in Hu Shih Wencun Taibei Yuanliu Khuban Shiyegufen Youxian

Gongsi c Ltd vol12 p 137ndash150hyers C (1973) Zen and the Comic Spirit Philadelphia Westminster Press

Brinker H (1994) Zen in der Kunst des Malens Bern Muumlnchen Wien Otto Wilhelm Barth Verlag

Brinker H and Kanazawa H (1996) Zen Masters of Meditation in Images and Writings Based on a Catalogue of an Exhibition at the Museum Rietberg and Kyoto National Museum

Brinker H Kramers R P and Ouwehand C (eds) (1982) Zen in China Japan East Asian Art Papers of the International Symposium on Zen Zuumlrich University

BAten L (1992) Japanese Folktoys The Playful Arts Tokyo ShufunotomoBuddhist Paintings of Korea (1997ndash2004) Seoul Buddhist Cultural Properties Research

Institute vols1ndash31Buswell R (1992) The Zen Monastic Experience Buddhist Practice in Contemporary Korea

Princeton Princeton University PresscAhill J (1983) ldquoTypes of Text-Object Relationships in Chinese Artrdquo in 31st International

Congress of Human Sciences in Asia and North America (CIISHAN) Abstracts of Papers TōkyōTōhō Gakkai vol 2 p 276

cAssirer E (1953) The Philosophy of Symbolic Forms Vol1 Language (trans R Mannheim) New Haven Yale University Press

[Chang Hee-jeong] 張姬貞 (1996) Joseon hugi Jogyesan jiyeok bulhwaeui yeonrsquogu 朝鮮 後

期 曹溪山地域 佛畵의 硏究 ldquoA Study of Buddhist Paintings of Late Joseon dynasty in Monasteries on Mt Chogyerdquo in Misul Sahak Yeonrsquogu nordm 210 p 71ndash104

chApin H B (1945ndash1946) ldquoThree Early Portraits of Bodhidharmardquo in Archives of the Chinese Art Society of America nordm 1 p 66ndash95

[Choi Seok-hwan] 최석환 (2002) ldquoDalmawa yutopiardquo 달마와 유토피아 [ldquoBodhidharma and Utopiardquo] in Seon Munhwa nordm 4 p 26ndash31

[Choi Sun-taek] 최순택 (1995) Dalmadorsquoeui segye 達磨圖의 世界 [The world of Bodhidharma-paintings] Seoul Hakmunsa

mdash ldquoDalmadorsquoeui yeonrsquogurdquo 達磨圖의 硏究 (1996) [ldquoResearch on Bodhidharma-paintingsrdquo] in Gukje seonmuhakhoe 國際禪武學會 [International Association of Zen and Martial Arts] vol 5 nordm 1 p 21ndash107

mdash Hangukeui seonseohwa 한국의 선서화 (1998) [Korean Seon Painting] Seoul Hakmun[Choi Wan-su] 최완수 (1996) Seokjeong sohwajip 석정 소화집 [Painting collection of monk

Seokjeong] Seoul BeomhaDaruma ten 達磨展 (1988) [ldquoBodhidharma Exhibitionrdquo] Tōkyō Shinjuku Isetan Bijutsukan

vol 4 np 10 p 16drsquoeliA m P (ed) (1942-49) Fonti Ricciane documenti originali concernenti Matteo Ricci e la sto-

ria delle prime relazioni tra lEuropa e la Cina 1579-1615 3 vols Rome Libreria dello Statodukes T [Shifu Nagaboshi Tomio] (1994) The Bodhisattva Warriors The Origin Inner

Philosophy History and Symbolism of the Buddhist Martial Art within India and China York Beach Samuel Weiser

dumoulin H (1992) Zen Buddhism in the 20th Century (trans J S OrsquoLeary) New York and Tokyo Weatherhill

eliAde M (1997 [1978]) Vallaacutesi hiedelmek eacutes eszmeacutek toumlrteacutenete (original title Histoire des croy-ances et des ideacutees religieuses) Budapest Osiris Kiadoacute

FAure B (1986) ldquoBodhidharma as a Textual and Religious Paradigmrdquo in History of Religions vol 25 nordm3 p 187ndash198

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hidharm

a in China K

orea and Jap

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els for representations

and com

mercialization of the legend

ary founder of C

han Bud

dhism

in East A

siaB

eatr

ix M

ecsi

196 197

im deok-su (1999) Yeondam Kim Myeongguk eui Seonhwa yeongu [A Study of the Zen Painting by Kim Myeongguk] MA-diss Department of Buddhist Art and Culture The Graduate School of Buddhism Dongguk University Seoul Korea

JArAnd U (trans) (1987) Dialog uumlber das Ausloumlchen der Anschaung ein fruumlher Chinesischer text aus Tunhuang Frankfurt [Main] RG Fischer

Jing A (1996) ldquoThe Eight Immortals The Transformation of Trsquoang and Sung Taoist Eccentrics during the Yuumlan dynastyrdquo in Hearn M K and Smith J G (eds) Arts of The Sung and Yuumlan New York Metropolitan Museum of Art p 213ndash227

Jung K (1979) The Mad Monk Paintings of Unlimited Action Berkeley Lancaster-Miller Publishers

kAnAZAwA H (1979) Japanese Ink Painting Early Zen Masterpieces Japanese Arts Library Tokyo Kodansha International and Shibundo

kidō C (1978 [1932]) Daruma to sono shosō 達磨と其諸相 [Bodhidharma and his representa-tions] Tokyo Heigo Shuppan-sha

[Kim Chang-bae] 김장배 (1999) Hangug eui Dalmado 한국의 달마도 [Korean Bodhidharma paintings] Seoul Ehwa Munhwa

[Kim Chang-bae] 김장배 (2007) Hangug eui Modeun Dalma 한국의 모든달마 [The all Korean Bodhidharma] Seoul Seoyemunrsquoinhwa

[Kim Cheol] 김철 (1986) Taekwondo Kyoyukron (Education of Taekwondo) Seoul Wonkwang Univervisty Publlishers

[Kim Hye-jeong] 김혜정 (2002) ldquoDalma Chukgu gongeul deulda Dongseong seunimeui Dalmadordquo달마 축구공을 들다 동성스님의 달마도 [ldquoBodhidharma holds a footballrdquo] Seon Munhwa vol 4 p 22ndash25

[Kim Na-mi] 김나미 (2000) Geurimeuro mannaneun Dalma 그림으로 만나는 달마 [Meeting Bodhidharma on pictures] Seoul Shikongsa

[Kim Yong-jae] 김영재 (2001) Bulgyo misureul boneun nun 불교미술을 보는 눈 [Eye for Buddhist art] Seoul Sakyejul

[Koam] 고암 (2006) ldquoDalmado geinjeon yeoneun deuksan hwabaek ilneomeseo munyeo-muirordquo 달마도 개인전 여는 득산 화백 일념에서 무념으로 [ldquoHwabaekrsquos private exhibition of Bodhidharma-paintings From one-attachment to no-attachmentrdquo] Seon Munhwa vol 6 p 50ndash55

koderA T J (1980) Dōgenrsquos Formative Years in China London Routledge and Kegan Paul[Kōjō] 光定 (1964) ldquoDenjutsu Isshin Kaimonrdquo 伝述一心戒文 (ldquoThe Record of the Precepts in a

Mindrdquo) in Taishō Shinshū Daizōkyō Kankokai 大正新脩大蔵経 [ldquoTripitaka in Chineserdquo] Tokyo Taisho Issaikyo Kankokai nordm 74 p 639

[Kōkan Shiren] 虎関師錬 (1278-1348) (1921ndash1922) Genkō Shakusho 元亨釈書 [Buddhist his-tory of the Genkō era] vol15ndash16 Takakusu Junjirō et al (eds) Dai Nihon Bukkyō zensho Tōkyō Yoseido Reprinted Suzuki gakujutsu zaidan edition Tōkyō Kodansha 1970ndash1973 vol 62 p 66ndash230

[Kōshū] 光宗 (1276-1350) Keiran Shūyōshū 渓嵐拾葉集 (A Collection of Leaves Gathered in Stormy Streams) (T762410 532b)

kurAnAkA S (1996) ldquoShōtoku Taishi Kataoka Setsuwa no Keiseirdquo 聖徳太子片岡説話の形成 [ldquoThe formation of Prince Shōtokursquos Kataoka-talerdquo] Manrsquoyo vol 10 p 61

[Kwanjo Monk] 관조스님 (1999) Sachrsquoal Byeokhwa 사찰 벽화 [The mural paintings of Buddhist

temples] Seoul Misul Munhwa [Photographs]lAchmAn C (1993) ldquoWhy Did the Patriarch Cross the River The Rushleaf Bodhidharma

Reconsideredrdquo in Asia Major nordm 6 p 237ndash268lAncAster L R (1983) The Dirty Mop Unlimited Action Paintings and Poems by Jung Kwang the

Mad Monk Berkeley and Seoul Asian Humanities Press and Po Chin ChailAo-ce (1994) Tao Te King Az Uacutet eacutes Ereacuteny koumlnyve (Original title Laozi Daode qing (trans

Weoumlres Saacutendor and Tőkei Ferenc) Budapest TericumlopeZ D Jr (ed) (1995) Curators of the Buddha The Study of Buddhism Under Colonialism

Chicago University of Chicago Pressluo XiAnglin (1960) Tang dai Guangzhou Guangxiao si yu Zhong Yin jiao tong zhi guan xi Jiulong

Zhongguo xue she[Manbong seunim chungyo munhwajae je 48 ho] 만봉스님 중요문화재 제 48 호 [Monk Manbong

living cultural asset no48] (2002) Seoul BongwonsamArosi E (1995) Keacutep eacutes hasonmaacutes Műveacuteszet eacutes valoacutesaacuteg a 14-15 szaacutezadi Magyarorszaacutegon [Image

and likeness Art and reality in the 14th and 15th centuries in Hungary] Budapest Akadeacutemiai KiadoacutemcFArlAnd H N (1986) ldquoFeminine Motifs in Bodhidharma Symbology in Japanrdquo in Asian

Folklore Studies [Nagoya Asian Folklore Institute] nordm 14 p 167ndash191mdash (1987) Daruma The Founder of Zen in Japanese Art and Popular Culture Tokyo and New York

Kodansha InternationalmcrAe J (2001) ldquoReligion as Revolution in Chinese Historiography Hu Shih (1891-1962) on

Shen-Hui (684-758)rdquo in Cahiers drsquoExtrecircme-Asie nordm 12 p 59ndash102mecsi B (1999) ldquoHogyan lett a szentből jaacuteteacutekbabardquo [ldquoHow did a saint become a dollrdquo]

Műhely [Atelier] p 116ndash118mdash (2000) ldquoHogyan eacuterkezett Bodhidharma Japaacutenbardquo [ldquoHow did Bodhidharma arrive

to Japanrdquo] in Orientalista Nap MTA Orientalisztikai Bizottsaacuteg amp ELTE Budapest p 120ndash126 and 245ndash257

mdash (2003) ldquoIdentification problems of Korean Bodhidharma-paintingsrdquo University of Rome ldquoLa Sapienziardquo Faculty of Oriental Studies 21st AKSE Conference-papers p 155ndash162

mdash 2005 ldquoWhy did Bodhidharma Come from the West Origins of Representations of the First Zen Patriarchrdquo in Proceedings of the Hawaii International Conference on Arts and Humanities

mdash (2007) ldquoBodhidharma Images in Contemporary Korea Methods and Strategies of Using and Popularizing the Representations of the First Zen Patriarchrdquo in International Biannual Conference for the Association of Korean Studies Europe Dourdan (AKSE)-Publications

mdash (2007) ldquoBuddhist Saints Crossing the Sea Reconsidering Text-Image Relationships for Understanding the Iconography of the First Zen Patriarchrdquo in Proceedings of the Hawaii International Conference on Arts and Humanities

mdash (2007) ldquoA Szent eacutes a Jaacuteteacutekbaba A Zen Buddhizmus alapiacutetoacutejaacutenak alakja a nem-zen hagy-omaacutenyok tuumlkreacutebenrdquo [ldquoThe Saint and the DollThe founder of Zen Buddhism in the con-text of non-Zen Studiesrdquo] Japanisztika a Boumllcseacutesztudomaacutenyban Kaacuteroli Gaacutespaacuter Reformaacutetus Egyetem Budapest p 203ndash210

mdash (2007) ldquoEvolution Distribution and Commercialization of the Images of Bodhidharma Or How did a Religious Founder Become a Toyrdquo in Japanoloacutegiai Koumlrkeacutep (Istvaacuten Szerdahelyi Peacuteter Wintermantel eds) ELTE Eoumltvoumls Kiadoacute p 245ndash254

mdash (2008) ldquoThe Power on Images on Texts Re-Examined The Case of Bodhidharmarsquos Crossing

Bod

hidharm

a in China K

orea and Jap

anMod

els for representations

and com

mercialization of the legend

ary founder of C

han Bud

dhism

in East A

siaB

eatr

ix M

ecsi

198 199

and the Mass-Consumtion of Bodhidharma-images in Japan and Contemporary South Koreardquo in Oriental Archive (Archiv Orientalniacute) Quarterly Journal of African and Asian Studies Oriental Institute Prague vol 76 p 217ndash249

mdash (2008) ldquoAacutetkeleacutes a naacutedszaacutelon Keacutep eacutes szoumlveg kapcsolata a kelet-aacutezsiai vallaacutesos műveacuteszetbenrdquo [ldquoCrossing on a Reed Text-image relationships in East Asian Religious Paintingrdquo] in Kaposvaacuter Szele Baacutelint (ed) Pro Scientia Aranyeacutermesek IX Tudomaacutenyos konferenciaacuteja Pro Scientia Aranyeacutermesek Taacutersasaacutega Budapest p 46ndash58

mdash (2009) ldquoAz lsquoaacutetkeleacutes a naacutedszaacutelonrsquo legenda eredeteacutenek keacuterdeacuteseacuterőlrdquo [ldquoThe problem of the Legend of Crossing on a Reedrdquo] in Taacutevol-keleti Tanulmaacutenyok Budapest Taacutevol-keleti Inteacutezet vol 2 p 103ndash122

mdash (2010) ldquoBodhidharma in Contemporary South Korea The Founder of Chan Buddhism from Sacral to Popular Culturerdquo in Govindasamy G Park C K and Tan S K (eds) Korean affaris A contemporary view Kuala Lumpur Perpustakaan Negara Malaysia p 135ndash147

mdash (2013) Szentből jaacuteteacutekbaba A Daruma baba nyomaacuteban a Taacutevol-Keleten [ldquoDoll from a saint In Search for the Daruma doll in East Asiardquo]Lecture on 28th May 2013 Kaacuteroli Gaacutespaacuter Reformaacutetus Egyetem (12th July 2013) [online] httpwwwyoutubecomwatchv=QBCV11LGXhQampfeature=c4-overviewamplist=UUeXTAOGzx8xduHtd71ZGICQ

Nihon shoki 日本書記 [ldquoChronicle of Japanrdquo] (1987) (trans Inoue Mitsusada) Tōkyō Chūō Koronsha (Shōwa 62) p 98ndash99

nishimurA S (1985) ldquoThe Prince and the Pauper The Dynamics of a Shotoku Legendrdquo in Monumenta Nipponica vol40 Issue 3 p 299ndash310

nishiyAmA I (1992) Nihon Shisō no genryū to tenkai Ise-shi Kogakkan Daigaku ShuppanbunukAriyA K (1913) The Religion of the Samurai London Luzac amp Cootto R (1932) Mysticism East and West a Comparative Analysis of the Nature of Mysticism

(trans B L Bracey and R C Payne) London Macmillanorsquoriley M K (2001) Art Beyond the West London Laurence KingpAnoFsky E (1984) Jelenteacutes a vizuaacutelis műveacuteszetekben [The Meaning in Visual Arts]

Budapest Gondolatpelliot P (1923) ldquoNotes sur quelques artistes des six dynasties et des Trsquoangrdquo in Trsquooung Pao

vol 22 p 215ndash291Wag Qi 王圻 and Wang Siyi 王思義 (eds) (1988) Sancaituhui [Kor Samjaedohwi] 三才圖會

(Collected Illustrations of the Three Realms) Shanghai Shanghai guji chubansheSancaituhui [Kor Samjaedohwi] 三才圖會 (Collected Illustrations of the Three Realms) (2001)

Seoul Dongguk Universityseckel D (1997) Das Portraumlt in Ostasien Heidelberg Universitis Verlagsekiguchi S (1957) Daruma no Kenkyū Tokyo IwanamishArF R H (1922) ldquoThe Idolization of Enlightenment On the Mummification of Chrsquoan

Masters in Mediaeval Chinardquo in History of Religions vol 32 nordm 1 p 1ndash31mdash (1995) ldquoThe Zen of Japanese Nationalismrdquo in Lopez S and Donald Jr (eds) Curators of

the Buddha The Study of Buddhism under Colonialism Chicago and London University of Chicago Press

mdash and Sharf E H (eds) (2001) Living Images Japanese Buddhist Icons in Context Stanford Stanford University Press

[Seokcheon] 석천 (2001) ldquoDalmadowa hamkke ilcheonobaeknyeon jeoneuiroui gihaengrdquo 달

마도와 함께 일천오백년전의로의 기행 [ldquo150 years with Bodhidharma-paintingsrdquo] in Seon Munhwa nordm 8 p 99ndash105

mdash (2003) ldquoMeokseonrsquoi ppumeonaedeut dongyangeui yeokdongjeogin seonrdquo 먹선이 뿜어내

듯 동양의 역동적인 禪 [ ldquoInk-strokes eliminating the Dynamic Sŏn of the Eastrdquo] in Seon Munhwa nordm 7 p 20ndash23

mdash (2005) ldquoDalmaeui seonbeopi dongtoro gan katalgeun han pok eui dalmadoro dwesala nan dalmaseonrdquo 달마의 선법이 동토東土로 간 까닭은 한 폭의 달마도로 되살아 난 달마선 [ldquoWhy did Bodhidharmarsquos Zen teaching went to the Eastrdquo] in Seon Munhwa nordm 12 p 30ndash37

Korean Buddhist Research Institute (ed) (1998) Sǒn Thought in Korean Buddhism Seoul Dongguk University Press

spiro A (1988) ldquoNew Light on Gu Kaizhirdquo in Journal of Chinese Religions nordm 16 p 1ndash17stevens J Y and Rae A (1990) ZENGA Brushstrokes of Enlightenment New Orleans

Museum of Artsuler J R (1993) Contemporary Psychoanalysis and Eastern Thought Albany State

University of New Yorktylor E B (1920) Primitive Culture Researches into the Development of Mythology Philosophy

Religion Language Art and Custom 2 vols London John MurrayyAmpolsky P B (1967) The Platform Sutra of the 6th Patriarch New Yorkmdash (1983) ldquoNew Japanese Studies in Early Chrsquoan Historyrdquo in W Lai and L R Lancaster

(eds) Early Chrsquoan in China and Tibet Berkeley Buddhist Studies Series p 1ndash11Yi Dong-Ju (1973) Hanguk hwehwa saron (Korean Art History) Seoul Yeolhwadang[Yi Jeong-hwa] 이정화 (2002) ldquoDalmadorsquoe damgyeojin munyeom musin eui hyanggiro cham-

nareul Channeunda Beomju seunimrdquo 달마도에 담겨진 무념 무심의 향기로 참나를 찾는다

범주스님 [ldquoThe fragrance of no-mind is within Bodhidharma-paintings Through this fra-grance we try to find the truthrdquo] in Seon Munhwa nordm 5 p 52ndash55

[Yi Ju-yeon] 이주연 (2005) ldquoGibokeul dwieoneom neun bosihaengeui Dalmadordquo 기복을 뛰

어넘는 보시행의 달마도 [ldquoOffering Bodhidharma-paintigs for transcending fluctuationrdquo] in Seon Munhwa nordm 7 p 96ndash99

[Yi Yeong-hui] 이영희 (1997) Hanguk sawoneui bubyeokhwa e Daehan gochal 한국 사원의 부벽

화에 대한 고찰 [A study of the Pu-wall painting of Korean temples] unpublished MA thesis Seoul Deptartment of Art Education Graduate School of Education Dongguk University

ying Z (1981) Shaolin Kung-fu Hong Kong Kingsway Internationalyoshino H 吉野裕子 (1995) Daruma no Minzokugaku Onrsquoyo gogyo kara toku ダルマの民俗

蔵 陰陽五行から解く [The folklore of Daruma from Yin-Yangto the Five Elements Theory] Tokyo Iwanami Shoten

[Yu Hyeong-jae] 유형재 (2002) 108 Dalma 108 달마 [108 Bodhidharmas] Seoul BaekamweitZmAnn K (1996) The Cotton Genesis British Library Codex Cotton Otho B VI Princeton

University PresswelBon G R (1968) The Buddhist Nirvāna and Its Western Interpreters Chicago University of

Chicago Presswu T (1996) Masterpieces of Chinese Painting from the Museum of Fine Arts Boston Tang

through Yuan Dynasties Tōkyō Otsuka Kogeishahempel R (1960) ZENGA Malerei des Zen-buddhismus Muumlnchen R Piper

Bod

hidharm

a in China K

orea and Jap

anMod

els for representations

and com

mercialization of the legend

ary founder of C

han Bud

dhism

in East A

siaB

eatr

ix M

ecsi

  • capa face to face SEGUNDO VOL
  • Index Face to Face
  • Beatrix Mecsi

188 189

hood is no darker than the robe itself which we also find in other represen-tations of Bodhidharma The wall painting of the Geukrak Hall of Daewon temple in South Jeolla province shows Bodhidharma with the same features as the image of Huineng seen in both model books but we can be sure about the identity of the figure in the wall painting as it shows Huike presenting Bodhidharma a severed arm (Fig 4)

The ldquoOriginalrdquo Model from Shaolin Monastery

Other paintings showing Bodhidharma with Huike are quite different from the one discussed above One of Korearsquos three most famous temples the Tongdosa has a wall painting dated around 1670 where a bearded figure with large eyes is seen in profile sitting on a straw mat under a pine tree and holding a begging bowl A young noticeably smaller monk holds a book and bows before the seated man (Fig 5) There is no hint of the removed arm but then how do we know that this person is Bodhidharma Our question leads us back to China to the model preserved at the famous Shaolin monastery a place strongly connected with Bodhidharma him-self The image preserved here shows its subject in the same posture as the seated figure in the wall painting (Fig 6) Recently in 1992 the same face type was used as a model for a commission by a Chinese artist on a Bodhidharma sculpture for the Waujeong temple in Gyeonggi province in Korea (Fig 7)30 In Korearsquos other famous monastery the Haeinsa where the printing blocks of the Buddhist canon the Tripitaka Koreana are kept there is another Bodhidharma painting from the Joseon period which bears a resemblance to the wall painting at Tongdosa We can see its influence on other Bodhidharma paintings too where the facial expressions are similar though the setting is different (eg the painting in the Emille Museum)

Gim Hongdo (Kim Hongdo) and the Problems of Bodhidharma as an Immortal

In the oeuvre of another famous Korean artist Gim Hongdo (1745ndashafter 1814) who is considered one of the most outstanding artists of the Joseon period (1392ndash1910) we find paintings showing figures standing or sitting on a reed One of them where the figure is standing on a reed bears an inscription ldquoPicture of crossing the sea on a reedrdquo (Fig 8) Even though we know stories from Japan claiming that Bodhidharma actually crossed the sea and went to Japan this tra-dition can be also traced back to the depiction of the Daoist immortalsrsquo cross-ing the sea and has a long history in iconography that predates Bodhidharmarsquos

30 In the Korean Seon Buddhist magazine Seon Munhwa (Pyeon Jippu 2002 20ndash21) we read that the erection a sculpture made in China was an attempt to access the ldquorealrdquo image of Bodhidharma while also using the most authentic Chinese sources

Bod

hidharm

a in China K

orea and Jap

anMod

els for representations

and com

mercialization of the legend

ary founder of C

han Bud

dhism

in East A

siaB

eatr

ix M

ecsi

Fig 7

Chinese sculptor (name

unknown) Bodhidharma

Sculpture in Korea 1992

[bronze] Waujeongsa

Yeongin Gyeonggi Province

Republic of Korea Photograph

taken by the author in 2006

Fig 8

Gim Hongdo (1745-1806)

Standing Figure on a Reed

19th century inscription

ldquoCrossing the sea on a reedrdquo

Colors on paper

Gansong Art Gallery Seoul

Reproduced in Choi Seon-taek

[Korean Seon Painting] pl 40

190 191

appearance In the case of Gim Hongdo we know that he painted Daoist topics too And if we look at the figure in his painting we see his East Asian rather than Western features and the fur around his waist which also suggests immor-tal qualities (as a parallel see Shen Choursquos painting of an immortal from China in the Nelson-Atkins Museum) The other painting shows a young boy sitting and sleeping on a reed a topic which was also popular among artists in 18th century Korea (see Sim Sajeongrsquos (1707ndash1769) painting of a similar theme) but even though there is still some confusion in identifying this crossing fig-ure with Bodhidharma (Kim Nami 2000 90ndash91) It is very probable that the young seated figure follows the iconography of an immortal (see other young immortal figures crossing seated without a reed) This is supported by the fact that Gim Hongdo painted very similar scenes of immortals crossing water for instance one such immortal crossing on a shrimp (Fig 9)

However the strongly held view is that Gim Hongdorsquos crossing paintings representing Bodhidharma resulted in later images using this iconography either showing Bodhidharma as a young boy or showing Bodhidharmarsquos cross-ing on a reed in a seated position

We have seen from the above examples that the identification of a certain per-sonality in visual arts is interlinked with the beliefs of a given society adding new qualities to an existing legend In the case of Korean Bodhidharma imagery the tradition of arhat paintings and the Daoist immortals was a great contribution and the existence of illustrative models and pattern books are evident though their use was not always from first-hand and there was a degree of freedom in their recon-figuration as seen in the use of Huinengrsquos model in an image of Bodhidharma

Bodhidharma Images in Contemporary South Korea

Anyone who visits Korea soon encounters the representations of Bodhidharma His figure and legend are usually represented in Buddhist temples but a recent phe-nomenon has taken his figure more and more into the secular and semi-secular context such as souvenir shops not only in the vicinity of temples but in other tour-istic areas and frequently visited places like at motorway service stations or even tube stations and restaurants Popular womenrsquos magazines and television channels often carry advertisements for Bodhidharma painters offering potential well-being

Many scholarly studies have been conducted about Bodhidharma but how the image of Bodhidharma came to be commercialized it is still an understud-ied side to the area As is how the Bodhidharmarsquos representations were distrib-uted in East Asia and influenced local imagination and further representations Also worthy of attention of visual arts scholars is how certain models were used in reproducing new objects with the intent of selling them to the wider public a real phenomenon in contemporary Korea This is similar to Japan in inten-tion but the chosen sources for promoting this saintly figure are very different

Bod

hidharm

a in China K

orea and Jap

anMod

els for representations

and com

mercialization of the legend

ary founder of C

han Bud

dhism

in East A

siaB

eatr

ix M

ecsi

Fig 9

Gim Hongdo (1745-

1806) Immortal

crossing the sea on

a shrimp Ink and

light colors on paper

331sum41 cm Sun

Moon University

Museum Collection

(Sun Moon Collection

2001 pl83 p280)

Fig 10

Katsushika Hokusai

(1760-1849) Big

Daruma ca 1817 ink

on paper Reproduced

in Timon Screech

The Lens Within the

Heart The Western

Scientific Gaze and

Popular Imagery in

Later Edo Japan

London Routledge

Curzon 2002 p 243

pl140

192 193

The manner in which Bodhidharma images enter the secular world differs con-siderably between the Japanese islands and Korea

When we look at the ways Bodhidharma images are popularized in modern and contemporary East Asia we find some basic differences between China Korea and Japan

Among these countries Japan was the first one to popularize Bodhidharma on a large scale not only in simplified ink paintings usually executed by monk paint-ers and in popular colour prints but in a form of a roly-poly doll called Daruma

The transformation of the image of a religious founder into a doll is an interesting phenomenon which only appeared in Japan and this form of representation entered Korea as a symbol of Japaneseness rather than the representation of Bodhidharma himself (for example as a sign in Japanese restaurants like the waving cat)

In China the popularization of Bodhidharma only happened recently but here the visual appearance does not play as such an important role as it does in Japan or Korea Here the cult flourishes especially around the Shaolin mon-astery and mainly among martial arts practitioners to whom Bodhidharma is venerated as the founder of Shaolin kungfu

In Korea producing Bodhidharma images and objects was a fashion in the last decades and increased considerably in the last couple of years It started in 1988 with the Seoul Olympics when the so-called gold cards were launched the market These gold cards are small cards painted with real gold paint usu-ally with some lucky representations like the twelve Oriental zodiac animals Taoist talismans and for Westerners four-leaf clovers images of Jesus Christ but more and more with the image of Bodhidharma

Contemporary painters also turned towards the image of the saint and we find not only monks but some professional painters also started to revitalize his image We clearly see this not only in art shops and exhibitions but also in the publica-tions of several books and albums devoted exclusively to Bodhidharma paintings31

The structure of these books is the same where each painting (usually 100 or more often 108) is followed by a poem or explanation related to the legend or some Buddhist teaching These books often combine the pattern book for-mat with the drawing manual with tips on how to draw Bodhidharma Korean painters of Bodhidharma generally use such pattern books together with other publications on Buddhist imagery and in many cases it is obvious where their models came from showing clear formal affinities with their models However at the same time spontaneous ink paintings require some expression from the artist thus making them very personal and spiritually charged pieces

31 For example Hong Ip-Yo Yi Byoung-kyo Dalmado (Bodhidharma-paintings) Seoul Jayu Segye Publ 1993 Gim Chrsquoangbae Hangukeui Dalmado (Korean Bodhidhma Paintings) Seoul Ehwa Munhwa Publishing 1999 Gim Nami Geurimeuro mannaneun Dalma (Meeting Bodhidharma on Pictures) Seoul Shikongsa Publ 2000 Beomju seunim Dalma seonmuk (Monk Beomju Ink Paintings of Bodhidharma) Seoul Hakmunsa Publishing 2001 Yu Hyeongjae 108 Dalma (108 Bodhidharma) Seoul Baekam Publishing 2002

Bod

hidharm

a in China K

orea and Jap

anMod

els for representations

and com

mercialization of the legend

ary founder of C

han Bud

dhism

in East A

siaB

eatr

ix M

ecsi

When talking about popularization we have to mention the importance of major public events and how some artists have used these occasions to propa-gate the image of Bodhidharma

In 2002 when Korea and Japan held the FIFA World Cup monk-painter Gim Dongseong (b 1954) showed his new works in both countries representing Bodhidharma with a football updating the figure in a manner appropriate for the event However he also included a philosophical explanation for his paintings referring to the basic qualities and shared pronunciation for the word ldquoballrdquo (Kor gong) and emptiness (also gong) an important concept in Buddhism (Skt śunyata)

In 2005 during the International APEC (Asian Pacific Economic Cooperation) meeting in Busan monk Beomju (b 1943) made a public performance by making a huge Bodhidharma painting Painting large scale Bodhidharma images for public events can be traced back to earlier traditions It is recorded that the famous Ukiyo-e artist Hokusai (1760ndash1849) also made a similarly giant image in year 1804 (Fig 10)32

Painting Bodhidharma as a performance is not so rare among Korean monk-artists and Jung Gwang the ldquomad monkrdquo (1934ndash2002) who gained interna-tional reputation with his daring Bodhidharma paintings and performances even influenced contemporary expressionist art in the West

In sum in Korean visual arts and Buddhism there is a burgeoning trend in the production and distribution of images of the first Chan patriarch which requires an attempt to understand it in the context of its inner developments and history while placing it within the larger context of other Asian countries

Bibliography

Addiss S (1989) The Art of Zen Paintings and Calligraphy by Japanese Monks 1600-1925 New York Charles Miers

Addiss S and Seo A Y (1998) The Art of 20th Century Zen Paintings and Calligraphy by Japanese Masters Boston Shambala

AwAkAwA Y (1970) Zen Painting Tokyo Kodansha InternationalBDK English Tripitaka (2006) Numata Center for Buddhist TraditionBukkyō Daijiten (1933) compiled by Mochizuki ShinkyōBukkyō Daijiten HakkōshoBArnet S and Burto W (1982) Zen Ink Paintings Tokyo KodanshaBelting H (1987) The End of the History of Art (trans C Wood) Chicago University of Chicago

Press[Beomju seunim Dalma seonmuk] (2001) 범주스님 달마 선묵 [Monk Beomjursquos ink paintings of

Bodhidharma] Seoul Hakmunsa[Boun Jippu] 보운 집부 (2002) ldquo1300yeonyeonmane Dalma daesa uri nara e bongrsquoandwaedardquo

1300 여년만에 달마 대사 우리나라에 봉안되다 [ldquoIt was more than 1300 years since Grand Master Bodhidharma was enshrined in Koreardquo] Seon Munhwa 4 p 20ndash21

Brinker H (1973) Die Zen-buddhistische Bildnismalerei in China und Japan Muumlnchener Ostasiatische Studien vol 10 Wiesbaden Franz Steiner

32 Kōriki Enkōan from Hokusai taiga sokusho saizu c 1817 Nagoya City Museum

194 195

mdash (1987) ldquoThe Daruma-shū Dōgen and Sōtō Zenrdquo in Monumenta Nipponica vol 42 nordm 1 p 25ndash55

mdash (1991) The Rhetoric of Immediacy A Cultural Critique of ChanZen Buddhism Princeton New Jersey Princeton University Press

mdash (1993) Chan Insights and Oversights (An Epistemological Critique of the Chan Tradition) Princeton New Jersey Princeton University Press

mdash (1996) Visions of Power Princeton Princeton University Pressmdash (1997) The Will to Orthodoxy A Critical Genealogy of Northern Chan Buddhism Stanford

California Stanford University Pressmdash (2003) ldquoLa double vie du patriacherdquo in Kyburz J A et al (eds) Eloge des sources

Reflets du Japon ancien et moderne Paris Editions Philippe Picquier p 509ndash538Fo-jih Chi-sung (1007-1072) and Tōrei Enji (1721ndash1792) Damoduolo Chanjing 達摩多羅禪

經 [ldquoBodhidharma Zen Sūtrardquo] (1964) Taishō Shinshū Daizōkyō Kankokai 大正新脩大蔵蔵 [ldquoTripitaka in Chineserdquo] Tōkyō Taishō Issaikyō Kankōkai (T15 No618)

Foulk G T and Sharf R H (1993ndash1994) ldquoOn the Ritual Use of Chrsquoan Portraiture in Medieval Chinardquo in Cahiers drsquoExtrecircme-Asie [Revue bilingue de lrsquoEcole Franccedilaise drsquoExtrecircme Orient Section de Kyoto] Special Issue Chrsquoan Zen Studies vol 7 p 155ndash219

Fontein J and Hickman M L (1970) Zen Painting and Calligraphy Boston Museum of Fine Arts

Fromm E Suzuki DT and DeMartino R (1960) Zen Buddhism and Psychoanalysis New York Harper and Row

gernet J (1949) Les entretiens du maicirctre de dhyāna Chen-houei du Ho-tsouml (668-760) Paris Adrian Maisonneuve

gomBrich E H (1960) Art and Illusion A Study in the Psychology of Pictorial Representation London Phaidon

mdash (1982) The Image and the Eye Further studies in the Psychology of Pictorial Representation London Phaidon

goodAll J (1979) Heaven and Earth 120 Album Leaves from a Ming Encyclopaedia San-tsrsquoai trsquou-hui 1610 London Lund Humphries

grAnoFF PH and shinohArA K (1988) Monks and Magicians Religious Biographies in Asia Motilal Banarsidass India

heine S and Wright D S (eds) (2004) The Zen Canon Oxford Oxford University Press[Hong Ip-ik and Yi Byeong-gyo] 홍입익middot이병교 (1993) Dalmado Hwabeop immun gamsang

baektae 달마도 畵法入門 鑑賞百態 [Painting Bodhidharma hundred great ways to achieve enlightenment through painting] Seoul Jayu Segye

[Hong Cha-seong and So Cheon-seok] 홍자성소천석 (1974) Hongssi seonbulgijong 홍씨 선불

기종 [Marvellous tales of immortals] Sakbuk JayuhisAmAtsu S (1971) Zen and Fine Arts from original Zen to Bijutsu (trans T Gishin) Tokyo

Kodansha Internationalhu S (1953) ldquoChan (Zen) Buddhism in China Its History and Methodrdquo in Philosophy East and

West vol 3 nordm 1 p 3ndash24mdash (1994) ldquoPutidamo gaordquo in Hu Shih Wencun Taibei Yuanliu Khuban Shiyegufen Youxian

Gongsi c Ltd vol12 p 137ndash150hyers C (1973) Zen and the Comic Spirit Philadelphia Westminster Press

Brinker H (1994) Zen in der Kunst des Malens Bern Muumlnchen Wien Otto Wilhelm Barth Verlag

Brinker H and Kanazawa H (1996) Zen Masters of Meditation in Images and Writings Based on a Catalogue of an Exhibition at the Museum Rietberg and Kyoto National Museum

Brinker H Kramers R P and Ouwehand C (eds) (1982) Zen in China Japan East Asian Art Papers of the International Symposium on Zen Zuumlrich University

BAten L (1992) Japanese Folktoys The Playful Arts Tokyo ShufunotomoBuddhist Paintings of Korea (1997ndash2004) Seoul Buddhist Cultural Properties Research

Institute vols1ndash31Buswell R (1992) The Zen Monastic Experience Buddhist Practice in Contemporary Korea

Princeton Princeton University PresscAhill J (1983) ldquoTypes of Text-Object Relationships in Chinese Artrdquo in 31st International

Congress of Human Sciences in Asia and North America (CIISHAN) Abstracts of Papers TōkyōTōhō Gakkai vol 2 p 276

cAssirer E (1953) The Philosophy of Symbolic Forms Vol1 Language (trans R Mannheim) New Haven Yale University Press

[Chang Hee-jeong] 張姬貞 (1996) Joseon hugi Jogyesan jiyeok bulhwaeui yeonrsquogu 朝鮮 後

期 曹溪山地域 佛畵의 硏究 ldquoA Study of Buddhist Paintings of Late Joseon dynasty in Monasteries on Mt Chogyerdquo in Misul Sahak Yeonrsquogu nordm 210 p 71ndash104

chApin H B (1945ndash1946) ldquoThree Early Portraits of Bodhidharmardquo in Archives of the Chinese Art Society of America nordm 1 p 66ndash95

[Choi Seok-hwan] 최석환 (2002) ldquoDalmawa yutopiardquo 달마와 유토피아 [ldquoBodhidharma and Utopiardquo] in Seon Munhwa nordm 4 p 26ndash31

[Choi Sun-taek] 최순택 (1995) Dalmadorsquoeui segye 達磨圖의 世界 [The world of Bodhidharma-paintings] Seoul Hakmunsa

mdash ldquoDalmadorsquoeui yeonrsquogurdquo 達磨圖의 硏究 (1996) [ldquoResearch on Bodhidharma-paintingsrdquo] in Gukje seonmuhakhoe 國際禪武學會 [International Association of Zen and Martial Arts] vol 5 nordm 1 p 21ndash107

mdash Hangukeui seonseohwa 한국의 선서화 (1998) [Korean Seon Painting] Seoul Hakmun[Choi Wan-su] 최완수 (1996) Seokjeong sohwajip 석정 소화집 [Painting collection of monk

Seokjeong] Seoul BeomhaDaruma ten 達磨展 (1988) [ldquoBodhidharma Exhibitionrdquo] Tōkyō Shinjuku Isetan Bijutsukan

vol 4 np 10 p 16drsquoeliA m P (ed) (1942-49) Fonti Ricciane documenti originali concernenti Matteo Ricci e la sto-

ria delle prime relazioni tra lEuropa e la Cina 1579-1615 3 vols Rome Libreria dello Statodukes T [Shifu Nagaboshi Tomio] (1994) The Bodhisattva Warriors The Origin Inner

Philosophy History and Symbolism of the Buddhist Martial Art within India and China York Beach Samuel Weiser

dumoulin H (1992) Zen Buddhism in the 20th Century (trans J S OrsquoLeary) New York and Tokyo Weatherhill

eliAde M (1997 [1978]) Vallaacutesi hiedelmek eacutes eszmeacutek toumlrteacutenete (original title Histoire des croy-ances et des ideacutees religieuses) Budapest Osiris Kiadoacute

FAure B (1986) ldquoBodhidharma as a Textual and Religious Paradigmrdquo in History of Religions vol 25 nordm3 p 187ndash198

Bod

hidharm

a in China K

orea and Jap

anMod

els for representations

and com

mercialization of the legend

ary founder of C

han Bud

dhism

in East A

siaB

eatr

ix M

ecsi

196 197

im deok-su (1999) Yeondam Kim Myeongguk eui Seonhwa yeongu [A Study of the Zen Painting by Kim Myeongguk] MA-diss Department of Buddhist Art and Culture The Graduate School of Buddhism Dongguk University Seoul Korea

JArAnd U (trans) (1987) Dialog uumlber das Ausloumlchen der Anschaung ein fruumlher Chinesischer text aus Tunhuang Frankfurt [Main] RG Fischer

Jing A (1996) ldquoThe Eight Immortals The Transformation of Trsquoang and Sung Taoist Eccentrics during the Yuumlan dynastyrdquo in Hearn M K and Smith J G (eds) Arts of The Sung and Yuumlan New York Metropolitan Museum of Art p 213ndash227

Jung K (1979) The Mad Monk Paintings of Unlimited Action Berkeley Lancaster-Miller Publishers

kAnAZAwA H (1979) Japanese Ink Painting Early Zen Masterpieces Japanese Arts Library Tokyo Kodansha International and Shibundo

kidō C (1978 [1932]) Daruma to sono shosō 達磨と其諸相 [Bodhidharma and his representa-tions] Tokyo Heigo Shuppan-sha

[Kim Chang-bae] 김장배 (1999) Hangug eui Dalmado 한국의 달마도 [Korean Bodhidharma paintings] Seoul Ehwa Munhwa

[Kim Chang-bae] 김장배 (2007) Hangug eui Modeun Dalma 한국의 모든달마 [The all Korean Bodhidharma] Seoul Seoyemunrsquoinhwa

[Kim Cheol] 김철 (1986) Taekwondo Kyoyukron (Education of Taekwondo) Seoul Wonkwang Univervisty Publlishers

[Kim Hye-jeong] 김혜정 (2002) ldquoDalma Chukgu gongeul deulda Dongseong seunimeui Dalmadordquo달마 축구공을 들다 동성스님의 달마도 [ldquoBodhidharma holds a footballrdquo] Seon Munhwa vol 4 p 22ndash25

[Kim Na-mi] 김나미 (2000) Geurimeuro mannaneun Dalma 그림으로 만나는 달마 [Meeting Bodhidharma on pictures] Seoul Shikongsa

[Kim Yong-jae] 김영재 (2001) Bulgyo misureul boneun nun 불교미술을 보는 눈 [Eye for Buddhist art] Seoul Sakyejul

[Koam] 고암 (2006) ldquoDalmado geinjeon yeoneun deuksan hwabaek ilneomeseo munyeo-muirordquo 달마도 개인전 여는 득산 화백 일념에서 무념으로 [ldquoHwabaekrsquos private exhibition of Bodhidharma-paintings From one-attachment to no-attachmentrdquo] Seon Munhwa vol 6 p 50ndash55

koderA T J (1980) Dōgenrsquos Formative Years in China London Routledge and Kegan Paul[Kōjō] 光定 (1964) ldquoDenjutsu Isshin Kaimonrdquo 伝述一心戒文 (ldquoThe Record of the Precepts in a

Mindrdquo) in Taishō Shinshū Daizōkyō Kankokai 大正新脩大蔵経 [ldquoTripitaka in Chineserdquo] Tokyo Taisho Issaikyo Kankokai nordm 74 p 639

[Kōkan Shiren] 虎関師錬 (1278-1348) (1921ndash1922) Genkō Shakusho 元亨釈書 [Buddhist his-tory of the Genkō era] vol15ndash16 Takakusu Junjirō et al (eds) Dai Nihon Bukkyō zensho Tōkyō Yoseido Reprinted Suzuki gakujutsu zaidan edition Tōkyō Kodansha 1970ndash1973 vol 62 p 66ndash230

[Kōshū] 光宗 (1276-1350) Keiran Shūyōshū 渓嵐拾葉集 (A Collection of Leaves Gathered in Stormy Streams) (T762410 532b)

kurAnAkA S (1996) ldquoShōtoku Taishi Kataoka Setsuwa no Keiseirdquo 聖徳太子片岡説話の形成 [ldquoThe formation of Prince Shōtokursquos Kataoka-talerdquo] Manrsquoyo vol 10 p 61

[Kwanjo Monk] 관조스님 (1999) Sachrsquoal Byeokhwa 사찰 벽화 [The mural paintings of Buddhist

temples] Seoul Misul Munhwa [Photographs]lAchmAn C (1993) ldquoWhy Did the Patriarch Cross the River The Rushleaf Bodhidharma

Reconsideredrdquo in Asia Major nordm 6 p 237ndash268lAncAster L R (1983) The Dirty Mop Unlimited Action Paintings and Poems by Jung Kwang the

Mad Monk Berkeley and Seoul Asian Humanities Press and Po Chin ChailAo-ce (1994) Tao Te King Az Uacutet eacutes Ereacuteny koumlnyve (Original title Laozi Daode qing (trans

Weoumlres Saacutendor and Tőkei Ferenc) Budapest TericumlopeZ D Jr (ed) (1995) Curators of the Buddha The Study of Buddhism Under Colonialism

Chicago University of Chicago Pressluo XiAnglin (1960) Tang dai Guangzhou Guangxiao si yu Zhong Yin jiao tong zhi guan xi Jiulong

Zhongguo xue she[Manbong seunim chungyo munhwajae je 48 ho] 만봉스님 중요문화재 제 48 호 [Monk Manbong

living cultural asset no48] (2002) Seoul BongwonsamArosi E (1995) Keacutep eacutes hasonmaacutes Műveacuteszet eacutes valoacutesaacuteg a 14-15 szaacutezadi Magyarorszaacutegon [Image

and likeness Art and reality in the 14th and 15th centuries in Hungary] Budapest Akadeacutemiai KiadoacutemcFArlAnd H N (1986) ldquoFeminine Motifs in Bodhidharma Symbology in Japanrdquo in Asian

Folklore Studies [Nagoya Asian Folklore Institute] nordm 14 p 167ndash191mdash (1987) Daruma The Founder of Zen in Japanese Art and Popular Culture Tokyo and New York

Kodansha InternationalmcrAe J (2001) ldquoReligion as Revolution in Chinese Historiography Hu Shih (1891-1962) on

Shen-Hui (684-758)rdquo in Cahiers drsquoExtrecircme-Asie nordm 12 p 59ndash102mecsi B (1999) ldquoHogyan lett a szentből jaacuteteacutekbabardquo [ldquoHow did a saint become a dollrdquo]

Műhely [Atelier] p 116ndash118mdash (2000) ldquoHogyan eacuterkezett Bodhidharma Japaacutenbardquo [ldquoHow did Bodhidharma arrive

to Japanrdquo] in Orientalista Nap MTA Orientalisztikai Bizottsaacuteg amp ELTE Budapest p 120ndash126 and 245ndash257

mdash (2003) ldquoIdentification problems of Korean Bodhidharma-paintingsrdquo University of Rome ldquoLa Sapienziardquo Faculty of Oriental Studies 21st AKSE Conference-papers p 155ndash162

mdash 2005 ldquoWhy did Bodhidharma Come from the West Origins of Representations of the First Zen Patriarchrdquo in Proceedings of the Hawaii International Conference on Arts and Humanities

mdash (2007) ldquoBodhidharma Images in Contemporary Korea Methods and Strategies of Using and Popularizing the Representations of the First Zen Patriarchrdquo in International Biannual Conference for the Association of Korean Studies Europe Dourdan (AKSE)-Publications

mdash (2007) ldquoBuddhist Saints Crossing the Sea Reconsidering Text-Image Relationships for Understanding the Iconography of the First Zen Patriarchrdquo in Proceedings of the Hawaii International Conference on Arts and Humanities

mdash (2007) ldquoA Szent eacutes a Jaacuteteacutekbaba A Zen Buddhizmus alapiacutetoacutejaacutenak alakja a nem-zen hagy-omaacutenyok tuumlkreacutebenrdquo [ldquoThe Saint and the DollThe founder of Zen Buddhism in the con-text of non-Zen Studiesrdquo] Japanisztika a Boumllcseacutesztudomaacutenyban Kaacuteroli Gaacutespaacuter Reformaacutetus Egyetem Budapest p 203ndash210

mdash (2007) ldquoEvolution Distribution and Commercialization of the Images of Bodhidharma Or How did a Religious Founder Become a Toyrdquo in Japanoloacutegiai Koumlrkeacutep (Istvaacuten Szerdahelyi Peacuteter Wintermantel eds) ELTE Eoumltvoumls Kiadoacute p 245ndash254

mdash (2008) ldquoThe Power on Images on Texts Re-Examined The Case of Bodhidharmarsquos Crossing

Bod

hidharm

a in China K

orea and Jap

anMod

els for representations

and com

mercialization of the legend

ary founder of C

han Bud

dhism

in East A

siaB

eatr

ix M

ecsi

198 199

and the Mass-Consumtion of Bodhidharma-images in Japan and Contemporary South Koreardquo in Oriental Archive (Archiv Orientalniacute) Quarterly Journal of African and Asian Studies Oriental Institute Prague vol 76 p 217ndash249

mdash (2008) ldquoAacutetkeleacutes a naacutedszaacutelon Keacutep eacutes szoumlveg kapcsolata a kelet-aacutezsiai vallaacutesos műveacuteszetbenrdquo [ldquoCrossing on a Reed Text-image relationships in East Asian Religious Paintingrdquo] in Kaposvaacuter Szele Baacutelint (ed) Pro Scientia Aranyeacutermesek IX Tudomaacutenyos konferenciaacuteja Pro Scientia Aranyeacutermesek Taacutersasaacutega Budapest p 46ndash58

mdash (2009) ldquoAz lsquoaacutetkeleacutes a naacutedszaacutelonrsquo legenda eredeteacutenek keacuterdeacuteseacuterőlrdquo [ldquoThe problem of the Legend of Crossing on a Reedrdquo] in Taacutevol-keleti Tanulmaacutenyok Budapest Taacutevol-keleti Inteacutezet vol 2 p 103ndash122

mdash (2010) ldquoBodhidharma in Contemporary South Korea The Founder of Chan Buddhism from Sacral to Popular Culturerdquo in Govindasamy G Park C K and Tan S K (eds) Korean affaris A contemporary view Kuala Lumpur Perpustakaan Negara Malaysia p 135ndash147

mdash (2013) Szentből jaacuteteacutekbaba A Daruma baba nyomaacuteban a Taacutevol-Keleten [ldquoDoll from a saint In Search for the Daruma doll in East Asiardquo]Lecture on 28th May 2013 Kaacuteroli Gaacutespaacuter Reformaacutetus Egyetem (12th July 2013) [online] httpwwwyoutubecomwatchv=QBCV11LGXhQampfeature=c4-overviewamplist=UUeXTAOGzx8xduHtd71ZGICQ

Nihon shoki 日本書記 [ldquoChronicle of Japanrdquo] (1987) (trans Inoue Mitsusada) Tōkyō Chūō Koronsha (Shōwa 62) p 98ndash99

nishimurA S (1985) ldquoThe Prince and the Pauper The Dynamics of a Shotoku Legendrdquo in Monumenta Nipponica vol40 Issue 3 p 299ndash310

nishiyAmA I (1992) Nihon Shisō no genryū to tenkai Ise-shi Kogakkan Daigaku ShuppanbunukAriyA K (1913) The Religion of the Samurai London Luzac amp Cootto R (1932) Mysticism East and West a Comparative Analysis of the Nature of Mysticism

(trans B L Bracey and R C Payne) London Macmillanorsquoriley M K (2001) Art Beyond the West London Laurence KingpAnoFsky E (1984) Jelenteacutes a vizuaacutelis műveacuteszetekben [The Meaning in Visual Arts]

Budapest Gondolatpelliot P (1923) ldquoNotes sur quelques artistes des six dynasties et des Trsquoangrdquo in Trsquooung Pao

vol 22 p 215ndash291Wag Qi 王圻 and Wang Siyi 王思義 (eds) (1988) Sancaituhui [Kor Samjaedohwi] 三才圖會

(Collected Illustrations of the Three Realms) Shanghai Shanghai guji chubansheSancaituhui [Kor Samjaedohwi] 三才圖會 (Collected Illustrations of the Three Realms) (2001)

Seoul Dongguk Universityseckel D (1997) Das Portraumlt in Ostasien Heidelberg Universitis Verlagsekiguchi S (1957) Daruma no Kenkyū Tokyo IwanamishArF R H (1922) ldquoThe Idolization of Enlightenment On the Mummification of Chrsquoan

Masters in Mediaeval Chinardquo in History of Religions vol 32 nordm 1 p 1ndash31mdash (1995) ldquoThe Zen of Japanese Nationalismrdquo in Lopez S and Donald Jr (eds) Curators of

the Buddha The Study of Buddhism under Colonialism Chicago and London University of Chicago Press

mdash and Sharf E H (eds) (2001) Living Images Japanese Buddhist Icons in Context Stanford Stanford University Press

[Seokcheon] 석천 (2001) ldquoDalmadowa hamkke ilcheonobaeknyeon jeoneuiroui gihaengrdquo 달

마도와 함께 일천오백년전의로의 기행 [ldquo150 years with Bodhidharma-paintingsrdquo] in Seon Munhwa nordm 8 p 99ndash105

mdash (2003) ldquoMeokseonrsquoi ppumeonaedeut dongyangeui yeokdongjeogin seonrdquo 먹선이 뿜어내

듯 동양의 역동적인 禪 [ ldquoInk-strokes eliminating the Dynamic Sŏn of the Eastrdquo] in Seon Munhwa nordm 7 p 20ndash23

mdash (2005) ldquoDalmaeui seonbeopi dongtoro gan katalgeun han pok eui dalmadoro dwesala nan dalmaseonrdquo 달마의 선법이 동토東土로 간 까닭은 한 폭의 달마도로 되살아 난 달마선 [ldquoWhy did Bodhidharmarsquos Zen teaching went to the Eastrdquo] in Seon Munhwa nordm 12 p 30ndash37

Korean Buddhist Research Institute (ed) (1998) Sǒn Thought in Korean Buddhism Seoul Dongguk University Press

spiro A (1988) ldquoNew Light on Gu Kaizhirdquo in Journal of Chinese Religions nordm 16 p 1ndash17stevens J Y and Rae A (1990) ZENGA Brushstrokes of Enlightenment New Orleans

Museum of Artsuler J R (1993) Contemporary Psychoanalysis and Eastern Thought Albany State

University of New Yorktylor E B (1920) Primitive Culture Researches into the Development of Mythology Philosophy

Religion Language Art and Custom 2 vols London John MurrayyAmpolsky P B (1967) The Platform Sutra of the 6th Patriarch New Yorkmdash (1983) ldquoNew Japanese Studies in Early Chrsquoan Historyrdquo in W Lai and L R Lancaster

(eds) Early Chrsquoan in China and Tibet Berkeley Buddhist Studies Series p 1ndash11Yi Dong-Ju (1973) Hanguk hwehwa saron (Korean Art History) Seoul Yeolhwadang[Yi Jeong-hwa] 이정화 (2002) ldquoDalmadorsquoe damgyeojin munyeom musin eui hyanggiro cham-

nareul Channeunda Beomju seunimrdquo 달마도에 담겨진 무념 무심의 향기로 참나를 찾는다

범주스님 [ldquoThe fragrance of no-mind is within Bodhidharma-paintings Through this fra-grance we try to find the truthrdquo] in Seon Munhwa nordm 5 p 52ndash55

[Yi Ju-yeon] 이주연 (2005) ldquoGibokeul dwieoneom neun bosihaengeui Dalmadordquo 기복을 뛰

어넘는 보시행의 달마도 [ldquoOffering Bodhidharma-paintigs for transcending fluctuationrdquo] in Seon Munhwa nordm 7 p 96ndash99

[Yi Yeong-hui] 이영희 (1997) Hanguk sawoneui bubyeokhwa e Daehan gochal 한국 사원의 부벽

화에 대한 고찰 [A study of the Pu-wall painting of Korean temples] unpublished MA thesis Seoul Deptartment of Art Education Graduate School of Education Dongguk University

ying Z (1981) Shaolin Kung-fu Hong Kong Kingsway Internationalyoshino H 吉野裕子 (1995) Daruma no Minzokugaku Onrsquoyo gogyo kara toku ダルマの民俗

蔵 陰陽五行から解く [The folklore of Daruma from Yin-Yangto the Five Elements Theory] Tokyo Iwanami Shoten

[Yu Hyeong-jae] 유형재 (2002) 108 Dalma 108 달마 [108 Bodhidharmas] Seoul BaekamweitZmAnn K (1996) The Cotton Genesis British Library Codex Cotton Otho B VI Princeton

University PresswelBon G R (1968) The Buddhist Nirvāna and Its Western Interpreters Chicago University of

Chicago Presswu T (1996) Masterpieces of Chinese Painting from the Museum of Fine Arts Boston Tang

through Yuan Dynasties Tōkyō Otsuka Kogeishahempel R (1960) ZENGA Malerei des Zen-buddhismus Muumlnchen R Piper

Bod

hidharm

a in China K

orea and Jap

anMod

els for representations

and com

mercialization of the legend

ary founder of C

han Bud

dhism

in East A

siaB

eatr

ix M

ecsi

  • capa face to face SEGUNDO VOL
  • Index Face to Face
  • Beatrix Mecsi

190 191

appearance In the case of Gim Hongdo we know that he painted Daoist topics too And if we look at the figure in his painting we see his East Asian rather than Western features and the fur around his waist which also suggests immor-tal qualities (as a parallel see Shen Choursquos painting of an immortal from China in the Nelson-Atkins Museum) The other painting shows a young boy sitting and sleeping on a reed a topic which was also popular among artists in 18th century Korea (see Sim Sajeongrsquos (1707ndash1769) painting of a similar theme) but even though there is still some confusion in identifying this crossing fig-ure with Bodhidharma (Kim Nami 2000 90ndash91) It is very probable that the young seated figure follows the iconography of an immortal (see other young immortal figures crossing seated without a reed) This is supported by the fact that Gim Hongdo painted very similar scenes of immortals crossing water for instance one such immortal crossing on a shrimp (Fig 9)

However the strongly held view is that Gim Hongdorsquos crossing paintings representing Bodhidharma resulted in later images using this iconography either showing Bodhidharma as a young boy or showing Bodhidharmarsquos cross-ing on a reed in a seated position

We have seen from the above examples that the identification of a certain per-sonality in visual arts is interlinked with the beliefs of a given society adding new qualities to an existing legend In the case of Korean Bodhidharma imagery the tradition of arhat paintings and the Daoist immortals was a great contribution and the existence of illustrative models and pattern books are evident though their use was not always from first-hand and there was a degree of freedom in their recon-figuration as seen in the use of Huinengrsquos model in an image of Bodhidharma

Bodhidharma Images in Contemporary South Korea

Anyone who visits Korea soon encounters the representations of Bodhidharma His figure and legend are usually represented in Buddhist temples but a recent phe-nomenon has taken his figure more and more into the secular and semi-secular context such as souvenir shops not only in the vicinity of temples but in other tour-istic areas and frequently visited places like at motorway service stations or even tube stations and restaurants Popular womenrsquos magazines and television channels often carry advertisements for Bodhidharma painters offering potential well-being

Many scholarly studies have been conducted about Bodhidharma but how the image of Bodhidharma came to be commercialized it is still an understud-ied side to the area As is how the Bodhidharmarsquos representations were distrib-uted in East Asia and influenced local imagination and further representations Also worthy of attention of visual arts scholars is how certain models were used in reproducing new objects with the intent of selling them to the wider public a real phenomenon in contemporary Korea This is similar to Japan in inten-tion but the chosen sources for promoting this saintly figure are very different

Bod

hidharm

a in China K

orea and Jap

anMod

els for representations

and com

mercialization of the legend

ary founder of C

han Bud

dhism

in East A

siaB

eatr

ix M

ecsi

Fig 9

Gim Hongdo (1745-

1806) Immortal

crossing the sea on

a shrimp Ink and

light colors on paper

331sum41 cm Sun

Moon University

Museum Collection

(Sun Moon Collection

2001 pl83 p280)

Fig 10

Katsushika Hokusai

(1760-1849) Big

Daruma ca 1817 ink

on paper Reproduced

in Timon Screech

The Lens Within the

Heart The Western

Scientific Gaze and

Popular Imagery in

Later Edo Japan

London Routledge

Curzon 2002 p 243

pl140

192 193

The manner in which Bodhidharma images enter the secular world differs con-siderably between the Japanese islands and Korea

When we look at the ways Bodhidharma images are popularized in modern and contemporary East Asia we find some basic differences between China Korea and Japan

Among these countries Japan was the first one to popularize Bodhidharma on a large scale not only in simplified ink paintings usually executed by monk paint-ers and in popular colour prints but in a form of a roly-poly doll called Daruma

The transformation of the image of a religious founder into a doll is an interesting phenomenon which only appeared in Japan and this form of representation entered Korea as a symbol of Japaneseness rather than the representation of Bodhidharma himself (for example as a sign in Japanese restaurants like the waving cat)

In China the popularization of Bodhidharma only happened recently but here the visual appearance does not play as such an important role as it does in Japan or Korea Here the cult flourishes especially around the Shaolin mon-astery and mainly among martial arts practitioners to whom Bodhidharma is venerated as the founder of Shaolin kungfu

In Korea producing Bodhidharma images and objects was a fashion in the last decades and increased considerably in the last couple of years It started in 1988 with the Seoul Olympics when the so-called gold cards were launched the market These gold cards are small cards painted with real gold paint usu-ally with some lucky representations like the twelve Oriental zodiac animals Taoist talismans and for Westerners four-leaf clovers images of Jesus Christ but more and more with the image of Bodhidharma

Contemporary painters also turned towards the image of the saint and we find not only monks but some professional painters also started to revitalize his image We clearly see this not only in art shops and exhibitions but also in the publica-tions of several books and albums devoted exclusively to Bodhidharma paintings31

The structure of these books is the same where each painting (usually 100 or more often 108) is followed by a poem or explanation related to the legend or some Buddhist teaching These books often combine the pattern book for-mat with the drawing manual with tips on how to draw Bodhidharma Korean painters of Bodhidharma generally use such pattern books together with other publications on Buddhist imagery and in many cases it is obvious where their models came from showing clear formal affinities with their models However at the same time spontaneous ink paintings require some expression from the artist thus making them very personal and spiritually charged pieces

31 For example Hong Ip-Yo Yi Byoung-kyo Dalmado (Bodhidharma-paintings) Seoul Jayu Segye Publ 1993 Gim Chrsquoangbae Hangukeui Dalmado (Korean Bodhidhma Paintings) Seoul Ehwa Munhwa Publishing 1999 Gim Nami Geurimeuro mannaneun Dalma (Meeting Bodhidharma on Pictures) Seoul Shikongsa Publ 2000 Beomju seunim Dalma seonmuk (Monk Beomju Ink Paintings of Bodhidharma) Seoul Hakmunsa Publishing 2001 Yu Hyeongjae 108 Dalma (108 Bodhidharma) Seoul Baekam Publishing 2002

Bod

hidharm

a in China K

orea and Jap

anMod

els for representations

and com

mercialization of the legend

ary founder of C

han Bud

dhism

in East A

siaB

eatr

ix M

ecsi

When talking about popularization we have to mention the importance of major public events and how some artists have used these occasions to propa-gate the image of Bodhidharma

In 2002 when Korea and Japan held the FIFA World Cup monk-painter Gim Dongseong (b 1954) showed his new works in both countries representing Bodhidharma with a football updating the figure in a manner appropriate for the event However he also included a philosophical explanation for his paintings referring to the basic qualities and shared pronunciation for the word ldquoballrdquo (Kor gong) and emptiness (also gong) an important concept in Buddhism (Skt śunyata)

In 2005 during the International APEC (Asian Pacific Economic Cooperation) meeting in Busan monk Beomju (b 1943) made a public performance by making a huge Bodhidharma painting Painting large scale Bodhidharma images for public events can be traced back to earlier traditions It is recorded that the famous Ukiyo-e artist Hokusai (1760ndash1849) also made a similarly giant image in year 1804 (Fig 10)32

Painting Bodhidharma as a performance is not so rare among Korean monk-artists and Jung Gwang the ldquomad monkrdquo (1934ndash2002) who gained interna-tional reputation with his daring Bodhidharma paintings and performances even influenced contemporary expressionist art in the West

In sum in Korean visual arts and Buddhism there is a burgeoning trend in the production and distribution of images of the first Chan patriarch which requires an attempt to understand it in the context of its inner developments and history while placing it within the larger context of other Asian countries

Bibliography

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Addiss S and Seo A Y (1998) The Art of 20th Century Zen Paintings and Calligraphy by Japanese Masters Boston Shambala

AwAkAwA Y (1970) Zen Painting Tokyo Kodansha InternationalBDK English Tripitaka (2006) Numata Center for Buddhist TraditionBukkyō Daijiten (1933) compiled by Mochizuki ShinkyōBukkyō Daijiten HakkōshoBArnet S and Burto W (1982) Zen Ink Paintings Tokyo KodanshaBelting H (1987) The End of the History of Art (trans C Wood) Chicago University of Chicago

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Bodhidharma] Seoul Hakmunsa[Boun Jippu] 보운 집부 (2002) ldquo1300yeonyeonmane Dalma daesa uri nara e bongrsquoandwaedardquo

1300 여년만에 달마 대사 우리나라에 봉안되다 [ldquoIt was more than 1300 years since Grand Master Bodhidharma was enshrined in Koreardquo] Seon Munhwa 4 p 20ndash21

Brinker H (1973) Die Zen-buddhistische Bildnismalerei in China und Japan Muumlnchener Ostasiatische Studien vol 10 Wiesbaden Franz Steiner

32 Kōriki Enkōan from Hokusai taiga sokusho saizu c 1817 Nagoya City Museum

194 195

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California Stanford University Pressmdash (2003) ldquoLa double vie du patriacherdquo in Kyburz J A et al (eds) Eloge des sources

Reflets du Japon ancien et moderne Paris Editions Philippe Picquier p 509ndash538Fo-jih Chi-sung (1007-1072) and Tōrei Enji (1721ndash1792) Damoduolo Chanjing 達摩多羅禪

經 [ldquoBodhidharma Zen Sūtrardquo] (1964) Taishō Shinshū Daizōkyō Kankokai 大正新脩大蔵蔵 [ldquoTripitaka in Chineserdquo] Tōkyō Taishō Issaikyō Kankōkai (T15 No618)

Foulk G T and Sharf R H (1993ndash1994) ldquoOn the Ritual Use of Chrsquoan Portraiture in Medieval Chinardquo in Cahiers drsquoExtrecircme-Asie [Revue bilingue de lrsquoEcole Franccedilaise drsquoExtrecircme Orient Section de Kyoto] Special Issue Chrsquoan Zen Studies vol 7 p 155ndash219

Fontein J and Hickman M L (1970) Zen Painting and Calligraphy Boston Museum of Fine Arts

Fromm E Suzuki DT and DeMartino R (1960) Zen Buddhism and Psychoanalysis New York Harper and Row

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baektae 달마도 畵法入門 鑑賞百態 [Painting Bodhidharma hundred great ways to achieve enlightenment through painting] Seoul Jayu Segye

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Kodansha Internationalhu S (1953) ldquoChan (Zen) Buddhism in China Its History and Methodrdquo in Philosophy East and

West vol 3 nordm 1 p 3ndash24mdash (1994) ldquoPutidamo gaordquo in Hu Shih Wencun Taibei Yuanliu Khuban Shiyegufen Youxian

Gongsi c Ltd vol12 p 137ndash150hyers C (1973) Zen and the Comic Spirit Philadelphia Westminster Press

Brinker H (1994) Zen in der Kunst des Malens Bern Muumlnchen Wien Otto Wilhelm Barth Verlag

Brinker H and Kanazawa H (1996) Zen Masters of Meditation in Images and Writings Based on a Catalogue of an Exhibition at the Museum Rietberg and Kyoto National Museum

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BAten L (1992) Japanese Folktoys The Playful Arts Tokyo ShufunotomoBuddhist Paintings of Korea (1997ndash2004) Seoul Buddhist Cultural Properties Research

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Princeton Princeton University PresscAhill J (1983) ldquoTypes of Text-Object Relationships in Chinese Artrdquo in 31st International

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chApin H B (1945ndash1946) ldquoThree Early Portraits of Bodhidharmardquo in Archives of the Chinese Art Society of America nordm 1 p 66ndash95

[Choi Seok-hwan] 최석환 (2002) ldquoDalmawa yutopiardquo 달마와 유토피아 [ldquoBodhidharma and Utopiardquo] in Seon Munhwa nordm 4 p 26ndash31

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mdash Hangukeui seonseohwa 한국의 선서화 (1998) [Korean Seon Painting] Seoul Hakmun[Choi Wan-su] 최완수 (1996) Seokjeong sohwajip 석정 소화집 [Painting collection of monk

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hidharm

a in China K

orea and Jap

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and com

mercialization of the legend

ary founder of C

han Bud

dhism

in East A

siaB

eatr

ix M

ecsi

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[Kim Yong-jae] 김영재 (2001) Bulgyo misureul boneun nun 불교미술을 보는 눈 [Eye for Buddhist art] Seoul Sakyejul

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Mindrdquo) in Taishō Shinshū Daizōkyō Kankokai 大正新脩大蔵経 [ldquoTripitaka in Chineserdquo] Tokyo Taisho Issaikyo Kankokai nordm 74 p 639

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Reconsideredrdquo in Asia Major nordm 6 p 237ndash268lAncAster L R (1983) The Dirty Mop Unlimited Action Paintings and Poems by Jung Kwang the

Mad Monk Berkeley and Seoul Asian Humanities Press and Po Chin ChailAo-ce (1994) Tao Te King Az Uacutet eacutes Ereacuteny koumlnyve (Original title Laozi Daode qing (trans

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and likeness Art and reality in the 14th and 15th centuries in Hungary] Budapest Akadeacutemiai KiadoacutemcFArlAnd H N (1986) ldquoFeminine Motifs in Bodhidharma Symbology in Japanrdquo in Asian

Folklore Studies [Nagoya Asian Folklore Institute] nordm 14 p 167ndash191mdash (1987) Daruma The Founder of Zen in Japanese Art and Popular Culture Tokyo and New York

Kodansha InternationalmcrAe J (2001) ldquoReligion as Revolution in Chinese Historiography Hu Shih (1891-1962) on

Shen-Hui (684-758)rdquo in Cahiers drsquoExtrecircme-Asie nordm 12 p 59ndash102mecsi B (1999) ldquoHogyan lett a szentből jaacuteteacutekbabardquo [ldquoHow did a saint become a dollrdquo]

Műhely [Atelier] p 116ndash118mdash (2000) ldquoHogyan eacuterkezett Bodhidharma Japaacutenbardquo [ldquoHow did Bodhidharma arrive

to Japanrdquo] in Orientalista Nap MTA Orientalisztikai Bizottsaacuteg amp ELTE Budapest p 120ndash126 and 245ndash257

mdash (2003) ldquoIdentification problems of Korean Bodhidharma-paintingsrdquo University of Rome ldquoLa Sapienziardquo Faculty of Oriental Studies 21st AKSE Conference-papers p 155ndash162

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mdash (2007) ldquoEvolution Distribution and Commercialization of the Images of Bodhidharma Or How did a Religious Founder Become a Toyrdquo in Japanoloacutegiai Koumlrkeacutep (Istvaacuten Szerdahelyi Peacuteter Wintermantel eds) ELTE Eoumltvoumls Kiadoacute p 245ndash254

mdash (2008) ldquoThe Power on Images on Texts Re-Examined The Case of Bodhidharmarsquos Crossing

Bod

hidharm

a in China K

orea and Jap

anMod

els for representations

and com

mercialization of the legend

ary founder of C

han Bud

dhism

in East A

siaB

eatr

ix M

ecsi

198 199

and the Mass-Consumtion of Bodhidharma-images in Japan and Contemporary South Koreardquo in Oriental Archive (Archiv Orientalniacute) Quarterly Journal of African and Asian Studies Oriental Institute Prague vol 76 p 217ndash249

mdash (2008) ldquoAacutetkeleacutes a naacutedszaacutelon Keacutep eacutes szoumlveg kapcsolata a kelet-aacutezsiai vallaacutesos műveacuteszetbenrdquo [ldquoCrossing on a Reed Text-image relationships in East Asian Religious Paintingrdquo] in Kaposvaacuter Szele Baacutelint (ed) Pro Scientia Aranyeacutermesek IX Tudomaacutenyos konferenciaacuteja Pro Scientia Aranyeacutermesek Taacutersasaacutega Budapest p 46ndash58

mdash (2009) ldquoAz lsquoaacutetkeleacutes a naacutedszaacutelonrsquo legenda eredeteacutenek keacuterdeacuteseacuterőlrdquo [ldquoThe problem of the Legend of Crossing on a Reedrdquo] in Taacutevol-keleti Tanulmaacutenyok Budapest Taacutevol-keleti Inteacutezet vol 2 p 103ndash122

mdash (2010) ldquoBodhidharma in Contemporary South Korea The Founder of Chan Buddhism from Sacral to Popular Culturerdquo in Govindasamy G Park C K and Tan S K (eds) Korean affaris A contemporary view Kuala Lumpur Perpustakaan Negara Malaysia p 135ndash147

mdash (2013) Szentből jaacuteteacutekbaba A Daruma baba nyomaacuteban a Taacutevol-Keleten [ldquoDoll from a saint In Search for the Daruma doll in East Asiardquo]Lecture on 28th May 2013 Kaacuteroli Gaacutespaacuter Reformaacutetus Egyetem (12th July 2013) [online] httpwwwyoutubecomwatchv=QBCV11LGXhQampfeature=c4-overviewamplist=UUeXTAOGzx8xduHtd71ZGICQ

Nihon shoki 日本書記 [ldquoChronicle of Japanrdquo] (1987) (trans Inoue Mitsusada) Tōkyō Chūō Koronsha (Shōwa 62) p 98ndash99

nishimurA S (1985) ldquoThe Prince and the Pauper The Dynamics of a Shotoku Legendrdquo in Monumenta Nipponica vol40 Issue 3 p 299ndash310

nishiyAmA I (1992) Nihon Shisō no genryū to tenkai Ise-shi Kogakkan Daigaku ShuppanbunukAriyA K (1913) The Religion of the Samurai London Luzac amp Cootto R (1932) Mysticism East and West a Comparative Analysis of the Nature of Mysticism

(trans B L Bracey and R C Payne) London Macmillanorsquoriley M K (2001) Art Beyond the West London Laurence KingpAnoFsky E (1984) Jelenteacutes a vizuaacutelis műveacuteszetekben [The Meaning in Visual Arts]

Budapest Gondolatpelliot P (1923) ldquoNotes sur quelques artistes des six dynasties et des Trsquoangrdquo in Trsquooung Pao

vol 22 p 215ndash291Wag Qi 王圻 and Wang Siyi 王思義 (eds) (1988) Sancaituhui [Kor Samjaedohwi] 三才圖會

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Seoul Dongguk Universityseckel D (1997) Das Portraumlt in Ostasien Heidelberg Universitis Verlagsekiguchi S (1957) Daruma no Kenkyū Tokyo IwanamishArF R H (1922) ldquoThe Idolization of Enlightenment On the Mummification of Chrsquoan

Masters in Mediaeval Chinardquo in History of Religions vol 32 nordm 1 p 1ndash31mdash (1995) ldquoThe Zen of Japanese Nationalismrdquo in Lopez S and Donald Jr (eds) Curators of

the Buddha The Study of Buddhism under Colonialism Chicago and London University of Chicago Press

mdash and Sharf E H (eds) (2001) Living Images Japanese Buddhist Icons in Context Stanford Stanford University Press

[Seokcheon] 석천 (2001) ldquoDalmadowa hamkke ilcheonobaeknyeon jeoneuiroui gihaengrdquo 달

마도와 함께 일천오백년전의로의 기행 [ldquo150 years with Bodhidharma-paintingsrdquo] in Seon Munhwa nordm 8 p 99ndash105

mdash (2003) ldquoMeokseonrsquoi ppumeonaedeut dongyangeui yeokdongjeogin seonrdquo 먹선이 뿜어내

듯 동양의 역동적인 禪 [ ldquoInk-strokes eliminating the Dynamic Sŏn of the Eastrdquo] in Seon Munhwa nordm 7 p 20ndash23

mdash (2005) ldquoDalmaeui seonbeopi dongtoro gan katalgeun han pok eui dalmadoro dwesala nan dalmaseonrdquo 달마의 선법이 동토東土로 간 까닭은 한 폭의 달마도로 되살아 난 달마선 [ldquoWhy did Bodhidharmarsquos Zen teaching went to the Eastrdquo] in Seon Munhwa nordm 12 p 30ndash37

Korean Buddhist Research Institute (ed) (1998) Sǒn Thought in Korean Buddhism Seoul Dongguk University Press

spiro A (1988) ldquoNew Light on Gu Kaizhirdquo in Journal of Chinese Religions nordm 16 p 1ndash17stevens J Y and Rae A (1990) ZENGA Brushstrokes of Enlightenment New Orleans

Museum of Artsuler J R (1993) Contemporary Psychoanalysis and Eastern Thought Albany State

University of New Yorktylor E B (1920) Primitive Culture Researches into the Development of Mythology Philosophy

Religion Language Art and Custom 2 vols London John MurrayyAmpolsky P B (1967) The Platform Sutra of the 6th Patriarch New Yorkmdash (1983) ldquoNew Japanese Studies in Early Chrsquoan Historyrdquo in W Lai and L R Lancaster

(eds) Early Chrsquoan in China and Tibet Berkeley Buddhist Studies Series p 1ndash11Yi Dong-Ju (1973) Hanguk hwehwa saron (Korean Art History) Seoul Yeolhwadang[Yi Jeong-hwa] 이정화 (2002) ldquoDalmadorsquoe damgyeojin munyeom musin eui hyanggiro cham-

nareul Channeunda Beomju seunimrdquo 달마도에 담겨진 무념 무심의 향기로 참나를 찾는다

범주스님 [ldquoThe fragrance of no-mind is within Bodhidharma-paintings Through this fra-grance we try to find the truthrdquo] in Seon Munhwa nordm 5 p 52ndash55

[Yi Ju-yeon] 이주연 (2005) ldquoGibokeul dwieoneom neun bosihaengeui Dalmadordquo 기복을 뛰

어넘는 보시행의 달마도 [ldquoOffering Bodhidharma-paintigs for transcending fluctuationrdquo] in Seon Munhwa nordm 7 p 96ndash99

[Yi Yeong-hui] 이영희 (1997) Hanguk sawoneui bubyeokhwa e Daehan gochal 한국 사원의 부벽

화에 대한 고찰 [A study of the Pu-wall painting of Korean temples] unpublished MA thesis Seoul Deptartment of Art Education Graduate School of Education Dongguk University

ying Z (1981) Shaolin Kung-fu Hong Kong Kingsway Internationalyoshino H 吉野裕子 (1995) Daruma no Minzokugaku Onrsquoyo gogyo kara toku ダルマの民俗

蔵 陰陽五行から解く [The folklore of Daruma from Yin-Yangto the Five Elements Theory] Tokyo Iwanami Shoten

[Yu Hyeong-jae] 유형재 (2002) 108 Dalma 108 달마 [108 Bodhidharmas] Seoul BaekamweitZmAnn K (1996) The Cotton Genesis British Library Codex Cotton Otho B VI Princeton

University PresswelBon G R (1968) The Buddhist Nirvāna and Its Western Interpreters Chicago University of

Chicago Presswu T (1996) Masterpieces of Chinese Painting from the Museum of Fine Arts Boston Tang

through Yuan Dynasties Tōkyō Otsuka Kogeishahempel R (1960) ZENGA Malerei des Zen-buddhismus Muumlnchen R Piper

Bod

hidharm

a in China K

orea and Jap

anMod

els for representations

and com

mercialization of the legend

ary founder of C

han Bud

dhism

in East A

siaB

eatr

ix M

ecsi

  • capa face to face SEGUNDO VOL
  • Index Face to Face
  • Beatrix Mecsi

192 193

The manner in which Bodhidharma images enter the secular world differs con-siderably between the Japanese islands and Korea

When we look at the ways Bodhidharma images are popularized in modern and contemporary East Asia we find some basic differences between China Korea and Japan

Among these countries Japan was the first one to popularize Bodhidharma on a large scale not only in simplified ink paintings usually executed by monk paint-ers and in popular colour prints but in a form of a roly-poly doll called Daruma

The transformation of the image of a religious founder into a doll is an interesting phenomenon which only appeared in Japan and this form of representation entered Korea as a symbol of Japaneseness rather than the representation of Bodhidharma himself (for example as a sign in Japanese restaurants like the waving cat)

In China the popularization of Bodhidharma only happened recently but here the visual appearance does not play as such an important role as it does in Japan or Korea Here the cult flourishes especially around the Shaolin mon-astery and mainly among martial arts practitioners to whom Bodhidharma is venerated as the founder of Shaolin kungfu

In Korea producing Bodhidharma images and objects was a fashion in the last decades and increased considerably in the last couple of years It started in 1988 with the Seoul Olympics when the so-called gold cards were launched the market These gold cards are small cards painted with real gold paint usu-ally with some lucky representations like the twelve Oriental zodiac animals Taoist talismans and for Westerners four-leaf clovers images of Jesus Christ but more and more with the image of Bodhidharma

Contemporary painters also turned towards the image of the saint and we find not only monks but some professional painters also started to revitalize his image We clearly see this not only in art shops and exhibitions but also in the publica-tions of several books and albums devoted exclusively to Bodhidharma paintings31

The structure of these books is the same where each painting (usually 100 or more often 108) is followed by a poem or explanation related to the legend or some Buddhist teaching These books often combine the pattern book for-mat with the drawing manual with tips on how to draw Bodhidharma Korean painters of Bodhidharma generally use such pattern books together with other publications on Buddhist imagery and in many cases it is obvious where their models came from showing clear formal affinities with their models However at the same time spontaneous ink paintings require some expression from the artist thus making them very personal and spiritually charged pieces

31 For example Hong Ip-Yo Yi Byoung-kyo Dalmado (Bodhidharma-paintings) Seoul Jayu Segye Publ 1993 Gim Chrsquoangbae Hangukeui Dalmado (Korean Bodhidhma Paintings) Seoul Ehwa Munhwa Publishing 1999 Gim Nami Geurimeuro mannaneun Dalma (Meeting Bodhidharma on Pictures) Seoul Shikongsa Publ 2000 Beomju seunim Dalma seonmuk (Monk Beomju Ink Paintings of Bodhidharma) Seoul Hakmunsa Publishing 2001 Yu Hyeongjae 108 Dalma (108 Bodhidharma) Seoul Baekam Publishing 2002

Bod

hidharm

a in China K

orea and Jap

anMod

els for representations

and com

mercialization of the legend

ary founder of C

han Bud

dhism

in East A

siaB

eatr

ix M

ecsi

When talking about popularization we have to mention the importance of major public events and how some artists have used these occasions to propa-gate the image of Bodhidharma

In 2002 when Korea and Japan held the FIFA World Cup monk-painter Gim Dongseong (b 1954) showed his new works in both countries representing Bodhidharma with a football updating the figure in a manner appropriate for the event However he also included a philosophical explanation for his paintings referring to the basic qualities and shared pronunciation for the word ldquoballrdquo (Kor gong) and emptiness (also gong) an important concept in Buddhism (Skt śunyata)

In 2005 during the International APEC (Asian Pacific Economic Cooperation) meeting in Busan monk Beomju (b 1943) made a public performance by making a huge Bodhidharma painting Painting large scale Bodhidharma images for public events can be traced back to earlier traditions It is recorded that the famous Ukiyo-e artist Hokusai (1760ndash1849) also made a similarly giant image in year 1804 (Fig 10)32

Painting Bodhidharma as a performance is not so rare among Korean monk-artists and Jung Gwang the ldquomad monkrdquo (1934ndash2002) who gained interna-tional reputation with his daring Bodhidharma paintings and performances even influenced contemporary expressionist art in the West

In sum in Korean visual arts and Buddhism there is a burgeoning trend in the production and distribution of images of the first Chan patriarch which requires an attempt to understand it in the context of its inner developments and history while placing it within the larger context of other Asian countries

Bibliography

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Addiss S and Seo A Y (1998) The Art of 20th Century Zen Paintings and Calligraphy by Japanese Masters Boston Shambala

AwAkAwA Y (1970) Zen Painting Tokyo Kodansha InternationalBDK English Tripitaka (2006) Numata Center for Buddhist TraditionBukkyō Daijiten (1933) compiled by Mochizuki ShinkyōBukkyō Daijiten HakkōshoBArnet S and Burto W (1982) Zen Ink Paintings Tokyo KodanshaBelting H (1987) The End of the History of Art (trans C Wood) Chicago University of Chicago

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Bodhidharma] Seoul Hakmunsa[Boun Jippu] 보운 집부 (2002) ldquo1300yeonyeonmane Dalma daesa uri nara e bongrsquoandwaedardquo

1300 여년만에 달마 대사 우리나라에 봉안되다 [ldquoIt was more than 1300 years since Grand Master Bodhidharma was enshrined in Koreardquo] Seon Munhwa 4 p 20ndash21

Brinker H (1973) Die Zen-buddhistische Bildnismalerei in China und Japan Muumlnchener Ostasiatische Studien vol 10 Wiesbaden Franz Steiner

32 Kōriki Enkōan from Hokusai taiga sokusho saizu c 1817 Nagoya City Museum

194 195

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California Stanford University Pressmdash (2003) ldquoLa double vie du patriacherdquo in Kyburz J A et al (eds) Eloge des sources

Reflets du Japon ancien et moderne Paris Editions Philippe Picquier p 509ndash538Fo-jih Chi-sung (1007-1072) and Tōrei Enji (1721ndash1792) Damoduolo Chanjing 達摩多羅禪

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Foulk G T and Sharf R H (1993ndash1994) ldquoOn the Ritual Use of Chrsquoan Portraiture in Medieval Chinardquo in Cahiers drsquoExtrecircme-Asie [Revue bilingue de lrsquoEcole Franccedilaise drsquoExtrecircme Orient Section de Kyoto] Special Issue Chrsquoan Zen Studies vol 7 p 155ndash219

Fontein J and Hickman M L (1970) Zen Painting and Calligraphy Boston Museum of Fine Arts

Fromm E Suzuki DT and DeMartino R (1960) Zen Buddhism and Psychoanalysis New York Harper and Row

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West vol 3 nordm 1 p 3ndash24mdash (1994) ldquoPutidamo gaordquo in Hu Shih Wencun Taibei Yuanliu Khuban Shiyegufen Youxian

Gongsi c Ltd vol12 p 137ndash150hyers C (1973) Zen and the Comic Spirit Philadelphia Westminster Press

Brinker H (1994) Zen in der Kunst des Malens Bern Muumlnchen Wien Otto Wilhelm Barth Verlag

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Brinker H Kramers R P and Ouwehand C (eds) (1982) Zen in China Japan East Asian Art Papers of the International Symposium on Zen Zuumlrich University

BAten L (1992) Japanese Folktoys The Playful Arts Tokyo ShufunotomoBuddhist Paintings of Korea (1997ndash2004) Seoul Buddhist Cultural Properties Research

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Princeton Princeton University PresscAhill J (1983) ldquoTypes of Text-Object Relationships in Chinese Artrdquo in 31st International

Congress of Human Sciences in Asia and North America (CIISHAN) Abstracts of Papers TōkyōTōhō Gakkai vol 2 p 276

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期 曹溪山地域 佛畵의 硏究 ldquoA Study of Buddhist Paintings of Late Joseon dynasty in Monasteries on Mt Chogyerdquo in Misul Sahak Yeonrsquogu nordm 210 p 71ndash104

chApin H B (1945ndash1946) ldquoThree Early Portraits of Bodhidharmardquo in Archives of the Chinese Art Society of America nordm 1 p 66ndash95

[Choi Seok-hwan] 최석환 (2002) ldquoDalmawa yutopiardquo 달마와 유토피아 [ldquoBodhidharma and Utopiardquo] in Seon Munhwa nordm 4 p 26ndash31

[Choi Sun-taek] 최순택 (1995) Dalmadorsquoeui segye 達磨圖의 世界 [The world of Bodhidharma-paintings] Seoul Hakmunsa

mdash ldquoDalmadorsquoeui yeonrsquogurdquo 達磨圖의 硏究 (1996) [ldquoResearch on Bodhidharma-paintingsrdquo] in Gukje seonmuhakhoe 國際禪武學會 [International Association of Zen and Martial Arts] vol 5 nordm 1 p 21ndash107

mdash Hangukeui seonseohwa 한국의 선서화 (1998) [Korean Seon Painting] Seoul Hakmun[Choi Wan-su] 최완수 (1996) Seokjeong sohwajip 석정 소화집 [Painting collection of monk

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Philosophy History and Symbolism of the Buddhist Martial Art within India and China York Beach Samuel Weiser

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eliAde M (1997 [1978]) Vallaacutesi hiedelmek eacutes eszmeacutek toumlrteacutenete (original title Histoire des croy-ances et des ideacutees religieuses) Budapest Osiris Kiadoacute

FAure B (1986) ldquoBodhidharma as a Textual and Religious Paradigmrdquo in History of Religions vol 25 nordm3 p 187ndash198

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hidharm

a in China K

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mercialization of the legend

ary founder of C

han Bud

dhism

in East A

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eatr

ix M

ecsi

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[Kim Na-mi] 김나미 (2000) Geurimeuro mannaneun Dalma 그림으로 만나는 달마 [Meeting Bodhidharma on pictures] Seoul Shikongsa

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Mindrdquo) in Taishō Shinshū Daizōkyō Kankokai 大正新脩大蔵経 [ldquoTripitaka in Chineserdquo] Tokyo Taisho Issaikyo Kankokai nordm 74 p 639

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[Kwanjo Monk] 관조스님 (1999) Sachrsquoal Byeokhwa 사찰 벽화 [The mural paintings of Buddhist

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Reconsideredrdquo in Asia Major nordm 6 p 237ndash268lAncAster L R (1983) The Dirty Mop Unlimited Action Paintings and Poems by Jung Kwang the

Mad Monk Berkeley and Seoul Asian Humanities Press and Po Chin ChailAo-ce (1994) Tao Te King Az Uacutet eacutes Ereacuteny koumlnyve (Original title Laozi Daode qing (trans

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and likeness Art and reality in the 14th and 15th centuries in Hungary] Budapest Akadeacutemiai KiadoacutemcFArlAnd H N (1986) ldquoFeminine Motifs in Bodhidharma Symbology in Japanrdquo in Asian

Folklore Studies [Nagoya Asian Folklore Institute] nordm 14 p 167ndash191mdash (1987) Daruma The Founder of Zen in Japanese Art and Popular Culture Tokyo and New York

Kodansha InternationalmcrAe J (2001) ldquoReligion as Revolution in Chinese Historiography Hu Shih (1891-1962) on

Shen-Hui (684-758)rdquo in Cahiers drsquoExtrecircme-Asie nordm 12 p 59ndash102mecsi B (1999) ldquoHogyan lett a szentből jaacuteteacutekbabardquo [ldquoHow did a saint become a dollrdquo]

Műhely [Atelier] p 116ndash118mdash (2000) ldquoHogyan eacuterkezett Bodhidharma Japaacutenbardquo [ldquoHow did Bodhidharma arrive

to Japanrdquo] in Orientalista Nap MTA Orientalisztikai Bizottsaacuteg amp ELTE Budapest p 120ndash126 and 245ndash257

mdash (2003) ldquoIdentification problems of Korean Bodhidharma-paintingsrdquo University of Rome ldquoLa Sapienziardquo Faculty of Oriental Studies 21st AKSE Conference-papers p 155ndash162

mdash 2005 ldquoWhy did Bodhidharma Come from the West Origins of Representations of the First Zen Patriarchrdquo in Proceedings of the Hawaii International Conference on Arts and Humanities

mdash (2007) ldquoBodhidharma Images in Contemporary Korea Methods and Strategies of Using and Popularizing the Representations of the First Zen Patriarchrdquo in International Biannual Conference for the Association of Korean Studies Europe Dourdan (AKSE)-Publications

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mdash (2007) ldquoEvolution Distribution and Commercialization of the Images of Bodhidharma Or How did a Religious Founder Become a Toyrdquo in Japanoloacutegiai Koumlrkeacutep (Istvaacuten Szerdahelyi Peacuteter Wintermantel eds) ELTE Eoumltvoumls Kiadoacute p 245ndash254

mdash (2008) ldquoThe Power on Images on Texts Re-Examined The Case of Bodhidharmarsquos Crossing

Bod

hidharm

a in China K

orea and Jap

anMod

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and com

mercialization of the legend

ary founder of C

han Bud

dhism

in East A

siaB

eatr

ix M

ecsi

198 199

and the Mass-Consumtion of Bodhidharma-images in Japan and Contemporary South Koreardquo in Oriental Archive (Archiv Orientalniacute) Quarterly Journal of African and Asian Studies Oriental Institute Prague vol 76 p 217ndash249

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mdash (2009) ldquoAz lsquoaacutetkeleacutes a naacutedszaacutelonrsquo legenda eredeteacutenek keacuterdeacuteseacuterőlrdquo [ldquoThe problem of the Legend of Crossing on a Reedrdquo] in Taacutevol-keleti Tanulmaacutenyok Budapest Taacutevol-keleti Inteacutezet vol 2 p 103ndash122

mdash (2010) ldquoBodhidharma in Contemporary South Korea The Founder of Chan Buddhism from Sacral to Popular Culturerdquo in Govindasamy G Park C K and Tan S K (eds) Korean affaris A contemporary view Kuala Lumpur Perpustakaan Negara Malaysia p 135ndash147

mdash (2013) Szentből jaacuteteacutekbaba A Daruma baba nyomaacuteban a Taacutevol-Keleten [ldquoDoll from a saint In Search for the Daruma doll in East Asiardquo]Lecture on 28th May 2013 Kaacuteroli Gaacutespaacuter Reformaacutetus Egyetem (12th July 2013) [online] httpwwwyoutubecomwatchv=QBCV11LGXhQampfeature=c4-overviewamplist=UUeXTAOGzx8xduHtd71ZGICQ

Nihon shoki 日本書記 [ldquoChronicle of Japanrdquo] (1987) (trans Inoue Mitsusada) Tōkyō Chūō Koronsha (Shōwa 62) p 98ndash99

nishimurA S (1985) ldquoThe Prince and the Pauper The Dynamics of a Shotoku Legendrdquo in Monumenta Nipponica vol40 Issue 3 p 299ndash310

nishiyAmA I (1992) Nihon Shisō no genryū to tenkai Ise-shi Kogakkan Daigaku ShuppanbunukAriyA K (1913) The Religion of the Samurai London Luzac amp Cootto R (1932) Mysticism East and West a Comparative Analysis of the Nature of Mysticism

(trans B L Bracey and R C Payne) London Macmillanorsquoriley M K (2001) Art Beyond the West London Laurence KingpAnoFsky E (1984) Jelenteacutes a vizuaacutelis műveacuteszetekben [The Meaning in Visual Arts]

Budapest Gondolatpelliot P (1923) ldquoNotes sur quelques artistes des six dynasties et des Trsquoangrdquo in Trsquooung Pao

vol 22 p 215ndash291Wag Qi 王圻 and Wang Siyi 王思義 (eds) (1988) Sancaituhui [Kor Samjaedohwi] 三才圖會

(Collected Illustrations of the Three Realms) Shanghai Shanghai guji chubansheSancaituhui [Kor Samjaedohwi] 三才圖會 (Collected Illustrations of the Three Realms) (2001)

Seoul Dongguk Universityseckel D (1997) Das Portraumlt in Ostasien Heidelberg Universitis Verlagsekiguchi S (1957) Daruma no Kenkyū Tokyo IwanamishArF R H (1922) ldquoThe Idolization of Enlightenment On the Mummification of Chrsquoan

Masters in Mediaeval Chinardquo in History of Religions vol 32 nordm 1 p 1ndash31mdash (1995) ldquoThe Zen of Japanese Nationalismrdquo in Lopez S and Donald Jr (eds) Curators of

the Buddha The Study of Buddhism under Colonialism Chicago and London University of Chicago Press

mdash and Sharf E H (eds) (2001) Living Images Japanese Buddhist Icons in Context Stanford Stanford University Press

[Seokcheon] 석천 (2001) ldquoDalmadowa hamkke ilcheonobaeknyeon jeoneuiroui gihaengrdquo 달

마도와 함께 일천오백년전의로의 기행 [ldquo150 years with Bodhidharma-paintingsrdquo] in Seon Munhwa nordm 8 p 99ndash105

mdash (2003) ldquoMeokseonrsquoi ppumeonaedeut dongyangeui yeokdongjeogin seonrdquo 먹선이 뿜어내

듯 동양의 역동적인 禪 [ ldquoInk-strokes eliminating the Dynamic Sŏn of the Eastrdquo] in Seon Munhwa nordm 7 p 20ndash23

mdash (2005) ldquoDalmaeui seonbeopi dongtoro gan katalgeun han pok eui dalmadoro dwesala nan dalmaseonrdquo 달마의 선법이 동토東土로 간 까닭은 한 폭의 달마도로 되살아 난 달마선 [ldquoWhy did Bodhidharmarsquos Zen teaching went to the Eastrdquo] in Seon Munhwa nordm 12 p 30ndash37

Korean Buddhist Research Institute (ed) (1998) Sǒn Thought in Korean Buddhism Seoul Dongguk University Press

spiro A (1988) ldquoNew Light on Gu Kaizhirdquo in Journal of Chinese Religions nordm 16 p 1ndash17stevens J Y and Rae A (1990) ZENGA Brushstrokes of Enlightenment New Orleans

Museum of Artsuler J R (1993) Contemporary Psychoanalysis and Eastern Thought Albany State

University of New Yorktylor E B (1920) Primitive Culture Researches into the Development of Mythology Philosophy

Religion Language Art and Custom 2 vols London John MurrayyAmpolsky P B (1967) The Platform Sutra of the 6th Patriarch New Yorkmdash (1983) ldquoNew Japanese Studies in Early Chrsquoan Historyrdquo in W Lai and L R Lancaster

(eds) Early Chrsquoan in China and Tibet Berkeley Buddhist Studies Series p 1ndash11Yi Dong-Ju (1973) Hanguk hwehwa saron (Korean Art History) Seoul Yeolhwadang[Yi Jeong-hwa] 이정화 (2002) ldquoDalmadorsquoe damgyeojin munyeom musin eui hyanggiro cham-

nareul Channeunda Beomju seunimrdquo 달마도에 담겨진 무념 무심의 향기로 참나를 찾는다

범주스님 [ldquoThe fragrance of no-mind is within Bodhidharma-paintings Through this fra-grance we try to find the truthrdquo] in Seon Munhwa nordm 5 p 52ndash55

[Yi Ju-yeon] 이주연 (2005) ldquoGibokeul dwieoneom neun bosihaengeui Dalmadordquo 기복을 뛰

어넘는 보시행의 달마도 [ldquoOffering Bodhidharma-paintigs for transcending fluctuationrdquo] in Seon Munhwa nordm 7 p 96ndash99

[Yi Yeong-hui] 이영희 (1997) Hanguk sawoneui bubyeokhwa e Daehan gochal 한국 사원의 부벽

화에 대한 고찰 [A study of the Pu-wall painting of Korean temples] unpublished MA thesis Seoul Deptartment of Art Education Graduate School of Education Dongguk University

ying Z (1981) Shaolin Kung-fu Hong Kong Kingsway Internationalyoshino H 吉野裕子 (1995) Daruma no Minzokugaku Onrsquoyo gogyo kara toku ダルマの民俗

蔵 陰陽五行から解く [The folklore of Daruma from Yin-Yangto the Five Elements Theory] Tokyo Iwanami Shoten

[Yu Hyeong-jae] 유형재 (2002) 108 Dalma 108 달마 [108 Bodhidharmas] Seoul BaekamweitZmAnn K (1996) The Cotton Genesis British Library Codex Cotton Otho B VI Princeton

University PresswelBon G R (1968) The Buddhist Nirvāna and Its Western Interpreters Chicago University of

Chicago Presswu T (1996) Masterpieces of Chinese Painting from the Museum of Fine Arts Boston Tang

through Yuan Dynasties Tōkyō Otsuka Kogeishahempel R (1960) ZENGA Malerei des Zen-buddhismus Muumlnchen R Piper

Bod

hidharm

a in China K

orea and Jap

anMod

els for representations

and com

mercialization of the legend

ary founder of C

han Bud

dhism

in East A

siaB

eatr

ix M

ecsi

  • capa face to face SEGUNDO VOL
  • Index Face to Face
  • Beatrix Mecsi

194 195

mdash (1987) ldquoThe Daruma-shū Dōgen and Sōtō Zenrdquo in Monumenta Nipponica vol 42 nordm 1 p 25ndash55

mdash (1991) The Rhetoric of Immediacy A Cultural Critique of ChanZen Buddhism Princeton New Jersey Princeton University Press

mdash (1993) Chan Insights and Oversights (An Epistemological Critique of the Chan Tradition) Princeton New Jersey Princeton University Press

mdash (1996) Visions of Power Princeton Princeton University Pressmdash (1997) The Will to Orthodoxy A Critical Genealogy of Northern Chan Buddhism Stanford

California Stanford University Pressmdash (2003) ldquoLa double vie du patriacherdquo in Kyburz J A et al (eds) Eloge des sources

Reflets du Japon ancien et moderne Paris Editions Philippe Picquier p 509ndash538Fo-jih Chi-sung (1007-1072) and Tōrei Enji (1721ndash1792) Damoduolo Chanjing 達摩多羅禪

經 [ldquoBodhidharma Zen Sūtrardquo] (1964) Taishō Shinshū Daizōkyō Kankokai 大正新脩大蔵蔵 [ldquoTripitaka in Chineserdquo] Tōkyō Taishō Issaikyō Kankōkai (T15 No618)

Foulk G T and Sharf R H (1993ndash1994) ldquoOn the Ritual Use of Chrsquoan Portraiture in Medieval Chinardquo in Cahiers drsquoExtrecircme-Asie [Revue bilingue de lrsquoEcole Franccedilaise drsquoExtrecircme Orient Section de Kyoto] Special Issue Chrsquoan Zen Studies vol 7 p 155ndash219

Fontein J and Hickman M L (1970) Zen Painting and Calligraphy Boston Museum of Fine Arts

Fromm E Suzuki DT and DeMartino R (1960) Zen Buddhism and Psychoanalysis New York Harper and Row

gernet J (1949) Les entretiens du maicirctre de dhyāna Chen-houei du Ho-tsouml (668-760) Paris Adrian Maisonneuve

gomBrich E H (1960) Art and Illusion A Study in the Psychology of Pictorial Representation London Phaidon

mdash (1982) The Image and the Eye Further studies in the Psychology of Pictorial Representation London Phaidon

goodAll J (1979) Heaven and Earth 120 Album Leaves from a Ming Encyclopaedia San-tsrsquoai trsquou-hui 1610 London Lund Humphries

grAnoFF PH and shinohArA K (1988) Monks and Magicians Religious Biographies in Asia Motilal Banarsidass India

heine S and Wright D S (eds) (2004) The Zen Canon Oxford Oxford University Press[Hong Ip-ik and Yi Byeong-gyo] 홍입익middot이병교 (1993) Dalmado Hwabeop immun gamsang

baektae 달마도 畵法入門 鑑賞百態 [Painting Bodhidharma hundred great ways to achieve enlightenment through painting] Seoul Jayu Segye

[Hong Cha-seong and So Cheon-seok] 홍자성소천석 (1974) Hongssi seonbulgijong 홍씨 선불

기종 [Marvellous tales of immortals] Sakbuk JayuhisAmAtsu S (1971) Zen and Fine Arts from original Zen to Bijutsu (trans T Gishin) Tokyo

Kodansha Internationalhu S (1953) ldquoChan (Zen) Buddhism in China Its History and Methodrdquo in Philosophy East and

West vol 3 nordm 1 p 3ndash24mdash (1994) ldquoPutidamo gaordquo in Hu Shih Wencun Taibei Yuanliu Khuban Shiyegufen Youxian

Gongsi c Ltd vol12 p 137ndash150hyers C (1973) Zen and the Comic Spirit Philadelphia Westminster Press

Brinker H (1994) Zen in der Kunst des Malens Bern Muumlnchen Wien Otto Wilhelm Barth Verlag

Brinker H and Kanazawa H (1996) Zen Masters of Meditation in Images and Writings Based on a Catalogue of an Exhibition at the Museum Rietberg and Kyoto National Museum

Brinker H Kramers R P and Ouwehand C (eds) (1982) Zen in China Japan East Asian Art Papers of the International Symposium on Zen Zuumlrich University

BAten L (1992) Japanese Folktoys The Playful Arts Tokyo ShufunotomoBuddhist Paintings of Korea (1997ndash2004) Seoul Buddhist Cultural Properties Research

Institute vols1ndash31Buswell R (1992) The Zen Monastic Experience Buddhist Practice in Contemporary Korea

Princeton Princeton University PresscAhill J (1983) ldquoTypes of Text-Object Relationships in Chinese Artrdquo in 31st International

Congress of Human Sciences in Asia and North America (CIISHAN) Abstracts of Papers TōkyōTōhō Gakkai vol 2 p 276

cAssirer E (1953) The Philosophy of Symbolic Forms Vol1 Language (trans R Mannheim) New Haven Yale University Press

[Chang Hee-jeong] 張姬貞 (1996) Joseon hugi Jogyesan jiyeok bulhwaeui yeonrsquogu 朝鮮 後

期 曹溪山地域 佛畵의 硏究 ldquoA Study of Buddhist Paintings of Late Joseon dynasty in Monasteries on Mt Chogyerdquo in Misul Sahak Yeonrsquogu nordm 210 p 71ndash104

chApin H B (1945ndash1946) ldquoThree Early Portraits of Bodhidharmardquo in Archives of the Chinese Art Society of America nordm 1 p 66ndash95

[Choi Seok-hwan] 최석환 (2002) ldquoDalmawa yutopiardquo 달마와 유토피아 [ldquoBodhidharma and Utopiardquo] in Seon Munhwa nordm 4 p 26ndash31

[Choi Sun-taek] 최순택 (1995) Dalmadorsquoeui segye 達磨圖의 世界 [The world of Bodhidharma-paintings] Seoul Hakmunsa

mdash ldquoDalmadorsquoeui yeonrsquogurdquo 達磨圖의 硏究 (1996) [ldquoResearch on Bodhidharma-paintingsrdquo] in Gukje seonmuhakhoe 國際禪武學會 [International Association of Zen and Martial Arts] vol 5 nordm 1 p 21ndash107

mdash Hangukeui seonseohwa 한국의 선서화 (1998) [Korean Seon Painting] Seoul Hakmun[Choi Wan-su] 최완수 (1996) Seokjeong sohwajip 석정 소화집 [Painting collection of monk

Seokjeong] Seoul BeomhaDaruma ten 達磨展 (1988) [ldquoBodhidharma Exhibitionrdquo] Tōkyō Shinjuku Isetan Bijutsukan

vol 4 np 10 p 16drsquoeliA m P (ed) (1942-49) Fonti Ricciane documenti originali concernenti Matteo Ricci e la sto-

ria delle prime relazioni tra lEuropa e la Cina 1579-1615 3 vols Rome Libreria dello Statodukes T [Shifu Nagaboshi Tomio] (1994) The Bodhisattva Warriors The Origin Inner

Philosophy History and Symbolism of the Buddhist Martial Art within India and China York Beach Samuel Weiser

dumoulin H (1992) Zen Buddhism in the 20th Century (trans J S OrsquoLeary) New York and Tokyo Weatherhill

eliAde M (1997 [1978]) Vallaacutesi hiedelmek eacutes eszmeacutek toumlrteacutenete (original title Histoire des croy-ances et des ideacutees religieuses) Budapest Osiris Kiadoacute

FAure B (1986) ldquoBodhidharma as a Textual and Religious Paradigmrdquo in History of Religions vol 25 nordm3 p 187ndash198

Bod

hidharm

a in China K

orea and Jap

anMod

els for representations

and com

mercialization of the legend

ary founder of C

han Bud

dhism

in East A

siaB

eatr

ix M

ecsi

196 197

im deok-su (1999) Yeondam Kim Myeongguk eui Seonhwa yeongu [A Study of the Zen Painting by Kim Myeongguk] MA-diss Department of Buddhist Art and Culture The Graduate School of Buddhism Dongguk University Seoul Korea

JArAnd U (trans) (1987) Dialog uumlber das Ausloumlchen der Anschaung ein fruumlher Chinesischer text aus Tunhuang Frankfurt [Main] RG Fischer

Jing A (1996) ldquoThe Eight Immortals The Transformation of Trsquoang and Sung Taoist Eccentrics during the Yuumlan dynastyrdquo in Hearn M K and Smith J G (eds) Arts of The Sung and Yuumlan New York Metropolitan Museum of Art p 213ndash227

Jung K (1979) The Mad Monk Paintings of Unlimited Action Berkeley Lancaster-Miller Publishers

kAnAZAwA H (1979) Japanese Ink Painting Early Zen Masterpieces Japanese Arts Library Tokyo Kodansha International and Shibundo

kidō C (1978 [1932]) Daruma to sono shosō 達磨と其諸相 [Bodhidharma and his representa-tions] Tokyo Heigo Shuppan-sha

[Kim Chang-bae] 김장배 (1999) Hangug eui Dalmado 한국의 달마도 [Korean Bodhidharma paintings] Seoul Ehwa Munhwa

[Kim Chang-bae] 김장배 (2007) Hangug eui Modeun Dalma 한국의 모든달마 [The all Korean Bodhidharma] Seoul Seoyemunrsquoinhwa

[Kim Cheol] 김철 (1986) Taekwondo Kyoyukron (Education of Taekwondo) Seoul Wonkwang Univervisty Publlishers

[Kim Hye-jeong] 김혜정 (2002) ldquoDalma Chukgu gongeul deulda Dongseong seunimeui Dalmadordquo달마 축구공을 들다 동성스님의 달마도 [ldquoBodhidharma holds a footballrdquo] Seon Munhwa vol 4 p 22ndash25

[Kim Na-mi] 김나미 (2000) Geurimeuro mannaneun Dalma 그림으로 만나는 달마 [Meeting Bodhidharma on pictures] Seoul Shikongsa

[Kim Yong-jae] 김영재 (2001) Bulgyo misureul boneun nun 불교미술을 보는 눈 [Eye for Buddhist art] Seoul Sakyejul

[Koam] 고암 (2006) ldquoDalmado geinjeon yeoneun deuksan hwabaek ilneomeseo munyeo-muirordquo 달마도 개인전 여는 득산 화백 일념에서 무념으로 [ldquoHwabaekrsquos private exhibition of Bodhidharma-paintings From one-attachment to no-attachmentrdquo] Seon Munhwa vol 6 p 50ndash55

koderA T J (1980) Dōgenrsquos Formative Years in China London Routledge and Kegan Paul[Kōjō] 光定 (1964) ldquoDenjutsu Isshin Kaimonrdquo 伝述一心戒文 (ldquoThe Record of the Precepts in a

Mindrdquo) in Taishō Shinshū Daizōkyō Kankokai 大正新脩大蔵経 [ldquoTripitaka in Chineserdquo] Tokyo Taisho Issaikyo Kankokai nordm 74 p 639

[Kōkan Shiren] 虎関師錬 (1278-1348) (1921ndash1922) Genkō Shakusho 元亨釈書 [Buddhist his-tory of the Genkō era] vol15ndash16 Takakusu Junjirō et al (eds) Dai Nihon Bukkyō zensho Tōkyō Yoseido Reprinted Suzuki gakujutsu zaidan edition Tōkyō Kodansha 1970ndash1973 vol 62 p 66ndash230

[Kōshū] 光宗 (1276-1350) Keiran Shūyōshū 渓嵐拾葉集 (A Collection of Leaves Gathered in Stormy Streams) (T762410 532b)

kurAnAkA S (1996) ldquoShōtoku Taishi Kataoka Setsuwa no Keiseirdquo 聖徳太子片岡説話の形成 [ldquoThe formation of Prince Shōtokursquos Kataoka-talerdquo] Manrsquoyo vol 10 p 61

[Kwanjo Monk] 관조스님 (1999) Sachrsquoal Byeokhwa 사찰 벽화 [The mural paintings of Buddhist

temples] Seoul Misul Munhwa [Photographs]lAchmAn C (1993) ldquoWhy Did the Patriarch Cross the River The Rushleaf Bodhidharma

Reconsideredrdquo in Asia Major nordm 6 p 237ndash268lAncAster L R (1983) The Dirty Mop Unlimited Action Paintings and Poems by Jung Kwang the

Mad Monk Berkeley and Seoul Asian Humanities Press and Po Chin ChailAo-ce (1994) Tao Te King Az Uacutet eacutes Ereacuteny koumlnyve (Original title Laozi Daode qing (trans

Weoumlres Saacutendor and Tőkei Ferenc) Budapest TericumlopeZ D Jr (ed) (1995) Curators of the Buddha The Study of Buddhism Under Colonialism

Chicago University of Chicago Pressluo XiAnglin (1960) Tang dai Guangzhou Guangxiao si yu Zhong Yin jiao tong zhi guan xi Jiulong

Zhongguo xue she[Manbong seunim chungyo munhwajae je 48 ho] 만봉스님 중요문화재 제 48 호 [Monk Manbong

living cultural asset no48] (2002) Seoul BongwonsamArosi E (1995) Keacutep eacutes hasonmaacutes Műveacuteszet eacutes valoacutesaacuteg a 14-15 szaacutezadi Magyarorszaacutegon [Image

and likeness Art and reality in the 14th and 15th centuries in Hungary] Budapest Akadeacutemiai KiadoacutemcFArlAnd H N (1986) ldquoFeminine Motifs in Bodhidharma Symbology in Japanrdquo in Asian

Folklore Studies [Nagoya Asian Folklore Institute] nordm 14 p 167ndash191mdash (1987) Daruma The Founder of Zen in Japanese Art and Popular Culture Tokyo and New York

Kodansha InternationalmcrAe J (2001) ldquoReligion as Revolution in Chinese Historiography Hu Shih (1891-1962) on

Shen-Hui (684-758)rdquo in Cahiers drsquoExtrecircme-Asie nordm 12 p 59ndash102mecsi B (1999) ldquoHogyan lett a szentből jaacuteteacutekbabardquo [ldquoHow did a saint become a dollrdquo]

Műhely [Atelier] p 116ndash118mdash (2000) ldquoHogyan eacuterkezett Bodhidharma Japaacutenbardquo [ldquoHow did Bodhidharma arrive

to Japanrdquo] in Orientalista Nap MTA Orientalisztikai Bizottsaacuteg amp ELTE Budapest p 120ndash126 and 245ndash257

mdash (2003) ldquoIdentification problems of Korean Bodhidharma-paintingsrdquo University of Rome ldquoLa Sapienziardquo Faculty of Oriental Studies 21st AKSE Conference-papers p 155ndash162

mdash 2005 ldquoWhy did Bodhidharma Come from the West Origins of Representations of the First Zen Patriarchrdquo in Proceedings of the Hawaii International Conference on Arts and Humanities

mdash (2007) ldquoBodhidharma Images in Contemporary Korea Methods and Strategies of Using and Popularizing the Representations of the First Zen Patriarchrdquo in International Biannual Conference for the Association of Korean Studies Europe Dourdan (AKSE)-Publications

mdash (2007) ldquoBuddhist Saints Crossing the Sea Reconsidering Text-Image Relationships for Understanding the Iconography of the First Zen Patriarchrdquo in Proceedings of the Hawaii International Conference on Arts and Humanities

mdash (2007) ldquoA Szent eacutes a Jaacuteteacutekbaba A Zen Buddhizmus alapiacutetoacutejaacutenak alakja a nem-zen hagy-omaacutenyok tuumlkreacutebenrdquo [ldquoThe Saint and the DollThe founder of Zen Buddhism in the con-text of non-Zen Studiesrdquo] Japanisztika a Boumllcseacutesztudomaacutenyban Kaacuteroli Gaacutespaacuter Reformaacutetus Egyetem Budapest p 203ndash210

mdash (2007) ldquoEvolution Distribution and Commercialization of the Images of Bodhidharma Or How did a Religious Founder Become a Toyrdquo in Japanoloacutegiai Koumlrkeacutep (Istvaacuten Szerdahelyi Peacuteter Wintermantel eds) ELTE Eoumltvoumls Kiadoacute p 245ndash254

mdash (2008) ldquoThe Power on Images on Texts Re-Examined The Case of Bodhidharmarsquos Crossing

Bod

hidharm

a in China K

orea and Jap

anMod

els for representations

and com

mercialization of the legend

ary founder of C

han Bud

dhism

in East A

siaB

eatr

ix M

ecsi

198 199

and the Mass-Consumtion of Bodhidharma-images in Japan and Contemporary South Koreardquo in Oriental Archive (Archiv Orientalniacute) Quarterly Journal of African and Asian Studies Oriental Institute Prague vol 76 p 217ndash249

mdash (2008) ldquoAacutetkeleacutes a naacutedszaacutelon Keacutep eacutes szoumlveg kapcsolata a kelet-aacutezsiai vallaacutesos műveacuteszetbenrdquo [ldquoCrossing on a Reed Text-image relationships in East Asian Religious Paintingrdquo] in Kaposvaacuter Szele Baacutelint (ed) Pro Scientia Aranyeacutermesek IX Tudomaacutenyos konferenciaacuteja Pro Scientia Aranyeacutermesek Taacutersasaacutega Budapest p 46ndash58

mdash (2009) ldquoAz lsquoaacutetkeleacutes a naacutedszaacutelonrsquo legenda eredeteacutenek keacuterdeacuteseacuterőlrdquo [ldquoThe problem of the Legend of Crossing on a Reedrdquo] in Taacutevol-keleti Tanulmaacutenyok Budapest Taacutevol-keleti Inteacutezet vol 2 p 103ndash122

mdash (2010) ldquoBodhidharma in Contemporary South Korea The Founder of Chan Buddhism from Sacral to Popular Culturerdquo in Govindasamy G Park C K and Tan S K (eds) Korean affaris A contemporary view Kuala Lumpur Perpustakaan Negara Malaysia p 135ndash147

mdash (2013) Szentből jaacuteteacutekbaba A Daruma baba nyomaacuteban a Taacutevol-Keleten [ldquoDoll from a saint In Search for the Daruma doll in East Asiardquo]Lecture on 28th May 2013 Kaacuteroli Gaacutespaacuter Reformaacutetus Egyetem (12th July 2013) [online] httpwwwyoutubecomwatchv=QBCV11LGXhQampfeature=c4-overviewamplist=UUeXTAOGzx8xduHtd71ZGICQ

Nihon shoki 日本書記 [ldquoChronicle of Japanrdquo] (1987) (trans Inoue Mitsusada) Tōkyō Chūō Koronsha (Shōwa 62) p 98ndash99

nishimurA S (1985) ldquoThe Prince and the Pauper The Dynamics of a Shotoku Legendrdquo in Monumenta Nipponica vol40 Issue 3 p 299ndash310

nishiyAmA I (1992) Nihon Shisō no genryū to tenkai Ise-shi Kogakkan Daigaku ShuppanbunukAriyA K (1913) The Religion of the Samurai London Luzac amp Cootto R (1932) Mysticism East and West a Comparative Analysis of the Nature of Mysticism

(trans B L Bracey and R C Payne) London Macmillanorsquoriley M K (2001) Art Beyond the West London Laurence KingpAnoFsky E (1984) Jelenteacutes a vizuaacutelis műveacuteszetekben [The Meaning in Visual Arts]

Budapest Gondolatpelliot P (1923) ldquoNotes sur quelques artistes des six dynasties et des Trsquoangrdquo in Trsquooung Pao

vol 22 p 215ndash291Wag Qi 王圻 and Wang Siyi 王思義 (eds) (1988) Sancaituhui [Kor Samjaedohwi] 三才圖會

(Collected Illustrations of the Three Realms) Shanghai Shanghai guji chubansheSancaituhui [Kor Samjaedohwi] 三才圖會 (Collected Illustrations of the Three Realms) (2001)

Seoul Dongguk Universityseckel D (1997) Das Portraumlt in Ostasien Heidelberg Universitis Verlagsekiguchi S (1957) Daruma no Kenkyū Tokyo IwanamishArF R H (1922) ldquoThe Idolization of Enlightenment On the Mummification of Chrsquoan

Masters in Mediaeval Chinardquo in History of Religions vol 32 nordm 1 p 1ndash31mdash (1995) ldquoThe Zen of Japanese Nationalismrdquo in Lopez S and Donald Jr (eds) Curators of

the Buddha The Study of Buddhism under Colonialism Chicago and London University of Chicago Press

mdash and Sharf E H (eds) (2001) Living Images Japanese Buddhist Icons in Context Stanford Stanford University Press

[Seokcheon] 석천 (2001) ldquoDalmadowa hamkke ilcheonobaeknyeon jeoneuiroui gihaengrdquo 달

마도와 함께 일천오백년전의로의 기행 [ldquo150 years with Bodhidharma-paintingsrdquo] in Seon Munhwa nordm 8 p 99ndash105

mdash (2003) ldquoMeokseonrsquoi ppumeonaedeut dongyangeui yeokdongjeogin seonrdquo 먹선이 뿜어내

듯 동양의 역동적인 禪 [ ldquoInk-strokes eliminating the Dynamic Sŏn of the Eastrdquo] in Seon Munhwa nordm 7 p 20ndash23

mdash (2005) ldquoDalmaeui seonbeopi dongtoro gan katalgeun han pok eui dalmadoro dwesala nan dalmaseonrdquo 달마의 선법이 동토東土로 간 까닭은 한 폭의 달마도로 되살아 난 달마선 [ldquoWhy did Bodhidharmarsquos Zen teaching went to the Eastrdquo] in Seon Munhwa nordm 12 p 30ndash37

Korean Buddhist Research Institute (ed) (1998) Sǒn Thought in Korean Buddhism Seoul Dongguk University Press

spiro A (1988) ldquoNew Light on Gu Kaizhirdquo in Journal of Chinese Religions nordm 16 p 1ndash17stevens J Y and Rae A (1990) ZENGA Brushstrokes of Enlightenment New Orleans

Museum of Artsuler J R (1993) Contemporary Psychoanalysis and Eastern Thought Albany State

University of New Yorktylor E B (1920) Primitive Culture Researches into the Development of Mythology Philosophy

Religion Language Art and Custom 2 vols London John MurrayyAmpolsky P B (1967) The Platform Sutra of the 6th Patriarch New Yorkmdash (1983) ldquoNew Japanese Studies in Early Chrsquoan Historyrdquo in W Lai and L R Lancaster

(eds) Early Chrsquoan in China and Tibet Berkeley Buddhist Studies Series p 1ndash11Yi Dong-Ju (1973) Hanguk hwehwa saron (Korean Art History) Seoul Yeolhwadang[Yi Jeong-hwa] 이정화 (2002) ldquoDalmadorsquoe damgyeojin munyeom musin eui hyanggiro cham-

nareul Channeunda Beomju seunimrdquo 달마도에 담겨진 무념 무심의 향기로 참나를 찾는다

범주스님 [ldquoThe fragrance of no-mind is within Bodhidharma-paintings Through this fra-grance we try to find the truthrdquo] in Seon Munhwa nordm 5 p 52ndash55

[Yi Ju-yeon] 이주연 (2005) ldquoGibokeul dwieoneom neun bosihaengeui Dalmadordquo 기복을 뛰

어넘는 보시행의 달마도 [ldquoOffering Bodhidharma-paintigs for transcending fluctuationrdquo] in Seon Munhwa nordm 7 p 96ndash99

[Yi Yeong-hui] 이영희 (1997) Hanguk sawoneui bubyeokhwa e Daehan gochal 한국 사원의 부벽

화에 대한 고찰 [A study of the Pu-wall painting of Korean temples] unpublished MA thesis Seoul Deptartment of Art Education Graduate School of Education Dongguk University

ying Z (1981) Shaolin Kung-fu Hong Kong Kingsway Internationalyoshino H 吉野裕子 (1995) Daruma no Minzokugaku Onrsquoyo gogyo kara toku ダルマの民俗

蔵 陰陽五行から解く [The folklore of Daruma from Yin-Yangto the Five Elements Theory] Tokyo Iwanami Shoten

[Yu Hyeong-jae] 유형재 (2002) 108 Dalma 108 달마 [108 Bodhidharmas] Seoul BaekamweitZmAnn K (1996) The Cotton Genesis British Library Codex Cotton Otho B VI Princeton

University PresswelBon G R (1968) The Buddhist Nirvāna and Its Western Interpreters Chicago University of

Chicago Presswu T (1996) Masterpieces of Chinese Painting from the Museum of Fine Arts Boston Tang

through Yuan Dynasties Tōkyō Otsuka Kogeishahempel R (1960) ZENGA Malerei des Zen-buddhismus Muumlnchen R Piper

Bod

hidharm

a in China K

orea and Jap

anMod

els for representations

and com

mercialization of the legend

ary founder of C

han Bud

dhism

in East A

siaB

eatr

ix M

ecsi

  • capa face to face SEGUNDO VOL
  • Index Face to Face
  • Beatrix Mecsi

196 197

im deok-su (1999) Yeondam Kim Myeongguk eui Seonhwa yeongu [A Study of the Zen Painting by Kim Myeongguk] MA-diss Department of Buddhist Art and Culture The Graduate School of Buddhism Dongguk University Seoul Korea

JArAnd U (trans) (1987) Dialog uumlber das Ausloumlchen der Anschaung ein fruumlher Chinesischer text aus Tunhuang Frankfurt [Main] RG Fischer

Jing A (1996) ldquoThe Eight Immortals The Transformation of Trsquoang and Sung Taoist Eccentrics during the Yuumlan dynastyrdquo in Hearn M K and Smith J G (eds) Arts of The Sung and Yuumlan New York Metropolitan Museum of Art p 213ndash227

Jung K (1979) The Mad Monk Paintings of Unlimited Action Berkeley Lancaster-Miller Publishers

kAnAZAwA H (1979) Japanese Ink Painting Early Zen Masterpieces Japanese Arts Library Tokyo Kodansha International and Shibundo

kidō C (1978 [1932]) Daruma to sono shosō 達磨と其諸相 [Bodhidharma and his representa-tions] Tokyo Heigo Shuppan-sha

[Kim Chang-bae] 김장배 (1999) Hangug eui Dalmado 한국의 달마도 [Korean Bodhidharma paintings] Seoul Ehwa Munhwa

[Kim Chang-bae] 김장배 (2007) Hangug eui Modeun Dalma 한국의 모든달마 [The all Korean Bodhidharma] Seoul Seoyemunrsquoinhwa

[Kim Cheol] 김철 (1986) Taekwondo Kyoyukron (Education of Taekwondo) Seoul Wonkwang Univervisty Publlishers

[Kim Hye-jeong] 김혜정 (2002) ldquoDalma Chukgu gongeul deulda Dongseong seunimeui Dalmadordquo달마 축구공을 들다 동성스님의 달마도 [ldquoBodhidharma holds a footballrdquo] Seon Munhwa vol 4 p 22ndash25

[Kim Na-mi] 김나미 (2000) Geurimeuro mannaneun Dalma 그림으로 만나는 달마 [Meeting Bodhidharma on pictures] Seoul Shikongsa

[Kim Yong-jae] 김영재 (2001) Bulgyo misureul boneun nun 불교미술을 보는 눈 [Eye for Buddhist art] Seoul Sakyejul

[Koam] 고암 (2006) ldquoDalmado geinjeon yeoneun deuksan hwabaek ilneomeseo munyeo-muirordquo 달마도 개인전 여는 득산 화백 일념에서 무념으로 [ldquoHwabaekrsquos private exhibition of Bodhidharma-paintings From one-attachment to no-attachmentrdquo] Seon Munhwa vol 6 p 50ndash55

koderA T J (1980) Dōgenrsquos Formative Years in China London Routledge and Kegan Paul[Kōjō] 光定 (1964) ldquoDenjutsu Isshin Kaimonrdquo 伝述一心戒文 (ldquoThe Record of the Precepts in a

Mindrdquo) in Taishō Shinshū Daizōkyō Kankokai 大正新脩大蔵経 [ldquoTripitaka in Chineserdquo] Tokyo Taisho Issaikyo Kankokai nordm 74 p 639

[Kōkan Shiren] 虎関師錬 (1278-1348) (1921ndash1922) Genkō Shakusho 元亨釈書 [Buddhist his-tory of the Genkō era] vol15ndash16 Takakusu Junjirō et al (eds) Dai Nihon Bukkyō zensho Tōkyō Yoseido Reprinted Suzuki gakujutsu zaidan edition Tōkyō Kodansha 1970ndash1973 vol 62 p 66ndash230

[Kōshū] 光宗 (1276-1350) Keiran Shūyōshū 渓嵐拾葉集 (A Collection of Leaves Gathered in Stormy Streams) (T762410 532b)

kurAnAkA S (1996) ldquoShōtoku Taishi Kataoka Setsuwa no Keiseirdquo 聖徳太子片岡説話の形成 [ldquoThe formation of Prince Shōtokursquos Kataoka-talerdquo] Manrsquoyo vol 10 p 61

[Kwanjo Monk] 관조스님 (1999) Sachrsquoal Byeokhwa 사찰 벽화 [The mural paintings of Buddhist

temples] Seoul Misul Munhwa [Photographs]lAchmAn C (1993) ldquoWhy Did the Patriarch Cross the River The Rushleaf Bodhidharma

Reconsideredrdquo in Asia Major nordm 6 p 237ndash268lAncAster L R (1983) The Dirty Mop Unlimited Action Paintings and Poems by Jung Kwang the

Mad Monk Berkeley and Seoul Asian Humanities Press and Po Chin ChailAo-ce (1994) Tao Te King Az Uacutet eacutes Ereacuteny koumlnyve (Original title Laozi Daode qing (trans

Weoumlres Saacutendor and Tőkei Ferenc) Budapest TericumlopeZ D Jr (ed) (1995) Curators of the Buddha The Study of Buddhism Under Colonialism

Chicago University of Chicago Pressluo XiAnglin (1960) Tang dai Guangzhou Guangxiao si yu Zhong Yin jiao tong zhi guan xi Jiulong

Zhongguo xue she[Manbong seunim chungyo munhwajae je 48 ho] 만봉스님 중요문화재 제 48 호 [Monk Manbong

living cultural asset no48] (2002) Seoul BongwonsamArosi E (1995) Keacutep eacutes hasonmaacutes Műveacuteszet eacutes valoacutesaacuteg a 14-15 szaacutezadi Magyarorszaacutegon [Image

and likeness Art and reality in the 14th and 15th centuries in Hungary] Budapest Akadeacutemiai KiadoacutemcFArlAnd H N (1986) ldquoFeminine Motifs in Bodhidharma Symbology in Japanrdquo in Asian

Folklore Studies [Nagoya Asian Folklore Institute] nordm 14 p 167ndash191mdash (1987) Daruma The Founder of Zen in Japanese Art and Popular Culture Tokyo and New York

Kodansha InternationalmcrAe J (2001) ldquoReligion as Revolution in Chinese Historiography Hu Shih (1891-1962) on

Shen-Hui (684-758)rdquo in Cahiers drsquoExtrecircme-Asie nordm 12 p 59ndash102mecsi B (1999) ldquoHogyan lett a szentből jaacuteteacutekbabardquo [ldquoHow did a saint become a dollrdquo]

Műhely [Atelier] p 116ndash118mdash (2000) ldquoHogyan eacuterkezett Bodhidharma Japaacutenbardquo [ldquoHow did Bodhidharma arrive

to Japanrdquo] in Orientalista Nap MTA Orientalisztikai Bizottsaacuteg amp ELTE Budapest p 120ndash126 and 245ndash257

mdash (2003) ldquoIdentification problems of Korean Bodhidharma-paintingsrdquo University of Rome ldquoLa Sapienziardquo Faculty of Oriental Studies 21st AKSE Conference-papers p 155ndash162

mdash 2005 ldquoWhy did Bodhidharma Come from the West Origins of Representations of the First Zen Patriarchrdquo in Proceedings of the Hawaii International Conference on Arts and Humanities

mdash (2007) ldquoBodhidharma Images in Contemporary Korea Methods and Strategies of Using and Popularizing the Representations of the First Zen Patriarchrdquo in International Biannual Conference for the Association of Korean Studies Europe Dourdan (AKSE)-Publications

mdash (2007) ldquoBuddhist Saints Crossing the Sea Reconsidering Text-Image Relationships for Understanding the Iconography of the First Zen Patriarchrdquo in Proceedings of the Hawaii International Conference on Arts and Humanities

mdash (2007) ldquoA Szent eacutes a Jaacuteteacutekbaba A Zen Buddhizmus alapiacutetoacutejaacutenak alakja a nem-zen hagy-omaacutenyok tuumlkreacutebenrdquo [ldquoThe Saint and the DollThe founder of Zen Buddhism in the con-text of non-Zen Studiesrdquo] Japanisztika a Boumllcseacutesztudomaacutenyban Kaacuteroli Gaacutespaacuter Reformaacutetus Egyetem Budapest p 203ndash210

mdash (2007) ldquoEvolution Distribution and Commercialization of the Images of Bodhidharma Or How did a Religious Founder Become a Toyrdquo in Japanoloacutegiai Koumlrkeacutep (Istvaacuten Szerdahelyi Peacuteter Wintermantel eds) ELTE Eoumltvoumls Kiadoacute p 245ndash254

mdash (2008) ldquoThe Power on Images on Texts Re-Examined The Case of Bodhidharmarsquos Crossing

Bod

hidharm

a in China K

orea and Jap

anMod

els for representations

and com

mercialization of the legend

ary founder of C

han Bud

dhism

in East A

siaB

eatr

ix M

ecsi

198 199

and the Mass-Consumtion of Bodhidharma-images in Japan and Contemporary South Koreardquo in Oriental Archive (Archiv Orientalniacute) Quarterly Journal of African and Asian Studies Oriental Institute Prague vol 76 p 217ndash249

mdash (2008) ldquoAacutetkeleacutes a naacutedszaacutelon Keacutep eacutes szoumlveg kapcsolata a kelet-aacutezsiai vallaacutesos műveacuteszetbenrdquo [ldquoCrossing on a Reed Text-image relationships in East Asian Religious Paintingrdquo] in Kaposvaacuter Szele Baacutelint (ed) Pro Scientia Aranyeacutermesek IX Tudomaacutenyos konferenciaacuteja Pro Scientia Aranyeacutermesek Taacutersasaacutega Budapest p 46ndash58

mdash (2009) ldquoAz lsquoaacutetkeleacutes a naacutedszaacutelonrsquo legenda eredeteacutenek keacuterdeacuteseacuterőlrdquo [ldquoThe problem of the Legend of Crossing on a Reedrdquo] in Taacutevol-keleti Tanulmaacutenyok Budapest Taacutevol-keleti Inteacutezet vol 2 p 103ndash122

mdash (2010) ldquoBodhidharma in Contemporary South Korea The Founder of Chan Buddhism from Sacral to Popular Culturerdquo in Govindasamy G Park C K and Tan S K (eds) Korean affaris A contemporary view Kuala Lumpur Perpustakaan Negara Malaysia p 135ndash147

mdash (2013) Szentből jaacuteteacutekbaba A Daruma baba nyomaacuteban a Taacutevol-Keleten [ldquoDoll from a saint In Search for the Daruma doll in East Asiardquo]Lecture on 28th May 2013 Kaacuteroli Gaacutespaacuter Reformaacutetus Egyetem (12th July 2013) [online] httpwwwyoutubecomwatchv=QBCV11LGXhQampfeature=c4-overviewamplist=UUeXTAOGzx8xduHtd71ZGICQ

Nihon shoki 日本書記 [ldquoChronicle of Japanrdquo] (1987) (trans Inoue Mitsusada) Tōkyō Chūō Koronsha (Shōwa 62) p 98ndash99

nishimurA S (1985) ldquoThe Prince and the Pauper The Dynamics of a Shotoku Legendrdquo in Monumenta Nipponica vol40 Issue 3 p 299ndash310

nishiyAmA I (1992) Nihon Shisō no genryū to tenkai Ise-shi Kogakkan Daigaku ShuppanbunukAriyA K (1913) The Religion of the Samurai London Luzac amp Cootto R (1932) Mysticism East and West a Comparative Analysis of the Nature of Mysticism

(trans B L Bracey and R C Payne) London Macmillanorsquoriley M K (2001) Art Beyond the West London Laurence KingpAnoFsky E (1984) Jelenteacutes a vizuaacutelis műveacuteszetekben [The Meaning in Visual Arts]

Budapest Gondolatpelliot P (1923) ldquoNotes sur quelques artistes des six dynasties et des Trsquoangrdquo in Trsquooung Pao

vol 22 p 215ndash291Wag Qi 王圻 and Wang Siyi 王思義 (eds) (1988) Sancaituhui [Kor Samjaedohwi] 三才圖會

(Collected Illustrations of the Three Realms) Shanghai Shanghai guji chubansheSancaituhui [Kor Samjaedohwi] 三才圖會 (Collected Illustrations of the Three Realms) (2001)

Seoul Dongguk Universityseckel D (1997) Das Portraumlt in Ostasien Heidelberg Universitis Verlagsekiguchi S (1957) Daruma no Kenkyū Tokyo IwanamishArF R H (1922) ldquoThe Idolization of Enlightenment On the Mummification of Chrsquoan

Masters in Mediaeval Chinardquo in History of Religions vol 32 nordm 1 p 1ndash31mdash (1995) ldquoThe Zen of Japanese Nationalismrdquo in Lopez S and Donald Jr (eds) Curators of

the Buddha The Study of Buddhism under Colonialism Chicago and London University of Chicago Press

mdash and Sharf E H (eds) (2001) Living Images Japanese Buddhist Icons in Context Stanford Stanford University Press

[Seokcheon] 석천 (2001) ldquoDalmadowa hamkke ilcheonobaeknyeon jeoneuiroui gihaengrdquo 달

마도와 함께 일천오백년전의로의 기행 [ldquo150 years with Bodhidharma-paintingsrdquo] in Seon Munhwa nordm 8 p 99ndash105

mdash (2003) ldquoMeokseonrsquoi ppumeonaedeut dongyangeui yeokdongjeogin seonrdquo 먹선이 뿜어내

듯 동양의 역동적인 禪 [ ldquoInk-strokes eliminating the Dynamic Sŏn of the Eastrdquo] in Seon Munhwa nordm 7 p 20ndash23

mdash (2005) ldquoDalmaeui seonbeopi dongtoro gan katalgeun han pok eui dalmadoro dwesala nan dalmaseonrdquo 달마의 선법이 동토東土로 간 까닭은 한 폭의 달마도로 되살아 난 달마선 [ldquoWhy did Bodhidharmarsquos Zen teaching went to the Eastrdquo] in Seon Munhwa nordm 12 p 30ndash37

Korean Buddhist Research Institute (ed) (1998) Sǒn Thought in Korean Buddhism Seoul Dongguk University Press

spiro A (1988) ldquoNew Light on Gu Kaizhirdquo in Journal of Chinese Religions nordm 16 p 1ndash17stevens J Y and Rae A (1990) ZENGA Brushstrokes of Enlightenment New Orleans

Museum of Artsuler J R (1993) Contemporary Psychoanalysis and Eastern Thought Albany State

University of New Yorktylor E B (1920) Primitive Culture Researches into the Development of Mythology Philosophy

Religion Language Art and Custom 2 vols London John MurrayyAmpolsky P B (1967) The Platform Sutra of the 6th Patriarch New Yorkmdash (1983) ldquoNew Japanese Studies in Early Chrsquoan Historyrdquo in W Lai and L R Lancaster

(eds) Early Chrsquoan in China and Tibet Berkeley Buddhist Studies Series p 1ndash11Yi Dong-Ju (1973) Hanguk hwehwa saron (Korean Art History) Seoul Yeolhwadang[Yi Jeong-hwa] 이정화 (2002) ldquoDalmadorsquoe damgyeojin munyeom musin eui hyanggiro cham-

nareul Channeunda Beomju seunimrdquo 달마도에 담겨진 무념 무심의 향기로 참나를 찾는다

범주스님 [ldquoThe fragrance of no-mind is within Bodhidharma-paintings Through this fra-grance we try to find the truthrdquo] in Seon Munhwa nordm 5 p 52ndash55

[Yi Ju-yeon] 이주연 (2005) ldquoGibokeul dwieoneom neun bosihaengeui Dalmadordquo 기복을 뛰

어넘는 보시행의 달마도 [ldquoOffering Bodhidharma-paintigs for transcending fluctuationrdquo] in Seon Munhwa nordm 7 p 96ndash99

[Yi Yeong-hui] 이영희 (1997) Hanguk sawoneui bubyeokhwa e Daehan gochal 한국 사원의 부벽

화에 대한 고찰 [A study of the Pu-wall painting of Korean temples] unpublished MA thesis Seoul Deptartment of Art Education Graduate School of Education Dongguk University

ying Z (1981) Shaolin Kung-fu Hong Kong Kingsway Internationalyoshino H 吉野裕子 (1995) Daruma no Minzokugaku Onrsquoyo gogyo kara toku ダルマの民俗

蔵 陰陽五行から解く [The folklore of Daruma from Yin-Yangto the Five Elements Theory] Tokyo Iwanami Shoten

[Yu Hyeong-jae] 유형재 (2002) 108 Dalma 108 달마 [108 Bodhidharmas] Seoul BaekamweitZmAnn K (1996) The Cotton Genesis British Library Codex Cotton Otho B VI Princeton

University PresswelBon G R (1968) The Buddhist Nirvāna and Its Western Interpreters Chicago University of

Chicago Presswu T (1996) Masterpieces of Chinese Painting from the Museum of Fine Arts Boston Tang

through Yuan Dynasties Tōkyō Otsuka Kogeishahempel R (1960) ZENGA Malerei des Zen-buddhismus Muumlnchen R Piper

Bod

hidharm

a in China K

orea and Jap

anMod

els for representations

and com

mercialization of the legend

ary founder of C

han Bud

dhism

in East A

siaB

eatr

ix M

ecsi

  • capa face to face SEGUNDO VOL
  • Index Face to Face
  • Beatrix Mecsi

198 199

and the Mass-Consumtion of Bodhidharma-images in Japan and Contemporary South Koreardquo in Oriental Archive (Archiv Orientalniacute) Quarterly Journal of African and Asian Studies Oriental Institute Prague vol 76 p 217ndash249

mdash (2008) ldquoAacutetkeleacutes a naacutedszaacutelon Keacutep eacutes szoumlveg kapcsolata a kelet-aacutezsiai vallaacutesos műveacuteszetbenrdquo [ldquoCrossing on a Reed Text-image relationships in East Asian Religious Paintingrdquo] in Kaposvaacuter Szele Baacutelint (ed) Pro Scientia Aranyeacutermesek IX Tudomaacutenyos konferenciaacuteja Pro Scientia Aranyeacutermesek Taacutersasaacutega Budapest p 46ndash58

mdash (2009) ldquoAz lsquoaacutetkeleacutes a naacutedszaacutelonrsquo legenda eredeteacutenek keacuterdeacuteseacuterőlrdquo [ldquoThe problem of the Legend of Crossing on a Reedrdquo] in Taacutevol-keleti Tanulmaacutenyok Budapest Taacutevol-keleti Inteacutezet vol 2 p 103ndash122

mdash (2010) ldquoBodhidharma in Contemporary South Korea The Founder of Chan Buddhism from Sacral to Popular Culturerdquo in Govindasamy G Park C K and Tan S K (eds) Korean affaris A contemporary view Kuala Lumpur Perpustakaan Negara Malaysia p 135ndash147

mdash (2013) Szentből jaacuteteacutekbaba A Daruma baba nyomaacuteban a Taacutevol-Keleten [ldquoDoll from a saint In Search for the Daruma doll in East Asiardquo]Lecture on 28th May 2013 Kaacuteroli Gaacutespaacuter Reformaacutetus Egyetem (12th July 2013) [online] httpwwwyoutubecomwatchv=QBCV11LGXhQampfeature=c4-overviewamplist=UUeXTAOGzx8xduHtd71ZGICQ

Nihon shoki 日本書記 [ldquoChronicle of Japanrdquo] (1987) (trans Inoue Mitsusada) Tōkyō Chūō Koronsha (Shōwa 62) p 98ndash99

nishimurA S (1985) ldquoThe Prince and the Pauper The Dynamics of a Shotoku Legendrdquo in Monumenta Nipponica vol40 Issue 3 p 299ndash310

nishiyAmA I (1992) Nihon Shisō no genryū to tenkai Ise-shi Kogakkan Daigaku ShuppanbunukAriyA K (1913) The Religion of the Samurai London Luzac amp Cootto R (1932) Mysticism East and West a Comparative Analysis of the Nature of Mysticism

(trans B L Bracey and R C Payne) London Macmillanorsquoriley M K (2001) Art Beyond the West London Laurence KingpAnoFsky E (1984) Jelenteacutes a vizuaacutelis műveacuteszetekben [The Meaning in Visual Arts]

Budapest Gondolatpelliot P (1923) ldquoNotes sur quelques artistes des six dynasties et des Trsquoangrdquo in Trsquooung Pao

vol 22 p 215ndash291Wag Qi 王圻 and Wang Siyi 王思義 (eds) (1988) Sancaituhui [Kor Samjaedohwi] 三才圖會

(Collected Illustrations of the Three Realms) Shanghai Shanghai guji chubansheSancaituhui [Kor Samjaedohwi] 三才圖會 (Collected Illustrations of the Three Realms) (2001)

Seoul Dongguk Universityseckel D (1997) Das Portraumlt in Ostasien Heidelberg Universitis Verlagsekiguchi S (1957) Daruma no Kenkyū Tokyo IwanamishArF R H (1922) ldquoThe Idolization of Enlightenment On the Mummification of Chrsquoan

Masters in Mediaeval Chinardquo in History of Religions vol 32 nordm 1 p 1ndash31mdash (1995) ldquoThe Zen of Japanese Nationalismrdquo in Lopez S and Donald Jr (eds) Curators of

the Buddha The Study of Buddhism under Colonialism Chicago and London University of Chicago Press

mdash and Sharf E H (eds) (2001) Living Images Japanese Buddhist Icons in Context Stanford Stanford University Press

[Seokcheon] 석천 (2001) ldquoDalmadowa hamkke ilcheonobaeknyeon jeoneuiroui gihaengrdquo 달

마도와 함께 일천오백년전의로의 기행 [ldquo150 years with Bodhidharma-paintingsrdquo] in Seon Munhwa nordm 8 p 99ndash105

mdash (2003) ldquoMeokseonrsquoi ppumeonaedeut dongyangeui yeokdongjeogin seonrdquo 먹선이 뿜어내

듯 동양의 역동적인 禪 [ ldquoInk-strokes eliminating the Dynamic Sŏn of the Eastrdquo] in Seon Munhwa nordm 7 p 20ndash23

mdash (2005) ldquoDalmaeui seonbeopi dongtoro gan katalgeun han pok eui dalmadoro dwesala nan dalmaseonrdquo 달마의 선법이 동토東土로 간 까닭은 한 폭의 달마도로 되살아 난 달마선 [ldquoWhy did Bodhidharmarsquos Zen teaching went to the Eastrdquo] in Seon Munhwa nordm 12 p 30ndash37

Korean Buddhist Research Institute (ed) (1998) Sǒn Thought in Korean Buddhism Seoul Dongguk University Press

spiro A (1988) ldquoNew Light on Gu Kaizhirdquo in Journal of Chinese Religions nordm 16 p 1ndash17stevens J Y and Rae A (1990) ZENGA Brushstrokes of Enlightenment New Orleans

Museum of Artsuler J R (1993) Contemporary Psychoanalysis and Eastern Thought Albany State

University of New Yorktylor E B (1920) Primitive Culture Researches into the Development of Mythology Philosophy

Religion Language Art and Custom 2 vols London John MurrayyAmpolsky P B (1967) The Platform Sutra of the 6th Patriarch New Yorkmdash (1983) ldquoNew Japanese Studies in Early Chrsquoan Historyrdquo in W Lai and L R Lancaster

(eds) Early Chrsquoan in China and Tibet Berkeley Buddhist Studies Series p 1ndash11Yi Dong-Ju (1973) Hanguk hwehwa saron (Korean Art History) Seoul Yeolhwadang[Yi Jeong-hwa] 이정화 (2002) ldquoDalmadorsquoe damgyeojin munyeom musin eui hyanggiro cham-

nareul Channeunda Beomju seunimrdquo 달마도에 담겨진 무념 무심의 향기로 참나를 찾는다

범주스님 [ldquoThe fragrance of no-mind is within Bodhidharma-paintings Through this fra-grance we try to find the truthrdquo] in Seon Munhwa nordm 5 p 52ndash55

[Yi Ju-yeon] 이주연 (2005) ldquoGibokeul dwieoneom neun bosihaengeui Dalmadordquo 기복을 뛰

어넘는 보시행의 달마도 [ldquoOffering Bodhidharma-paintigs for transcending fluctuationrdquo] in Seon Munhwa nordm 7 p 96ndash99

[Yi Yeong-hui] 이영희 (1997) Hanguk sawoneui bubyeokhwa e Daehan gochal 한국 사원의 부벽

화에 대한 고찰 [A study of the Pu-wall painting of Korean temples] unpublished MA thesis Seoul Deptartment of Art Education Graduate School of Education Dongguk University

ying Z (1981) Shaolin Kung-fu Hong Kong Kingsway Internationalyoshino H 吉野裕子 (1995) Daruma no Minzokugaku Onrsquoyo gogyo kara toku ダルマの民俗

蔵 陰陽五行から解く [The folklore of Daruma from Yin-Yangto the Five Elements Theory] Tokyo Iwanami Shoten

[Yu Hyeong-jae] 유형재 (2002) 108 Dalma 108 달마 [108 Bodhidharmas] Seoul BaekamweitZmAnn K (1996) The Cotton Genesis British Library Codex Cotton Otho B VI Princeton

University PresswelBon G R (1968) The Buddhist Nirvāna and Its Western Interpreters Chicago University of

Chicago Presswu T (1996) Masterpieces of Chinese Painting from the Museum of Fine Arts Boston Tang

through Yuan Dynasties Tōkyō Otsuka Kogeishahempel R (1960) ZENGA Malerei des Zen-buddhismus Muumlnchen R Piper

Bod

hidharm

a in China K

orea and Jap

anMod

els for representations

and com

mercialization of the legend

ary founder of C

han Bud

dhism

in East A

siaB

eatr

ix M

ecsi

  • capa face to face SEGUNDO VOL
  • Index Face to Face
  • Beatrix Mecsi