Measuring Change by Using Cross Sectional Survey: How Turkish Society became Rightist?
Transcript of Measuring Change by Using Cross Sectional Survey: How Turkish Society became Rightist?
MEASURING CHANGE BY USING CROSS
SECTIONAL STUDIES: HOW TURKISH SOCIETY
BECAME RIGHTIST?
EMRE ERDOĞAN, PHD.
e m r e . e r d o g a n @ ı n f a k t o . c o m . t r
P l e a s e d o n ’ t q u o t e - ı t ’ s D r a f t
D R A F T
2
INTRODUCTION
We are living in a rightist society. All available data sets show that average self-
replacement of Turkish voters is located towards the right end of political spectrum and
Turkey is the most rightist country in the Europe. Same figures also show that Turkish
electorate significantly shifted to right during last 20 years (Esmer, 2012, p.52).
Reasons of this shift are innumerable and worth to analyze. However, in this short paper
we are interesting in the quantity and nature of changing ideological orientations of
Turkish voters; than reasons and consequences of this shift.
Change is an inevitable component of social life and discontinuities are much more
visible than continuities in societies. However, there is a confusion in discussing change,
since we tend to accept societies as individuals and are equating societal change as
change of an individual in his/her life course. But, we know that societies are at least
summation of its individuals living in these societies and change may be a result of
changing individuals’ position in a given parameter or change of individuals composing
the society. Undermining this difference may lead to overestimate or underestimate the
quantity of change. Moreover, accepting the society as the same entity overtime creates
an important illusion of continuity.
Ideological shift of Turkish voters is a good case for understanding change and
decomposing it to its components. In the following parts of the paper, we will use data
provided by the World Values Survey Research Program and our own proprietary data to
decompose ideological shift in Turkish society.
Two different approaches will be used, first one is developed by Firebauh (1992 and
1997) to understand change in population figures and second one is a merely new method
developed by Yang and Land (2004 with Fu, 2006, 2008, 2013) and uses more
sophisticated statistical techniques.
These approaches are complementary than competitive and using both of them can give
important information about the scope of the change in our society.
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MEANING OF THE LEFT -RIGHT SEMANTICS
Positioning political parties and voters on a scale from left to right is among the oldest
traditions of political science. Laponce (1981) defined this left-right cleavage as a
“political Esperanto” as a schema representing ideological differences: Parties and
candidates position themselves on this scale, policy proposals are analyzed from this
perspective and it helps voters’ to cope with the complexities of the political universe
(p.56).
According to Lipset and Rokkan (1967) left-right cleavage is a product of historical
developments of the Western Europe such as the French and Industrial Revolutions and
modern political parties have their roots on these old conflicts and coalitions. This old
fashioned cleavage does not only help voters to position parties and candidates, it also
works as a good measurement of utility for voters; as Downs stated in 1957, voters make
their decisions according to relative positions of parties and candidates vis-à-vis their
own positioning. Consequently parties/candidates can move across this scale and change
their positions to attract maximum number of voters (p.142). Political parties are using
this spatial metaphor in forming strategic alliances and government coalitions and they
tend to cooperate with the closest one among many (Swann, 1973; Taylor and Laver,
1973).
A significant number of empirical works showed that self-placement of voters act as
good indicator of their prospective voting behavior. According to a group of scholars,
self-placement in the left-right scale is an indicator of party identification and voters
position themselves according to the well-known positions of their preferred parties
meaning that partisans’ positioning is a directly with how they perceive their preferred
part’s position on the left-right continuum (Fuchs and Klingemann, 1989, Lupia and
McCubbins, 1998 and Knutsen, 1997).
Meanwhile, some other scholars argues that the individual left-right self-placement
reflect issue preferences and/or value orientations. From this point of view, this metaphor
acts as a meta-issue, an “over-arching spatial dimensions” or as a vector representing
D R A F T
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different solutions to problems or communalities in values (Ingehart and Klingemann,
1976; Huber, 1989; Knutsen, 1995, 1997).
Validity of the left-right continuum has been questioned with the emergence of new
issues. Dalton (1996) showed that while left-right distinction is still valid, meaning
attributed to this dimension changed with the rise of new left/new right framework.
Left/right attitudes have strong correlations with post-materialist values while economic
issues are still effective (p.334).
Although the left-right spectrum as a metaphor is widely accepted in the study of Turkish
politics, there is always a criticism for directly importing this schema from the
“developed” world (Baydur, 2009, Küçükömer, 1969), or the enduring center-periphery
cleavage dominates the political scene (Mardin, 1973; Kalaycıoğlu, 1994; Kalaycıoğlu,
1999:64-66; Çarkoğlu and Toprak, 2000) several empirical works showed that this
metaphor is an effective indicator of party choice.
In his early piece, Yılmaz Esmer (1995) showed that there is a correlation between self-
placement of voters and their voting preferences. There was a significant difference
between voters of the leftist parties (SHP and DSP) with voters of the right wing (ANAP,
DYP, RP) and voters of the RP were positioned at the outmost point of the spectrum with
an average of 7,29 over 10 (p.84).
Findings of Esmer, following the critical election of 1999 (2002) shows that self-
placement in the left-right scale is an important explanatory variable of party choice.
Voters positioning themselves towards the right end of the spectrum tends to vote for the
rightist parties (ANAP, DYP, FP and MHP) while leftist voters vote for the leftist parties
(CHP and DSP) (pp.106-107). Following these early works, Çarkoğlu and Toprak (2000)
used spatial distance between self-placement of voters and perceived positions of
political parties as an explanatory variable (p.115).
By the general elections of 2002, self-placement of voters is widely used to explain party
preference by different scholars. According to Çarkoğlu and Kalaycıoğlu (2007) “as
respondents move one notch from left to right in their self placement scores… they tend
to be less likely to be a CHP voters as opposed to an AKP voter (p.181). Çarkoğlu (2008)
shows that ideological positions of voters is one the most important determinants of party
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choice as well as economic evaluations of voters (p.333). Kalaycıoğlu (2008) using same
data set with Çarkoğlu, built a set of simultaneous equations to estimate party preference
of voters. While he concludes that party identification is the most important determinant
of voters’ choice in Turkey, self-placement in left-right scale has a significant effect on
party preference (p.13).
Çarkoğlu, in a recent article (2012) summarized his findings for the last three elections
and stated that left-right self-placement had always a statistically significant effect on
party choice of voters while economic evaluations –especially negative ones- lost their
explanatory powers (p.517). All these multivariate analyses showed that left-right self-
placement of voters cannot be excluded from the analysis of voting behavior in Turkey.
As self-placement of voters has statistically meaningful role in explaining party choice,
distribution of voters across left-right spectrum attracts special attention.
Figure 1. Change in Left Right Self Placement1
1 Data is obtained from Çarkoğlu-Kalaycıoğlu (2007), p.116 while 2010 and 2012 data is drawn from our proprietary data set.
%0
%20
%40
%60
Left Centre Right
1990 1996 2002 2004 2007 2010 2012
D R A F T
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Different surveys shows that Turkish electorate shifted towards the right end of the
political spectrum. In 1990, when the first wave of WVS has been conducted, 50 percent
of voters were locating at the center of the political spectrum whereas remaining 50
percent was almost equally distributed between left and right parts. In 1996, share of the
political left declined to 22 percent, then 17 percent in 2002 and remained around 16 to
20 percent. In the meantime, percentage of those locating themselves at the right half of
the spectrum increased to 42 percent in 1996 and 51 percent in 2012. These scores clearly
present that average positioning of Turkish voters shifted towards to the right-most end of
the spectrum.
Figure 2. Change in Average Left Right Self Placement2
Data which we will use in our analyses also confirm these findings: average self-
placement of voters shifted towards the right pole between 1990 and 2012. In 1990,
average self-placement of voters was 5,38 in a 1-10 scale where 10 stands for the outmost
2 Data from 1990 to 2007 is obtained from World Values Survey, while 2010 and 2012 data is drawn from our proprietary data set. Since sample sizes of dataset differs, we preferred to weight them giving equal representation in the pooled data. All samples are assumed to represent Turkish population above 18 years old.
5,38
6,15 5,82
6,17 6,07
6,49
1,00
2,00
3,00
4,00
5,00
6,00
7,00
8,00
9,00
10,00
1990 1996 2001 2007 2010 2012
Lef
t-R
igh
t S
elf
Pla
cem
ent
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right position. According to same data set, this score increased to 6,2 in 1996 followed by
a declined in 2001. By 2007, average score continued to shift towards the right pole and
the last survey showed that average self-placement of Turkish voters is 6,5 over 10;
placing Turkey as a “rightist” society. According to the findings of the last wave of the
World Values Survey, Turkey is located at the outmost right point in in Europe (Esmer,
2012, p.52).
Reasons of this shift are innumerable and needs further attention. Some economic factors
such as subsequent economic crises in 1994, 1999 and 2001 might create a suitable
environment for rightist tendencies. Kim and Fording’s (2001) detailed analysis of the
Western democracies showed that macroeconomic developments such as inflation,
economic growth and unemployment led to ideological shift in voters’ ideological
positions. According to them inflation created a suitable environment for a rightist shift
(p.64). Same analysis also showed that governments’ ideological positioning played a
role as an attractor and government’s shift has been echoed in ideological shift of voters,
which may be an acceptable argument for the Turkish case since the AKP as the
hegemonic actor of political scene is highly characterized with its conservative
orientation. Finally as Kim and Fording’s stated, the external environment may be
decisive in ideological shifts of voters. Current hegemony of the Neoliberalism may
attract Turkish voters to right (Öniş, 2010).
All these questions are worth to answer but they are beyond the limits of this paper. We
will concentrate on the quantity of change rather than reasons of this shift.
Above description of changes in distribution of voters across the left-right spectrum,
emphasizing on the shift of Turkish electorate towards the right end undermines a simple
fact. Since all of supporting data are obtained through cross-sectional surveys, observed
change is between different samples collected at different time points. Hence, change
does not only stem from changes within samples assumed representing same population;
it may be a result of differences between samples. This difference may be something
more than a shift due to sampling errors and it may be attributed to changes between
populations at different time points.
D R A F T
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In short, shift towards to right may be a result of changing structure of populations as
well as individuals’ movements. Generational replacement and aging are two potential
explanations of this change in the population. People can die (mortality), move
(migration) and be older (age) between two time points and any change can be related
with these factors. Consequently, in order to talk about a change in a given societal
parameter, we need to decompose it to its components and differentiate individual
change.
In the following parts of the paper, we will try to make a decomposition exercise and to
observe the quantity of shift of individuals towards to the right-end of spectrum.
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METHODS.
FIREBAUGH’S DECOMPOSITION METHOD
ALGEBRAIC METHOD
Glenn Firebaugh’s (1992) approach to measuring change in societies is based on
decomposing observed change into its components. According to him, observed change
may be a result of :
a) individuals’ changing position in the issue,
b) population turnover,
c) both individual change and population turnover.
Any observed change in the societal parameters –in opinions, attitudes or statistics- is
composed of three components. As it is so far argued, interpreting trend statistics
obtained by cross sectional studies as ones produced by panel studies leads
underestimation of component B and C; and attributing all change to A. A clever analysis
should take all these components into account.
Firebaugh formulates its approach as follows:
= microchange effect+turnover effect + joint contribution of individual
change and turnover; where μ2 and μ1 stand for overall mean of Y at time 2 and 1,
respectively.
Firebaugh proposes to use cohorts as keys for following individual change in cross-
sectional surveys. According to him:
“the key is whether population turnover within birth cohorts is independent of Y.
With repeated cross-section data we can follow birth cohorts over time even
though we cannot literally follow individuals . If turnover is independent of Y
within cohorts, then change in μ is entirely individual change, none is due to
population turnover” (p.2)
2 1
D R A F T
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It is clear that turnover within birth cohorts include mortality (deaths) and migration. In
our example, migration rates is relatively small, hence migration effect on turnover
within birth cohorts is ignorable. But mortality is a significant factor which may hinder
change within birth cohorts. Hence overall change is also affected by this mortality
effect. It may be a result of replacement of old cohorts with new cohorts and changes in
relative sizes of cohorts may be echoed in the changing overall mean.
Firebaugh produced a series of equations to decompose group differences.
2 1
2 2 1 1
1 1 1
j j j j
j j
j j j j j j
j j j
p p
p p p
Where ∆μj is change in the mean for subgroup j, and ∆pj change in j’s population share.
After decomposition, 1st component in equation 3 is micro-change –a weighted sum of
within cohort change-. If there is no population turnover, ∆pj=0 meaning that 2nd
and 3rd
components will be dropped out. If social change is totally composed of individual
changes, 1st component reflects all change, as it is assumed. When there is no individual
change -∆µj=0- , 1st and 3
rd components drop out and social change stems from
turnover/cohort replacement and 2nd
component presents all change.
Third component is somewhat residual it represents joint effect of individual change and
generational replacement. It is generally small and as Firebaugh argued it is possible to
distribute it to other components and this strategic choice is dependent to structure of
available data and assumptions of the researcher. In our case, we prefer to keep the 3rd
component to show how it could be interpreted.
Firebaugh’s methodology is based on a series of calculations and a sample SPSS syntax
is presented in the annex of his paper (1992) . In this part of the paper we will use this
algorithm to calculate above stated parameters.
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Figure 3. Change in Left Right Self Placement
Above figure shows the change of cohort averages over 7 different waves of data and
helps us to visualize our discussion. Differences between diamonds and circles show
ideological shift within cohorts during the last 20 years while the horizontal axis indicates
differences between cohorts. Range within cohorts also stems from changing size of the
cohort in the population. For example, percentage of the four oldest cohorts declined to 8
percent in 2012 from 29 percent in 1990. As number of respondents within cohorts
decreases, within cohort variance increases. Firebaugh’s approach takes this change of
relative sizes of cohorts into account.
4
5
6
7
8
<=
1935
1936 -
1940
1941 -
1945
1946 -
1950
1951 -
1955
1956 -
1960
1961 -
1965
1966 -
1970
1971 -
1975
1976 -
1980
1981 -
1985
1986 -
1990
1991+
1990
1996
2001
2007
2010
2012
D R A F T
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Figure 4. Change in Left Right Self Placement: Algebraic Decomposition
Firebaugh’s methodology helped us to distinguish contributions of individual and cohort
turnover change to average shift of Turkish society. According to this graph average self-
placement on the left-right scale increased by 0,77 points between 1990 and 1996. Our
calculations showed that individuals shifted by 1 points towards to the right end, however
this shift compensated by the generational replacement towards to the left by 0,29 points.
Same calculations also show that there has been no individual change between 1996 and
2001 while generational replacement attracted the average placement to the left end by
0,30 points.
Available trend data shows that average placement of Turkish voters shifted towards the
right by 0,34 points. This shift is highly the result of changing individual positions by
0,79 points despite the opposite effect of generational replacement. By 2007, this
smoothing effect of generational replacement lost its momentum and individual shifts
towards the right end dominated the political scene. Especially generational replacement
had no effect between 2010 and 2012, consequently average placement of Turkish voters
shifted towards the right end of the spectrum as a result of individual change.
0,77
-0,33
0,34
-0,09
0,41
-0,29 -0,30
-0,45
-0,23
0,01
1,06
-0,03
0,79
0,13
0,40
-0,60
-0,40
-0,20
0,00
0,20
0,40
0,60
0,80
1,00
1,20
96-90 01-96 07-01 10-07 12-10
TOTAL TURNOVER IND
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LINEAR DECOMPOSITION
Another method proposed by Firebaugh (1997) is linear decomposition, as an alternative
to the algebraic method. This approach assumes linear and additive within cohort change.
This method also aims to divide social change into two components, one part resulting
from cohort replacement and second part resulting from change in individual values.
Linear decomposition method is based on a regression analysis.
In the first step, change in Y within cohort is estimated through a linear regression
analysis. Assuming that within cohort slopes are linear and parallel, basic regression
equation is modeled as follows:
0 1 2 it itY b bYEAR b COHORT e
Where Yit is the value of Y for the ith
respondent in the ith
survey, b0 estimated intercept,
b1 is the estimated within cohort slope b2 is the estimated cross-cohort slope. Yearit is the
year of measurement of the ith
respondent in the ith
survey, and Cohortit is birth year for
the ith
respondent in the tth
survey. (p.24)
In the second step, the contributions of intracohort change and cohort replacement to
overall social change are estimated by using above calculated slope coefficients:
Estimated contribution of intracohort change = b1 (YRT-YR1)
Where YRT is the year of final survey and YR1 is the year of the first survey.
Estimated contribution of cohort replacement=b2 (CT-C1),
Where CT is average year of birth for the sample in the last survey and C1 is
average year of birth for the sample in the first survey.
We conducted linear decomposition method to above described data set. Results are as
follows:
D R A F T
14
Figure 5. Change in Left Right Self Placement: Linear Decomposition
Scores calculated by using the linear decomposition method shows that change in the
average self-placement is highly due to change in the individual positions of Turkish
voters. Effects of cohort replacement fluctuated between 0,11 to 0,06 points to the left
and it disappeared by 2010. As new cohorts have almost equal rightist positions in the
political spectrum; this generational replacement lost its function as a barrier to
radicalization of Turkish society.
0,83
-0,27
0,45
-0,03
0,40
-0,06 -0,06 -0,11
-0,05
0,01
0,77
-0,33
0,34
-0,09
0,41
-0,40
-0,20
0,00
0,20
0,40
0,60
0,80
1,00
96-90 01-96 07-01 10-07 12-10
INTRACOHORT COHORT REPLACEMENT CALCULATED
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Figure 6. Change in Left Right Self Placement: Comparison of Linear and Algebraic Decomposition Methods
Above figure presents a comparison of two different approaches proposed by Firebaugh.
LD stands for linear decomposition while AD indicates algebraic decomposition.
Although that two different approaches calculated different turnover and individual
change scores, there is a strong correlation between estimations, about 0,98. Independent
from quantitative differences, both methods tell same story: Observed shift towards the
right end of the political spectrum is highly a result of changes in individuals’
orientations, meanwhile generational replacement acted as a barrier against the rising the
rightist orientation until 2007. Especially, between 2007-2011 when individual shift
reached to a peak, generational replacement played a counterbalancing role.
Despite differences in estimations, Firebaugh’s approach is very useful to differentiate
change at individual level and change as a result of generational replacement. By using
this methodology, it is possible to learn about historical factors affecting people’s
attitudes without being hindered by the generational replacement, as we observed in the
above case.
-0,06 -0,06 -0,11
-0,05 0,01
0,83
-0,27
0,45
-0,03
0,40
-0,29 -0,30
-0,45
-0,23
0,01
1,06
-0,03
0,79
0,13
0,40
-0,60
-0,40
-0,20
0,00
0,20
0,40
0,60
0,80
1,00
1,20
96-90 01-96 07-01 10-07 12-10
LD-Turnover LD-Individual AD-Turnover AD-Individual
D R A F T
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YANG AND LAND’S HIERARCHICAL AGE-PERIOD-COHORT (HAPC)
MODEL
Another approach to decompose different components is developed by Yang and Land
(2004 with Fu, 2006, 2008, 2013) is called “Hierarchical Age-Period –Cohort Models”
(HAPC). Yang’s approach is to estimate distinct age, period and cohort effects by using
repeated cross-sectional surveys. In this situation indiviudals are nested within cells
created by the cross-classification of two types of social context: birth cohorts and survey
years. This approach is to estimate distinct age, period and cohort effects by using cross-
classified random effects model (CCRM). These models allow researchers to discover
the contextual effects of period –or the history- and cohort –or collective history-.
Yang and Land (2008) propose to develop a mixed effects model, where age of the
respondent is an individual level covariate with fixed effects , and period and cohort are
random contextual effects. This model also open to include a group of covariates at
individual level or at higher levels -at cohort or period levels-.
Model is described as follows:
Level-1 or “Within-Cell” Model:
0 1 ijk jk l ijk oj ok itkY b b AGE b x u v e
Level 2- or “Between Cell” Model
0 0 ojk m oj kB u v
Combined Model:
0 1 ijk l ijk m itkY b AGE b x e
where, within each birth cohort j and survey year k, respondent i’s score is modeled as a
function of her age and other individual characteristics.
In this model b0jk is the intercept or “cell mean”, average Y value of individuals
belonging birth cohort j and are surveyed in year k , keeping all other variables (Age and
covariates) at the Level-1 fixed effects. ejk is random individual effect –deviation of
individual ijk’s score from the mean for cohort-period jk-. γo the model intercept, or grand
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mean score of all sampled individuals; ∑γ are level-2 covariates, u0j is the random effect
of cohort j averaged over all periods and v0k is random effect of period k.
It’s possible to estimate parameters by using a mixed level model, where period and
cohort variables are defined as second and third random effects, while individual
characteristics are defined as fixed effects at first level.
Yang and Land used this approach to explain verbal capacity of respondents by using the
verbal test score data of the General Social Survey. Their findings show that variance in
the verbal test score of participants is highly due to individual level differences such as
age, gender, race and level of education. Meanwhile their analyses also showed that inter-
cohort differences are statistically significant whereas variation by time periods was not
significant controlling for other variables. (Yang and Land 2006, p.92). They concluded
that vocabulary knowledge declined across cohorts (p.93)
Yang, Frenk and Land (2009) used same methodology to analyze birth cohort and time
period effects on the likelihood of voting in U.S. presidential elections. By using data
provided the American National Election Surveys for 14 different elections between
1952-2004, they found that period effects are significant as determinants of voting
tendency, meanwhile inter-cohort variance is relatively small after controlling individual
level variables. Meanwhile same analysis showed that some cohorts have more tendency
to vote (especially those born between 1940-1950) and birth cohorts between 1965 and
1970 tend not to vote compared to other cohorts, after controlling for individual variables
(p.28).
This approach is merely new and not used yet in different contexts. A good example is
provided by Wilkes and Corrigal-Brown (2011) in their analysis of changing attitudes
towards immigrants in Canada. Authors preferred to employ a different strategy of model
building. They first included period and cohort variables; then they discussed their
findings after introducing individual and second level variables. They also included
macro level variables such as unemployment rate for cohorts and annual unemployment
rate for periods. Their analysis showed that adding up individual variables such as
education hindered inter-cohort differences meanwhile since random effects of period
D R A F T
18
variable remained statistically significant, leading authors to conclude that changing
attitudes over time are result of an ideological shift within time (p.88).
The HAPC approach contributes to our attempt to differentiate sources of overall
attitudinal change. If random effects of cohort and period are statistically significant after
controlling for other covariates, it is possible to show how history affects this change.
19
By using above defined dataset, we conducted the HAPC analysis by using self-
placement of respondents as dependent variable. Our first model only includes age as
independent variable at the first level and random effects of cohort and period.
Table 1. Results of the HAPC Analysis, Age is Covariate
Estimate S.Error Pr > |t|
Constant 5,497 0,162 <,0001
Age 0,012 0,002 <,0001
Fixed Effects Estimate S.Error Z
Variance(COHORT) 0,006 0,006 1,172
Variance(PERIOD) 0,105 0,064 1,629
Random Effects
COHORT Estimate S.Error Pr > |t|
<= 1935 0,01 0,07 0,94
1936 - 1940 -0,01 0,07 0,85
1941 - 1945 0,04 0,08 0,57
1946 - 1950 0,00 0,07 0,98
1951 - 1955 -0,03 0,07 0,63
1956 - 1960 -0,06 0,07 0,34
1961 - 1965 -0,04 0,06 0,54
1966 - 1970 0,01 0,06 0,83
1971 - 1975 0,13 0,07 0,09
1976 - 1980 0,04 0,06 0,56
1981 - 1985 -0,06 0,07 0,38
1986 - 1990 -0,03 0,07 0,63
1991+ 0,02 0,07 0,83
PERIOD Estimate S.Error Pr > |t|
1990 0,131 0,144 0,363
1996 0,479 0,149 0,001
2001 -0,185 0,140 0,187
2007 0,190 0,148 0,198
2010 0,195 0,173 0,261
2012 0,570 0,177 0,001
According to above table presenting our findings, age of respondents has a positive effect
on ideological self-placement. As age increases, one’s self-placement shifts towards the
right end of the political spectrum. Analysis of fixed effects shows that there is a
D R A F T
20
significant difference between periods of surveys; while inter-cohort differences are
statistically insignificant. If we analyse random effects of each level two variables, we
observe that only one birth cohort has a significant difference compared to other birth
cohorts: those have born between 1971 and 1975 tends to be slightly rightist by 0,13
points. Meanwhile, differences between periods are more significant. 1996 and 2012
surveys provided the most rightist averages by 0,50 points, after controlling all other
variables constant. These differences may be attributed to historical developments rather
than cohort replacement.
21
Table 2. Results of the HAPC Analysis, Age, Education and Gender are Covariate
Estimate S.Error Pr > |t|
Constant 6,727 0,193 <,0001
Age 0,001 0,002 0,701
Education -0,282 0,017 <,0001
Gender=Female 0,184 0,052 0,0004
Fixed Effects Estimate S.Error Z
Variance(COHORT) 0,008 0,006 1,277
Variance(PERIOD) 0,132 0,080 1,642
Random Effects
COHORT Estimate S.Error Pr > |t|
<= 1935 0,037 0,078 0,640
1936 - 1940 -0,020 0,078 0,799
1941 - 1945 0,032 0,077 0,674
1946 - 1950 -0,011 0,072 0,877
1951 - 1955 -0,052 0,071 0,464
1956 - 1960 -0,069 0,067 0,302
1961 - 1965 -0,049 0,063 0,436
1966 - 1970 -0,002 0,061 0,979
1971 - 1975 0,141 0,076 0,063
1976 - 1980 0,069 0,068 0,316
1981 - 1985 -0,043 0,070 0,538
1986 - 1990 -0,033 0,073 0,652
1991+ 0,000 0,079 0,997
PERIOD Estimate S.Error Pr > |t|
1990 -0,654 0,168 0,000
1996 -0,040 0,159 0,799
2001 -0,125 0,155 0,420
2007 0,250 0,162 0,123
2010 0,075 0,159 0,635
2012 0,494 0,163 0,003
Our second model includes some covariates at individual level: Education and female
dummy. Analysis of first level variables shows that including new variables diminished
effect of age and it became statistically insignificant. Education has a negative effect on
D R A F T
22
rightist views. As education increases by one points, one’s self-placement in the spectrum
shifts towards the left end by 0,28 points. Gender has also a significant effect. Table
shows that women tends to be locate themselves towards to the right end of the spectrum
by 0,20 points.
Adding these individual level variables didn’t change the overall picture. Analysis shows
that inter-cohort differences are insignificant, while there is significant difference
between periods, after controlling for education, gender and age. There is significant
difference between 1990 and other survey years, 1990 presents a significantly more leftist
position, while the last survey indicates a shift about 0,5 points. Since new individual
level variable didn’t affect these differences, it means that there is some room for further
explanation these differences, including using historical events such as economic crisis so
on.
23
DISCUSSION
In this short paper we tried to use different methods of decomposition to understand the
nature and quantity of change in the Turkish electorate in terms of ideological shift
towards right, presented by all available data sets. There are different explanations of this
shift, from economy to external environment; from political culture to the leadership
effect; but quantity of this change is still under suspect.
Generally, change in a parameter is accepted as difference between to data sets collected
in two different time points. It is assumed that comparison of these data gives an idea
about the magnitude of change. Challenging point here is that observed change has
different components. First component is individual change, shift of individual voters
towards right in our case. It is worth to discuss why individuals became more rightist
within 10 to 20 years. Secondly, this shift may be a result birth cohort replacement, in
other words change in the structure of society when old birth cohorts are replaced with
new ones; hypothetically having different values set or socialization process. Finally,
third component is the history. Historical events may affect a society and push all
individuals towards right. Classical interpretations of sample averages underestimate
second and third components and tended to attribute this change to first and sometimes
third components.
We proposed two different approaches to address this problem. First approach is
developed by Firebaugh (1992, 1997) and it aims to decompose change into two
components: individual change and turnover –cohort replacement-. When we used to
alternative methods of Firebaugh decomposition we observed that major portion of
rightist shift in Turkey is due to shift in individuals. However same analyses showed that
turnover played an important role during 1990s, as a barrier to shift. For example, if
turnover effect would be 0, meaning that old and new birth cohorts would have same
ideological orientations, average positioning of Turkish voters in 2010 would be 6,61
over 10 instead of 6,16, with a difference of 5 percent created by cohort replacement.
Same data shows that this effect disappeared by 2010
Two alternative methods of Firebaugh, algebraic decomposition and linear decomposition
estimated different quantities for both components, especially lower scores for turnover
D R A F T
24
effect. But, estimations are strongly correlated (r=0,98) meaning that different methods
told same story.
Second approach, developed by Yang and Land (2004, 2013) is more complicated and
attempts to differentiate age, period (history) and cohort effects on any societal change.
Their method is based on analyzing pooled cross-sectional data in a hierarchical structure
–period*cohort*individuals- and estimating fixed effects of covariates and random
effects of contextual variables, period and cohort. If contextual variables are sufficient to
explain variance between individuals, random effects of period and cohort would be
disappeared. Or, the existence of random contextual effects indicates existence of
historical events.
Our first model which only incorporates age as an independent variable showed that
change in individuals’ self-placement on left-right spectrum is a result of periodic shift,
than differences between cohorts. When we included education and gender as individual
level covariates, overall picture didn’t change. Education is the most important factor
affecting individuals’ ideological orientation, one point increase in education attracts
individual voter to left by 0,3 points, keeping all other variables constant. It means that
education matters, within same cohort at same period. Women locate themselves in a
more rightist position than men, even they were born in the same cohort and measured in
same survey. In this model birth cohort effect is insignificant, meaning that there is no
intercohort differences –after controlling for education, age and gender- however period
has an statistically significant random effect which leaves a role for history.
All of our analyses didn’t produce information to challenge our conventional wisdom.
Turkish society became more rightist within 20 years because individuals became more
rightist. However, by using different decomposition methods we showed that
generational replacement played a barrier to overall shift, because new generations were
more centrist than older generations they replaced. Secondly, this barrier effect
disappeared by 2010 meaning that newcomers are rightist as they parents. Thirdly, as the
HAPC analyses showed, individual factors such as education or gender matters; but there
is still some random effect stemming from periodic differences, and historical factors are
waiting for being discovered.
25
APPENDIX
Algebraic Decomposition Example
Proportion of
Cohort
Mean Individual
Change
Turnover Interaction
A B C D =(D-C)*A =(B-
A)*C
=(B-
A)*(D-C)
COHORT 1990 1996 1990 1996 96-90 96-90 96-90
<= 1935 0,13 0,08 5,82 6,43 0,08 -0,26 -0,03
1936 - 1940 0,09 0,04 5,73 6,76 0,10 -0,33 -0,06
1941 - 1945 0,05 0,06 5,44 6,38 0,05 0,02 0,00
1946 - 1950 0,09 0,08 5,41 6,64 0,11 -0,07 -0,02
1951 - 1955 0,12 0,11 5,40 6,29 0,10 -0,05 -0,01
1956 - 1960 0,13 0,13 5,09 5,85 0,10 -0,02 0,00
1961 - 1965 0,14 0,13 5,40 6,02 0,09 -0,07 -0,01
1966 - 1970 0,16 0,15 4,89 5,49 0,10 -0,07 -0,01
1971 - 1975 0,09 0,14 5,65 6,39 0,06 0,28 0,04
1976 - 1980 0,10 6,23 0,00 0,00 0,63
1981 - 1985 0,00 0,00 0,00
1986 - 1990 0,00 0,00 0,00
1991+ 0,00 0,00 0,00
Total 0,79 -0,57 0,54
Interaction
Distributed
1,06 -0,29
Observed Change 0,77
D R A F T
26
Linear Decomposition Results:
B Std.
Error
Beta Sig Difference Average Birth
1996-
1990
Constant -248,75 38,51 0,00 1953,59 1990
Year 0,14 0,02 0,17 0,00 6,00 1958,96 1996
Cohort -0,01 0,00 -0,07 0,00
2001-
1996
Constant 136,82 48,95 0,01 5,00 1958,96 1996
Year -0,05 0,02 -0,05 0,03 1964,10 2001
Cohort -0,01 0,00 -0,06 0,01
2007-
1996
Constant -110,82 41,46 0,01 6,00 1964,10 2001
Year 0,08 0,02 0,09 0,00 1970,51 2007
Cohort -0,02 0,00 -0,09 0,00
2010-
2007
Constant 61,41 81,95 0,45 3,00 1970,51 2007
Year -0,01 0,04 -0,01 0,79 1973,70 2010
Cohort -0,02 0,00 -0,09 0,00
2012-
2010
Constant -373,52 118,35 0,00 2,00 1973,70 2010
Year 0,20 0,06 0,08 0,00 1975,00 2012
Cohort -0,01 0,00 -0,07 0,00
27
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