Research in Human Ecology

Multifaceted Perspectives on Water Risks and Policies:A Cultural Domains Approach in a Southwestern City

Kelli L. LarsoniArizona State UniversitySchool of Geographical Sciences and Urban Planning and School of Sustainability, Tempe, AZ

Amber WutichArizona State UniversitySchool of Human Evolution and Social Change, Tempe, AZ

Dave WhiteArizona State UniversitySchool of Community Resources and Development, Phoenix, AZ

Tischa A. Muñoz-EricksonArizona State UniversitySchool of Sustainability, Tempe, AZ

Sharon L. HarlanArizona State UniversitySchool of Human Evolution and Social Change, Tempe, AZ

Abstract

Considering an array of perspectives on human-ecolog-ical problems and possible solutions is essential for develop-ing strategies that are socially accepted, culturally appropri-ate, and ultimately supported by residents, whose views andbehaviors significantly affect environmental conditions. Fol-lowing a tripartite model of affective, cognitive, and conativejudgments, this paper examines: 1) local concerns about mu-nicipal water consumption, 2) the perceived role residents'landscaping choices play in contributing to resource scarci-ty, and 3) attitudes about regulatory policies aimed at con-servation. The analysis assesses how people's multifacetedperspectives are infiuenced by various cultural domains —specifically, ecological worldviews, political orientations,and ethnicity, which were more significant than social attrib-utes controlled for in regression models. Advancing a robustconceptual approach to understanding the socioculturalbasis of environmental judgments, we found a dominant in-fiuence for ecological worldviews across perspectives, withotherwise complex relationships between people's views anddistinctive spheres of culture.

Keywords: risk perceptions; tripartite judgments; cul-tural domains; water scarcity; environmental governance

Introduction

Providing an adequate supply of water for communitiesand ecosystems is among the most pressing sustainabilityconcerns worldwide, especially in arid cifies that face rapidpopulation growth, degraded water quality, and expected cli-mate changes (Gober and Kirkwood, 2010). Beyond prob-lems with the physical availability and quality of water, con-sumpdon patterns and conflicfing views about how best touse, manage, and sustain resources pose challenges to sus-tainable development. In this paper, we focus on residents'perspecfives on water resource problems, causes, and solu-fions in the bourgeoning semi-arid metropolis of Phoenix,Arizona, where the overdraft of non-renewable aquifers is aserious problem and where rising demands for water threatenthe sustainability of an essential but limited resource. Ourspecific attenfion to the role of residential demand in deter-mining water resource sustainability is jusdfied for two rea-sons. First, Phoenix illustrates the current and growing im-

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portance of municipal water uses in urbanizing regions. Sec-ond, by considering how residents' views might spur orthwart action, this case informs critical "soft path" conserva-tion strategies aimed at reducing water demand by alteringconsumptive behaviors (Gleick, 2002).

A number of scholars have recently called for research toassess how sociocultural attributes and processes shape peo-ple's understanding of and atdtudinal judgments abouthuman-ecological problems (Adeola, 2007; Dietz et al.,2005; Schultz et al, 2000). To address this need, we exam-ine the extent to which cultural domains and social charac-teristics affect residents'judgments about water scarcity risksand midgadon strategies in Phoenix. Interdisciplinary schol-ars have defined and measured "environmental concern,""risk percepfions," or other constructs in varying ways, whilecommonly employing ambiguous approaches that are notwell-grounded in theory (Dunlap et al., 2000; Dunlap andJones, 2002). Inconsistent use of pardcular constructs andmeasures has subsequendy led to difficulfies in interprefingfindings across studies (Larson, 2010; Larson et al., 2010).In this study, we clearly conceptualize and examine tripartiteperspectives about water scarcity and resource governance inrelation to varying cultural domains in Phoenix where Lafi-nos represent a sizable porfion of the populafion (U.S. Cen-sus Bureau, 2005).

Throughout the United States and around the globe, cul-tural minorities face greater environmental risks compared towhite Anglos (Bullard, 2000; Evans and Kantrowitz, 2002),including Ladnos in agricultural and industrial settings of theSouthwest (Vaughn and Nordenstam, 1991). Much of thisrisk research has focused on toxic and hazardous waste orpollution, while less research has focused on risks and relat-ed judgments about other environmental issues, especiallyamong Latino communities in urban settings (Whittaker etal., 2005). Due to increased exposure and sensitivity as wellas decreased coping ability (Cutter et al., 2003), heightenedvulnerability to risks among minority groups demands a clos-er look at how varying cultural groups view human-ecologi-cal problems and their alleviadon (Peña, 2003; Taylor, 1989).With this intent, our research employs a tripartite model ofenvironmental perspectives and a multifaceted view of cul-tural domains, as theorized below.

Cultural Domains andEnvironmental Perspectives

Culture, defined as shared systems of values, meanings,and beliefs (Rohner, 1984), mediates how people conceptual-ize the environment in which they live. Following D'An-drade (1995), Handwerker (2002) and others, we envisionculture as a mulddimensional construct composed of various

"cultural domains" encompassing knowledge, values, and be-liefs in specific content areas. The cultural domain approachis powerful because it assumes that people may share valuesin one domain, such as the environment, but hold disfinct val-ues in another domain, such as politics. Kempton and col-leagues (1999) successfully used a "cultural models" ap-proach to explore environmental perspecfives, explaining thatjudgments are not isolated cognidve phenomena. Instead,environmental views are closely linked to various aspects ofculture, such as beliefs about nature, the government, and so-cial norms. In this study, the relative impacts of three cultur-al domains — ecological worldviews, political orientadons,and ethnicity — on residents' views about water scarcity areexamined, controlling for social attributes such as age and in-come. While environmental and polifical views representspecific content areas relevant for understanding risk percep-dons, ethnicity captures informadon about peoples' culturalbackground, broadly construed.

As basic environmental beliefs that are widely sharedamong society, ecological worldviews are often characterizedby general ideas about physical characteristics of the envi-ronment and people's reladonship to nature (Thompson andBarton, 1994; Vaske and Donnelly, 1999). To date, much ofthe research on worldviews has employed a muld-item sur-vey scale known as the New Ecological Paradigm, or NEP(Dunlap et al., 2000). The NEP evaluates general beliefsabout the balance of nature, limits to growth, and human im-pacts on the natural environment. In this conceptualizadon,the New Ecological Paradigm is contrasted with the Domi-nant Social Paradigm, which represents beliefs in unlimitedresources, technological solutions, and human control overnature. In some studies, NEP has been used to measure eco-logical 'concern,' 'atfitudes' or other constructs (for example,Noe and Snow, 1990; Schultz and Zelezny, 1999). Followingprominent scholars (Dietz et al, 1995; Dunlap et al., 2000),we conceptualize the NEP as basic environmental world-views, or value orientadons. As such, the New EcologicalParadigm of thought represents one domain of culture that in-fluences reladvely concrete judgments (including concernsand atdtudes) about specific risks and mitigadon strategies(Larson, 2010). Analyzing a primarily Anglo sample in theU.S., Slimak and Dietz (2006) recendy reported that ecolog-ical worldviews predict people's concerns about a variety ofrisks. Focusing on water issues in the Southwest, we employa similar approach by examining NEP as one of mulfiple cul-tural domains impacting environmental perspectives, alongwith polifical orientation and ethnicity.

Political ideology is another facet of culture closelylinked to environmental views (Hodgkinson and Innes, 2000;Johnson et al., 2004; Schaaf et al., 2006). Polidcal orienta-fion in the U.S. is typically understood as a bi-direcfional

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continuum from liberal to conservafive (Ellis and Thompson,1997). People with liberal polifical views tend to place valueon equality and humanitarianism, while people with conserv-afive views tend to place significant importance on securityand order (Braithwaite, 1998; Feather, 1979). A large bodyof evidence indicates that people with relatively liberal polit-ical orientafions exhibit pro-ecological woridviews (as mea-sured by NEP) compared to others (Johnson et al., 2004; VanLiere and Dunlap, 1980). Yet this general principal does notalways hold for risk-specific measures of concern, as withtoxic nuclear waste (Kowalewski and Porter, 1993). In an-other study, polifical ideology explained ecological worid-views but not perceptions of specific risks (Slimak and Dietz,2006). Such findings underscore the importance of studyingdiverse cultural domains in relation to various types of envi-ronmental perspectives, including but not limited to risk per-cepfions and ecological concerns.

Finally, environmental views may be shaped by ethnici-ty, as defined by discrete groups of people who share cultur-al attributes (Barth, 1969). In a comprehensive literature re-view, Vaughn and Nordenstam (1991) found that the effect ofethnicity on risk perceptions may be due to shared prior ex-periences or generalized beliefs. To capture different mech-anisms that cause ethnic groups to share experiences and be-liefs, we used a measure of ethnicity that encompasses bothethnic identity and acculturafion. Ethnic idenfity refers to anindividual's own feelings of membership and belonging to anethnic group (Phinney, 1990). Acculturafion captures the de-gree to which migrants have adopted the knowledge or be-liefs typical of their new cultural context (Berry, 1997). Inour analysis, we are parficulariy interested in understandinghow ethnic idenfificafion — specifically as Latino or Hispan-ic relative to Anglos — shapes environmental views, alongwith linguistic acculturation and other factors.

Past studies indicate that shared ethnic characteristics —beyond parficular ecological or pofifical beliefs — might in-fluence environmental perspectives among Latinos and Ang-los. For instance, Lafin American scholars describe a distinctenvironmental ethic among Latinos, with emphasis on theperceived interdependencies between people and nature aswell as resistance to the social injustices of environmentaldegradafion (Heyd, 2004; Lynch, 1993). Because Latinostend to view themselves as intertwined with nature, they mayfeel more vulnerable to and concerned about risks comparedto Anglos. A few studies have found that Lafinos do expressmore concern about environmental risks than Anglos. For ex-ample, a longitudinal study in California found increasing en-vironmental concern for various generalized risks (e.g., airand water pollution) among Latinos over time (Whittaker etal., 2005). A study in Tucson, Arizona also indicated height-ened concern about drinking water quality among Latinos

compared to Anglos, especially those in close proximity tocontaminated groundwater (Williams and Florez, 2002). Ourstudy contributes to this vein of research by examining the re-lafionship between ethnicity and affecfive, cognitive, andconative judgments around water.

Controlling for Demographic Attributes

Scholars have long recognized the importance of stafis-tically controlling for social attributes in studies of risk per-ceptions (Slimak and Dietz, 2006), particulariy because eth-nicity often covaries with socioeconomic status (Vaughn andNordenstam, 1991). We therefore examine five demographicfactors — age, length of residency, income, educafion, andgender — that could explain people's judgments about waterscarcity and resource governance. Overall, these factors arehypothesized to influence human-ecological judgments be-cause they affect personal experiences with risks, knowledgeof and familiarity with associated problems, and the materialand intellectual resources people have to mitigate losses(Cutter et al., 2003; Evans and Kantrowitz, 2002; Gee andPayne-Sturges, 2004).

First, we incorporate length of residence in the studyarea as a control variable since the familiarity thesis positsthat experience with area-specific problems may actuallyminimize environmental concerns or perceived risks (Limaand Castro, 2005; Slovic, 1987). This expectadon is consis-tent with literature that suggests long-fime connecfions withspecific places tend to moderate ecological views (Branden-burg and Carroll, 1995). For instance, newcomers to thewestern U.S. somefimes exhibit heightened concerns becauseof the environmental amenities that attract them to the region(Jones et al, 2003; Starrs and Wright, 1995). Socializafion toregional customs further explains environmental perceptionsand preferences, as with the 'oasis' tradifion in Phoenix, AZ,where long-term residents tend to prefer the lush, well-wa-tered landscapes to which they have become accustomed —relative to newcomers — in spite of the dry, native desertecosystem (Larson et al., 2009a; Yabiku et al., 2008). Thus,residents who have lived longer in the study region may min-imize concerns about water consumpfion while negafing theneed to address resource scarcity through policy mechanisms.

Yet other studies show that age is often negatively asso-ciated with ecological woridviews (as measured by NEP;Johnson et al. 2004) or other environmental atfitudes, withthe rafionale that younger people exhibit the New EcologicalParadigm of thought more so than older people, who are rel-atively entrenched in the Dominant Social Paradigm (Dunlapet al. 2000). Whitaker et al. (2005), for instance, found thatyoung adults (18-29) expressed greater support for environ-mental spending and greater opposifion to offshore drilling

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compared to older people, who were also found to be lessconcerned about toxic waste in California. Meanwhile, Sli-mak and Dietz (2006) found that older people rated biologi-cal risks, as well as ecological and chemical risks, as moretroublesome than younger people. Perhaps greater sensitiv-ity to certain risks among the elderly populadon elevatessome of their environmental concerns, at least in some con-texts, even though they tend to exhibit weaker pro-environ-mental attitudes than younger people.

With respect to socioeconomic status, economically dis-advantaged residents may exhibit greater concern about envi-ronmental risks than well-off residents, because they havefewer financial resources to cope with risks (Cutter et al.,2003; Evans and Kantrowitz, 2002). The theory of environ-mental'deprivadon supports this view, suggesting that de-graded condidons result in heightened concerns among un-derprivileged people (Whitaker et al., 2005). Slimak andDietz (2006) also found that wealthier people exhibit dimin-ished risk percepdons, although ecological worldviews andaltruistic values significantly increased concerns more sothan social-structural factors in their study. Overall, we an-dcipated that people with lower incomes would exhibit com-paradvely high levels of concern. People with lower incomesmay not be as supportive of economic policies involving costincreases, however, because of the disproportionate impactson them reladve to wealthier residents with more disposableincome.

In addition, education has often been linked to ecologi-cal worldviews (Dunlap et al. 2000), although Johnson et al.(2004) found no relationship with the NEP scale. In Whitak-er et al. (2005), educated residents of California were morelikely to self-identify as environmentalists and to oppose off-shore drilling than less educated residents, who actually ex-hibited heightened concerns about polludon and toxic wastescompared to people with higher levels of education. Similar-ly, Slimak and Dietz (2006) reported that people with feweryears of educadon perceived several types of environmentalrisks as more threatening than more educated people. As awhole, while educadon may lead to stronger pro-environ-mental worldviews or atdtudes, concerns about risks may beheightened among less educated people.

Finally, gender socializadon somedmes leads to diver-gent environmental concerns and perspectives among menand women. In a review and synthesis of the literature,Davidson and Freudenberg (1996) examined five explana-tions for gendered environmental concern, concluding thatheightened worries about the safety of their families con-tributes to greater concern among women compared to men,especially for localized risks. Yet findings for the explicitparental role explanation have been mixed. Moreover, theeconomic salience and knowledge arguments, which predict

that men's views about environmental matters vary accordingto their relative financial and educated status in society, havebeen weakly supported by empirical studies. Second only tothe safety concern thesis, men's insfitudonal trust diminishestheir concerns about some environmental risks. A recentstudy supported similar findings, specifically in showing thatwomen are more affectively concerned about the safety oflocal drinking water (Larson, Ibes, and White, 2010). On theother hand, women and men in that study were largely simi-lar in their perceived causes of scarcity risks as well as theiratdtudinal support for water policy actions. Additional stud-ies of multifaceted environmental perspectives are needed tohelp clarify their reladonship with a variety of cultural andother factors.

Conceptualizing TripartiteEnvironmental Perspectives

Building upon the tripartite model, we conceptualizehuman-ecological judgments as a mulddimensional constructencompassing affecfive, cognitive, and conadve views aboutenvironmental matters (Dunlap and Jones, 2002). With re-spect to water, we consider: 1) affective concern about waterconsumpdon rates at local and regional levels, 2) cognitiveperceptions regarding the degree to which residential uses —that is, for watering yards and maintaining pools — con-tribute to potential problems, and 3) conative attitudes thatreflect policy support for stringent resource governancestrategies, including regulatory bans on water use and in-creasing the price of water to reduce consumption.

Affective Concern about Water ConsumptionWe define affective concern as emodonal judgments that

indicate the degree of worry or troublesome feelings peoplehave about some matter (Dunlap and Jones, 2002). Such con-cerns are expliciUy emotive in expressing care about an issue,as opposed to remiss or neutral feelings. While affective con-cerns about the environment might spur conservation behav-iors, this is not always the case. An Australian study showed,for example, that people who express concern about waterconsumpdon actually use more of it, while residents also dis-tanced water scarcity away from themselves by invoking con-cerns about nadon-wide drought (Askew and McGuirk,2004). In our research, we specifically examine concernabout water consumpdon at two geographic scales, one prox-imate and one distant.

We examine concern at the local neighborhood andbroader regional scales due to the hyperopia effect, which in-dicates that people tend to be more concerned about relative-ly distal, larger scale environmental problems (Garcia-Mira

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et al., 2005; Uzzell, 2000). We focus on two local scales ofwater consumption, because smaller areas represent theeveryday scales of human-environment interactions com-pared to broader geographic areas. Since residential areas orsubdivisions tend to share characteristics that determinewater use, such as affluence and landscaping features, neigh-borhoods are a crifical unit of analysis for studies of munici-pal demand (Aitken, Duncan, and McMahon, 1991).

The degree to which people express diminished concernabout consumpfion in their neighborhood has potenfial impli-cations for reducing residential demands through emotionalappeals to conserve water. If residents distance water con-sumption and associated risks away from their local environ-ment — that is, with little concern about proximate issues orby attributing problems to other areas or other people — theymay not be willing to change their own behaviors. As such,collective actions to ameliorate risks may be thwarted by alack of concern about local issues (Garcia-Mira et al., 2005;Uzzell, 2000).

Cognitive Causes of Water ShortagesCognitive judgments about human-ecological matters

involve beliefs that represent knowledge and subjective un-derstanding of how nature works, as well as how people in-teract with and impact the environment (Dunlap and Jones,2002). We analyze cognitive beliefs, or perceptions, aboutthe factors that contribute to, or cause, potential water short-ages, while focusing on the degree to which residents seehousehold consumption activities as anthropogenic sourcesof water scarcity. Since people tend to shift blame for envi-ronmental problems away from themselves and toward otherpeople and nature (Faulkner et al., 2001; Larson et al., 2009b;Leiserowitz, 2005), cognidve beliefs about who contributesto risks potenfially influence individuals' actions to help alle-viate them.

Previous research has examined anthropocentric versusbiocentric value orientations, which are defined as basic be-lief patterns (or woridviews) emphasizing human- or nature-centered rights and interests (Dunlap et al., 2000; Whittakeret al., 2006). Scholars have also examined selfish and altru-istic values as predictors of pro-environmental behaviors,finding that biocentric orientations often combine with altru-ism to encourage conservation (Stern, 2000). In our analysis,we examine specific beliefs about self-oriented, anthro-pogenic causes of water scarcity because of their potential tonegatively affect conservation by reducing feelings of per-sonal responsibility and efficacy for mitigafing environmen-tal problems (Corral-Vedugo and Frias-Armenta, 2006; Oregand Katz-Gerro, 2006).

Consideradon of specific beliefs about how residentialuses of water contribute to resource scarcity in the Phoenix

area is warranted by at least two facts: first, approximatelytwo-thirds of municipal water is consumed for household ac-fivides region-wide; and second, municipal demands arequickly surpassing the long-dominant role of agriculture asthe top water-use sector in the greater metropolitan area (Ja-cobs and Megdal, 2005). Addifionally, the vast majority ofresidential water use occurs outdoors, primarily to irrigateyards or maintain pools. In a Phoenix study, for example,swimming pools, green lawns, and lot size were three of themost significant factors determining neighborhood water de-mand (the fourth was household size; see Wentz and Gober,2007). We therefore assess residents' cognitive beliefs aboutthe role they think outdoor water-use acdvities play in con-tributing to water scarcity risks in the region.

Conative Attitudes toward Regulatory PoliciesConative attitudes represent evaluative, positive or nega-

dve judgments about an acdon, thereby reflecdng people'sintendons to act in pardcular ways (Dunlap and Jones, 2002).As behavioral dispositions, conative attitudes are stronglylinked to personal action and may mediate between broadervalues or general attitudes and actual conservation behaviorsor environmental acfions (see Ajzen's extensive work on thetheory of planned behavior at http://people.umass.edu/aizen/). For our study, we conceptualize conative attitudes assupport for specific types of water policies, which are essen-dally akin to voting behavior. Given opposidon to regula-tions, especially in the western U.S. (Larson, 2009; Robertsand Emel, 1992), we assess atfitudinal judgments towardwater-use restrictions and pricing mechanisms in parficular.

Largely due to personal ideologies and udlitarian self-in-terests, people often oppose restricdve environment policies(Larson, 2009; Roberts and Emel, 1992). Individualisdc val-ues diminish support for policies that negadvely impact peo-ple, for instance, by constraining their acfivides or by impos-ing costs on them. Conservative polifical leanings, which up-hold individualism and oppose government interference inthe economy, particularly sway negative attitudes toward reg-ulatory policies (Carman, 1998; Van Liere and Dunlap,1980). Anthropocentric values also result in opposition toenvironmental reguladon, as people place more importanceon how policies affect people, rather than how people impactthe environment or natural resources (Stern, 2000).

Despite public opposidon, it is somedmes necessary toimplement stringent strategies, such as increasing the priceof water (Corbella and Pujol, 2009) or requiring changes inconsumpfion (Gleick, 2002), to enhance water-use efficiencyand reduce demands on resources. Regulatory bans havebeen imposed in some places to manage residential water de-mand; while the Las Vegas region has limited turfgrass toconserve water, for example, local governments in Massa-

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chusetts have implemented bans on irrigadng lawns. In thestudy region of Phoenix, restrictions on residential water usehave so far been minimal, and the price of water remains low.Even in the context of a decade-long drought, local govern-ment entities have not restricted the irrigadon of yards orother high-volume water uses among residents, instead pre-ferring to pump non-renewable groundwater in dmes ofshortage (Kunzig, 2008).

Research Design

According to the 2010 Census, the study region of met-ropolitan Phoenix, Arizona is home to approximately fourmillion residents. Situated in the Sonoran Desert, the area re-ceives less than eight inches of rainfall annually (Gober,2006). Yet the grass lawns, green golf courses, and numerousartificial lakes throughout the region conjure up notions of awater-rich oasis, as distinct from the dry desert ecosystem inwhich the metropolitan area is located. Lush, well-wateredlandscapes in this arid city indeed lend to high water-userates, which are substandally higher than nearby areas suchas Tucson, AZ and Albuquerque, NM. Although the Phoenixarea has access to large amounts of groundwater and surfacewater, with both aquifers and rivers providing vital resourcesto the region, droughts are a common occurrence and climatepredictions forecast a warmer, drier future (Ellis et al., 2008).As Gober and Kirkwood (2010) report, under any climatescenario, groundwater sustainability will not be achievedgiven projected growth and unconstrained water usage. Onepotential soludon is to alter consumpdve lifestyle patterns,which jusdfies our focus on residendal water use.

The Phoenix Area Social Survey (PASS)Data analyzed in this study were collected in 2006 in the

second wave of the Phoenix Area Social Survey (PASS), alongitudinal survey that is administered every five years tomonitor community dynamics and environmental atdtudesand behaviors in the Phoenix region.' PASS employs a two-stage research design in which a systematic sample of neigh-borhoods and a random sample of households within eachneighborhood are targeted for the survey. PASS 2006 neigh-borhoods were selected from 204 randomly sampled sitesthat are monitored for ecological change by the Central Ari-zona - Phoenix Long-Term Ecological Research (CAPLTER) project. CAP LTER's Survey 200 measures vegeta-tion and soil properdes as well as other ecological variableson 30x30 meter sample plots distributed over all types of landuses in the metropolitan area (Grimm and Redman 2004). Vi-sual inspecdon of the 204 plots determined that 94 were lo-cated in residential areas; other plots were in the desert, agri-cultural fields, golf course, interstate highway, and other non-

residendal areas. The residendal plots (n=94) were joinedwith 2000 population data for Census block groups (BGs),which defined the neighborhood boundaries.

The neighborhoods (BGs) were cross-classified by loca-don (core, suburban, fringe) and median household income(high, middle, low) to form sampling groups.^ Another cate-gory of refirement communities (median age of populationover 55 years) was added to reflect local population charac-terisdcs. To create a balanced sample of neighborhoodsamong these groups, PASS researchers then selected 40 BGsthat represent variation in ethnic/racial composition, home-owners and renters, and municipalides across the region. Na-donally, the population size of most BGs is between 600 and3000, and most of the PASS BGs were in this range; five BGshad less than 600 and six had more than 3000 residents. In afew urban fringe locafions, where the BGs were several fimesthe average area 0.25 mi , a smaller group of homes near theCAP LTER survey plot was selected for sampling house-holds.

For the second stage of sampling residences, a list ofhome addresses for each BG was created from GlS-generat-ed maps, which were verified by canvassing. We sampled thesame number of households in each neighborhood, ratherthan sampling propordonate to populadon size, to ensure aminimum number of respondents in each neighborhood forcomparative analysis. Forty randomly selected addresses (in-cluding single- and muld-family dwellings) in each neigh-borhood received advance notice of the survey through hand-delivered flyers and mailed recruitment letters that offered afinancial incendve for completed surveys. Recruitment ma-terials were printed in English and Spanish, and the adult inthe household with the most recent birthday was asked to par-ticipate. From April to September 2006, households were of-fered three response opdons: an online survey (59%), ascheduled phone interview (34%), or in-person (7%). Allsurvey modes asked idendcal quesdons.

After repeated contacts, the overall response rate wasfifty-one percent (n=808). A minimum response rate of fiftypercent (n=20) was obtained in every neighborhood. By cur-rent standards (Keeter et al., 2006), PASS is a rigorously de-signed survey with a high response rate. Similar to many sur-veys, respondents were more often female, white, and olderand more highly educated than the general populafion. Usingthe 2000 Census block group data as a benchmark, thirty-fivepercent of both the neighborhood populadons and the surveysample had a high school education or less, and twenty-onepercent were over 65 years old. The median household in-come for the sample (in the $60,000 range) was also equiva-lent to the study neighborhoods. Nearly one in five respon-dents self-idendfied as Lafino/Hispanic, and ten percent ofthe surveys were completed in Spanish. Only respondents

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who self-identified as "Hispanic, Lafino, Mexican, Mexican-American or of Spanish background" (n=152) or "White/Anglo" (n=576) were included in the analysis for this arficle.

The Variables and Data AnalysisFollowing the triparfite conceptualizafion, we examine

mulfiple measures of human-ecological perspectives in ouranalysis. For oj ecí/ve judgments, the PASS survey measuredresidents' "concern" about "the amount of water being used"by people in: 1) "the Valley," a common moniker for thegreater Phoenix region, and 2) their local area, or neighbor-hood. Response opfions ranged from "not concerned" (1) to"very concerned" (4). In measuring cognitive percepfions,we asked how much residents think the following "contributeto a future water shortage in the Valley:" 1) watering grassand plants in people's yards and 2) swimming pools. Forthese two survey quesfion items, responses spanned from"not at all" (1) to "a great deal" (10). Also measured on a ten-point scale, the conative realm of judgment evaluated re-spondents' views on policies "to ensure the Valley has enoughwater in the future," specifically: 1) increasing the price ofwater and 2) restricting water used for residenfial outdoorpurposes, such as lawns. These two variables ranged from"strongly oppose" (1) to "strongly support" (10). For all sur-vey quesfions, 'don't know' and refusal opfions were also of-fered to PASS respondents; these responses were treated asmissing values in the subsequent analysis.

For the cultural domains, we used four NEP statementsincluded in PASS to gauge individuals' orientafion toward apro-environmental worldview (see Appendix). Measuredwith a four-point disagree-agree scale on which higher num-bers equate to a pro-ecological worldview (Table 1), the reli-ability test (Cronbach's alpha = 0.6) was lower than the ideal0.7 criterion. We nonetheless deemed the NEP index accept-able since it falls within a tolerable range and given the long-fime use and proven dependability of the scale (Dunlap et al.,2000). To evaluate the political domain, we reclassified astandard, seven-point liberal-to-conservative scale into threegroups that represent the polar viewpoints relative to the mid-dle, moderate point on the scale.

Lastly, we operafionalized ethnicity using a measure thatencompasses ethnic idenfificafion and linguisfic accultura-fion. Following the format used in the U.S. Census, ethnicidenfification is based on a standard self-reported measure forAnglo/white and Hispanic/Latino of any race or origin. Ac-culturafion was based on the primary language spoken, or forour purposes, whether respondents took the survey in Englishor Spanish. Language is generally recognized as one of theprimary determinants of acculturation (Montgomery, 1992),along with being the most common proxy for it (Valencia andJohnson, 2008). Based on this classificafion, our study in-

Table 1. Descriptive Statistics for Dependent and IndependentVariables

VariablesStandardDeviation

Dependent VariablesAffective Concern (1-4): Water Use 3.14 .684 787

Regional Valley-Wide 3.56 .610 784Local Neighborhood 2.77 .904 772

Cognitive Causes (l-IO): Scarcity 6.78 2.39 776Owning pools 6.78 2.48 770Irrigating yards 6.78 2.39 773

Conative Attitudes (l-IO): Policies' 5.71 2.42 777Restricting residential uses 6.52 2.81 770Increasing price of water 4.92 3.04 772

Exptanatory VariablesEcological Worldviews (NBP scale)Political Orientations^

ConservativeModerate .Liberal

Anglo-Latino Ethnicity^English-speaking AnglosEnglish-speaking LatinosSpanish-speaking Latinos

EducationLess than high schoolHigh school graduateSome collegeBachelor's degree or higher

Income^AgeYears residency in Phoenix areaGender: female^

3.23 .601

304 (40.9%)257 (34.6%)192 (24.5%)

573 (78.9%)77 (10.6%)76(10.5%)

54 (6.5%)208 (25.7%)189(23.6%)349 (34.6%)

4.13 2.78048.21 16.4221.39 16.17

446 (56.5%)

788743

724

808

709797762786

Notes: 'The conative attitudes were analyzed separately in the regressionmodels due to the relatively low correlation between the judgments examined(see Table 2). ^For the categorical variables, frequencies (and percentages)are presented for each category. ^Household income was measured on a ten-point scale ranging from $20,000 and under (1) to more than $200,000 (10).

eluded three groups: English-speaking Anglos (about 80%)and English-speaking and Spanish-speaking Lafinos (10.5%each).

The remaining explanatory factors, which serve as sta-fisfical controls in our analysis, included: residents' age, thenumber of years they have lived in the Phoenix area, a four-point variable for the highest educational level achieved, aten-point household income scale, and a binominal gendervariable (see Table 1 for details).

In the first stages of analysis, descripfive stafisfics (Table1) were calculated for all variables, and a correlation matrix(Table 2) was calculated to examine bivariate correlationsamong the dependent variables representing human-ecologi-cal judgments. To examine how the various cultural domainsand other explanatory factors affect multifaceted perspec-

Human Ecology Review, Vol. 18, No. 1, 2011 81

Larson, et al.

Table 2. Bivariate Correlations among Judgments Comprising Dependent Variables

(All Pearson's rho values are significant atp<0.001 level.)

Affective Concerns about Water:Resource Consumption

Cognitive Causes of Scarcity:Outdoor Residential Uses

Conative Policy Attitudes:Regulatory Strategies

Overall Regional: Local: Overall Yard Swimming OverallConcern Valley Neighborhood Perception Irrigation Pools Attitudes

Increasing RestrictingPrices Uses

Concern:RegionalLocal

Perception:IrrigationPools

Attitudes:PricingRestricting

8171

.903

.4921

.306

.292

.2411

.262

.21 \

.190

.8671

.271

.236

.232

.877

.5161

.331• .310

.276

.409

.371

.3431

.209

.207• . 1 6 5

.246

.215

.212

.8371

.354

.314

.306

.437

.397

.367

.805

.3421

fives, four multiple regression models were run. Based on bi-variate correladons, concern about water consumpfion (atboth scales, rho = 0.49, p<0.01) and perceptions about resi-dendal uses (for both yards and pools, rho = 0.52, p<0.01)were treated as composite variables. Atfitudinal support forpricing policies and watering restrictions were analyzed sep-arately due to the relatively low correladon (rho = 0.34,p<0.01) between these items (Table 2).

In each model, the dependent variable was regressed onthe cultural domains — 1) ecological worldviews, 2) polidcalorientation, and 3) ethnicity, along with the five control vari-ables: 4) age, 5) years of residency in the Phoenix area, 6) in-come, 7) educadon, and 8) gender. Dummy codes were usedfor political orientadon, ethnicity, and gender, with the refer-ent groups being conservadve, English-speaking Anglo, andfemale, respectively (Tables 1 and 3).

Research Findings

Across the four models, the cultural domains and controlvariables best explained affective concern about water con-sumpdon rates (R-squared=0.19, F= 11.61, p<0.01), followedby conafive attitudes toward water pricing and regulations(R-squared=0.09 for both; see Table 3). Although all modelswere statically significant, the R-squared values were low, es-pecially for the conadve and cognitive models (R-squared=0.06 for perceptions about anthropogenic causes of waterscarcity).

Regarding the cultural domains, ecological worldviewsstrongly influenced affective and cognitive judgments as wellas conative attitudes toward regulations (Table 3). However,environmental orientations were not at all related to supportfor increasing the price of water. In contrast, conservadvepolidcal orientations increased opposidon for pricing mecha-nisms while also diniinishing concerns about water consump-

fion rates. Meanwhile, English-speaking Lafinos opposed in-creasing the price of water compared to the reference (Anglo)group, while Spanish-speaking Latinos were more supportiveof pricing policies. Spanish-speaking Ladnos were also moreconcerned about water consumpdon than Anglos, and theyperceived residenfial uses of water as reladvely significantwhile supporfing restricdons on them.

Of the control variables, all were significant in at leastone model, except gender, which did not affect any of the en-vironmental perspectives examined (Table 3). While age in-fluenced cognitive perceptions and conative attitudes, in-come, educadon, and residency in the Phoenix region wereeach significant in only one model — respectively, for theperceived causes of scarcity and support for pricing policiesand restrictions on water uses. In parficular, wealth dimin-ished the degree to which respondents perceived residentialuses as contribufing to water scarcity, and having a collegedegree raised support for increasing the price of water rela-tive to others. Finally, long-term residents more strongly op-posed restrictions on water use reladve to newcomers, and el-derly people tended to view anthropogenic causes of waterscarcity as more crifical than young people. Older residentsalso exhibited greater support for pricing and regulatory poli-cies. Although select social attributes helped explain cogni-tive and conadve judgments, they did not affect concernsabout resource consumpdon, and the cultural domains betterexplained human-ecological perspecdves overall.

Discussion of Results

Among the cultural domains examined, pro-ecologicalworldviews appear to elevate concerns about specific issues,such as water consumption, while also leading to heightenedperceptions about the anthropogenic causes of resourcescarcity as well as support for reguladons on residendal uses

82 Human Ecology Review, Vol. 18,.No. 1,2011

Larson, et al.

Table 3. Explanatory Models for Judgmetits about Water Scarcity and ResourceGovernance (note p< 0.01** and p<0.05*)

Variable

Constant

Cultural Domains

Ecological Worldview

Political Orientation: '.

Moderate

Conservative

Model 1Affeetive

Concern about

Consumption

B(SE)

2.289

(0.185)

0.221**

(0.043)

Liberal

-0.040

(0.066)

-0.145*

(0.065)

Ethnicity: English-speaking Anglos

English-speaking

Latinos

Spanish-speaking

Latinos

-0.032

(0.084)

0.834**

(0.108)

Social Attributes (Control Variables)Years of Residency

Income

Gender: Female

Age

Education: Bachelor's

or more

0.001

(0.002)0.007

(0.009)

0.061

(0.051)

.001

(.002)

Less than high school -0.146

High school graduati

Some college

R2

FSig.

(0.125)

5 -0.002

(0.069)

-0.027

(0.067)

0.19

11.614

<0.001

Model 2

CognitiveAnthropogenic

(Residential) Causes

B(SE)

4.947

(0.629)

0.384**

(0.147)

0.159

(0.225)

-0.212

(0.221)

-0.043

(0.289)

0.833*

(0.365)

-0.003

(0.006)-0.074*

(0.035)

0.049

(0.175)

0.021**

(0.006)

-0.444

(.428)

-0.221

(0.234)

-0.210

(0.228)

0.07

3.382

<0.001

Model 3

ConativeSupport for

Pricing

B(SE)

3.694

(0.883)

0.380

(0.204)

-0.585

(0.316)

-1.265**

(0.310)

-0.879* .

(0.409)

1.341**

(0.510)

0.010

(0.008)0.042

(0.049)

-0.438

(0.245)

0.019*

(0.008)

-0.006

(0.595)

-0.504

(0.328)

-0.654*

(0.318)

0.09

4.731

<0.001

Model 4

ConativeSupport for

Restricting

B(SE)

3.167

(0.818)

0.910**

(0.190)

-0.166

(0.292)

• -0.164

(0.286)

0.049

(0.377)

1.149*

(0.472)

-0.026*

(0.007)-0.001

(0.45)

-0.154 .

(0.227)

0.027**

(0.008)

-0.459

(0.551)

-0.538

(0.306)

0.063

(0.295)

0.09

4.675

<0.001

of water. This can be seen in the consistent relationship be-tween broad-based ecological worldviews — emphasizingbiocentrism, rather than anthropocentrism, as evaluated bythe New Ecological Paradigm scale — and diverse affective,cognitive, and conadve judgments. Yet environmental valueorientations were not significant in explaining attitudes aboutpricing policies, which were better predicted by other cultur-al and demographic factors including political and ethnic af-filiations as well as age and education. Overall, the fact thatvarying human judgments — specifically, concerns aboutwater scarcity, the perceived causes of risks, and atdtudes to-ward regulatory policies — are best predicted by differentsets of socio-cultural factors highlights the value and validity

of robust, multifaceted approaches to under-standing public perspecdves on complex envi-ronmental challenges.

As the only explanatory factor significant inall of the models we examined in our regressionanalysis, ethnic identity and acculturation wide-ly explained variafion in triparfite perspectives.Further research is needed to help determinemore precisely which Lafino beliefs or experi-ences are responsible for these relationships.For instance, beliefs about human-environmentinterdependencies and social resistance havebeen highlighted as disfinguishing aspects ofLatino environmentalism (Heyd, 2004), andthus, these worldviews might underlie culturalinfluences on ecological views that are capturedby ethnic idenfity by not the New EcologicalParadigm of thought (i.e., as measured by Dun-lap et al.'s NEP scale). In our analysis, English-speaking Ladnos opposed raising the price ofwater reladve to Anglos, perhaps because theyhave become accustom to cheap water rates inthe region while sfill holding other cultural be-liefs that influence their views. Perhaps tena-cious social resistance among acculturated Lati-nos explains their opposition to raising waterprices, for example, even though they exhibitsimilar levels of concern about water consump-fion compared to Anglo residents. Since Span-ish-speaking Ladnos expressed the strongest af-fective worries about consumpdon, beliefs aboutthe interdependence between society and naturemight make them feel more vulnerable to andconcerned about environmental risks comparedto others. Collecdve social orientafions amongLadnos (Matsumo et al., 1997) may also con-tribute to altruisfic concerns about the environ-ment or support for policies, but additional stud-

ies are needed to examine how distincdve aspects of ethnici-ty and acculturadon influence diverse judgments.

Polifical ideologies affect specific environmental per-spectives through values and beliefs about individualism andcollecdve societal actions. Specifically, polifically conserva-tive people — who tend to value individualism and opposegovernment intervention in the free market — are less con-cerned about consumpdon and are more opposed to increas-ing the price of water compared to liberals. This finding re-flects the personal interests of conservafive residents andtheir ideological opposifion to regulatory controls. Some-what surprisingly, though, polifical orientafions did not affectconafive atfitudes about water-use restrictions in this study.

Human Ecology Review, Vol. 18, No. 1, 2011 83

Larson, étal.

Perhaps familiarity with the region's seemingly abundantwater supplies trumps political orientations in explaining per-spectives over the long run, especially given the lack of reg-ulations on water use in the region. However, since politicalorientation does influence attitudes toward environmentalreguladons in other cases (e.g.. Carman, 1998; Schaaf et al.,2006), more research is needed to further assess the relation-ships between an array of human-ecological judgments andpolitical beliefs across varying geographic and policy con-texts.

In Phoenix, long-term residents appear socialized to alocal environment of minimal reguladons over water re-sources. Place-based acculturation to the lush landscapesthroughout the region may ultimately reinforce lax consump-tion pracdces, as does the promotion of the area as a water-rich oasis by ecologically-ignorant booster campaigns claim-ing, "the desert is a myth" (Stearns, 2005). Other researchhas drawn similar conclusions, finding that long-dme Phoeni-cians' prefer irrigated lawns more so than newcomers, whotend to prefer drought-tolerant, rock-based yards (Larson etal., 2009b; Yabiku et al., 2008). While a history of abundanceand familiarity with the status quo in the Phoenix oasis ap-pear to fortify opposition to water-use restrictions, the expe-rience that comes with age seems to enhance awareness aboutthe anthropogenic sources of risks while also increasing sup-port for conservadon-oriented regulations. As a whole, thesefindings indicate the importance of both place-based and so-cial experiences in shaping risk percepdons and policy atd-tudes.

In our analysis, cognitive percepdons about residents'contributions to water scarcity were least well explainedamong the models. Beyond ecological worldviews and eth-nic acculturation, age and income influenced the degree towhich residents perceived anthropogenic sources as cridcalcausesof potential water risks. Since affluence also increas-es water consumption (Harlan et al, 2009), the percepdonamong wealthy residents that outdoor water uses play aminor role in determining resource scarcity has detrimentalimplicadons for reducing municipal demand. As high-in-come residents, young people, or others displace blame forwater resource problems away from their own residential ac-tivides and local communides, changing consumptive habitsamong these populations will be especially difficult. Thus,efforts to reduce water demand by encouraging conservationbehaviors should establish the cridcal role of household usesin contribudng to regional water demand while attempdng tocultivate a sense of efficacy and personal responsibility forconservadon among residential communides.

Based on this Phoenix-based study, one suggestion is tofoster shifts in ecological worldviews, cognitive percepdons,and policy attitudes. One caudonary note, however, is that

values and value-based ideologies, woridviews, and attitudestend to be steadfast and slow to change, which makes it allthe more imperafive to shift regional identities and marketingcampaigns toward a culture of conservation, as opposed tothe culture of consumption established by the long-time pro-motion of the area as a lush, oasis environment. Given thatpeople often mistakenly blame newcomers for bringingthirsty lawns to the region, the views, expectadons, and prac-dces of long-dme residents must be specially addressed. Yetin the face of conservative political ideologies and dominantAnglo perspectives, attempts to foster conservation throughreguladons or reductions in water use may prove challenging.Thus, voluntary efforts or appeals to exisdng cultural viewsmay be necessary, along with the political will to change thestatus quo of high rates of consumption and few restrictionson water use. Informing the public about water pricing struc-tures may help garner support for such policies, especiallysince many block-rate structures for water conservationmaintain water prices for essendal, basic uses while aimingto increase the price primarily for excessive amounts of waterused for non-essendal purposes.

Although our findings illustrate the value of robust, mul-dfaceted approaches to understanding complex environmen-tal perspectives, the low variance explained in the regressionmodels warrants attention in future studies. One suggestionis to employ muld-item measures of social-psychologicalconstructs for enhanced reliability, including incorporadon ofthe entire NEP scale. Improving the conceptualizadon andmeasurement of varying cultural domains is also recom-mended. One construct and measure to consider incorporat-ing into future studies is the Human Interdependence Para-digm (HIP) developed by Corral-Verdugo et al. (2008), whoillustrated that different cultural groups (evaluated by nationsof origin) recognize that human welfare depends on environ-mental condidons and vice versa. In contrast to the commonanthropocentric versus biocentric dichotomy, this worldview— which resonates with the concepts and goals of sustainabledevelopment — may be more appropriate than the NEP, atleast for some people or some places, and especially for Lati-no cultures that tend to view people and the environment asinterconnected.

Conclusions

In sum, cultural domains better explained environmentalperspecdves than demographic factors, with ethnicity andecological worldviews most significantly influencing affec-tive, cognitive, and conadve judgments about water issues inmetropolitan Phoenix, AZ. YQ[ conservadve political beliefsincreased opposidon to raising the price of water, while eco-logical worldviews had no impact on this particular attitudi-

84 Human Ecology Review, Vol. 18, No. 1, 2011

Larson, et al.

nal judgment. Liberal polidcal orientadons, meanwhile,heightened residents' concerns about consumpdon, whichwere best explained by the three cultural domains analyzedherein and not at all by demographic factors. Among ethnicgroups, Spanish-speaking Ladnos exhibited relatively strongpro-environmental views for all dimensions of judgment,whereas English-speaking Latinos appear acculturated tolocal Anglo perspecdves. Long-term residents also appearacculturated to the status quo of well-watered landscapes andfew reguladons in the Phoenix oasis, given heightened oppo-sition to water-use restrictions among them compared to new-comers. The findings of this study, overall, suggest that cul-tural beliefs, social experience, and other demographic attrib-utes influence tripardte human-ecological perspectives in dis-dncdve ways, thereby illustradng the validity of our culturaldomains approach to understanding multifaceted judgmentsabout water risks and policies.

To generalize across studies of complex environmentalperspecdves and human-ecological interactions, we stronglyrecommend the use of the tripartite model and cultural do-mains framework. Both conceptually and methodologically,research should condnue to advance knowledge about howvarious domains of culture influence different judgmentsabout risks across diverse ethnic groups and geographic con-texts. Building on the tripartite approach, explicit definidonsof social constructs and consistent methods for evaluadngthem are crucial for conceptual clarity, while avoiding am-biguous references to terms such as "ecological concern" orinconsistent uses of specific measures such as the New Eco-logical Paradigm scale. Clearly conceptualizing and analyz-ing an array of environmental perspecdves in reladon to cul-tural, structural, and other factors will not only facilitate com-parisons across studies but will also aid the development of ro-bust theories about risk perceptions, environmental atdtudes,and other judgments. Additionally, considering how the par-dcularides of places affect human-ecological perspecdves anddynamics is crucial, especially for fostering governance ap-proaches that are sensitive to people's concerns, understand-ing, and willingness to support various policies and acdons.

By diverting streams and by pumping non-renewablegroundwater, the Phoenix region has historically developedand fostered an idealized, lush, oasis environment. Althoughwater managers have tradidonally provided reliable suppliesthrough technological solutions, such as building dams or im-pordng water, prominent scholars have called for demand-side approaches that address consumpdve lifestyles (Gleick,2002; Gober and Kirkwood, 2010). Enhancing water-use ef-ficiency through conservation efforts is an increasingly crid-cal adaptation strategy, as climate change renders regionssuch as the southwestern U.S. drier and as new water suppliesbecome scarcer and more costly. While balancing water sup-

plies and demands for urban sustainability, reducing resourceconsumption is a matter of stewarding a finite resource forboth anthropocentric and biocentric purposes. As such, de-veloping ways to move away from a culture of consumptiontowards one of conservadon will help establish the ethics andacdons needed for sustainable resource management andadaptadon to environmental change.

Acknowledgements

This material is based upon work supported by the Na-donal Science Foundafion under Grants No. DEB-0423704Central Arizona Phoenix Long-Term Ecological Research(CAP LTER) and SES-0345945 Decision Center for a DesertCity (DCDC). Any opinions, findings and conclusions orrecommendations expressed in this material are those of theauthors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Na-fional Science Foundadon. The survey met nadonal stan-dards for the ethical treatment of human subjects, as reviewedby Arizona State University's Office for Research Integrity.

Appendix: Survey Statements and DescriptiveStatistics for NEP Scale Items

Ecological Worldviews

Composite NEP variable (a-0.60)

Despite special abilities, humans arestill subject to laws of nature.

Plants and animals have as much rightas humans to exist.

When humans interfere with nature,it produces disastrous consequences.

Earth is like spaceship with limitedroom/resources.

Endnotes

1 Email: kelli.larson@asu.edu

2 The first wave of PASS, a pilot study, was fielded in 2001 and thethird and fourth waves will be fielded in 2011 and 2016.

3 Location was defined as: core, or within 5 miles of downtownPhoenix or within 1.5 miles of the 7 other large-city downtowns;fringe, or urban growth areas developed between 2000-2005 withmoderate amount of undeveloped land within a mile of the neighbor-hood in 2005; suburban, including all otber neighborhoods. Incomelevels (annual 1999 median) were defined as: high (greater than$70,000); middle (between $35,000 and $69,999); low (less than$35,000). Middle/high income core BGs and low/middle income

• fringe BGs were combined into two groups because there were twofew cases of each individual combination.

Mean

3.23

3.48

3.30

3.18

2.97

St. Dev

0.60

0.74

0.89

0.88

0.99

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Larson, et al.

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