José de Acosta:“Siervo de los indios, apóstol de las Américas”1

1. Acosta's early years

A family where five of the six sons joined the fledgling Jesuit order, and two of the three daughters became nuns, was unusual even by the standards of sixteenth century Spain. One social group which showed particular religious devotion at that time were the Jewish converts, or "new Christians".2 After a distinguished missionary career, one of the sons of Ana de Porresand Antonio de Acosta, José, was accused of being a "new Christian" thus providing hitherto unknown background informationon the Acosta family.3

José de Acosta was born Medina del Campo in Castile in 1540. In 1552 he was admitted to the Society of Jesus and as a young novitiate in Medina showed considerable promise, especially in creative writing. At that time, too, as required by the order he wrote letters every four months to its order's founder, Ignatius of Loyola. After five years in Medina, he studied in various places, including a period in Lisbon and Coimbra4 at the age of eighteen.

2. The intellectual climate of Acosta's student days

a. The University of Alcalá

1 First presented in a post-graduate seminar Centre for Christianity in the Non-Western World, New College, University of Edinburgh. 15 October 1991.2 When the Jews were expelled from Spain in 1492, several hundred thousands converted to Christianity. Many of these conversos or "new Christians" were sincere converts to their new faith, and a significant number rose to high office both in government and in the Church. The name nevertheless remained asan explanation for all kinds of misdeeds.3 Acosta refuted all the other accusations against him, except this one.4 The Jesuit Pedro de Fonseca, known as "the Portuguese Aristotle" was influential there. He was a key figure in the revival of scholastic philosophyin the sixteenth century. Coimbra was also a great seedbed of missionaries.

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From 1559 to 1567 Acosta studied at the University of Alcalá de Henares. It had been founded 1508 by Cardenal Francisco Jiménez de Cisneros and quickly became a centre for biblical studies in the original languages.5 Theology was not only taught from a Thomist perspective, Cisneros created a chair for the teaching ofScotus' theology.6 He also promoted mysticism and personal devotion. His major undertaking there was the Complutensian Polyglot Bible.

In the early years, with the presence of the great Spanish philologist Antonio de Nebrija and contacts between Cisneros and Erasmus, the influences both of humanism and Erasmianism were prominent in Alcalá.7 For a time it challenged the supremacy of the University of Salamanca. However, following the Reformation, the activities of the Inquisition, and the decrees of the Councilof Trent, the Alcalá of Acosta's day breathed a different air.

b. The Counter-reformation and Scholasticism

The year Acosta began in Alcalá was a decisive one in Spain's intellectual history. Spaniards were forbidden to study at European universities not controlled by the king of Spain. There were autos de fe8 in Valladolid and Seville. Archbishop Carranza of Toledo was imprisoned for having written a commentary on the catechism in Spanish. Added to this was the publication of a document which was to have far-reaching effects, the Index of Prohibited Books in which almost everything original written in Spanish was prohibited.9 The concerns of Cisneros and Nebrija 5 See M. Bataillon, Erasmo y España: Estudios sobre la historia espiritual del siglo xvi, (MexicoCity, Fondo de Cultura Económica, 21966), esp. ch.1 "Cisneros y la pre-reformaespañola", pp.1-83; J.C. Nieto, Juan de Valdés and the Origins of the Spanish and Italian Reformation, (Geneva, Librairie Droz, 1970), pp.51-55.6 Bataillon suggests that the teachings of Scotus and nominalism at Alcalá mayhave brought forth similar ideas on the doctrine of grace and the Bible as thesupreme authority, as in the case of Luther (through different influences). Op.cit., p.21.7 Juan de Valdés studied there around 1528. J.C. Nieto, op.cit., p.104.8 I.e. people were burnt at the stake for heresy.9 C. Morón A., "The Reformation and its impact on Spanish thought", in M.U. Chrisman, and O. Gründler, eds., Social Groups and Religious Ideas in the Sixteenth Century,

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were forgotten, now only the scholastic method was considered orthodox.10 A fresh impulse was given to Aristotelian thinking.

c. The Salamanca School

There was nevertheless great intellectual achievement amongst thescholastics. Among those who dominated the intellectual horizon of Acosta's student years were Francisco de Vitoria (1492-1546), Melchor Cano (1509-60), and Domingo de Soto (1494-1560). Neo-Thomist in their orientation, they sought to give a rational foundation to faith independent of revelation, while at the same time not questioning the value of faith in divine authority.

They wrestled with the intellectual questions raised by Spanish expansion to the New World, such as the legitimacy of conquest and the rights of the inhabitants of conquered territories.11 Vitoria argued that these people had rights to their property andto their own rulers, and freedom from being compelled to accept the Christian faith.12 Together with Soto he founded a theological-juridical system which gave a special character to the Spanish theological-juridical renaissance. They and their associates such as Antonio de Córdoba (1485-1578) and Diego de

Kalamazoo, 1978), p.133.10 Mysticism was another expression of Spanish Christianity that was severely circumscribed. People known as the "illuminated" or "enlightened" (los alumbrados) had been tried in the preceding decades. It was a lay movement whose use of the vernacular raised the issue of the validity of vernacular languages as vehicles of religious and theological expression. Scholastics hadformulated their doctrine in stereotyped Latin formulas, and that position prevailed.11 These questions were being raised in Spain at that time by the indefatigable Bartolomé de las Casas. See V.D. Carro, "The Spanish Theological-Juridical Renaissance and the Ideology of Bartolomé de Las Casas",in J. Field, and B. Keen, eds., Bartolomé de Las Casas: Toward an Understanding of the Man and his Work, (DeKalb, 1971), pp.237-277.12 If ruled by a Christian monarch "Indians" were entitled to the same benefits as those subjects in the monarch's home country. War was only justified as a defence against aggression or in order to right some great wrong, and should be embarked upon only as a last resort when all else failed.

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Covarrubias (1512-1560) were known as the "Salamanca School",13 whose influence was felt throughout Spain, including Alcalá.14

d. Acosta the student

In Alcalá Acosta distinguished himself in Theology, Scripture, Canon Law, Civil Law, Natural Sciences15 and History. While there his debating and preaching skills drew the praise of his teachers.16 He was an avid reader. He read Juan de Zumarraga's work on Mexico--Historia Indiana. He consulted works of biblical interpretation with a bearing on the Americas.17 He sought a theology of history in the works of Luis Vives.18 He studied the decrees of Charles V and Philip II, and those of the Second Lima Council.19 Some twenty years later he described himself as having studied Humanities, Metaphysics and Scholastic Theology.20

3. Acosta's missionary vocation

a. His early interest in the Indies

Acosta was ordained in 1566 and the following year began teachingtheology in Ocaña. From the time Fr. Jerónimo Nadal visited Spainin 1561 on behalf of the Jesuit General Diego Láinez, Acosta had been considering the Indies as a possible sphere of service, and

13 See D. Ramos, D., La Etica en la Conquista de América: Francisco de Vitoria y la Escuela de Salamanca, (Madrid, C.S.I.C., 1984).14 Acosta draws on their arguments, over against those of the eminent jurist who had opposed Bartolomé de Las Casas, Juan de Sepúlveda, whom Acosta regardsas discredited. De Procuranda Indorum Salute Bk.II.4. (Hereafter DP.)15 Surprisingly he shows no knowledge of the cosmographic ideas of Copernicus which had been published in Nuremberg in 1543.16 F. Mateos, ed., Obras del P. José de Acosta, (Madrid, BAE 73, 1954), p.ix.17 E.g. those of Benito Arias Montano (1527-1598), a Biblical scholar, later an editor of the Antwerp Polyglot Bible; Alonso de Veracruz (1504-1584), an Augustinian scholar linked with the beginnings of philosophic thought in the New World; and Luis de León (1527-1591), linguist, lyric poet and Biblical scholar.18 Great Spanish humanist (1492-1540), Acosta used his commentary on Augustine's De Civitate Dei.19 Held in 1567.20 F. Mateos, op.cit., p.372.

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in 1569 he made a formal request to the new head of the order, Francisco de Borja, for allocation to mission work there.

The need in the Indies, as Acosta saw it, was greater than it wasin Spain, however what really motivated him was a "desire for thecross of our Lord and to show gratitude to the one who had given so liberally to him". He was sure that in the hardships to be faced divine grace would be at work in him to produce a likeness to and an imitation of his Lord.

Health problems initially raised the question of his suitability for overseas work,21 it also appears that he was being considered for a move to Rome to teach theology there.22 However later that year he moved only to Plasencia23 to teach theology, and remained there until his departure for Peru in 1571, where he arrived in 1572.

b. Missionary work envisaged by Acosta

In his letter to Borja in 1569 Acosta stated that if sent to the Indies he could do the same work as he was doing in Spain - "whatI do here, I would happily do there...teach theology, preach, or some other ministry".24 Soon after arrival in Lima he was teachingtheology in the Jesuit college, and preaching to the Spanish-speaking population25. 21 He wrote of the improvement in his health, indicating that the "pains I used to have in my chest have almost disappeared now", a reference which, whentaken with later problems he had in the high altitudes of the Andes, could indicate some heart problem. "Carta a San Francisco de Borja, general de la Compañia de Jesús, en que pide las misiones de Indias (Ocaña, 23 de abril de 1569)", in F. Mateos, op.cit., p.251.22 Acosta, "Memorial de apología o descargo dirigido al Papa Clemente VIII", in Obras del P. José de Acosta, ed. and intro.F. Mateos, (Madrid, BAE 73, 1954), p.370.23 The college in Plasencia was endowed by Bishop Gutiérrez de Vargas Carvajal, who had earlier financed a voyage through the Straits of Magellan. This provided an opportunity for Acosta to add to his growing knowledge of theNew World.24 F. Mateos, op.cit., pp.252,3.25 His impressive preaching led to an invitation in late 1574 from Viceroy Toledo to teach in the newly founded university in Lima. F. Mateos, op.cit., p.xii.

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While these activities were to prove a continuing element in his ministry in Peru, two events in his life were to persuade him that the New World demanded a different framework of understanding of reality to that which his studies had given him,and a new approach to evangelisation if Christianity as he understood it was to grow to maturity.

c. The effect of the New World on Acosta

The first event was the journey itself to Peru which threw into question his whole cosmology:

I will tell you what happened to me when I went to the Indies. Since I had read what the poets and philosophers stress about the Torrid Zone, I was convinced that when I arrived at the equator I would not be able to bear the terrible heat. It was just the opposite, so that when I passed it I felt so cold that a number of times I had to go out into the sun to keep warm...I confess that I laughed and made fun of Aristotle and his philosophy, seeing that in the place and the time where according to his rules everything would burn and be on fire, my companions and I were cold.26

The second event was an extensive visit to the interior that the Jesuit provincial required him to make in order to assess the overall situation and make the appropriate recommendations. He set out in the middle of 1573 and spent some fifteen months27 awayfrom Lima visiting Cuzco, Arequipa, La Paz, Potosí and Chuquisaca.28 Acosta saw for himself:

26 Historia Natural y Moral de Las Indias, Bk.II.9. (Hereafter HNMI.)27 This was the first of three extensive journeys he was to make over rugged Andean terrain. Pagden's affirmation that Acosta "was never a very active missionary" has no basis in fact. The Fall of Natural Man: The American Indian and the origins of comparative ethnology, (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1982), p. 147.28 Present day Sucre in Bolivia.

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a. The problems of the emerging colonial administration under Viceroy Toledo29 as society moved beyond conquest and subjugation to become an integral part of the empire.

b. The distressing situation of the religious orders.

c. The deficiencies in the evangelisation of the Indians which needed urgent attention.30

d. The problems deriving from the mixed population of conquerors and conquered, and the emergence of the mestizo as an increasingly important element of colonialsociety.

Acosta also met Juan Polo de Ondegardo, one of the viceroy's advisors, whose knowledge of the indigenous situation and his writings on their history and culture31 were to prove invaluable to him.

These events "awakened and enlivened" his mind to search for an adequate framework of understanding and action, a search that would be informed "not so much by the teaching of ancient

29 Francisco de Toledo was Viceroy of Peru from 1569 to 1581 and gave definitive form to the colonial administration of the region. He came from a Spain where Las Casas' views had raised serious doubts about the validity of the Spanish presence in the New World, and where both the "Salamanca School" and the Council of the Indies had come to the defence of the Indians. Toledo argued that the tyranny of the Incas over their subjects more than justified the Spanish conquest and colonisation. See R. Levillier, Don Francisco de Toledo: Supremo Organizador del Perú, Vol.1, (Madrid, Espasa-Calpe, 1935).30 Acosta's own study of Quechua during his travels alerted him to some of theproblems, especially for the person trained in a scholastic mould. DP, Bk.IV.9. Despite the difficulties Acosta urges on new missionaries the priority of learning the indigenous language.31 He was a legal expert who had been in Peru since 1544. He studied the history and customs of the region with a view to developing administrative and taxation systems, and to providing arguments to justify Spanish domination. In 1571 Viceroy Toledo put him in charge of the city of Cuzco. HisInformaciones acerca de la Religión y Gobierno de los Incas, completed in 1571, was used by Acosta (HNMI, IV.7; V.4,6,7,23,27; VI.1,13,18; VII.27; DP, IV.5).

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philosophers, as by true reason and positive experience".32 He states that

affairs in this New World are of necessity new, customs are new, laws and agreements, the whole way of life, is, in a word, very different; in military, commercial and maritime administration major new difficulties arise every day.33

He presses the need to have resident theologians to clarify thesematters in the light of "sacred doctrine". It was in this role that he responded with works which are increasingly recognised today to be major contributions in the history of mission and thehistory of science: De Procuranda Indorum Salute and Historia Natural y Moral de las Indias.34

d. New World heresy and the Inquisition

Another event that was to shape the thinking of Acosta was the trial of the Dominican Francisco de la Cruz and three other Dominicans by the Inquisition.35 After a lengthy and very public trial, Cruz was condemned along with the others, and burnt at thestake in 1578.

Cruz's ideas came at a time when many clergy despaired of the future of the church in Peru. Not only did he have a child by hismistress, María Pizarro, "he experienced a whole series of revelations in which Spain, the Babylon of the Apocalypse, would

32 HNMI, II.1.33 DP, IV.9.34 The first two sections of this work (referred to as Books 1 and 2 were written in Latin as De Natura Novi Orbis, and sent to Spain in 1581 in order that they be published together with and as an introduction to De Procuranda Indorum Salute which had been sent to Rome in 1577. De Procuranda was savaged by the censors who removed all that could damage the reputation of Spain in Europe, but the two were finally published in 1588 in Salamanca as De Natura Novi Orbis libri duo, et De Promulgatione Evangelii apud Barbaros, sive De Procuranda Indorum Salute, libri sex.On his return to Spain Acosta translated Books 1 and 2 to Spanish and wrote Books 3-7, to form the complete Historia, which was published in Seville in 1590.35 Recalled from the interior, he was appointed calificador, responsible among other things for examining the books and writings of those on trial.

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be destroyed for her inhumanity to the Indians".36 He spoke of thecoming of a Peruvian redeemer, of

a child to be born in Lima, [who] would be a great saint, a great servant of God, a priest of Our Lady, another Job in patience...the remedy for Peru.37

Cruz held heretical ideas about the death of Christ,38 but it was his views on the nature of the faith required of Indians and African slaves that were to evoke the greatest response from Acosta39. Cruz taught that they needed only to believe that there was a God, and that he rewarded all according to their works. Christians had "gone from the Head",40 and for the church to make any headway great miracles of God were needed. He also called forthe perpetuity of the encomienda system,41 marriage for both regular and secular clergy, and polygamy for the colonists. Phelan describes it as a "revolutionary chiliast program, obviously designed to attract the support of the creole colonists".42

4. Jesuit Provincial in Peru

In 1576, while Cruz's trial was still in progress, Acosta was appointed Jesuit Provincial of Peru. He began by calling a "congregation" of the province's members. It addressed the topic

36 J.L. Phelan, The Millenial Kingdom of the Franciscans in the New World, (Berkeley, University of California Press, 21970), p.75.37 Cited by Demetrio Ramos, "La nueva situación dramática de finales del sigloXVI", in L. Pereña, et al., De Procuranda Indorum Salute, Vol.1, Pereña, L. et al., (Madrid, CSIC., 1984), p.732.38 E.g. Jesus was crucified after having died.39 See DP, V.4.40 A reference to the scandal of the lives on many Spanish residents which in turn led to a falling away among the local people.41 The encomienda was a grant of tribute-collection rights over a designated number of indigenous families to an individual, it was given as a reward for services rendered to the Crown, and carried with it certain military and religious obligations on the part of the encomendero. He was, for instance, responsible for the spiritual care of those people.42 Op.cit., p.75.

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Universae tractationi de procuranda salute indorum,43 and included such experts on the evangelisation of the Indians as Alonso de Barzana.44 The minutes of the first session, translated to Latin by Luis López, coincide in outline with parts of De Procuranda, and appear to be a kind of draft of the book. Acosta went on to write the book after that session (held in Lima), in order to present it at the second session (held in Cuzco).45 De Procuranda is therefore the result of a collective effort, with Acosta the principal architect who also developed its reasoning, giving it theological and academic underpinning. In Spain it suffered at the hands of the censors before being published in 1588, it had been depoliticised by them to become more of a "tract of missionary pedagogy".46

Cuzco was the first stop on a what was his second visit to the various Jesuit missions.47 He made another extensive visit of the province in 1578-9,48 giving particular attention to the establishment of Jesuit colleges in the main cities. He had plansto extend the Jesuit apostolate both further north and south in South America, but other events were to preclude this in his timeas provincial.

43 L. Pereña, "Proyecto de Sociedad Colonial: pacificación y colonización", De Procuranda Indorum Salute, Vol.1, (Madrid, C.S.I.C., 1984), p.15.44 An outstanding missionary linguist, he had already prepared a Quechua catechism, referred to in Acosta, "Carta annua de 1576 al P. Everardo Mercuriano, Prepósito General de la Compañia de Jesús (Lima, 15 de febrero de 1577)", in F. Mateos, op.cit., p.267, and was given the responsibility by the congregation of preparing catechisms, grammars, and dictionaries in Quechua and Aymara.45 Lima is on the coast in the centre of present-day Peru, Cuzco is 11,000 feet above sea-level, 400 miles to the south-east of Lima.46 L. Pereña, op.cit., p.23. Acosta is seen by many as occupying ground mid-way between Juan Ginés de Sepúlveda and Las Casas, but were the uncensored manuscript of De Procuranda available, such a judgment would have to be revised.47 Acosta, "Carta anua de 1576 al P. Everardo Mercuriano, Prepósito General dela Compañia de Jesús (Lima, 15 de febrero de 1577)", in F. Mateos, op.cit., pp.260-290.48 Acosta, "Annua de la Provincia del Pirú del año 1578", in F. Mateos, F., pp.290-302. The third trip ended with an arduous 600-mile journey along the Peruvian coastal desert from Arequipa to Lima. The ship in which he had planned to travel was stolen by the "English Lutherans" led by Francis Drake.

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a. Francisco de Toledo: Viceroy of Peru 1569-81

While still in Europe, Toledo had been a personal friend of Francisco de Borja, and held the Jesuit order in high esteem. In Acosta's early years in Peru he enjoyed very good relationships with the Viceroy. However, Jesuit reluctance to commit themselves to the reducciones,49 doctrinas, and other aspects of Toledo's organisational plans for the country left the Viceroy ambivalent towards to the order.

Furthermore, despite the subjugation of the native population, there were Indian rebellions to deal with. In 1572 the Jesuits inCuzco had unsuccessfully opposed the execution by Toledo of the rebellious Tupac Amaru, the last of the Incas. There were also unconquered groups like the Chiriguanos50 to the south-east and the Araucanos in Chile, the legitimacy of expeditions against them was questioned by the Jesuits.51

Matters came to a head with Toledo closing the Jesuit college in Arequipa in 1578, stopping the development of others, and ordering the imprisonment of some Jesuits for investigation by the Inquisition. Chief among them was Luis López, who maintained the injustice of Spanish entry to, possession of, and permanence

49 The collectivisation of the rural people to create centres of population which would facilitate the administration, education, and christianisation of the local population. This task was part of Toledo's remit when commissioned by Philip II. "Carta de S.M. a Don Francisco de Toledo, 28 de diciembre de 1568", in L. Hanke, ed. Los Virreyes Españoles en América Durante el Gobierno de la Casa de Austria: Peru, Vol.1, (Madrid, BAE 280, 1978), p.109. The Jesuits saw themselves in an apostolic role, and did not want to be tied in one place. They did, however, accept responsibility for the reducción in Juli on the shores of Lake Titicaca, and this became the prototype for the later Paraguayan reducciones.50 Hostilities had begun in 1568 but the problem of legality of war did not arise until Toledo's decision to crush them in 1573-4. P. Borges, "Posturas delos misioneros ante la duda indiana", in D. Ramos, D., op.cit., p.627.51 In 1550 following the Council of Valladolid which had debated the legitimacy of waging war against the Andean peopless, Charles V had prohibitednew conquests. Toledo proposed that the Crown should look afresh at this vexedquestion.

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in the Indies and attacked the Viceroy's policies.52 Lopez was sentenced to exile in Spain.

b. Problems within the order

Acosta's role in the Inquisition's proceedings against López and other Jesuits did not meet with the approval of other members of the order, who thought he had failed them.

This was further complicated by the fact that the order in Peru had effectively two provincials at that time. Dr. Juan de la Plaza had arrived in the capacity of visitador53 in 1575, endowed with executive powers by the new general of the order, Everardo Mercuriano. Plaza had, in fact, installed Acosta as provincial atthe beginning of 1576, but during the next four years relations between the two were often strained. López, the sentenced Jesuit,had been Plaza's personal secretary, and Plaza sent off a report critical of Acosta himself and of his administration of the province to Mercuriano.54

c. Problems with other orders and the emergent church structures

The Jesuits arrived in Peru a generation after the Dominicans, Franciscans, Mercedarians and Augustinians. These orders were suspicious of the Jesuits.55 They, in turn, were critical of what they found, Acosta refers to his own order as "the new soldiers of Christ".56

But if they were critical of other orders, the Jesuits were even more critical of the “secular clergy". This did not go unnoticed,52 "Hechos por el maestro Luis López, de la compañia del nombre de Jesús, en deservicio de S.M. y del gobierno de virrey y audiencias", in L. Pereña, op.cit., pp.653-664.53 Inspector.54 F. Mateos, op.cit., p.xv.55 Acosta's interview with the Franciscan Archbishop of Hispañiola in 1571 makes this clear. "Lo que al Padre José de Acosta le pasó con el ReverendísimoArzobispo de Santo Tomás sobre cosas de la Compañia", in F. Mateos, op.cit., pp.254-260. 56 DP, VI.9. With a side glance, no doubt, at the Franciscans, who saw themselves as the "soldiers of Christ".

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and Acosta had to clarify matters, he begins "someone will say that I condemn all parish priests, bishops, and encomenderos...".57

On the other hand, the bishops saw the Jesuits as a threat, especially to their authority and income. Opposition to new mission work in Arequipa in 1578 illustrates this:

The work has produced so much fruit...that the piety ofthe Spanish residents, especially the principal ladies,has been evident at the confessional and the regular communions through their concern to provide alms in great abundance for our people. All these ladies have signed a letter to the Viceroy pleading that the Fathers of the order be allowed to return...a very richcitizen there made a donation of two thousand pesos when he died to found a college of the order.58

Acosta's intervention had little effect on the incumbent there, who kept up his attacks on the Jesuits, refusing them permission to work there.

Acosta therefore was bound to attend to these problems within theorder, with other orders and the church, and with the civil administration.59 In fact, it resulted in severe bouts of depression, leading him to request permission from Mercuriano to return to Spain in 1580. This was granted early in 1581 by Claudio Acquaviva in 1581, who had been elected to head the Jesuits on the death of Mercuriano. Acosta's period as provincialcame to an end in 1581.

Given Acosta's high view of the missionary vocation, his commitment to the Indians60, his plea for theologians working in "hands-on" situation,61 and his strictures on clerics who returnedto Spain after only a few years in the Indies, his decision to return to Spain appears out of character. 57 DP, IV.7.58 Acosta, "Annua de la provincia del Pirú del año 1578", in F. Mateos, op.cit., pp.301,2.59 See, for example, DP, V.16, 19.60 Soy siervo de los indios. DP, V.17.61 DP, IV.11.

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Acosta explains his reasons as "illnesses and unhappy events"62:

I did the work of four men, but the need did not allow me to think of it, our Lord gave me a zeal for souls. From these excessive tasks and other [problems] within me caused by unhappy events in some lives, I developed this burdensome illness of anguish of heart, which I still suffer from, a wearisome purgatory of which only one who has experienced it can speak.63

Acosta also pointed to a moral cause of his illness, but Acquaviva treated it as a "heart problem" and later wrote of it to Baltasar Piñas, Acosta's successor as provincial, as a "melancholy disposition that often gripped” Acosta.64 It was also possible that Acosta's earlier health problems had left some weakness, certainly for a person as overweight as Acosta seems tohave been, long journeys in the high altitudes would not have helped his health.65 It seems likely that health problems coupled with severe depression arising from the problems experienced during his time as provincial moved Acosta to seek a return from Peru.

5. The Third Lima Council and Acosta's final years in Peru.

The archbishopric of Lima had been vacant since the death of Archbishop Jerónimo de Loayza in 1575. The new archbishop, Toribio de Mogrovejo, arrived from Spain in 1581 and moved quickly to deal with the problems of his see. In February 1582 he

62 "Enfermedades y tristezas". "Tristezas" could also be translated "sadness" or "melancholy".63 Acosta, "Memorial de apología o descargo dirigido al Papa Clemente VIII", in F. Mateos, op.cit., p.372. 64 Cited by F. Mateos, op.cit., p.xvii.65 Acosta is the first person to document soroche, the acute mountain sickness that affects travellers in the high Andes. HNMI, III.9.

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presided over the first diocesan synod of Lima, which largely repeated the findings of the first and second Lima Councils.66

This synod was followed by a council of the church67 in which almost all of the bishops of the area participated. Acosta was one of the four theologians appointed to advise the bishops,68 andwas perhaps the most influential figure of the Council:

He wrote up the minutes, [and] reasoned out the decreesthat the Fathers later voted on. His influence was justas great in the catechisms, confessional, and sermon collection prepared by order of the Council. He was theauthor of the Spanish versions of the three catechisms--larger, smaller, and elementary--and was the main figure in the preparation of the confessional and the sermons.69

One of the first acts was to read and affirm the decrees of the Council of Trent, though these played little part in the outworking of the Council.70 The decrees of the First Lima Councilheld in 1551 were declared invalid, but those of the Second Lima Council of 1567 were affirmed.71 The main proceedings were, however, dominated by the furore over the attempts of Archbishop Mogrovejo to discipline Bishop Sebastian de Lartuán of Cuzco on grounds of homosexuality, misappropriation of funds, and unseemlywrangles with Cuzco city council.

66 Held by Loayza in 1551 and 1567. R. Vargas Ugarte, Historia de la Iglesia en el Perú,Vol.II, (Burgos, 1959), p.48.67 Known as the Third Lima Council, it concluded in March 1583.68 There others were Bartolomé de Ledesma (Dominican), Juan del Campo (Franciscan) and Luis López (Augustinian) - the last mentioned not to be confused with the Jesuit of the same name.69 F. Mateos, op.cit., p.xvi. In the catechism he was instructed to follow theorder and substance of that of Pius V, together with others both "printed and hand-written". R. Vargas Ugarte, op.cit., p.51.70 See F. Mateos, "Ecos de América en Trento", Revista de Indias, 1945, Año VI, No.22, pp.339-605.71 The 1551 Council's statement on baptism did not require of candidates explicit faith in the Trinity or the Incarnation. Following the Cruz trial this was unacceptable.

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Given this background, it is a tribute to Mogrovejo's tenacity and Acosta's drafting and editing that the Council ended with decrees, catechisms and other materials which were to "govern church discipline in the Americas for three centuries until the plenary council of the Americas in 1900".72

The Council's findings were much more legislative and practical, but less theological and didactic, than those of the Second Council. They are also sprinkled with threats of excommunication and financial punishments which reflect the Mogrovejo-Lartuán controversy. The tri-lingual catechism became, in 1584, the firstbook to be printed in South America.73 The confessional74 and the sermon collection75 followed in 1585.

Acosta's involvement with Council matters did not end there. Mogrovejo's opponents fought against the decrees through representations to the Council of the Indies in Spain and to the Pope in Rome.76 Acosta's timely arrival in Europe in late 1587 andhis shuttle diplomacy between Madrid and Rome averted the annulment of the work of the Council.77

As he had done throughout his time in Peru, Acosta continued to preach and teach regularly. The millenarian-type ideas of fellow Jesuit Lope Delgado who had arrived in 1581, led him to remind people in his sermons that the age might still have a long time to run.78 Acosta shared the basic premise of apocalyptic mysticismof his time that one of the reliable signs of the approaching endof the world would be the preaching of the gospel to all peoples.However, as China had not then been converted, he suggested that

72 F. Mateos, "Los dos concilios limenses de Jerónimo de Loayza", Missionalia Hispánica, 1947, vol IV, No.12, p.524.73 Doctrina Christiana y Catecismo para Instruccion de los Indios, (Lima, 1584).74 Confessionario para los curas de Indios con la instruccion contra sus ritos.75 Tercero Catecismo y Exposicion de la Doctrina Christiana, por Sermones.76 "Información y respuesta sobre los capítulos del Concilio Provincial del Peru del año 1583 de que apelaron los procuradores del clero", in F. Mateos, Obras del P. José de Acosta, (Madrid, BAE 73, 1954), pp.321-331.77 The decrees survived intact, save for the removal of some of the penalties imposed on miscreants.78 Published in 1590 in Rome--De Temporibus Novissimis libri quator.

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the world was not going to end soon.79 Not surprisingly, another theme of his preaching in his final years in Lima was the correctinterpretation of Scripture.80

6. The Mexican sojourn

Acosta left Peru in June 1586, but at the suggestion of Acquavivatravelled first to Mexico. There he saw his brother Bernardino, rector of the Jesuit college in Oaxaca. He also gathered materialon Mexican history and customs for his work on the history of theIndies. The Jesuit Juan de Tovar provided much of this material. He had based the draft of the work he gave to Acosta on that of the Dominican priest Diego Durán.81

In Mexico Acosta was again to become involved in the question of world evangelisation. Alonso Sánchez, Jesuit missionary to the Philippines, who had visited Macao twice and claimed to have spent some months in China, was also in Mexico at the time of Acosta's visit. Sánchez saw no future in the methods used by Ruggieri and Ricci in China, and advocated the same methods for China as had been used in Mexico and Peru--conquest followed by evangelisation.

This was roundly condemned by orders in Mexico and Peru, who believed that such a developed culture as that of China could only be evangelised along apostolic lines. Acosta was so concerned that he wrote two important letters to Acquaviva countering the proposals of Sánchez.82 The immediate result of these letters was that Sánchez was placed under the direct supervision of Acosta for the remainder of his time in Mexico andfor the return journey to Spain,83 Acquaviva appreciated Acosta's arguments.

79 Phelan, J.L., op.cit., p.25.80 Published in Rome in 1590--De Christo Revelato libri novem.81 E. O'Gorman in his introduction to Historia Natural y Moral de Las Indias, (Mexico City, Fondo de Cultural Ecónomico, 21962), pp. xv-xxiii.82 "Parecer sobre la guerra de la China. Méjico, 15 de marzo de 1587", in F. Mateos, op.cit., pp.331-334, and "Respuesta a los fundamentos que justifican la guerra contra la China", ibid., pp.334-345.83 Sánchez would seek to reverse this situation later in Acosta's life.

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7. Acosta in Spain

On arrival in Spain in November 1587 Acosta divided his time between preparing his manuscripts for publication, arguing the case for the Lima Council decrees, and serving as a consultant toPhilip II.84 the Council of the Indies, and the Pope on matters relating to the New World.

The last decade of Acosta's life is one of the most controversialof his remarkable life, in which he was embroiled in political matters. In 1588 a group of Spanish Jesuits with the support of Philip II and the Inquisition, attempted to bring about change inthe basic constitution of the order. As the personal envoy of Acquaviva to the king, Acosta was on the side of the order opposing the dissidents.

Yet by 1592 Acosta had changed sides and urged the king to press for a "general congregation" of the Jesuit order to resolve matters. Accusations of authoritarianism and personalism were levelled against Acquaviva. Acosta became the secret envoy of theking to Pope Clement VIII arguing the same case, while at the same time meeting with Acquaviva as a conciliator.85 In the event,the Pope ordered a general congregation of the order to be held. This was held in November 1593.

Although he had no right to be there, Acosta drew on his considerable political skills to gain admittance to the congregation as a participant, however there he found himself outflanked by Acquaviva. The various provincials gave their support to the General, and Acosta was discredited. Meanwhile Alonso Sánchez, who had replaced Acosta as Acquaviva's envoy to Philip II, had uncovered his predecessor's intrigues, and launched a fierce attack on him. According to Sánchez, the reasonfor such sinister and ambitious actions lay in Acosta's

84 Acquaviva appointed him as his personal representative to the court.85 For Acosta's account see "Diario de la embajada a Roma (1592)", F. Mateos, op.cit., pp.353-368.

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background--he was a "new Christian".86 Acosta defended himself against Sánchez attacks,87 but his standing in the order was irreparably damaged. On return to Spain he dedicated himself to writing. He later became rector of the Jesuit college in Salamanca, where he died in 1600.

Various reasons for Acosta's actions have been put forward. Thereis his own defence that he did it for the good of the order, without ulterior motive. Many of his fellow Jesuits saw it as rebellion against authority, springing from personal ambition. Later historians have suggested that he allowed himself to be used in a power struggle between the Spanish crown and the Jesuitorder, a victim of the intrigues of others rather than the protagonist.88 Others have seen in his actions as the result of the melancholic depressive side of Acosta89 which could lead to extreme responses in a person who until then had been a pillar ofthe Jesuit establishment.

Or was it that this man, an experienced administrator and theologian, an expert on the New World whose books were already being translated into other languages, the counsellor of the pope, the king, the Council, and the General himself, in a momentof "revelation" in keeping with the mysticism of that age, and perhaps inspired by the disappointment of not being accorded someimportant position in the order,90 felt himself better fitted to lead the order than the man who held that position, and so threw in his lot with the Spanish dissidents?

8. The thought of José de Acosta

a. Acosta’s purpose in writing

86 F. Mateos, op.cit., p.xxix.87 "Memorial de apología o descargo dirigido al Papa Clemente VIII", F. Mateos, op.cit., pp.368-386.88 J. Alcina Franch, introductory essay, Historia Natural y Moral de Las Indias, (Madrid, 1987), p.16.89 F. Mateos, op.cit., p. xxxi.90 In 1592 he was appointed as superior of Casa Profesa in Valladolid, a position far below his hopes.

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Acosta was aware that he was not the first to write on the New World, he follows others, but his approach is different:

Many authors have written various books and accounts ofthe strange new things that have been discovered in these parts, and of the actions and events surrounding the Spanish who conquered and populated them. But untilnow I have seen no one who has tried to explain the reason or the causes of these novelties and wonders of nature...it is true that these matters pose considerable difficulty, firstly because they are works of nature contrary to received, ancient philosophy ...and those who have written of the West Indies have not professed muchphilosophy, indeed most of them have not even noticed such things.91

The purpose of his Historia was to

first state the truth as certain experience has revealed it to us and then attempt (although this will be a very difficult matter) to provide proper conclusions according to good philosophy.92

It was the same matter of new information conflicting with received truth that moved Acosta to write on the evangelisation of the New World:

The main reason that moved me to write it was seeing many people who had different and opposing opinions on matters of the Indies, the majority of them despaired of the salvation the Indians. Furthermore there were many difficult new things, which went against the truth of the gospel, or at least seemed to. This forced me to take time to painstakingly think the whole subject through, and to fervently investigate what there might be of

91 HNMI, "Proemio al lector". (Italics mine)92 HNMI, II.3.

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truth [there], laying aside all partiality and preference for one side or the other.93

b. Sources used for the Historia

Aristotle heads the list of sources. Acosta was also well versed in the Historia Naturalis of the elder Pliny, he had heard of Strabo, Pomponius Mela, and Macrobius, the Roman geographer. Ptolemy getsa mention, as do Agartharcides of Cnidus and Eudoxus of Cyzicus. Also he refers to the ideas of Boethius, Dioscorides, Lucan, Lucretius, Ovid, Parmenides, Plato, Plutarch, Seneca the Younger,Theophrastus, and Virgil. After Scripture, his most important theological sources are Augustine, Jerome, and Lactantius. A morecomplete list would include Ambrose, Basil, Chrysostom, Eusebius,Gregory Nazianzen, and Theodoret. For New World material he drew on Juan de Tovar and Polo de Ondegardo.

This was the universe of thought in which Acosta and his intendedreaders moved, Aristotelian and Scholastic. He resolved "not to contradict Aristotle unless in something quite certain",94 yet repeatedly he faced the inadequacy of Aristotle. "Eye-witness experience itself" disabused him of the rightness of the "ancientphilosophy",95 and personal experience, observation, and fresh reflection became part of the new criteria for judgment.

Beddall states that Acosta "began as an Aristotelian and ended asone",96 but that is to oversimplify matters. Aristotle and church dogma informed his quest. But on many points he differed sharply from Aristotle and the Fathers, he was open to new ideas and adopted an eclectic approach to enable him to synthesise the old and the new into a philosophical whole.

At the same time, his involvement in the Inquisition had taught him the limits of intellectual freedom. As a result he takes care93 DP, "Dedicatoria". (Italics mine.)94 Bk.II.12.95 Bk.II.10.96 "Father José de Acosta and the Place of his Historia Natural y Moral de lasIndias in the History of Science", introductory essay to Historia Natural y Moral de Las Indias, facsimile edition, (Valencia, 1977), p.35.

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to define the domain in which Biblical texts and the judgments and opinions of the Fathers are operative.97 This provides him with "intellectual space" in which he can speculate and theorise on matters which to him fall outside inviolable church dogma. O'Gorman is right to see him as one of the great "progressives ofthe Counter-Reformation".98

c. Sources used for De Procuranda

In dealing with the fundamental problems posed by the need to evangelise the New World peoples, Acosta had recourse to some of the authorities mentioned in his Historia, but here Augustine predominates, cited over 60 times,99 then follow Chrysostom (26), Aristotle (24), Ambrose (18), Gregory the Great (16), Aquinas (15),100 and the Pseudo-Areopagite (9).101

The decrees of over twenty church councils and synods are cited, from Carthage in 255 to the Second Lima Council of 1567. Heading the list is Lima, with Trent a close second, then comes the Fourth Toledan Council of 633.102 Acosta also knew the works of historians such as Bede and showed a keen interest in

97 This approach is seen in other writings too, e.g.

although it has been said that the Pope has power over pagans and unbelievers...it cannot even accurately be said of Christians and believers that the Pope is absolute lord of spiritual government, because that belongs to Christ; it is better to say that he has absolute authority communicated to him by Christ our Lord, whose vicar he is, and so he governs the catholic church not as absolutelord of the spiritual, but as the highest minister of Christ.

F. Mateos, op.cit., p.335.98 Historia Natural y Moral de Las Indias, (Mexico City, Fondo de Cultural Ecónomico, 21962), p.xxiv.99 Especially De catechizandis rudibus.100 There are also references to the commentary of Thomas de Vio Cajetan on Aquinas' Summa.101 An important influence on mystical theology and formulations.102 The council in Toledo dealt with matters such as forced conversions, conversion and baptism of pagans, baptism of children without parental consent, marriage questions where only one partner was a Christian, and the desecration of graves - all current issues in Acosta's Peru.

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developments in China and Japan, particularly in the work of Francis Xavier. On juridical matters the views of the Salamanca School are firmly espoused.103 But the predominant influence on Acosta's thinking was the Bible, cited almost nine hundred times.104

d. Acosta's use of the Bible in De Procuranda

While Acosta's Bible was the Vulgate he was familiar with other versions.105 There are references to most books of the Old Testament, but Psalms, Proverbs, Isaiah, Jeremiah, Ezekiel, Wisdom and Ecclesiasticus predominate. The most prominent themes are: false religion, denunciation of civil and religious leaders,the condemnation of oppression and injustice, the true nature of the service of God, the rights and wrongs of conquest, idolatry,106 and the purposes of God in history.

There are examples of Acosta's exegesis of OT texts in De Procuranda, but the best example is found in his Historia where he comments at length on Obadiah 19-21. This was an important text both to Christian and Jewish commentators of the sixteenth century.107 Acosta combines a spiritual interpretation with a philological one to develop his argument.

An analysis of the relative frequency of NT citations by book shows clearly the model that served Acosta in developing his approach to evangelisation--the apostolic model. It also suggeststhe primacy of Matthew among the gospels for Biblical

103 Pereña sees Acosta as "one of the most important channels in the transplanting of the School of Vitoria in the New World". Op.cit., p.13.104 Old Testament 330 times, New Testament 540 times approximately.105 He refers a number of times to the Septuagint and the Chaldee (i.e. Aramaic)..106 Key passages are Wisdom chs. 13 and 14, especially 14.12 which refers to idols as "the root of all immorality".107 Abraham Halevi, a Sephardic Jew, applied the passage to the Jews expelled from Spain. He noted that Zarapath was Hebrew for France, and Sepharad was Hebrew for Spain. Since they had been expelled from both, it was only a matterof time before Israel again settled in the city of the south, Jerusalem. Mashre Kitrin (Constantinople, 1508), quoted by J. Friedman, op.cit., p.105.

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interpretation of that day, and also Acosta's concentration on Acts, Romans and 1 Corinthians.

In developing his ideas on Indian evangelisation, he referred occasionally to the evangelisation of other peoples such as the English.108 He also drew on the councils and the Fathers, but ultimately this new reality meant a return to the foundation documents of the church and to the apostles. It was their methodshe adapted to the New World,109 it was that kind of person he sought to evangelise the Indians--"give me men of apostolic calibre for the Indians, and I will give you fruit of apostolic character from the Indians ".110

As in the case of the OT, certain texts of the NT were particularly important to Acosta. Matthew 10.7-14 with its advocacy of non-aggressive, non-mercenary evangelisation is citedten times. 1 Corinthians 5.12:

What business is it of mine to judge those outside?

was a key text in the arguments of the Salamanca School,111 and Acosta used it similarly to map out the limits of Spanish jurisdiction.112

An analysis of Acosta's use of Romans is also revealing. Apart from one reference, he did not draw on Romans chs.4-8. Chapter 10is used frequently, mainly to counter the ideas of Cruz, but otherwise he used the book for more practical pastoral purposes. What might be regarded as the doctrinal heart of the letter is not used, not because he has no use for it, but because it is assumed as a "given".113 In his search for practical examples in the NT both Philippians and Titus feature prominently.

108 I.17.109 The method had to be adapted, they could not, for instance, perform miracles like the apostles--II.8,9,10. See also I.18; II.16; V.21.110 I.18.111 D. Ramos, op.cit., p.428.112 II.2.113 The tenor of certain passages of De Procuranda confirms this, e.g. V.2.

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e. Historia Natural y Moral de las Indias: main themes

Acosta deals with nature in Books 1-4, and with history114 in Books 5-7. The traditional cosmography of the scholastics was challenged both by the existence of the land mass which would later be called the Americas, and by its inhabitants. Therefore fundamental ideas such as the orbis terrarum and the oecumene were re-examined in the light of this.115

Acosta challenges the uncritical ways in which Aristotle's ideas have been applied to the New World, and argues for the fundamental unity of a world which now includes those newly discovered regions. His careful cataloguing of nature indicates that despite many differences it is of a piece with the rest of creation. Using Aristotelian categories as the basic framework for his thinking he shows the rationality of the Indians, and, through his theory of migration from northern Europe or Asia, ties their history into existing "universal" history.

In Inca and Mexica religion and customs he saw the work of Satan, imitating divine realities and inverting Christian rites to deceive the Indians.116 However, in the history of these peoples he also saw the providential ordering of history, for when these empires were at their height

...at this time the Most High thought it right that thestone of Daniel which broke the kingdoms and monarchiesof the world, should also break this other New World. Just as the law of Christ arrived when the monarchy of Rome was at its height, so it has been in the West Indies. Truly it was the supreme providence of the Lord, because the existence in the globe of one head and one temporal lord made it possible for the gospel

114 The sphere of mores where man's free will (libre albedrío) is operational, i.e.history, culture and customs.115 For example, the existence of man raised questions about the Biblical narrative of the Flood, and led Acosta to speculate that man came to the Americas via some land bridge in the north of the continent. I.20.116 V.1, 11, 23, 24.

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to be communicated with ease to so many peoples and nations.117

Acosta therefore argued that despite differences in religious andcultural life, the New World was an integral part of Christendom.The conquest and subsequent colonisation must be seen within a theology of salvation. Thus the seeming contradictions did not mean any derogation of the order God had assigned to nature and the course of history. With the providential fulfilment of OT prophecies regarding the salvation of the Indians, Acosta has setthe scene for a consideration of the fundamental problems posed by their evangelisation.

f. De Procuranda Indorum Salute - main themes

This book must be seen not only in relation to the Historia, but also in the context in which Acosta wrote - that of Toledo's planfor the colonial organisation of the country, of Indian rebellionand planned war, of the economic rape of the region especially through mining, and of demographic collapse that arose from these. The sense of crisis in Peru in the decade of the 1570s is clear. Acosta's immediate objectives were to contribute to the ongoing debate on the legitimacy of the conquest and the Spanish presence in Peru,118 to rectify abuses being committed and provideguidelines for the colonisation process,119 and to lay a firm foundation for the education and re-Christianisation of the Indians.

In his analysis of the Christianisation of the Indians that had already taken place, he is convinced that the reception of the

117 This providence is seen events such as the Inca policy of one language for the empire which facilitated evangelisation, the civil war in Peru at the timeof Pizarro's arrival which aided the conquest, and even the devil's imitationswhich enabled the local people to recognise the true forms when they saw them.Bk.VII.28.118 He deals with the questions such as the "just war", the status of the "Indian", and restitution by the Spanish to the conquered. Because of the workof the censor, we shall never fully know what his views on the conquest were.119 He discusses the extent to which Toledo's plans were acceptable, e.g. doctrinas and reducciones. V.18, 19.

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gospel is for the most part superficial. The pastoral de miedo wherethe sword and the faith went together was a manipulation of the gospel for purely political ends. He identifies the following causes:

1. The bad example of the Spanish, both on the part of religious personnel120 and the civilian population.121

2. The Indians had not been properly introduced to the faith, by force rather than persuasion, without adequate catechising.122

3. The wrong methods of evangelisation have been used, mere rite, and rote learning in the wrong language had vitiated earlier efforts.123

He laments ensuing effect--"the Indians believe that the law of Christ is nothing other than covetousness, greed and ambition".

For Acosta the answer lies in

1. A reform of Spanish life and behaviour in Peru.

"The people of the New World need only one miracle, onegreat, uniquely effective, miracle to persuade them to believe: the morals [of the Spanish] matching the faiththey preach".124

2. A reform of colonial administration so that it wouldprotect and promote the indigenous people.125

120 They are poorly prepared, greedy and ambitious, concerned with power and prestige. Discouragement has led to moral lapses and heresy. I.11, 12; II.1.121 Their wars, internal wrangling, greed and cruelty had provoked a negative reaction on the part of the Indians. III.24.122 This was compounded by the shortage of "authentic" missionaries, the poor ability of the Indians, and the negative effect of their customs. IV.2, 4.123 IV.7.124 II.9.125 III.15.

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The conquest was a reality that had to be recognised,126

there was no realistic possibility of restitution.127 Abandoning the Indies now would not be in the interestsof the gospel. Equally, there could be no more conquests, policy should now take as its starting pointa recognition the natural equality of all men. The nature of the relationship between the protectors and the protected should also be recognised, the Crown musttolerate and respect indigenous structures, laws and customs where they do not contradict fundamental rightsof the individual or the moral demands of the gospel.128

3. A reform of the ways of transmitting the faith, in which humanisation, education and Christianisation would go together.

Spain should promote schools and colleges for children and young people.129 Adults should be taught self-respect and the basic skills of reading and writing. The key to the teaching of the faith was a series of catechisms adapted to the needs of the different socialgroups in colonial society.130

4. A better quality of people to deal with the indigenous people, both missionaries and Spanish officials.131

g. The City of God in the New World

De Procuranda is Acosta's reply to Toledo's plan,132 it is in a 126 II.11.127 There was no way to give it back, and no one to whom it could be given.128 III.24.129 III.19.130 Acosta set out his views on New World man by discussing the question of "barbarians". He concluded that the Indians were not naturally inferior to theSpanish, but rather that they had not developed the faculties and abilities they innately possessed. It was education that would remedy the deficiencies--hence the importance of catechisms.131 IV.2, 6.132 L. Pereña, op. cit., p.12.

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sense Acosta's City of God in the New World. It takes shape in the reforms decreed by the Third Lima Council and in the pastoral, social and evangelical action outlined in the catechisms and other publications of that Council. These ensured Acosta's and the Jesuits' enduring influence in the Americas.

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Select bibliography

Acosta, José de. De Natura Novi Orbis libri duo, et De Promulgatione Evangelii apud Barbaros, sive De Procuranda Indorum Salute. (Salamanca: 1588.)----------. Historia Natural y Moral de Las Indias. (Seville: 1590.) ---------. De Temporibus Novissimis libri quator. (Rome: 1590.)----------. De Christo Revelato libri novem. (Rome: 1590.)----------. Historia Natural y Moral de Las Indias, intro. and notes E. O'Gorman. (Mexico City: Fondo de Cultural Económico, 1962).----------. Historia Natural y Moral de Las Indias, facsimile edition, intro. and notes, B.G. Beddall, B.G. (Valencia: 1977).----------. De Procuranda Indorum Salute, 2 vols., L. Pereña, et al.,(Madrid: Consejo Superior de InvestigacionesCientíficas, 1984).----------. Historia Natural y Moral de Las Indias, ed. and intro. F. J. Alcina. (Madrid, 1987).Bataillon, M. Erasmo y España: Estudios sobre la historia espiritual del siglo xvi, (Mexico City: Fondo de Cultura Económica, 21966).Carro, V.D. "The Spanish Theological-Juridical Renaissance and the Ideology of Bartolomé de Las Casas", in J. Field, and B. Keen, eds., Bartolomé de Las Casas: Toward an Understanding of the Man and his Work, (DeKalb: Northern Illinois University Press 1971), pp.237-277.Chrisman, Miriam U. and Otto Gründler, eds. Social Groups and Religious Ideas in the Sixteenth Century, (Kalamazoo: Western Michigan University, 1978).Field, J. and B. Keen, eds., Bartolomé de Las Casas: Toward an Understanding of the Man and his Work, (DeKalb: Northern Illinois University Press, 1971).Hanke, Lewis, ed. Los Virreyes Españoles en América Durante el Gobierno de la Casa de Austria: Peru, Vol.1, (Madrid: Ed. Atlas, 1978).Levillier, R. Don Francisco de Toledo: Supremo Organizador del Perú, Vol.1, (Madrid: Espasa- Calpe, 1935)Mateos, F. ed., Obras del P. José de Acosta, (Madrid: BAE 73, 1954).----------. "Los dos concilios limenses de Jerónimo de Loayza", Missionalia Hispánica 4, no.12 (1947), pp.479-524.Morón A. C. "The Reformation and its impact on Spanish thought", in Miriam U. Chrisman, and Otto Gründler, eds., Social Groups and

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Religious Ideas in the Sixteenth Century, (Kalamazoo: Western Michigan University, 1978).Pagden, Anthony. The Fall of Natural Man: The American Indian and the origins of comparative ethnology, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982).Pereña, L. "Proyecto de Sociedad Colonial: pacificación y colonización", De Procuranda Indorum Salute, Vol.1, (Madrid: C.S.I.C., 1984), pp. 3-46.Phelan, J.L. The Millenial Kingdom of the Franciscans in the New World, (Berkeley, University of California Press, 21970)Polo de Ondegardo, Juan. Informaciones acerca de la Religión y Gobierno de los Incas. (Lima: Antonio Ricardo, 1585.)Polo de Ondegardo, Juan. Instrucción contra las ceremonias y ritos que usan losIndios conforme al tiempo de su Infidelidad. (Lima: Antonio Ricardo, 1585.)Ramos, Demetrio. La Etica en la Conquista de América: Francisco de Vitoria y la Escuela de Salamanca, (Madrid: C.S.I.C., 1984)----------. "La nueva situación dramática de finales del siglo XVI", in L. Pereña, et al., De Procuranda Indorum Salute, Vol.1, Pereña, L. et al., (Madrid: CSIC., 1984), p.697-734.Vargas Ugarte, R. Historia de la Iglesia en el Perú, Vol.II, (Burgos: 1959).Doctrina Christiana y Catecismo para Instruccion de los Indios. (Lima: Antonio Ricardo, 1584).Confessionario para los curas de Indios con la instruccion contra sus ritos. (Lima: Antonio Ricardo, 1585).Tercero Catecismo y Exposicion de la Doctrina Christiana, por Sermones. (Lima: Antonio Ricardo, 1585).

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