Addictive Behaviors 31 (2006) 1559–1577

It does the job: Young adults discuss their malt liquor consumption

Clara M. Bradizza *, R. Lorraine Collins, Paula C. Vincent, Diana L. Falco

Research Institute on Addictions, University at Buffalo, State University of New York,

1021 Main Street, Buffalo, New York 14203, USA

Abstract

Young adult men and women (N =53) who regularly consume malt liquor (i.e., 40 oz/week) participated in 10

semi-structured focus groups. Group transcripts were analyzed using a multilevel process that focused on recurring

themes across multiple groups. Commonly identified themes encompassed positive and negative qualities of malt

liquor as well as contexts in which malt liquor was consumed. Some of the themes were corroborated by

quantitative data on drinking behavior and other variables. The focus groups were designed to explore the unique

characteristics of malt liquor (low price, high alcohol content, large volume packaging) that enhance consumption

patterns and increase risk for excessive alcohol use. The combination of qualitative and quantitative data provides

a unique and useful perspective for identifying issues for future research on malt liquor consumption.

D 2005 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

Keywords: Alcohol; Malt beverage; Alcohol expectancies; Reasons for drinking; Qualitative research

Malt liquor is one of the least studied but potentially most troublesome alcoholic beverages. Malt

liquor (e.g., Colt 45, Schlitz Malt Liquor, St. Ides, Olde English 800) has important characteristics that

distinguish it from beer and other malt beverages. These characteristics are related to packaging, alcohol

content, and price. Many malt liquors are sold in 40-oz containers that cannot be resealed, providing a

strong message that the entire 40-oz beverage should be consumed in one sitting before the contents

become warm and/or flat. The alcohol content of the malt liquor typically is higher (6%–11% alcohol

content by volume) relative to most widely available domestic beer brands (3%–5% alcohol content by

volume) and premium malt beverages (e.g., Smirnoff Ice,Mike’s Hard Lemonade, Zima; 4%–6% alcohol

0306-4603/$ -

doi:10.1016/j.a

* Correspon

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see front matter D 2005 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

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ding author.

dress: bradizza@ria.buffalo.edu (C.M. Bradizza).

C.M. Bradizza et al. / Addictive Behaviors 31 (2006) 1559–15771560

content by volume). Pricing of the beverage can be as low as 996 per 40-oz container. This combination

of high volume, high alcohol content, and low price may be particularly attractive to individuals with

limited financial means such as younger drinkers and those who live in poverty. To capitalize on these

qualities, malt liquor is marketed almost exclusively in urban and minority communities and is

advertised using youth-oriented images. As such, it has a high potential to contribute to excessive

drinking among vulnerable populations, including younger drinkers (Chen & Paschall, 2003; Greenfield,

Taylor, & Bond, 2001; Hill & Casswell, 2001).

The prevalence of alcohol use is related to demographic characteristics such as age, gender, and

ethnicity. Prevalence data indicate that young adults aged 18–29 years account for 45% of adult drinkers

and represent 60% of the group of heaviest drinkers (those who drink on average 6 or more drinks per

day) but represent only 27% of the U.S. population (Greenfield & Rogers, 1999). At all age groups, men

drink more heavily than women and experience more alcohol-related problems (Fillmore et al., 1997;

NIAAA, 1997). Among men, the heaviest drinking is concentrated among young age groups, who drink

a disproportionate share of alcohol (Greenfield & Rogers, 1999). Although African-Americans generally

drink less than European-Americans, those African-Americans who do drink may be at increased risk for

heavy drinking and alcohol-related problems (Galvan & Caetano, 2003; Herd, 1994). In particular, less

affluent African-American men may experience more alcohol problems and negative consequences than

less affluent European-American men. These statistics suggest that young adults, especially men and

some minorities, are at increased risk for developing alcohol problems.

Regular consumption of malt liquor has been significantly related to heavy alcohol consumption and

higher levels of alcohol dependence (Greenfield et al., 2001). As with alcohol use in general, risk for

these negative outcomes is associated with certain demographic characteristics that have been linked to

malt liquor consumption. Younger drinkers (aged 18–34 years) are more likely to drink malt liquor than

their elders (Chen & Paschall, 2003; Greenfield et al., 2001; NIAAA, 2000). Depending on population,

the representation of minorities among malt liquor drinkers is mixed. In some studies, African-

Americans have a disproportionately higher representation among malt liquor drinkers (31%) than their

representation (13%; Census 2000) in the U.S. population (NIAAA, 2000). For example, Greenfield et

al. (2001) reported that African-Americans (13.5%) were 2.1 times more likely than European-

Americans (5.6%) to drink malt liquor. A study that examined beverage choices among urban African-

American, Native American and European-American women in the year prior to an index pregnancy

indicated that malt liquor comprised 24% of the total alcohol intake of African-American women, as

compared with 13% for Native Americans and 17% for European-American women. Importantly,

women who drank daily were 17 times more likely than infrequent drinkers and five times more likely

than weekly drinkers to be malt liquor drinkers (Graves & Kaskutas, 2002). In contrast, among a sample

of Northern California community college students, 25% of Asian-Americans and 25% of African-

Americans reported malt liquor use in the past 12 months compared to 41% of Latinos and 44% of

European-Americans (Chen & Paschall, 2003). Thus, the relation between ethnicity and malt liquor

consumption is not clear.

The role of gender in the regular consumption of malt liquor also is not clear. Some sources have

indicated that the majority of malt liquor drinkers were male, reflecting a higher male-to-female ratio

than for any other type of beer product (NIAAA, 2000). Chen and Paschall (2003) found that the

prevalence of consuming malt liquor during the past 12 months was significantly greater among males

(45%) than females (33%). However in a national survey, Greenfield et al. (2001) found no significant

gender differences in regular consumption (6.8% of women and 7.4% of men) of malt liquor.

C.M. Bradizza et al. / Addictive Behaviors 31 (2006) 1559–1577 1561

Given the unique characteristics of malt liquor, including the demographic characteristics and the

drinking habits associated with its use, we wanted to explore the antecedents (e.g., reasons/motives),

correlates (e.g., social context) and negative consequences of consuming it on a regular (weekly) basis.

Among the negative consequences, we examined a range of alcohol problems (physical, social) and

aggression (as perpetrator and victim). Aggression is a commonly reported negative consequence of

excessive drinking, particularly among young adult males (Leonard, Collins, & Quigley, 2003; Leonard,

Quigley, & Collins, 2002; Wells, Graham, & West, 2000). The paucity of research on malt liquor

consumption led us to conduct focus groups in which young adults who regularly consume malt liquor

could discuss various issues related to its use. We used this qualitative method because it provided the

opportunity to conduct exploratory research in which we examined in depth, the reactions and

experiences of participants who provided detailed information that then could be examined in larger,

more representative samples.

Focus group methodology has been used successfully to gather exploratory information relevant to

various issues related to substance use (Bradizza & Stasiewicz, 2003; Kaminer & Dixon, 1995;

Parks, Miller, Collins, & Zetes-Zanatta, 1998; Shedlin & Schreiber, 1995). This methodology allows

for the detailed study of a particular topic in which the unique nature of the information is

emphasized, rather than its generalizability (Kidd, 2002; Vogt, King, & King, 2004). This approach

assists with the identification of new and important issues or questions that have not yet been

studied. Focus group methodology can be used to adapt research questionnaires, examine

inconsistencies in research findings, provide additional depth to the study of a particular issue,

and facilitate collaboration between researchers and a population of interest (Shedlin & Schreiber,

1995). In the current study, we conducted semi-structured focus groups to explore the participants’

reasons for consuming malt liquor, their experiences related to consuming it, and their beliefs about

its positive and negative effects. In addition, we administered several questionnaires in order to

gather quantitative data that would complement the qualitative focus group data. Participants

completed measures of general alcohol and malt liquor use, drug use, drinking motives, problems

due to malt liquor use, as well as psychological/physical aggression and victimization. Participants

did not place any identifying information on the questionnaires. As a result, this information was

confidential and could not be associated with a particular individual. This was done in order to

encourage accurate self-reporting.

1. Method

1.1. Participants

A sample of 53 young adults who regularly consumed (at least 40 oz per week) malt liquor were

recruited through newspaper advertising (bDo you drink 40s?Q) to participate in one of 10 focus groups.

The sample consisted of 38 men (72%) and 15 women (28%) who were assigned to one of six all-male,

two all-female, and two mixed-gender groups, each of which consisted of an average of 5 (range=3 to 9)

participants. All participants met our selection criteria, which included age 18 to 35 years, no history of

substance abuse treatment, and no legal or psychological contraindications to drinking alcohol. Most

(85%) were city residents. Demographic characteristics are presented in Table 1. The sample reported a

mean age of 24 years (S.D.=4.51). Most participants were single (92%) and employed (81%). The

Table 1

Demographic characteristics of our sample of regular malt liquor drinkers

Characteristic n %

Gender

Men 38 72

Women 15 28

Ethnicity

African-American 23 43

European-American 30 57

Highest level of education

Grade school/other 2 4

High school/GED 30 57

2-year college degree 13 24

4-year college degree 8 15

College student status

Student 26 49

Nonstudent 27 51

Employment

Employed 43 81

Unemployed 10 19

Marital status

Single 49 92

Married 4 8

Family history of alcohol abuse

Yes 26 49

No 27 51

Family history of drug abuse

Yes 24 45

No 29 55

C.M. Bradizza et al. / Addictive Behaviors 31 (2006) 1559–15771562

sample was split between those self-identifying as either European-American (57%) or African-

American (43%). The highest education achieved by participants was a 4-year college degree (15%), 2-

year college degree (24%) and high school/GED (57%). This research was approved by the Institutional

Review Board of the University at Buffalo.

1.2. Measures

Following the discussion portion of the study, all participants completed the following questionnaires.

1.2.1. Short inventory of problems (SIP)

The instructions for the SIP (Miller, Tonigan, & Longabaugh, 1995) were reworded to assess negative

consequences of consuming malt liquor (e.g., had money problems, done impulsive things) during the

previous 3 months. The 15 items assess five subscales, including; physical, social, intrapersonal, impulse

and interpersonal problems. Each item is rated on a 4-point Likert scale (0=Never, 3=Daily or Almost

daily). Scale scores were computed by summing the appropriate items, with higher scores reflecting

more frequent occurrence of negative consequences. The SIP has generally been used with treatment-

seeking samples and been found to be both valid and reliable (Miller et al., 1995).

C.M. Bradizza et al. / Addictive Behaviors 31 (2006) 1559–1577 1563

1.2.2. Conflict tactics scale (CTS)

The 20 items of the CTS (Straus, 1979) refer to psychological (e.g., Call someone fat or ugly.) and

physical (e.g., Kick someone.) aggression. Participants reported the number of times each item had

occurred during the past 12 months. Two versions of this questionnaire were administered: one that

assessed actions of the participant towards others (i.e., as an aggressor) and one that assessed the actions

of others towards the participant (i.e., as a victim).

1.2.3. General information questionnaire

This measure was used to assess background information including demographic characteristics,

history of alcohol use, typical current daily and weekly alcohol consumption, as well as use of licit (e.g.,

tobacco, caffeine) and illicit (i.e., marijuana, cocaine, club drugs) substances. Within the GIQ, a key

measure is the Daily Drinking Questionnaire (DDQ; Collins, Parks, & Marlatt, 1985), which we used as a

measure of typical drinking. In our research, the DDQ has exhibited convergent validity in correlations

with Cahalan et al.’s (1969)Drinking Practices Questionnaire, r(52)= .50, p=.001 (Collins et al., 1985) as

well as a self-administered 28-day Timeline Follow-Back calendar, r(428)= .86, pb .01 (Collins, Koutsky,

Morsheimer, & MacLean, 2001). In two studies, the DDQ was also positively correlated with the Short

Michigan Alcoholism Screening Test, a measure of alcohol problems; r(321)= .61, pb .001 (Collins &

Lapp, 1992) and r(295)= .55, pb .001 (Collins, Koutsky, & Izzo, 2000). To augment the assessment of

alcohol problems using the SIP, the GIQ also contained a measure of the lifetime occurrence of nine acute

negative consequences of drinking (e.g., arrest for DWI, injured self or someone else).

1.2.4. Malt liquor use

This questionnaire was designed specifically for this study. It assessed various aspects of malt liquor

use including age at which the individual first drank malt liquor, quantity and frequency of use, brands

consumed, and reasons for selecting malt liquor beverages. The convergent validity of this questionnaire

was established by examining the correlation of self-report of malt liquor use with typical weekly

alcohol consumption questions of the GIQ (r(44)= .30) and with assessment of malt liquor-related

problems of the SIP (r(44)= .28). These modest correlations are likely due to the small sample size and

single-item assessments of malt liquor use.

1.3. Procedure

Semi-structured focus group sessions, approximately 1.5 h in duration, were co-led by either a male

and female facilitator or two females. Group facilitators had a minimum of a Masters degree in

Psychology and three of the four had earned doctorates in either Clinical or Social Psychology.

Facilitators were trained in techniques for running focus groups by the first and second authors, who are

experienced in conducting focus groups. Training consisted of didactic reading materials (e.g., Krueger,

1994) and practice sessions. All sessions were audio taped and later transcribed for analysis. All

participants signed informed consents and provided breath samples to ensure they were alcohol-free

prior to participation. At the start of the groups, participants were provided with writing materials and

asked to list positive and negative effects of drinking malt liquor. They then took turns reading their lists

and discussing their responses. This was followed by a group discussion of seven questions pertaining to

their malt liquor consumption. The discussion covered topics such as the participants’ first and current

experiences with malt liquor, the social and environmental context surrounding malt liquor use (e.g.,

C.M. Bradizza et al. / Addictive Behaviors 31 (2006) 1559–15771564

when consumed, social vs. solitary drinking, sharing of bottles), images used to advertise malt liquor,

and the availability of malt liquor in their neighborhood (e.g., convenience stores). During the session,

participants had access to light refreshments. Each participant received $30 at the end of the session.

1.4. Data analysis

Given the paucity of research on malt liquor, we collected both quantitative and qualitative data,

reasoning that combining the two sources of information would provide a useful and more in-depth

perspective on young adults who regularly consume malt liquor. Quantitative analyses of questionnaire

data focused on the participants’ alcohol use, reasons for drinking, alcohol problems and aggressive

behavior. Given past research, we also examined gender and ethnic differences.

Qualitative data from session transcripts were analyzed using a multilevel process that focused on

extracting common themes recurring in multiple focus groups. Of the 10 focus groups we conducted,

detailed analyses of transcripts involved six groups: the two women-only groups, the two mixed-gender

groups and a randomly selected subsample of two of the six men-only groups. Three masters- or

doctoral-level project staff reviewed transcripts and provided detailed notes regarding themes and ideas

that occurred in at least two groups. The first author examined all three sets of analyses to identify

common themes and to extract representative quotes (cf., Krueger, 1994; Miles & Huberman, 1994).

Due to the mixed ethnic composition of the focus groups, no analysis of ethnic differences could be

conducted. Separate thematic analyses by gender group yielded few consistent differences. As a result,

the data were merged across the gender-specific and mixed gender groups.

2. Results and discussion

2.1. Quantitative data

2.1.1. Typical use of alcohol, malt liquor, and other substances

We separately assessed typical weekly alcohol intake as well as the intake of malt liquor. Our focus

group participants indicated they typically consumed an average of 23.22 (S.D.=15.79) drinks per week.

On each day they consumed malt liquor, they reported drinking either two (53%) or three (23%) 40-oz

containers. On average, they drank 5.42 (S.D.=4.19) containers of malt liquor per week, which

approximates 18 standard alcoholic drinks. Independent samples t-tests revealed no significant gender

difference (t(48)= .04, pN .05) in weekly alcohol intake; however, there was a marginally significant

ethnic difference (t(48)=1.73, p=.09), with European-Americans (M=26.45 std drinks) consuming

more alcohol weekly than African-Americans (M =18.76 std drinks). There were no gender

(t(50)=�1.30, pN .05) or ethnic differences (t(50)=�1.12, pN .05) in weekly malt liquor intake. Both

measures of alcohol intake indicated that this sample of young adults consisted of heavy/excessive

drinkers, who likely were at risk for alcohol abuse.

Participants reported on their history and current use of malt liquor. Most (79%) of the participants

began drinking malt liquor between the ages of 13 and 17 years (M=15, S.D.=2.39). Nearly all

participants (98%) usually bought malt liquor at a convenience store/corner market. The brand that they

typically drank was Olde English 800 (44%). The low price of malt liquor was a factor in its use. More

than two-thirds (68%) said that price was somewhat or very important to their decision to begin drinking

C.M. Bradizza et al. / Addictive Behaviors 31 (2006) 1559–1577 1565

malt liquor and 60% rated price as somewhat or very important for their decision to drink it currently.

Participants also reported on malt liquor’s intoxicating effects. During a typical week when they drank

malt liquor, participants experienced a bhighQ or bbuzzQ average of 3.41 times (S.D.=2.34) and become

drunk on an average of 2.45 times (S.D.=1.86) after drinking it. When asked how fast they typically

drank an entire 40-oz bottle of malt liquor, 58% said that they drank it in 30–60 min and 29% said they

drank it in 30 min or less. Participants were asked which beverages they had consumed most often in the

past 90 days. They indicated that they most often drank malt liquor (63%, n=31), regular beer (29%;

n=14), hard liquor (6%; n=3), and other (2%; n=1).

On the GIQ, participants indicated their use of nonalcoholic substances including illegal and

prescription drugs. As presented in Table 2, almost one-half of the sample reported regular (i.e., at least

once a week or daily) use of cigarettes (51%) and marijuana (47%). Regular use of other substances

(e.g., barbiturates, crack) was relatively rare (V4%).

2.1.2. Alcohol problems and Aggressive Behavior

We used a malt liquor-specific version of the SIP to assess the occurrence of alcohol problems during

the past 3 months. Participants reported relatively few problems related to drinking malt liquor. They

scored a mean of 6.94 (S.D.=4.95) out of a possible 45 points. Their scores on each of four subscales

(physical, social, intrapersonal, and interpersonal) were very low, ranging from .53 to 1.38 out of a

possible 9 points. However, the mean score for the impulse control subscale (M=2.45, S.D.=1.53) was

more moderate. Separate MANOVAs revealed no significant gender (F(4,46)= .86, pN .05) or ethnic

(F(4,46)= .29, pN .05) differences in problems related to drinking malt liquor.

On the GIQ measure of lifetime negative consequences of drinking alcohol, participants indicated

they had experienced an average of 4.92 (S.D.=2.07) of the nine acute consequences that were listed.

The four most frequently endorsed consequences were: sick to stomach (endorsed by 96% of the

sample), hangover (91%), broken things/damaged property (64%) and blacked out (59%). There was a

statistically significant difference between the mean score for men (5.32) and women (3.93), t(50)=2.29,

pb .05. In addition, European-Americans (M=5.63) reported a greater number of lifetime negative

consequences than did African-Americans (M=3.95), t(50)=3.14, pb .01.

On the CTS (Straus, 1979), participants separately indicated the frequency (over the past 12 months) of

their perpetration of physical and psychological aggression and their experience as victims of physical and

psychological aggression. The participants reported being the perpetrators of physical aggression on an

average of 45.65 times (S.D.=34.49) and psychological aggression on an average of 45.50 times (S.D.=

32.37). They reported being the victim of physical assault on an average of 29.04 times (S.D.=23.12) and

psychological aggression on an average of 34.91 times (S.D.=31.24). A MANOVA indicated no

Table 2

The five most regularly used nonalcoholic substances

Substance/Drug Level of substance use (%)

Never Rarely/Occasionally Regularly

Cigarettes 19 30 51

Marijuana 9 44 47

Barbiturates 72 24 4

Club drugs 70 28 2

Crack 94 4 2

C.M. Bradizza et al. / Addictive Behaviors 31 (2006) 1559–15771566

significant gender differences for the CTS aggression scores (F(4,41)= .13, pN .05). However, there was

one ethnic difference: African-Americans (M=56.18) reported being the perpetrators of psychological

aggression during an argument more frequently than did European-Americans (M=37.11), F(1,44)=4.43,

pb .05.

2.2. Qualitative analyses

Qualitative data analyses yielded themes encompassing both positive and negative qualities of malt

liquor consumption. Themes related to the positive qualities of malt liquor included being a quick/

effective intoxicant, facilitating social interaction, improving sleep, and inexpensive price. Themes

related to the negative qualities of malt liquor included memory problems, smoking too many cigarettes,

bad hangovers, arguing/fighting, acting inappropriately and saying something you regret later.

2.2.1. Positive qualities of malt liquor

Our qualitative analyses yielded four consistent themes that emerged from the focus group discussions

about the positive effects of malt liquor. These themes included malt liquor’s ability to act as a quick and

effective intoxicant, facilitate social interactions, improve sleep, and low cost. Representative quotes

from study participants are provided to illustrate each theme.

2.2.1.1. Quick/effective intoxicant. This effect was expected given the higher alcohol content of malt

liquor and the fact that a 40-oz container of malt liquor typically gets consumed in a single, relatively

short period of time. Participants made statements such as:

Well, I think it gets you drunker than regular beer, quicker.

. . .you get real drunk, that’s why people drink the 40s.

These statements are consistent with the drinking patterns reported in our quantitative data. Our

sample consisted of heavy drinkers who consumed about 18 standard (i.e., 12 oz) drinks of malt liquor

each week. Almost one-third of these drinkers consumed a 40-oz container of malt liquor in less than 30

min, with most of the remainder consuming it in less than an hour. Similarly, the majority of participants

reported drinking multiple containers of malt liquor per occasion and experiencing intoxication from

drinking malt liquor on several occasions each week.

2.2.1.2. Facilitates social interaction. The theme of alcohol as a social lubricant is very common in

research on the positive effects of alcohol and also was articulated by our participants, who stated:

You lose all your inhibitions when you’re drinking and you’ll be able to talk to people a lot easier.

That’s what I say, you get more friendlier.

The extensive literature on alcohol expectancies (i.e., measures of beliefs about the effects of

alcohol) typically refers to social facilitation as a positive effect of drinking alcohol. For example,

commonly used measures such as the Alcohol Expectancy Questionnaire (Brown, Goldman, Inn, &

Anderson, 1980) and the Comprehensive Effects of Alcohol Scale (Fromme, Stroot, & Kaplan, 1993)

C.M. Bradizza et al. / Addictive Behaviors 31 (2006) 1559–1577 1567

each contain multiple items that form factors reflecting drinkers’ beliefs that alcohol facilitates social

interaction. In addition, the sample endorsed social motives/reasons for drinking. Drinking for social

motives has been associated with heavier alcohol use and with alcohol problems (Collins et al.,

2001; Cooper, 1994).

2.2.1.3. Improves sleep. The notion that drinking malt liquor improves sleep probably is related to the

commonly held belief that alcohol induces relaxation and reduces tension (Brown et al., 1980; Fromme

et al., 1993; Greeley & Oei, 1999). Numerous reviews of the literature on the tension reducing properties

of alcohol have provided only inconsistent support (Greeley & Oei, 1999) for this notion, although some

measures of alcohol expectancies do find support for this effect (e.g., Brown et al., 1980). Participants

made statements such as:

. . .it helps me get some rest and that’s probably one of the reasons why I drink it.

It helps me to sleep soundly at night. . .usually I’m a light sleeper.

In contrast to these statements, alcohol often disrupts sleep (Brower, 2001; Roehrs & Roth, 2001). In

addition, sleep problems have predicted alcohol problems in some adolescents (Wong, Brower,

Fitzgerald, & Zucker, 2004) and adults (Brower, 2001). Over time, individuals who become tolerant to

the initial sedative effects of alcohol and experience the later sleep disruption caused by alcohol may

increase their alcohol intake. Thus, the theme of improved sleep warrants further attention as a possible

risk factor for alcohol abuse and problems.

2.2.1.4. Inexpensive. Malt liquor is marketed as a cheap and highly potent alcoholic beverage. Its low

price appealed to our heavy drinking focus group participants who reported:

It’s very, very cheap and it does the job.

It’s cheaper, too. . .. Yeah, it usually comes back to that.

I know that I’m going to get buzzed up faster, and that it’s gonna be a lot cheaper.

The appeal of malt liquor’s low price probably reflects the relative youth (mean age 24 years) and

low socio-economic status of our sample. Although most of our sample was employed either full or

part-time, about one-half (49%) currently were attending some type of school and most (57%) had

completed only high school. This combination of factors suggests low incomes that may have to be

stretched to cover a variety of living expenses. In such an economic situation, an inexpensive

alcoholic beverage such as malt liquor would be viewed very positively, particularly given the

participants’ reports of consuming relatively large amounts of alcohol each week.

2.2.2. The negative qualities of malt liquor

Six themes that reflected negative qualities of malt liquor emerged from the focus group

discussions. The themes reflected both individual (memory problems, smoke too many cigarettes,

bad hangovers) and interpersonal (arguing/fighting, act inappropriately, say something regret later)

problems that the participants typically described as being caused by consuming large amounts of

C.M. Bradizza et al. / Addictive Behaviors 31 (2006) 1559–15771568

malt liquor. Although some of these negative qualities could be quite severe, they did not seem to

influence the participants to drink less as has been suggested in the literature on negative alcohol

expectancies (Jones & McMahon, 1998). In fact, the focus group participants acknowledged the

negative effects of drinking malt liquor, but seemed to view them as a necessary price that had to be

paid to enjoy malt liquor’s positive qualities.

2.2.2.1. Memory problems. The acute effects of alcohol intoxication include the disruption of memory

(cf. Peterson, Rothfleisch, Zelazo, & Pihl, 1990). The memory problems described in the quotes below

are consistent with the high levels of alcohol intake and reports of weekly experiences of drunkenness

reported by our sample.

You do tend to forget a lot when you drinkin’.

. . . and I won’t realize it, but something happens to my memory.

It is interesting to note that these problems are occurring to relatively young drinkers. Were these

drinking patterns to be maintained over time, memory problems and other cognitive deficits likely would

become more pronounced.

2.2.2.2. Smoke too many cigarettes. The link between drinking malt liquor and smoking is consistent

with the finding that smokers are more likely to drink alcohol and vice versa (Istvan & Matarazzo, 1984;

Shiffman & Balabanis, 1995; Zacny, 1990) and that in some contexts, each is directly associated with the

use of the other (Shiffman et al., 1994).

. . .drinkin’ 40’s. . .I’ll smoke an excessive amount of cigarettes.

And also, [malt liquor] makes you smoke more cigarettes.

These quotes indicate that increases in smoking are specifically associated with the drinking of

malt liquor. Whether this is a learned pairing, a response to the higher alcohol content of malt

liquor or a function of some unmeasured variable is not clear. Overall, our sample reported rates

of regularly smoking cigarettes (51%; see Table 2) that were almost double that found for young

adults (28% in 2003) in the study, Monitoring the Future (Johnston, O’Malley, Bachman, &

Schulenberg, 2004). The high rates of cigarette smoking raise concerns about malt liquor

drinkers’ risk for a variety of smoking-related illnesses, including lung cancer and cardiovascular

disease.

2.2.2.3. Bad hangovers. The high alcohol content, heavy alcohol intake, and speedy consumption of

malt liquor likely contributed to the participants’ experiences of headaches and other symptoms of

hangovers.

. . .the hangover you get from excessive, like, 40 drink, is a bad one.

For me it’s the hangover, the headaches the next morning. . .

The possible occurrence of bad hangovers and other acute negative consequences such as those

assessed on the GIQ, did not seem to affect the likelihood of continuing to drink malt liquor.

C.M. Bradizza et al. / Addictive Behaviors 31 (2006) 1559–1577 1569

2.2.2.4. Arguing/fighting. Reports of negative interactions contrast with the positive effects reported

earlier. They also are consistent with the results for the CTS on which participants reported experiencing

aggression both as a perpetrator and as a victim.

. . . just after they drink. . .they like to pick fights and argue and get loud. They don’t care.

With malt liquor it’d be–I grew up in a small town. So, it was like after graduation . . .. . .[myfriend] stole a case of Schlitz Malt Liquor and we all drank that. Got into a huge fight . . .hisfriends came and got me in the back of the head . . .I had to go to the hospital for stitches on my

chin and stuff. Rough night.

Field studies of alcohol and aggression (Graham, West, & Wells, 2000; Leonard et al., 2003;

Pernanen, 1991; Wells et al., 2000) substantiates the effects reported in the focus groups.

2.2.2.5. Act inappropriately. Somewhat related to acting aggressively, participants reported behaving

badly when inebriated and thereby experiencing negative effects.

You get kicked out of public places. I’ve been kicked out of clubs, restaurants, stores. . .everything.

Making a fool of myself—a total ass, and not remembering it the next morning.

2.2.2.6. Say something regret later. Bad behavior related not only to actions, but also to words. Thus,

participants reported negative effects such as:

. . .you might start talkin’ about things that shouldn’t even be mentioned.

Your tongue can get loose. You can piss off friends. You can say stupid things.

2.2.3. Comparing malt liquor to beer

All participants reported drinking both malt liquor and beer. Comparisons of malt liquor to beer

yielded five themes reflecting malt liquor’s greater effectiveness (e.g., higher alcohol content, more cost-

effective for getting drunk) and convenience (e.g., more easily accessible, easier to carry around) and

good taste.

2.2.3.1. Malt liquor has higher alcohol content. Participants were very aware of the fact that

malt liquor was more potent than beer and reported choosing malt liquor for that reason. Thus,

malt liquor often was an instrumental (quick intoxication) as well as a practical (inexpensive)

choice.

I started drinking malts because they’re stronger than beer.

I think everyone drinks 40’s for the bang-for-the-buck kind of thing . . . more cost-effective for

getting drunk.

If I drink malt liquor, I’m gonna get buzzed up for less.

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Okay. It’s like, instead of buying a 6-pack of beer for $6.00 or something, [malt liquor] Magnums

are like $1.69. That’s three beers for $1.69. It gets me drunker.

2.2.3.2. Malt liquor is more easily accessible. Easy physical access to alcohol promotes alcohol use

(Stockwell & Gruenewald, 2001) and the availability of malt liquor in neighborhood corner stores made

it more attractive than beer and other alcoholic beverages.

. . .the store is like four doors down, with a liquor store you gotta get in the car.

It’s easier to get it, ’cuz it’s usually at the corner store.

This convenient access combined with the other positive practical qualities of malt liquor (higher

alcohol content, inexpensive) and in-store advertising all likely combined to promote consumption.

2.2.3.3. Malt liquor is easier to carry around. The fact that malt liquor was sold in a single large

container was an unexpectedly positive feature that made it more convenient than beer. Participants

reported that it was much easier to fit a 40-oz container of malt liquor into their mobile lifestyles

than to contend with multiple containers of beer, which tend to be packaged in smaller (e.g., 12 oz)

units.

The convenience—like when I get out of school and I want something to drink on the way home.

Throw it in a paper bag. . .it’s just convenient.

You can be walkin’ around, it’s a lot easier to have just like one bag or bottle. . .as opposed to

carrying cans around with me.

2.2.3.4. Malt liquor tastes better than beer. A sizeable number of participants preferred the taste of

malt liquor compared to beer. An important caveat was the fact that the malt liquor was not considered

drinkable if it was warm or flat, hence the rapid consumption of even large amounts of malt liquor on a

single occasion. Participants who preferred the taste of malt liquor stated:

. . . a lot of the 40s taste a lot richer than beer.

I mean, beer goes slower ’cuz of the foam. There is foam, and it’s throughout, and . . . for me, therereally isn’t a place for carbonate at all. That’s why I get malt liquor.

2.2.4. Social context and locations where malt liquor is consumed

Participant responses indicated that malt beverages were consumed in a variety of settings and social

contexts including solitary drinking (alone), at get-togethers with others (with friends, outdoor parties)

and prior to attending house parties or bars. Unlike beer and other alcoholic beverages, participants did

not report consuming malt liquor in bars or restaurants, mainly because malt liquor is not sold in these

venues. Instead, malt liquor is marketed in corner stores and grocery stores.

2.2.4.1. Drink alone. Solitary drinking was reported by some participants. Such drinking seemed to be

related to enjoying quiet times or experiencing negative affect.

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Sometimes I drink it alone, like when I go to the park or go fishing or the park over there, I might

just get a 40 and drink it by myself.

I drink alone when I’m depressed, man.

Drinking is typically seen as a social activity. Thus, the combination of solitary drinking, negative

affect (as described above) and the quick intoxication that malt liquor produces may indicate increased

risk for developing alcohol problems.

2.2.4.2. Drink with friends. As is the case with many alcoholic beverages, the focus group participants

generally enjoyed the social aspects of drinking alcoholic beverages and enjoyed drinking malt liquor in

the presence of friends.

It’s like a social drink. Like, I don’t ever drink by myself, ever. A lot of my friends do, and I don’t

understand it because it’s a social drink for me.

For me, it’s usually with my friends. I really don’t drink alone. . .

Even given the pleasure of drinking with friends, when explicitly asked about sharing the relatively

large 40-oz containers of malt liquor, most participants reported drinking the entire container and not

being willing to share it, either because of hygiene or proprietary reasons.

If I pass it, I won’t want it back.

I don’t share, it’s cheap enough to get your own.

2.2.4.3. At outdoor parties. The social aspects of drinking malt liquor often were combined with

enjoying outdoor activities. Being out and about in warmer weather likely increases access to friends and

activities that are associated with drinking malt liquor. It probably also makes it easier to get to the

neighborhood corner stores where malt liquor is sold.

The summertime (is when I drink more malt liquor) because everybody be out, then you see

familiar faces and then you know, you wanna drink.

Mostly I think I’ll drink 40s when the weather’s nice and we’ll just sit outside and play drinking

games and such.

2.2.4.4. Before going out to a party or bar. Drinking malt liquor before going out served two purposes:

it provided a jumpstart on becoming intoxicated and it saved money. These purposes were articulated in

statements such as the following:

I would say that you usually drink the 40 before you go to the party because, you know, sometimes

there’s lines around the keg and you don’t want to fight your way to it.

C.M. Bradizza et al. / Addictive Behaviors 31 (2006) 1559–15771572

You’ll like drink one before, and then drink another on the way. . .and decide not to pay $5.00 for

the cup (of beer).

Usually like, we start drinking right before we go out. When I go out I don’t like to buy beer. . .

2.2.5. Malt liquor and marijuana

Participants in most groups spontaneously indicated that malt liquor and marijuana often were used

together. When this relationship was probed, they made statements such as;

If you were to drink a 40 and smoke a blunt (marijuana), we just called it a B-40.

I mean malt liquor and weed go together, if you ask me.

Our quantitative data from the GIQ indicates that almost half (47%) of our sample were regular

users of marijuana. In fact, only 9% of these malt liquor drinkers had never used marijuana (see Table

2). This compares unfavorably with the prevalence rate (29% in 2000) for marijuana use among young

adults in the Monitoring the Future study, which also reported that 5.3% of young adults used

marijuana on a daily basis (Johnston et al., 2004). In our sample, the high rate of regular marijuana

use was second only to cigarettes, which unlike marijuana is legally available for purchase. Similarly,

Chen and Paschall (2003) found more prevalent use of marijuana among malt liquor drinkers than

nonmalt liquor drinkers. The regular smoking of marijuana likely would exacerbate the health risks

associated with smoking cigarettes. In addition, the illicit status of marijuana increases legal risks for

this population and the regular combining of malt liquor and marijuana likely increases their risk for

other substance abuse problems.

2.2.6. Typical malt liquor drinkers

When asked to describe the persons who typically drank malt liquor, the participants nominated

persons who were economically disadvantaged, members of minority groups, and students. In most

cases, the low price of malt liquor was seen as appealing to each of these groups, thus economic issues

seemed to be a driving force in determining malt liquor drinkers.

2.2.6.1. Economically disadvantaged. Malt liquor was viewed as a beverage consumed by individuals

who were struggling financially (economically disadvantaged, students, minorities). Its cheap price made

it possible to enjoy drinking alcohol without forgoing life essentials.

It’s the homeless guys you see out there roamin’ the streets. That’s what they be buyin’ now is malt

liquor.

People who really don’t have the money to go out and buy a 6-pack or any other beer. . .peoplewith lower incomes.

2.2.6.2. Minorities. Participants who referred to minorities’ use of malt beverages appeared to be

referring to minorities in poor communities and not those from more economically affluent

backgrounds. Possibly related to our location in a northeastern city, African-Americans were the

only minority group that was specifically mentioned. In other regions, other minority groups including

C.M. Bradizza et al. / Addictive Behaviors 31 (2006) 1559–1577 1573

Latinos and some Asian-Americans also are reported to regularly consume malt liquor (Chen &

Paschall, 2003).

Black men. . .I mean, I been around white males (who drink). . . but mostly, it’s like the Black male.

A lot of Black people and a lot of poor people because it doesn’t cost that much – the minorities.

2.2.6.3. Students. As with minorities, the low cost of malt liquor was cited as a reason that students

consumed it. The reference to students included underage drinkers who typically started to drink malt

liquor while in high school as well as college students who could not afford more expensive alcoholic

beverages. Interestingly, statements from our sample described both of these groups:

People who maybe pay for school . . . so they don’t have a lot of money to go out drinking a lot. . .

Younger, high school kids. It’s easier to get –that’s the first thing you can get out of a store.

2.2.7. The advertising/marketing of malt liquor

Advertising for malt liquor has included a range of venues such as youth and minority-oriented

magazines, radio, and television. Two prominent advertising outlets that have been used are billboards

that were strategically placed in poor and minority urban communities (McMahon & Taylor, 1990) and

high-profile African-American celebrities who serve as spokespersons (Hacker, Collins, & Jacobson,

1987). Few of our focus-group participants remembered seeing or hearing malt liquor advertisements on

traditional media, including on the Internet. However, participants in a number of the groups mentioned

advertising in neighborhood stores and in liquor stores.

2.2.7.1. Point of purchase advertisements. Participants reported that they typically saw advertisements

for malt liquor in the locations where they purchased it. Such advertising included banners, posters and

special sale prices, all of which were contained in urban communities with young and minority residents.

You know the big banners they got, they’ll throw them across the front of the store.

Olde English $1.99–special sale.. . .you go into the suburbs anywhere, you don’t see that

advertisement for no 40’s.

2.2.7.2. Hip-Hop artist endorsements. The use of high-profile African-American celebrities to

advertise malt liquor continues, except that the smooth masculinity of a Billy Dee Williams that was

evident in the 1980s has been replaced with rap and hip-hop artists who are the current celebrities of

choice. The linkages between urban rap and hip-hop music and malt liquor not only occur in commercial

advertising, but seem to be integrated into noncommercial media such as rap songs and music videos

(Waiters, 2003). These noncommercial placements of malt liquor may be particularly influential on the

drinking behavior of young adults.

I think the first time I ever even hear of a 40 was when I saw the Dr. Dre video and they opened up

the fridge and it’s completely stocked. . . and they pull one out, they shake it and spray it all over a

girl. . .it’s hilarious!

C.M. Bradizza et al. / Addictive Behaviors 31 (2006) 1559–15771574

But I do say that they do influence me. . .because Red Man and Method Man ain’t gonna be

messing with no weak stuff, so I know that they are drinking the right stuff.

The integration of malt liquor references into hip hop not only influences the drinking behavior of

young adults, but also links malt liquor with other aspects of rap and hip hop culture, including

stereotypic notions of masculinity and aggressive behavior. As presented earlier, this sample of malt

liquor drinkers reported high levels of involvement in aggressive behavior, either as a victim or a

perpetrator. In this way, the images used in marketing and advertising reinforce some of the effects

described by the study participants.

2.2.8. Summary and future directions

We collected qualitative and quantitative data about malt liquor use among a sample of young adults

who regularly consume malt liquor. Overall, our participants’ typical alcohol intake, experiences with

malt liquor, and reactions to malt liquor all combined to suggest that regular consumption of malt

liquor was associated with heavier drinking and increased risk for alcohol abuse. If these consumption

patterns are maintained over time, they likely will lead to alcohol problems and other forms of

substance abuse. Our use of the SIP (Miller et al., 1995), which has been used primarily with an older

sample with more severe alcohol problems, may have limited our ability to assess malt liquor problems

in the current study. However, the low rates of alcohol problems also may reflect the sample’s younger

age and relatively short history of drinking. We found few gender or ethnic differences in malt liquor

use or related behaviors and outcomes (cf., Greenfield et al., 2001). Chen and Paschall (2003) found

gender differences in malt liquor use, which were consistent with the gender differences in the use of

other alcoholic beverages (Fillmore et al., 1997). The lack of gender differences in our heavier drinking

sample of regular malt liquor users may indicate that women who regularly consume malt liquor are at

increased risk for alcohol problems. Previous research (e.g., Chen & Paschall, 2003; Greenfield et al.,

2001) presents conflicting evidence about the role of ethnicity in malt liquor consumption. Our results

revealed no ethnic difference in problems related to malt liquor use, although European-Americans

reported greater lifetime negative consequences of drinking alcohol than did African-Americans. The

absence of ethnic or gender differences as well as information from the focus groups indicate that malt

liquor’s primary attraction may be its low cost and that malt liquor drinkers share a lower socio-

economic status. However, given our small sample size, there is still the question of the existence of

reliable gender or ethnic differences in malt liquor use. This issue warrants attention in future research

with larger samples of malt liquor drinkers.

Our combination of qualitative and quantitative data about malt liquor use was unique and proved to

be very useful. We found consistencies between the themes identified in the qualitative data and the

descriptive information and statistical analyses of the quantitative data. This convergence between

different sources of data suggests our findings are robust. However, there are limitations related to the

size of our sample. Although the consistency of our themes across multiple focus groups suggests that

our sample was useful for the purposes of collecting qualitative data, our small sample size raises

concerns about statistical power for our quantitative analyses and the generalizability of our findings to

the general population of malt liquor drinkers. Future research can build on the themes we have

identified, while collecting data from larger samples of malt liquor drinkers. Such research will enhance

our understanding of the ways in which regular intake of malt liquor relates to other high risk behaviors

and increases the risk for excessive drinking.

C.M. Bradizza et al. / Addictive Behaviors 31 (2006) 1559–1577 1575

Acknowledgements

This research was funded by Grant R21 AA13540 from National Institute on Alcohol Abuse and

Alcoholism/National Institutes of Health to R. Lorraine Collins and Clara Bradizza.

We thank Avery Jones, Audrey J. Kubiak, Elizabeth Giles, Sandy Wilson as well as the research

participants for their assistance with this project.

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