This  is  an  earlier  draft  of  an  article  since  published.  To  cite  this  article  please  refer  to  the  printed  version:  Haxell,  A.  (2015).  Interfering  in  Hinterlands  of  Discontent:  Making  a  Difference  Differently.  International  Journal  of  Actor-­‐Network  Theory  and  Technological  Innovation  (IJANTTI),  7(2),  30-­‐40.  doi:10.4018/IJANTTI.2015040103 Title Interfering in hinterlands of discontent; making a difference differently Ailsa Haxell, School of Interprofessional Health Studies, Faculty of Health and Environmental Sciences, Auckland University of Technology, Auckland, New Zealand Abstract Given youth work is frequently entered into with the intention of making a difference in young people’s lives, this article has been undertaken with the intention of making a difference differently. Drawing on actor-network theory, and the concept of hinterlands, influences shaping the practice of text counselling at a youth oriented helpline are discussed. This is however a contested space. There is no evidence base for such practice; but for new practices there never is. How then does novel practice come into being and become accepted? And how does this occur for people whose ways of engaging involves being neither seen nor heard? In presenting stories of practice as it is shaped there is opportunity to consider whose stories are heard and perhaps whose should be. In uncovering relations that would hold this particular practice more and less stable, scope is also provided for considering how making a difference might also be done differently. Keywords Actor-network theory, hinterland, change, youth work, crisis helpline, text counselling, performative Introduction Realities get made for better, or for worse, in practice. That some people’s realities might be made better or worse through the provision of a helpline service draws attention to the practices provided. Taking Law’s stance that practices always demand effort (Law, 2009) and therefore that such effort might be channeled otherwise, I argue for making a difference differently in the lives of young people.

Youthline New Zealand (hereafter referred to as Youthline), provides a 24/7 crisis helpline for young people, and has done so since 1976. With recent changes in mobile telephony their helpline hardly rings anymore; young people still have problems, and Youthline continues to provide help through this helpline, however, to a large extent, this now occurs silently. Mobile telephony provides us with more options than making a phone call, and as with any technology, those who would make use of a technology as well as the work that would be undertaken, are simultaneously being reconfigured. That work predicated on talking therapies would shift to a near silent medium,

 

 

and one that places extreme limits of brevity on each interaction, was not an anticipated outcome in the provision of a text messaging service. The expectation that was described in the launch of this service by Youthline, was that this service would be a portal to the telephone helpline or to the face to face counselling services Youthline offers (Simpson Grierson, 2004).

There was no planned roll out of this innovative practice such as diffusion of innovation studies might suggest (see for example Rogers, 2003). Nor was it the result of reflective practitioners actively seeking a solution to named and framed problems (see for example Argyris, 1997; Argyris, 2004; Schön, 1990; Schön & Rein, 1994). And while a community of young people could be described as having influence on the changes that occurred and which continue to occur, this was not the outcome of a group of people coming together to effect change; the young people making use of this helpline never met to share ideas on the shape of the service. For these reasons it would also be wrong to name this as a user-initiated consumer innovation (see for example van Oost, Verhaegh, & Oudshoorn, 2009). The use of text messaging was initiated by Youthline, albeit, with an expectation that texting might provide a means for young people to contact the service when they might not otherwise. Texting for young people, at least in New Zealand and at least in these times, is very much the commonest way of reaching out when at a distance (Office of Film and Literature Classification and UMR Research, 2010). Youthline’s provision of a text service at least in the form of texting being a portal to other services, was a considered response to the ways in which young people were relating. To attribute such changes to a disruptive technology (see for example Bower & Christensen, 1995) would, therefore, also be wrong. While this change has occurred for Youthline, the technology has not resulted in texting being widespread in similar services, not even by other helpline services that this organization helps to staff. Attempts to explain this in terms of contextual determinants (see for example Schatzki, 2002), are similarly flawed. With the context of same staff and same building, and even same-target population, the unique phenomenon of a silent helpline is accordingly worthy of further exploration.

However, more than curiosity is at stake here; the practice of providing a texting service is one for which there is no evidence base for practice (EBP). How then does an organization justify new practice? How might it be known as to whether new practice is “doing good” or at least that it does no harm? And if a practice is to make a positive difference for people, what might be needed to support such difference making? While there is no evidence base for this particular practice it is also worth noting that for new practice there never is. This provides a conundrum: how can practices evolve when tied to measures developed in a past? In wanting to be responsive to current demands how is this space of past and present to be traversed? The current article explores these concerns through use of the metaphorical construct of hinterlands.

The metaphor of “hinterlands that circulate” draws on the work of John Law (2004, 2009). Law (2009) suggests the work of practice is in negotiating such territories even to arraying such spaces that others might also traverse them.

 

 

Accepting this metaphor, I tell of hinterlands experienced by young people in New Zealand in the hope that such spaces, and associated practices as develop, might be better understood. In addition, through exploring the hinterlands that have shaped text counselling practices, as developed within Youthline, there is also scope to consider how making a difference in youth-work might also be done differently.

Where empirical data is referred to in this article, this was drawn from a larger study into change processes (Haxell, 2013) undertaken as part of a Doctoral study at Deakin University in Australia. Permission was obtained through the Deakin University Human Research Ethics Committee and because the study was situated in New Zealand, permission was also obtained through the Auckland University of Technology Ethics Committee. The study involved interviews with people who had been involved in text counselling whether providing or receiving this service. To maintain the privacy of those who consented to be interviewed, personally identifiable information has been removed from the transcripts reported on here and pseudonyms have been used in each instance.

Arraying hinterlands

I tell of three hinterlands influencing text counselling as it has developed at Youthline. These are not the only ones possible, but demonstrate tensions negotiated as hinterlands circulate, sometimes overlap, and sometimes collide.

A dismissive hinterland: Where young people don’t count

I did not have a bad childhood; I had the only one I knew. I have a very young memory of being told that children should be seen and not heard. On asking what this meant, I recall being told I should be doll like, and I agreed for dolls were pretty. I tried and failed; I learned I was not pretty. My memory of my grandfather wishing my mother “may all your ducklings be swans” stayed with me a while. I did not understand what was said at the time, but the oddity of what was said persisted. With wider exposure to children’s stories, an ugly duckling connection was made. My very young self was learning that being neither seen nor heard was desirable. A slightly more recent memory repeated this learning. On being asked to count the people who would be there for dinner. I came back with the wrong answer. Apparently, I should have known that children didn’t count as people. I was sent to do a repeat count, this time just of the grownups. (Autobiographical account)

My experience is not that unusual of a child brought up in the 1960s in New Zealand. Current stories fare little better. Searching the words “youth” and “young” in the most widely circulated New Zealand newspaper (The New Zealand Herald) from December 2013 to June 2014, presents a picture of youth adversity. News stories associating young people with negativity occur at a rate of two stories to each positive one. The ratio worsens when sports articles are removed. This representation is perhaps easier to sustain when young people are being talked about rather than being talked with.

“Having voice” and “being heard” remains out of reach for many New Zealand young people. In a political sense, having voice is reserved for those over 18

 

 

years, with those under 18 years being subject to the decisions of those older. A return to youth wages (New Zealand Government Ministry of Business Innovation and Employment, 2013) has legalized discrimination against young people with youth “worth less ness” enacted through wages 20% lower than those for adults (those over 18 years). While this is argued in political spaces as supporting of youth employment, since cheaper rates arguably provide an inducement for employers to employ young people, there is the concurrent message, at least to young people, of also being worth less.

Being young in New Zealand is also to be at risk in terms of being provided health care. In the 2009 Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) report on child wellbeing, New Zealand was described as having the biggest shortfall for government spending on children and young people of any OECD country. Spending on young children was less than half the OECD average. Given this, perhaps it is not too surprising that New Zealand ranked well below average on child mortality figures (OECD, 2009).

Who has voice, and who gets heard, also becomes brutally apparent in a briefing paper to members of parliament with the minimization of what is a serious concern. “Suicide remains a relatively rare event for New Zealand Youth”, “The suicide rate in New Zealand for the total population (all age groups) is average” and “Suicide rate comparisons are not exact, due to statistical methods and possible under-reporting in some countries” (New Zealand Parliamentary Library, 2000). Such reporting implies that New Zealand is no worse than elsewhere. Obscurification and obfuscation are utilised in both denial and masking of the severity of this serious concern. In the subsequent years following this briefing paper, New Zealand youth suicide rates (15-19 years) moved from second to first place (OECD, 2009).

As noted in Te ara–The New Zealand Encyclopedia (www.teara.govt.nz), for much of the 20th century, New Zealand was considered “a great place to bring up kids”. The author of this section described New Zealand as being proud of its child health record and notes that for many child health measures gains were made across the century. However, such gains as were made, were made to a much lesser level than for other OECD countries, which then caught up with, and surpassed those that had been made in New Zealand (Pollock, 13 July, 2012).

Youth being at risk is not limited to experiences within New Zealand. In the United States, youth being placed at risk has also concerned Giroux (2009). In Youth in a Suspect Society. Democracy or Disposability Giroux describes young people as “a generation betrayed by the irresponsibility of their elders”, who “experience daily the repercussions of adult neglect, if not scorn” (p.xi). Giroux depicts a rapid slide where “kids in trouble, kids have problems and kids are threatened”, shifted to “kids as trouble, kids as problems and kids as threatening” (Giroux, 2009, p. 19).

Presented here are depictions of how young people are being configured. Active processes are involved even though such configuration may not be commonly deliberated upon or acknowledged. Butler (1988) has argued that

 

 

whether we are aware of it or not, our relationships are deeply constitutive. When related to as someone worth less, troublesome, and problematic, realities of daily life are being shaped. Accepting this argument, youth suicide might be considered as a response to being valued less and in internalizing this to feeling valueless; of having one’s problems minimized, to minimalizing oneself.

Seeking counselling that allows for one to be neither “seen” nor “heard” (at least in a bodily sense) through a text messaging medium might then be better understood when the reality of living in a dismissive hinterland creates one’s ways of being.

Today’s modalities, tomorrow’s hinterland: Selling a dream

For those of us who own one, a mobile phone tends to be one of three objects that many of us cannot leave home without. Positioned alongside keys and a wallet, the mobile phone provides us a sense of security and safety (Cui, Chipchase, & Ichikawa, 2007). With much lauded “anywhere-anytime” capacity, our mobile phones are shaping our behaviour. They have trained us to keep them charged, topped up with service plans, kept safe and dry, and at hand.

When last assessed there were 108 mobile phones per 100 head of population (New Zealand Commerce Commission, 2011a). In New Zealand 96% of young people own their own mobile phones (Office of Film and Literature Classification and UMR Research, 2010). This is in spite of New Zealand mobile phone costs being consistently more expensive than either the USA, or closest neighbours Australia (New Zealand Commerce Commission, 2011c). Cost containment therefore becomes a significant feature in how mobile phones are being used. The use of text messaging amongst young people in New Zealand is unusually high; of young people with mobile phones, 85% report that they text every day (Office of Film and Literature Classification and UMR Research, 2010). And New Zealanders have been described as being amongst those least likely in the world to use mobile phones for making calls while text messaging became the commonest means of reaching out to others when at a distance (New Zealand Commerce Commission, 2011b).

Major mobile network operators in New Zealand have particularly targeted the youth market. Both Telecom and Vodafone make use of stories relating to being loved, wanted, needed, befriended. These are the same concerns developmental psychologists and psychoanalysts associate with the developmental tasks of young adults (see for example Erik Erikson, 1936/1980).

In a Vodafone advertisement (Vodafone, 2008) a young man about to leave an apartment, dresses, picks up his wallet and keys and packs a map of the world into his pocket. His laptop computer is also surprisingly amenable to the folding treatment, followed by the flatscreen television, and the CD collection; these all fit in his front jeans pocket. By implication one leaves home with the necessary items; wallet, keys and the mobile phone that substitutes for all the

 

 

other items. Just as he’s about to leave he turns back, returning to the room for his sleeping girlfriend. He proceeds to lift her, folding her also as if a cardboard construction and following successively smaller and smaller folds she fits into his pocket. When out on the street, he takes his mobile out and at the touch of a button she appears blowing him a kiss from the screen of the phone. The grey day becomes sunny. A voiceover tells the viewer “You can take your world with you when you’re part of the world’s largest network”. Meantime a musical refrain repeats “ain’t that the way it is”.

Telecom similarly positions its services as providing access to a best friend “anywhere-anytime”. Associating clever toys with smart phones, their 2007 advertising developer described targeting “the fickle youth market”, and involving “killer sticky applications” working through a “friends get friends propagation” on social media (Parkinson, 2007). The campaign presented five soft toy puppets with each of these smart toy puppets having their own distinct personality (Telecom, 2007). In the storyline of each soft toy are career aspirations, concerns of establishing relationships, and of being wanted and loved.

The popularity of Telecom’s smart toys campaign became evident in the subsequent requests for being able to buy the soft toys which were then released in time for 2007. A particular favourite of the series was Kaz, a rabbit. Her social media presence on both Bebo and Facebook described her as having left school at 16 years to enter the fashion industry as she had “total fashion shopping skills”. In one of a series of television advertisements Kaz introduces her human friend, Bex. She says, “hi everyone this is totally my best friend Bex, we go everywhere together”. Kaz goes on to maintain both a text and face-to-face conversation. She texts so fervently her paw starts smouldering and then catches fire. The implication being that texting one’s friends and relations can be done so cheaply there is no end to it.

In these advertisements family and friends are perpetually available, reliable, and easy to be with. The people presented are all young, beautiful, and having fun, the mobile phones always shiny and new, always charged, always on, never faulty. The network is always available, never overloaded. There are no problems of being outside of mobile phone coverage. There are no problems of having the people you want to connect with being unavailable, or unfriendly. There are no people who want time alone. Positivity abounds.

These advertisements are not oriented to meeting a need but create a need, and they do this not by rational persuasion but by seduction. Beauty and ease in connecting are amplified; one might as easily hold a magic wand and wish.

For young people exting appears to provide advantage that goes beyond those more generally described for mobile telephony: When costs are important, texting is cheaper; When people might not be free to talk, there is the option to text. The relevant costs extend beyond the financial transactions involved, also invoved are lesser social costs.

Not having to negotiate with others for use of the means of communicating makes mobile telephony attractive. Potentiating this level of privacy is that

 

 

texting can occur silently. The digital traces of messages received at Youthline includes interactions from young people for whome a silent conversation made reaching out for help possible. This included young people in public spaces who did not want others to hear their private conversation through to young people in private spaces where being seen or heard also presented risk. Whether being on a bus and not wanting others to know of one’s personal angst, or locking oneself into a toilet cubicle at school waiting for bullies to leave, or hiding under the house waiting for a drunken father to fall asleep for fear of getting a beating, young people have valid reasons for seeking emotional support silently.

The ability to engage without being seen or heard also provides a level of control over the intimate demands of a stressful interaction:

Texting stops it being awkward y’know. There’s no pressure to respond when I don’t know what to say and I don’t want to look dumb saying I don’t know. With texting I can think about what I’m going to say before I hit send. (Dylan, 21 years)

In addition, the value of being able to read and review what is conveyed extends beyond bufferring an immediate response:

I could have used a landline, I’ve got one in my room, and a computer, and first thing I reach for is my mobile. I’ve all the technology available but I text … The text format prevents me going round in circles which would have been more distressing ... Text allowed for my thought processing, having breaks. I felt in control of how much I said and when I said it. They would reply and I could read it when [I was] ready. I was the one at the centre of it, I was the client and it felt really good.

I texted Youthline months ago. And I didn’t delete them … they’re still there. I wanted to keep them, getting them felt extremely good. There were about six messages back and forth. Even though my old phone broke, I know they are still on my SIM card so they’re still there… The best message I still remember getting, it wasn’t a suggestion, though it was good to get some of those too. That’s why I haven’t cleared them off, they might be useful again.

But one text message really triggered me. I started bawling my eyes out as each feeling welled up. I felt understood. The best message was connected to how I felt. You feel the support coming is concrete. It wasn’t a suggestion, it was affirming of me. (Megalyn, 22 years)

Described here is the process of writing that not only allowed for greater clarity but prevented this person from re-traumatising herself being stuck going around and around in circles. Importantly, this young person also identifies importance in having control within her engagement with others on issues she found distressing. And while texting is frequently associated with negativity (Haxell, 2009), here is an example where text messages were being kept as a talisman to what felt good.

Affordability, availability, accessibility, accommodation and appropriateness are recognised as important markers in primary health care initiatives (Penchansky & Thomas, 1981). Being affordable, available and accessible are reasons young people are initiating contact with the text counselling service. The example above also suggests that negotiating the medium,

 

 

translating the skills of counselling, and providing emotional support through this medium, is demonstrably perceived as accommodating, acceptable and appropriate. Observing the fact that Youthline has never advertised its text service provides further evidence to this effect. Youthline has not needed to advertise this service; young people who have used the service took this upon themselves:

I texted my sister telling her “Did you know Youthline does txt counselling 4 free. #234” and she sent it to 6 people and she had sure knowledge that one of these people forwarded it on to another 12. (Megalyn, 22 years)

In providing a text counselling service, Youthline is responding to the needs and expectations for a service that young people themselves identify as important. That the service receives 385,000 text messages a year to its 48,000 phone calls (Youthline, 2013) is testament to this with youth empowerment being not only a philosophical position that this organization has taken but one enacted in practice. This provides demonstration of practice being made in association and practice that is appropriate to the population served. Measures of appropriateness nonetheless remain contested.

A hinterland of orthodoxy: Contested realities

An orthodoxy of practice operates to produce a reality that is independent, definite, and singular (Law, 2004, p. 37). With repetition, practice begins to be seen as occurring independent of context. This separation allows for assumptions about the ease with which practice might move from one context to another and where such practices might also then be subject to universal and normative evaluative judgments of rightness and wrongness. Taking this further, Mulcahy (2010) provokes consideration for the highly political function of practice as contributing to distributions of knowledge and power that would nurture and sustain particular realities and not others. And this matters because the question then becomes which realities we want practices to make.

Hinterlands of orthodoxy control reality possibilities through a dominant discourse relating to what is accepted practice. This occurs in spite of views on what might be “for the better”, being complex, messy, and extremely difficult to assess (Seedhouse, 2009), or which simply remains unknown (Mol, 2006). This hinterland nonetheless relies on instruments of accreditation that include evidence-based practice (EBP) as well as authoritative voices from those within the discipline deemed to have expertise.

Orthodoxy struggles with newness, difference, and diversity. In the absence of EBP as a gold standard of credibility, innovative practice becomes subject to other relevant literacies and associated discourses. For text counselling this includes aligning texting with other textually based counselling modalities specifically those that occur online. This tends to situate text counselling negatively. Referring to “absent presence” Gergen (2002) draws attention to how communications at a distance concurrently erodes relationships occurring locally, describing the risk of absent-presence as “inimical to

 

 

community”. Similarly, Turkle (2009) positions texting as a limited, if not limiting, medium. Describing texted communications including SMS messaging, instant chat, and the use of emoticons, Turkle argues such ways of interacting enable the avoidance of both intimacy and emotions, and voices the concern that young people are in danger of accepting a simulation of reality, a diluted reality, rather than learning of reality itself (Turkle, 2009).

The authoritative voices of theorists such as Gergen and Turkle within the fields of counselling and psychotherapy respectfully, contribute to the positioning of texting from troubling in terms of how it might be used to troublesome in its effects. The discourse circulating in this hinterland of orthodoxy variably positions texting as inimical to community, through to predisposing young people to emotional incompetence. To propose that a youth helpline might then make use of texting with positive effect would therefore seem incongruous to those within this orthodoxy.

Orthodoxy becomes enshrined within legislative and institutional structures. In New Zealand, governing the safe provision of health and disability services is the Department of the Health and Disability Commissioner (HDC). The work of the HDC is set in the legislation of the Health and Disability Commissioner Act (1994). This legislation extends to cover “any person or organisation providing, or holding themselves out as providing, a health service to the public or to a section of the public - whether that service is paid for or not” (Health and Disability Commissioner [HDC], 2004). While there have been no cases investigated by the HDC involving helplines, there have been a few cases involving text messaging.1 The media representation on the first of these was that “texting kills” (NewstalkZB, 2010, August 8). The second and third cases involved midwifery practice. In each of these three HDC case reports, text messaging was identified as one amongst many contributing factors. In each of these cases reference to text messaging comprised fewer than three sentences within reports in excess of 30 pages. In each of these cases the professional competence of the practitioner was called into question. Nonetheless media attention draws the public attention toward what is unusual, attending to difference, and attributing cause accordingly.

Alternate realities, and the practices that might sustain them, become subject to trivialization, marginalization and pathologizing. Trivialized in the sense that texting provides some form of lesser communications because of its brevity and absence of paralinguistic cues. In addition, those who text become marginalized; texting being described as problematic, and those who would text problematic by association. And in demonstrating a preference for texting, young people are pathologized as having an avoidance of intimacy and given the devlopmental challenges of this particular age group, this supposed avoidance becomes aligned with a devlopmental delay. The projection of dysfunction that has been associated with texting as a way of relating is similar to the moral panic described by Marvin (1988) in regard to the advent of the telephone. In writing When Old Technologies Were New, Marvin describes how the telephone provided escape from parental or spousal                                                                                                                1 Complaints made and decisions reached can be accessed at the Health and Disability Commissioner website: http://www.hdc.org.nz/decisions--case-notes

 

 

supervision. The risks to women were particularly concerning with women supposedly being unable to anticipate consequences in their use of such technologies and where women’s use of this new technology was also projected as contributing to the ruination of family life (Marvin, 1988, pp. 71-72). As Marvin notes, newer technologies become suspect precisely to the extent that they lessen control (p. 74) and the hinterland of orthodoxy does not readily relinquish control.

Running interference on hinterlands

When young people seek counselling through SMS text messaging they allign with different hinterlands to those whose counselling or therapy practice is based in orthodoxy. The hinterland analogy provides for snapshots of realities understood and experienced differently. How then to run interference on hinterlands that are dismissive, if not oppressive, and that would make the realities of some even worse?

Juxtapositioning realities that do not usually coexist, is the work of this article. To glimpse realities being made for better or worse requires a critical imagination:

Without imagination unidentified lives and situations will not become real to us and without becoming real, such lives are unlikely to engage our compassion. (Loewy, 1997, p. 128)

Hinterlands provide not only for socio-material relations but also how we think of those relations; statements of how we relate to reality (singular) or to realities (multiple). What we anticipate as possible, impossible, probable, improbable, plausible, implausible, and even thinkable, is shaped within an unfolding present and in this unfolding there remains a possibility of seeing that things might also be otherwise.

An enabling text?

Portraying hinterlands that circulate around the emergent practice of text counselling allows for the portrayal of different realities, some of which I/we may wish could be done differently.

In accepting that realities are created through practice, then research processes that include the publishing of articles such as this, create further hinterlands, and potentially these shape alternate realities. This is then a performative undertaking, and one not undertaken lightly. While futures remain opaque, realities shared present particular realities that are lived with greater and lesser degrees of freedom. In the examples referred to I have elected to share stories shaping a youth oriented crisis helpline. In so doing, I hope to have mobilized hinterlands that might position how young people in their engagement with a form of counselling might also be seen differently. I hope to have provided visibility, if not voice, and an opening inside of which making a difference might be done differently. I have shared stories with the intention of interrupting hinterlands that contribute to the making of particular

 

 

realities both more and less. These thoughts are not shared with the intention of telling others what to do, but to open up possibilities.

I am not arguing here that text messaging is a good thing, but neither is it bad. I would argue that it is not “one thing” at all; any conversation has the potential for goodness or badness. What I have done instead is to present three of the hinterlands that are relevant to the practice of text messaging for counselling as occurring at Youthline, New Zealand. In juxtapositioning discursive practices as well as in pointing to the socio-material configurations available in this place and in these times, I hope to have prompted consideration for a more informed position whereby text counselling might also be considered in terms of how some people’s realities are severe enough without being made worse.

Through looking at practice as it is done, informed by hinterlands that are held in tension, it becomes possible to see that practice and the realities such practices produce, might also be done otherwise.

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