Improving urban problem-solving approaches, the case of Tehran

International Conference for Integrating Urban Knowledge & Practice Gothenburg, Sweden. May 29 – June 3, 2005

Title of paper Improving urban problem-solving approaches, the case of Tehran

Paper (maximum 4000-5000 words including references)

Authors

Name Institutional affiliation(s) E-mail

Zohreh A.Daneshpour Sh.Beheshti University [email protected]

Contact person

Name Telephone (including country code and area code)

Zohreh A. Daneshpour

Fax E-mail

[email protected]

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International Conference for Integrating Urban Knowledge & Practice Gothenburg, Sweden. May 29 – June 3, 2005

Improving urban problem-solving approaches, the case of

Tehran The accumulation of unresolved problems in an urban area not only makes

the process of their resolution very complicated but also has negative impact

upon the physical and mental well-being of residents and damages its historical

and cultural identity. Urban planning systems and urban plans are instruments

applied by urban governors to control and direct urban change and in this

process to solve or to alleviate problems. Within this framework, problem-

identification and the adoption of a suitable method to define and analyze

problems can be considered as vital steps toward the resolution of urban

problems.

The intention of this paper is, besides implying the shortcomings of the

existing plans to identify Tehran’s planning problems, to indicate that it is possible

for a city like Tehran to specify a process of problem identification by adopting a

dual approach of, first analyzing Tehran’s spatial structure by the means of

studying the existing documents and second processing the results of

questioners filled for the purpose of finding the problems as expressed by

Tehran’s residents. The deviation of the none or unsystematically referred to

problems by the existing plans from the problems defined by this paper, and also

the divergence of the existing planning policies and strategies from Tehran’s key

problems (none are directly referred to in this paper), indicate an ill-structured

and inefficient planning system with no specific vision and mission. Finally, the

kind of key decision areas on which basis an approach can be adopted to

alleviate the present problematic situation through the linked planning problems

and urban policies and strategies will be introduced for Tehran and the cities with

similar spatial structure and urban problems.

Tehran in its international and national setting Having an extensive area, the ‘strategic situation’ of Iran and its rich

natural resources has profoundly affected its history and faith.

Each of Iran’s features is similar to a set of countries (Figure 1). Its rich

mineral resources (oil, gas, etc.), and the wealth derived from them, makes it

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*) Including illustrations and references International Conference for Integrating Urban Knowledge & Practice Gothenburg, Sweden. May 29 – June 3, 2005

more similar to countries with less financial problems, though due to some

factors, including mismanagement, it’s international ranking has lowered since

1979.

Iran, like many less developed countries, can be considered a ‘periphery

of global capitalism’ (Angotti, 1993), though with some differences as ‘Iran was

never an official colony’ (Halliday, 1979) and Instead of passing through different

stages of colonialism and from colonialism to post-colonialism era (as described

by Drakakis-Smith, 2000) and experiencing the direct influence of colonialism on

its urban spatial structure and management system, similar to some countries, a

program of social and economic reforms (first started in early 1920’s, then

differently in early 1960’s), were both the major factors of change and the

formation of problems. This program’s key features can be summarized as:

The rapid formation and growth of urban areas and urban classes.

The implicit favoring policies of urban areas, alongside the early 1960’s

land reforms, increased migration to cities.

Accumulation of private capital.

Relaxation of part of social restrictions on women and their joining the

urban work-force.

Attraction of the private capital to safe and quickly profitable fields like

land and building speculation.

Widening socio-cultural and income gap, and the creation of a situation

called ‘two cultures’ (Keddie, 1987).

Figure (1): comparing Iran with some similar countries, world ranking 2002.

Country Population GNI GDP(PPP) Iran

Egypt

Algeria

Indonesia

Nigeria

Turkey

Venezuela

18

17

36

4

9

15

41

33

37

48

28

50

24

36

20

29

40

15

52

19

49

Source: WB April 2004

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Changing features of Tehran

The development of the petroleum industry, the economic boom

experienced during mid 1970’s, the ambitious modernization programs and the

centralization policies of the state were factors behind industrialization, rapid

urbanization, over concentration of political and economic power and national

market in and around Tehran. An outcome of this was the consolidation of a

primate city, (albeit with decreasing trend through time: in 1976 the population of

Tehran was seven times the population of the next large city, ten years later it

was four times and in 1996 it decreased to 3.6 times). In the period 1976-1996,

the urban population of the country more than doubled and the population of five

major cities increased 1.8 times (Figure 2).

Figure (2): Some population features of Tehran, 1966-1996.

Sources: SCI, 1966-1996

The short life of the boom period followed by economic decline in 1977,

and other factors, led to civil turmoil especially in Tehran, and finally the 1979

change of regime. With such new experiences as drastic political and

administrative changes, falling income derived from oil revenues and the eight

years of war (1980-1988), urban areas were neglected and new problems

emerged throughout the country and in Tehran which were added to the

previously unresolved problems.

If until 1979 it was easier to compare Iran with similar countries, since

1979 it’s altered socio-economic, political and value structure and behavioral

patterns as well as the interruption of the kind of pre-1979 international relations

and investments, made its dissimilarities more marked. Also, the post-1979

events, affected the country’s politics, lifestyle, standard of living, standard of

Census years

Population of Tehran as a %of

country’s urban areas

Population of the city of Tehran (millions)

1966 27.8 2,680

1976 28.6 4,530

1986 22.5 6,022

1996 18.4 6,657

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expert activities, administration structure, concepts and practices of planning and

managing urban areas. The discontinued actions, uncertainties, conflicts and

upheavals, had detrimental impact upon urban spatial structures throughout the

country, as:

Abandoning some plans and projects for years.

Rising house prices (inherited from the pre-1979 era).

Influx of low-income population to urban areas.

War damages to some cities and their residents’ relocation to safer cities.

Influx of some neighboring countries’ refugees to urban areas, seeking

informal employment.

In addition, some key features of the post-1979 spatial structure of Tehran

can also be summarized:

Having a multi-nucleus structure: Tehran has been transformed from an

almost single-nucleus to a multi-nucleus metropolis, in which the provision

of urban services has followed town expansion processes.

Formation of an urban region: Tehran is no longer a compact unit and has

turned into a dispersed mixed urban and rural settlement.

Accentuated centrality: Though a process of decentralization can be

pursued for Tehran (including the development of five new towns, with no

purpose of self-containment), discontinued policies and implementation

activities, has increased the dependency of adjoining residential

settlements (including new towns) on Tehran.

The dual economic structure: The traditional sector accompanies the

rather modern one (during 1976-1986 the proportion of unwaged

domestic labor force in Tehran, increased from 3.8 to 13.2 per cent).

Polarized socio-physical structure: A side-effect of both the flourishing

economy of the 1970’s and the pre-1979 and post-1988 market-oriented

policies of the state, was widening the gap between socio-economic

groups and formation of a polarized spatial structure.

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Analyzing the function of planning and problem-

solving in Tehran

Since 1964 there have been three statutory plans which could be

considered as tools for problem-solving in Tehran. The first comprehensive plan

for Tehran was approved in 1968 (prepared by a joint consultancy of native and

foreign firms) with 1991 as its target date. The second plan (not even considered

a comprehensive plan), approved twelve years after the change of regime, never

truly acted as a statutory plan, and, though was to commence in 1984, was finally

approved in 1992. The 1968 plan which copied the then outdated western

traditional master-planning approaches of planning, did not even follow that

period’s much appreciated strategic planning model and was explicitly and

implicitly the basis of planning decisions for nearly 30 years. A new move towards

plan making started in late 1990’s, with a change towards plan preparation for

Tehran’s (now 22) urban districts and adding up such plans to achieve a so-

called strategic-structure or a kind of comprehensive plan trying to imitate (though

incompletely) the 1968 model of British structure plans for Tehran (the plans are

still under preparation).

In fact both the 1968 plan and the late 1990’s plans have been outdated

the day they were prepared compared to both the existing condition and their

contemporary international models. Whilst the 1992 plan, not based on any

planning principle, was so defective that it is impossible to compare it against any

model. The common stages of a planning process, substantive and procedural

(problem-definition, goal-formulation, production of planning strategies,

implementation, monitoring and reviewing the plans, etc.) have never been

undertaken properly for Tehran(and other cities of the country).These documents,

mainly biased towards physical aspects, have ignored the socio-economic,

political and administrative aspects and ignored the division of activities between

public and private sectors, and, most importantly, the ‘people’. Also, these plans

never acknowledged neither the necessity to define the problems of the spatial

structure of Tehran and its surrounding environment nor to direct the solutions

towards solving them. The incomplete, ill-defined and non-existent analysis of

Tehran’s planning problems by these documents has historically diverted the

activities towards less significant problem areas (and sometimes to pointless and

ornamental projects). Whereas most of the solutions embodied in the plans have

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been of discontinued and fragmented nature. In this way no links can be traced

between the planning problems of the city and the proposals included in these

documents (neither so explicitly defined). This is in spite of the long duration and

financial resource consumption of plan preparation and approval processes.

Thus, the defective planning system and machinery of Tehran, since its official

inception in 1966, has not been able to solve or even alleviate the intensity of

problems that exist in Tehran and are identified through the application of the

below mentioned dual procedure of problem-definition.

Problem identification in Tehran In order to test that in spite of the lack of explicit consideration of the plans

for Tehran to define its planning problems, it is possible to identify, describe and

analyze the planning problems and the decision areas on which basis the

planning solutions could be based upon, in this paper an attempt has been made

to adopt a dual approach of problem-definition. The first is based upon analyzing

the main features of the spatial structure of Tehran through the existing texts, for

the period 1992-2004 (classified against ‘subject area’ and ‘geographical level’)

(Figure 3). The second is based upon the questioners filled-in 2002 and 2004

from a small number of Tehran’s 6-7million residents (i.e. approximately 300) in

different districts, inquiring their problems as residents of Tehran (Figure 4). The

intension was to identify Tehran’s continuing and unresolved planning problems:

problems which would threaten the present and future of the city and its

surrounding environment and also its identity, sustainability and the welfare of its

residents.

Figure 3: Decision areas and planning problems of Tehran based on analyzing its spatial

structure, 1992-2004.

Subject

area

Level Definition and description of planning problems

System of

nature

Urban

region

Sprawl of city into the surrounding areas.

Lack of consideration to ecological values.

Inaccessible and insufficient leisure opportunities and not

taking full advantage of existing potentials.

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City The extreme difference between the climatic conditions of

northern and southern parts of the city (which, among

other things, has helped the polarization process).

Spread of Industrial emission all over the city, as the

direction of Tehran’s major wind is from south-west to

north-east, and the location of major industrial complexes

in the west of the city.

Air pollution of the city and its surrounding environment

due to both industrial emission and traffic (inversion of

Tehran occurs in nearly 2/3 of the year. The density of

carbon monoxide in Tehran is almost 6-7 times the

international limits and other pollutants are higher than

what is considered bearable for human life by

international standards) has made Tehran one of the most

polluted cities of the world.

Wastage of water resources (considering the heavy

expenses of transferring water to Tehran).

Pollution of subterranean water resources of the southern

parts due to the special physiographic features of Tehran

(a high gradient from north to south and the type of soil).

The predicted and inevitable earthquake.

Population

structure /

Activity

system

Urban

region/

City

High rate of migration to Tehran and its periphery (mainly

young males with rural origin, seeking employment in

construction activities).

Low level of employed people with higher education, and a

rather high level of unemployed with higher education.

Falling level of female employment, especially in

manufacturing activities.

Increasing proportion of service employment.

Urban

districts

High population density, in some older and some newly-

developed districts.

Imbalanced distribution of residents and migrants with

different socio-economic structure, educational

background and skills, in different districts.

Habitation of lower income population/migrants in either

the peripheral or decayed inner districts.

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Movement City Intensified daily traffic (mainly due to the mismanagement

of traffic, bad driving habits and shortage of public

transport means) contributing to air pollution and high

accident rates.

Incomplete (or sometimes lack of hierarchy in) transport

network and uncoordinated system of origin and

destination causing long, costly and difficult daily trips.

Spatial

structure:

Residential

City/

urban

districts

Domination of non-residential/incompatible activities

(wholesale, industrial, etc) in some districts.

Weak access of some residential areas to public services

(public transport network, infrastructure and social welfare

services).

Unsuitable juxtaposition of workers’ residents and

industrial units.

Less concern for lower income groups in house-building

activities and the decreased deposit of their suitable rental

sector of housing.

Demolition of some un-dilapidated/valuable buildings for

redevelopment. Thus, in addition to widened gap between

demand for and supply of new houses for lower income

residents, the historical identity of the city has been

damaged.

Increasing trends in the price of land and buildings in all

parts of the city.

Spatial:

Non-

residential

Urban

region/

city

Destruction of the remaining agricultural land in the urban

region (gradually this land is built over and removed from

agricultural productivity).

Uncontrolled development of administrative and trade

activities and workshops along main routes and within

residential areas.

Unsuitable location of buildings with national and

international functions within residential areas.

Existence of large military areas within the city which has

used land suitable for public services, and distanced

urban land uses.

Insufficiency of public services in the surrounding areas

has made their residents dependent on the, sometimes

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insufficient, inner urban area facilities.

Decision-

making

system

Urban

region

Lack of an overall control mechanism.

Lack of elected councils at provincial/ urban region levels.

City/

urban

districts

Deficient local political structure (in 1997 urban councils

were formed) and non-existent councils at urban

district/neighborhood level.

Uncoordinated and inefficient administrative and planning

system, as there is:

-Lack of necessary planning laws and regulations.

-Absence of an all-embracing body to take decisions to

control all urban resources.

Multiplicity of decision-making and decision-taking bodies.

Casual influences on the decisions of major actors.

Ill-organized inter-organizational relations and the

existence of incompatible and competitive relations.

Weak implementation procedures, including:

-Domination of unplanned over planned activities.

-Unplanned activities trespassing on the principles

of approved plans (with all their shortcomings).

Unavailable necessary financial resources to properly

implement the (sometimes) deficient proposals (though

resources are ample, there is wastage of resources due

to factors such as mismanagement and duplication).

Source: Daneshpour, Z.A. (1996).

Table 4: The planning problems of Tehran based on the result of questioners, 2002 and

2004.

Subject Problem area Low income district (%)*

Middle income district (%)*

High income district (%)*

Unemployment of young adults

35 6 _

Economy Low income of residents 19 _ _

Assemblage of idles and addicts in streets

34 22 _

Insufficient public services 35 50 65

Facilities Insufficient / lack of leisure facilities

100 60 60

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Insufficient/expensive public transportation

_ 55 36

Inaccessible supermarkets 24 45 16

Environmental pollution

Air pollution 40 30 **

Solid waste pollution 60 40 32

Congestion / Disquiet

Population density /noise 45 48 64

Transit traffic in residential areas

_

20 16

Inconvenience related to demolition and redevelopment activities

_

30

64

Traffic congestion

_ 10 68

Physical structure

Decayed buildings 24 _ _

Management Lack of management structure at neighborhood level

5

22

**

Source: Questioners filled under author’s supervision, as part of a post-graduate workshop in 2002 and 2004.

* Approximated percentage. ** Question was not included.

Shortcomings of problem definition/solving approaches in Tehran

The experience of urban problem-definition and problem-solving in Iran

can be said to be an inconsistent condition in which the policy-makers have not

sufficient professional awareness and truly accepted the rationale of planning.

Also, the significance of forming a consistent problem-solving approach has not

realized. Thus the precedents of proposing and implementing policies that are

either irrelevant or contrary to the nature of the problems, as well as the

multiplicity of unimplemented proposals and plans can well be observed in

Tehran (and other cities). The confirmation of this is the continuation, and

sometimes seemingly perpetuation, of unresolved problems and their

accumulation and the continued emergence of new problems (the continual

problems of Tehran are indicated in Figure 3).

Some shortcomings and contradictions in planning and management

structure of Tehran can be recognized. First is that though Tehran has

considerable resources and potentials, its problem-free existence has been

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undermined by poor plans unable to recognize the crucial problems and key

decision-areas, the constraints and threats, strengths and opportunities, as well

as proposing applicable strategies and policies. Second, it is the incomplete and

haphazard implementation of policies. Third, is the impossibility of adopting

planning in a situation in which the instruments of planning have never been

prepared properly, especially since, in the contemporary history of the country,

the instability of the country’s political and administrative life and many disruptive

incidents have hindered the implicit or explicit attempts towards improving the

system. Thus, a degree of certainty and continuity needed to provide the

essential requirements of an appropriate planning system to solve urban

problems never existed neither in Tehran nor elsewhere in the country.

Fourth is due the fact that the problems confronted by urban planners and

managers are not simply technical ones and owing to the political nature of

planning, involve political choices and competing/conflicting interests. The

multiplicity of (formal and informal) policy-makers and the (sometimes)

domination of latter over the former, discontinuation of their presence,

passiveness of some and the lack of participation of main actors at key stages of

a process, as well as the contrast, conflict and confrontation of the aims, policies

and programmes of actors and personal influences and dictates, have been all

hindrances to the formation of an efficient planning system for Tehran (and other

cities). This has been with no regard to the important fact that the forces of

traditional politics and administration are contradictory to the formation of a

working and well-organized planning system. Then, it is the contradiction

between public and private aims and activities. Perhaps comparable to the early

stages of planning activities of some other countries, the private consultants

(subject to public sector authorization), and conceivably, as part of privatization

programme of the public sector and in the absence of public sector’s strong

policy-making, management and implementation abilities, are supposed to act as

the main decision-makers and providers of planning aims and strategies and

crucial decisions. Last, in the absence of a local legal framework for planning,

urban planning documents of Tehran (and other cities) are supposed to act as

the major source of planning laws and regulations. These have mostly ignored

the aspirations and problems of the community at large (and even sometimes the

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programmes of the involved bodies; including politicians, public and private

sector managers, etc.).

Improving problem solving approaches in Tehran

The existing planning system of Tehran (and other cities), is mainly

focused on the highly resource consuming plan-preparation activity. This activity,

due to a frail relationship between the problems and their solutions, between the

plans and their implementation, and most of all between the plans and the

aspirations of the people, has proved to be ineffective to solve the city’s

persistent problems. Instead, an alternative problem-solving process, as is briefly

described below, can replace the existing one.

The first stage is to consider the introductory scenarios. Tehran has a

chief principal and undeniable problem which is the risk of an earthquake with the

predicted magnitude of 5-8 Richter scale. This will obviously have significant

influence on the definition of its problems, priorities and solutions. In this respect

two different scenarios can be adopted. The first is to direct all the policies and

resources towards preparing Tehran to reduce the risks of earthquake. The other

is to give less importance to this risk and to proceed as if the certainty of this risk

is less significant. Considering either, Tehran’s problems can be judged from

another dual angle. First is to solve the problems with the benefits of its residents

as the major concern, whilst the second is oriented towards preparing the

necessary base for joining Tehran (more than its present position) to the

international community. In fact Tehran has most of the adequate infrastructure,

economic and technological potentials as well as human and financial resources

to rejoin the international community or to become a regional growth point, but

some socio-political barriers, uncertainties and lack of world class technology (in

different spheres) prevent this. Either of these choices will immensely affect its

spatial structure and the methods and procedures adopted to identify and solve

Tehran’s problems.

Then, it is necessary to select either of the above mentioned alternative

scenarios, considering the fact that each has varying consequences (Figure 5).

Figure 5: Alternative opening scenarios for Tehran.

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Choice lines

Scenario 1A:

Give priority to reduce

risk vulnerability of

Tehran

Scenario 2A:

Give less priority to

risk vulnerability of

Tehran

Scenario 1B:

Give priority to solving

Tehran resident’s

problems

Scenario 2B:

Give priority to

Tehran as a regional

growth point

Source: Daneshpour, Z.A.

One of the main enduring problems of Tehran has been the damage to its

past heritage and identity (albeit its age is 200 years) mostly through the

demolition of some of its significant and historic structures (built-up areas,

buildings, monuments, green areas, etc.) during the past 50 years. This is why

the adoption of the leading aim of preserving what is left of Tehran’s identity is

another important introductory step in a gradual problem-solving oriented

approach.

Another important factor in urban planning in Iran, as elsewhere, is to

consider the main constraints and uncertainties that limit the present and future

actions. For Tehran these are first related to political and administrative

circumstances that make even the short term prediction or policy making not

viable, and second, to areas such as data requirements, values and goals, the

resources allocated to programmes and the implementation procedures.

Thus, In this and similar situations, instead of preparing highly time and

other resources consuming planning documents, it is best to work with a simple

but appropriate information system, concentrate on key issues, problems and

constraints and adopt a straightforward, though implicitly highly sophisticated

incremental problem-solving approach that has also a fitted monitoring device for

monitoring the implementation of each problem under consideration (Figure 6).

Figure 6: Incremental problem solving approach proposed for Tehran/similar cities.

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Within the framework described above, an example can be shown to

define the essential decision areas accompanied by relevant polic y areas in

each case and each related to the problems identified by this paper (Figures 1

and 2). On the basis of these, it will be possible to base appropriate strategies.

The decision areas and their corresponding policy areas can be listed as follows:

Decision areas related to the problems of Tehran’s urban region and its

internal relationships. These can entail policy areas as :

-Definition of population threshold, the hierarchical order and

reciprocal function of settlements.

-Definition of broad strategies to preserve the natural environment.

- Supplying the needed infra

Within the framework described above, an example can be shown to

define the essential decision areas, each related to the problems identified by this

paper (Figures 3 and 4), accompanied by relevant policy areas in each case. The

decision areas and their corresponding policy areas, are:

Decision areas related to the problems of Tehran’s urban region and its

internal relationships. With the dual aims of preserving the natural

environment and reducing inequalities and dependency of surrounding

areas on Tehran, these can entail policy areas as :

-Definition of broad strategies to preserve the natural environment.

-Defining population threshold, hierarchical order and mutual function

of settlements.

-Upgrading the settlements (supplying the needed infrastructure,

social services, etc.).

Decision areas related to the problems concerning the spatial structure

of Tehran. With the leading aim of reducing its inequity, these can entail

policy areas as:

-Extending job opportunities, especially for the young.

-Defining the population threshold.

-Gradually eliminating the sub-standard, while preventing the

demolition of valuable, structures.

-Counteract the environmental pollution.

Stage 3: Selecting the problem to be solved

Stage 4: Defining the most feasible policy to solve the problem

Stage 5: Monitoring the success of implementation

Stage 2: Defining the priority order of problems

Negative Positive

Stage 1: Identifying the crucial problems

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-Searching means of controlling the price of land and buildings.

-Alleviate the deficiencies in the provision of amenities and social

services.

-Preserving the compatibility of activities in each district.

-Extension of public transportation, improvement of transportation

network and finding solutions of reducing avoidable movements.

Decision areas related to problems related to Tehran’s decision-making

structure. With the aim of more coordination and public participation,

these can entail policy areas as:

-Studying the feasibility of creating an overall control mechanism for

the urban region.

-Studying means of creating control mechanism at small area level.

-Producing a corresponding legislative inventory.

-Searching the ways and means of genuine public participation in

decision-making processes.

Concluding remarks

Due to the rather volatile political history of the country and hence its

discontinued administrative structure and procedures (more evident in the capital),

Tehran has been unable to enjoy a sustained state of affairs and has lost the

opportunities to erect a proper and appropriate planning and managing systems based

on the capacity and consensus of all involved bodies and have access to the benefits

of a well-devised and working control mechanism directed to combat its urban

problems. The imperfect problem-definition/solving approach in Tehran by its different

planning documents as well as the contradiction and, in some cases, clash between

the involved bodies has diverted the in Tehran to less important problem areas and

has brought forward a situation in which the crucial and key problems has remained

disregarded. It is the specificities of the structural conditions of planning in Iran and

Tehran, in the pre and post 1979 period, (concisely described in this paper) that have

hindered the application of planning in its true meaning.

It seems that because of the existing constraints and limitations, neither a

comprehensive or radical reform of the planning system of Tehran or other cities with

a rigid and underdeveloped administrative system is possible, as it cannot easily

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accept rapid and drastic changes, nor the present approach; which is oriented towards

highly resource consuming long-term plan-making; is effective enough. Here, the

possibility of adopting an approach which defines the urban problems, their order of

priority with respect to the wishes of the people and their involvement, and

differentiates the problems that is within the sphere of influence of the existing

planning system and those outside it were delineated. This will be done by primarily

through enhancement of urban problems and planning knowledge among the

community, decision-makers, politicians, and the private sector.

Tehran as a metropolis, capital and a primate city has similarities and differences

with other cities of the country and other metropolises of the world. For a volatile and

highly uncertain situations such as Tehran it is not advisable to pursue long-term

comprehensive/strategic plans that require the sort of instruments that though might

seem obvious for a more developed country, is somewhat inconceivable for some less

developed ones. Nevertheless, the approaches proposed to solve Tehran’s problems

can be applied to cities with similar spatial structure and problems.

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Improving urban problem-solving approaches, the case of Tehran

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