International Conference for Integrating Urban Knowledge & Practice Gothenburg, Sweden. May 29 – June 3, 2005
Title of paper Improving urban problem-solving approaches, the case of Tehran
Paper (maximum 4000-5000 words including references)
Authors
Name Institutional affiliation(s) E-mail
Zohreh A.Daneshpour Sh.Beheshti University [email protected]
Contact person
Name Telephone (including country code and area code)
Zohreh A. Daneshpour
Fax E-mail
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International Conference for Integrating Urban Knowledge & Practice Gothenburg, Sweden. May 29 – June 3, 2005
Improving urban problem-solving approaches, the case of
Tehran The accumulation of unresolved problems in an urban area not only makes
the process of their resolution very complicated but also has negative impact
upon the physical and mental well-being of residents and damages its historical
and cultural identity. Urban planning systems and urban plans are instruments
applied by urban governors to control and direct urban change and in this
process to solve or to alleviate problems. Within this framework, problem-
identification and the adoption of a suitable method to define and analyze
problems can be considered as vital steps toward the resolution of urban
problems.
The intention of this paper is, besides implying the shortcomings of the
existing plans to identify Tehran’s planning problems, to indicate that it is possible
for a city like Tehran to specify a process of problem identification by adopting a
dual approach of, first analyzing Tehran’s spatial structure by the means of
studying the existing documents and second processing the results of
questioners filled for the purpose of finding the problems as expressed by
Tehran’s residents. The deviation of the none or unsystematically referred to
problems by the existing plans from the problems defined by this paper, and also
the divergence of the existing planning policies and strategies from Tehran’s key
problems (none are directly referred to in this paper), indicate an ill-structured
and inefficient planning system with no specific vision and mission. Finally, the
kind of key decision areas on which basis an approach can be adopted to
alleviate the present problematic situation through the linked planning problems
and urban policies and strategies will be introduced for Tehran and the cities with
similar spatial structure and urban problems.
Tehran in its international and national setting Having an extensive area, the ‘strategic situation’ of Iran and its rich
natural resources has profoundly affected its history and faith.
Each of Iran’s features is similar to a set of countries (Figure 1). Its rich
mineral resources (oil, gas, etc.), and the wealth derived from them, makes it
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*) Including illustrations and references International Conference for Integrating Urban Knowledge & Practice Gothenburg, Sweden. May 29 – June 3, 2005
more similar to countries with less financial problems, though due to some
factors, including mismanagement, it’s international ranking has lowered since
1979.
Iran, like many less developed countries, can be considered a ‘periphery
of global capitalism’ (Angotti, 1993), though with some differences as ‘Iran was
never an official colony’ (Halliday, 1979) and Instead of passing through different
stages of colonialism and from colonialism to post-colonialism era (as described
by Drakakis-Smith, 2000) and experiencing the direct influence of colonialism on
its urban spatial structure and management system, similar to some countries, a
program of social and economic reforms (first started in early 1920’s, then
differently in early 1960’s), were both the major factors of change and the
formation of problems. This program’s key features can be summarized as:
The rapid formation and growth of urban areas and urban classes.
The implicit favoring policies of urban areas, alongside the early 1960’s
land reforms, increased migration to cities.
Accumulation of private capital.
Relaxation of part of social restrictions on women and their joining the
urban work-force.
Attraction of the private capital to safe and quickly profitable fields like
land and building speculation.
Widening socio-cultural and income gap, and the creation of a situation
called ‘two cultures’ (Keddie, 1987).
Figure (1): comparing Iran with some similar countries, world ranking 2002.
Country Population GNI GDP(PPP) Iran
Egypt
Algeria
Indonesia
Nigeria
Turkey
Venezuela
18
17
36
4
9
15
41
33
37
48
28
50
24
36
20
29
40
15
52
19
49
Source: WB April 2004
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*) Including illustrations and references International Conference for Integrating Urban Knowledge & Practice Gothenburg, Sweden. May 29 – June 3, 2005
Changing features of Tehran
The development of the petroleum industry, the economic boom
experienced during mid 1970’s, the ambitious modernization programs and the
centralization policies of the state were factors behind industrialization, rapid
urbanization, over concentration of political and economic power and national
market in and around Tehran. An outcome of this was the consolidation of a
primate city, (albeit with decreasing trend through time: in 1976 the population of
Tehran was seven times the population of the next large city, ten years later it
was four times and in 1996 it decreased to 3.6 times). In the period 1976-1996,
the urban population of the country more than doubled and the population of five
major cities increased 1.8 times (Figure 2).
Figure (2): Some population features of Tehran, 1966-1996.
Sources: SCI, 1966-1996
The short life of the boom period followed by economic decline in 1977,
and other factors, led to civil turmoil especially in Tehran, and finally the 1979
change of regime. With such new experiences as drastic political and
administrative changes, falling income derived from oil revenues and the eight
years of war (1980-1988), urban areas were neglected and new problems
emerged throughout the country and in Tehran which were added to the
previously unresolved problems.
If until 1979 it was easier to compare Iran with similar countries, since
1979 it’s altered socio-economic, political and value structure and behavioral
patterns as well as the interruption of the kind of pre-1979 international relations
and investments, made its dissimilarities more marked. Also, the post-1979
events, affected the country’s politics, lifestyle, standard of living, standard of
Census years
Population of Tehran as a %of
country’s urban areas
Population of the city of Tehran (millions)
1966 27.8 2,680
1976 28.6 4,530
1986 22.5 6,022
1996 18.4 6,657
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*) Including illustrations and references International Conference for Integrating Urban Knowledge & Practice Gothenburg, Sweden. May 29 – June 3, 2005
expert activities, administration structure, concepts and practices of planning and
managing urban areas. The discontinued actions, uncertainties, conflicts and
upheavals, had detrimental impact upon urban spatial structures throughout the
country, as:
Abandoning some plans and projects for years.
Rising house prices (inherited from the pre-1979 era).
Influx of low-income population to urban areas.
War damages to some cities and their residents’ relocation to safer cities.
Influx of some neighboring countries’ refugees to urban areas, seeking
informal employment.
In addition, some key features of the post-1979 spatial structure of Tehran
can also be summarized:
Having a multi-nucleus structure: Tehran has been transformed from an
almost single-nucleus to a multi-nucleus metropolis, in which the provision
of urban services has followed town expansion processes.
Formation of an urban region: Tehran is no longer a compact unit and has
turned into a dispersed mixed urban and rural settlement.
Accentuated centrality: Though a process of decentralization can be
pursued for Tehran (including the development of five new towns, with no
purpose of self-containment), discontinued policies and implementation
activities, has increased the dependency of adjoining residential
settlements (including new towns) on Tehran.
The dual economic structure: The traditional sector accompanies the
rather modern one (during 1976-1986 the proportion of unwaged
domestic labor force in Tehran, increased from 3.8 to 13.2 per cent).
Polarized socio-physical structure: A side-effect of both the flourishing
economy of the 1970’s and the pre-1979 and post-1988 market-oriented
policies of the state, was widening the gap between socio-economic
groups and formation of a polarized spatial structure.
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*) Including illustrations and references International Conference for Integrating Urban Knowledge & Practice Gothenburg, Sweden. May 29 – June 3, 2005
Analyzing the function of planning and problem-
solving in Tehran
Since 1964 there have been three statutory plans which could be
considered as tools for problem-solving in Tehran. The first comprehensive plan
for Tehran was approved in 1968 (prepared by a joint consultancy of native and
foreign firms) with 1991 as its target date. The second plan (not even considered
a comprehensive plan), approved twelve years after the change of regime, never
truly acted as a statutory plan, and, though was to commence in 1984, was finally
approved in 1992. The 1968 plan which copied the then outdated western
traditional master-planning approaches of planning, did not even follow that
period’s much appreciated strategic planning model and was explicitly and
implicitly the basis of planning decisions for nearly 30 years. A new move towards
plan making started in late 1990’s, with a change towards plan preparation for
Tehran’s (now 22) urban districts and adding up such plans to achieve a so-
called strategic-structure or a kind of comprehensive plan trying to imitate (though
incompletely) the 1968 model of British structure plans for Tehran (the plans are
still under preparation).
In fact both the 1968 plan and the late 1990’s plans have been outdated
the day they were prepared compared to both the existing condition and their
contemporary international models. Whilst the 1992 plan, not based on any
planning principle, was so defective that it is impossible to compare it against any
model. The common stages of a planning process, substantive and procedural
(problem-definition, goal-formulation, production of planning strategies,
implementation, monitoring and reviewing the plans, etc.) have never been
undertaken properly for Tehran(and other cities of the country).These documents,
mainly biased towards physical aspects, have ignored the socio-economic,
political and administrative aspects and ignored the division of activities between
public and private sectors, and, most importantly, the ‘people’. Also, these plans
never acknowledged neither the necessity to define the problems of the spatial
structure of Tehran and its surrounding environment nor to direct the solutions
towards solving them. The incomplete, ill-defined and non-existent analysis of
Tehran’s planning problems by these documents has historically diverted the
activities towards less significant problem areas (and sometimes to pointless and
ornamental projects). Whereas most of the solutions embodied in the plans have
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*) Including illustrations and references International Conference for Integrating Urban Knowledge & Practice Gothenburg, Sweden. May 29 – June 3, 2005
been of discontinued and fragmented nature. In this way no links can be traced
between the planning problems of the city and the proposals included in these
documents (neither so explicitly defined). This is in spite of the long duration and
financial resource consumption of plan preparation and approval processes.
Thus, the defective planning system and machinery of Tehran, since its official
inception in 1966, has not been able to solve or even alleviate the intensity of
problems that exist in Tehran and are identified through the application of the
below mentioned dual procedure of problem-definition.
Problem identification in Tehran In order to test that in spite of the lack of explicit consideration of the plans
for Tehran to define its planning problems, it is possible to identify, describe and
analyze the planning problems and the decision areas on which basis the
planning solutions could be based upon, in this paper an attempt has been made
to adopt a dual approach of problem-definition. The first is based upon analyzing
the main features of the spatial structure of Tehran through the existing texts, for
the period 1992-2004 (classified against ‘subject area’ and ‘geographical level’)
(Figure 3). The second is based upon the questioners filled-in 2002 and 2004
from a small number of Tehran’s 6-7million residents (i.e. approximately 300) in
different districts, inquiring their problems as residents of Tehran (Figure 4). The
intension was to identify Tehran’s continuing and unresolved planning problems:
problems which would threaten the present and future of the city and its
surrounding environment and also its identity, sustainability and the welfare of its
residents.
Figure 3: Decision areas and planning problems of Tehran based on analyzing its spatial
structure, 1992-2004.
Subject
area
Level Definition and description of planning problems
System of
nature
Urban
region
Sprawl of city into the surrounding areas.
Lack of consideration to ecological values.
Inaccessible and insufficient leisure opportunities and not
taking full advantage of existing potentials.
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*) Including illustrations and references International Conference for Integrating Urban Knowledge & Practice Gothenburg, Sweden. May 29 – June 3, 2005
City The extreme difference between the climatic conditions of
northern and southern parts of the city (which, among
other things, has helped the polarization process).
Spread of Industrial emission all over the city, as the
direction of Tehran’s major wind is from south-west to
north-east, and the location of major industrial complexes
in the west of the city.
Air pollution of the city and its surrounding environment
due to both industrial emission and traffic (inversion of
Tehran occurs in nearly 2/3 of the year. The density of
carbon monoxide in Tehran is almost 6-7 times the
international limits and other pollutants are higher than
what is considered bearable for human life by
international standards) has made Tehran one of the most
polluted cities of the world.
Wastage of water resources (considering the heavy
expenses of transferring water to Tehran).
Pollution of subterranean water resources of the southern
parts due to the special physiographic features of Tehran
(a high gradient from north to south and the type of soil).
The predicted and inevitable earthquake.
Population
structure /
Activity
system
Urban
region/
City
High rate of migration to Tehran and its periphery (mainly
young males with rural origin, seeking employment in
construction activities).
Low level of employed people with higher education, and a
rather high level of unemployed with higher education.
Falling level of female employment, especially in
manufacturing activities.
Increasing proportion of service employment.
Urban
districts
High population density, in some older and some newly-
developed districts.
Imbalanced distribution of residents and migrants with
different socio-economic structure, educational
background and skills, in different districts.
Habitation of lower income population/migrants in either
the peripheral or decayed inner districts.
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Movement City Intensified daily traffic (mainly due to the mismanagement
of traffic, bad driving habits and shortage of public
transport means) contributing to air pollution and high
accident rates.
Incomplete (or sometimes lack of hierarchy in) transport
network and uncoordinated system of origin and
destination causing long, costly and difficult daily trips.
Spatial
structure:
Residential
City/
urban
districts
Domination of non-residential/incompatible activities
(wholesale, industrial, etc) in some districts.
Weak access of some residential areas to public services
(public transport network, infrastructure and social welfare
services).
Unsuitable juxtaposition of workers’ residents and
industrial units.
Less concern for lower income groups in house-building
activities and the decreased deposit of their suitable rental
sector of housing.
Demolition of some un-dilapidated/valuable buildings for
redevelopment. Thus, in addition to widened gap between
demand for and supply of new houses for lower income
residents, the historical identity of the city has been
damaged.
Increasing trends in the price of land and buildings in all
parts of the city.
Spatial:
Non-
residential
Urban
region/
city
Destruction of the remaining agricultural land in the urban
region (gradually this land is built over and removed from
agricultural productivity).
Uncontrolled development of administrative and trade
activities and workshops along main routes and within
residential areas.
Unsuitable location of buildings with national and
international functions within residential areas.
Existence of large military areas within the city which has
used land suitable for public services, and distanced
urban land uses.
Insufficiency of public services in the surrounding areas
has made their residents dependent on the, sometimes
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*) Including illustrations and references International Conference for Integrating Urban Knowledge & Practice Gothenburg, Sweden. May 29 – June 3, 2005
insufficient, inner urban area facilities.
Decision-
making
system
Urban
region
Lack of an overall control mechanism.
Lack of elected councils at provincial/ urban region levels.
City/
urban
districts
Deficient local political structure (in 1997 urban councils
were formed) and non-existent councils at urban
district/neighborhood level.
Uncoordinated and inefficient administrative and planning
system, as there is:
-Lack of necessary planning laws and regulations.
-Absence of an all-embracing body to take decisions to
control all urban resources.
Multiplicity of decision-making and decision-taking bodies.
Casual influences on the decisions of major actors.
Ill-organized inter-organizational relations and the
existence of incompatible and competitive relations.
Weak implementation procedures, including:
-Domination of unplanned over planned activities.
-Unplanned activities trespassing on the principles
of approved plans (with all their shortcomings).
Unavailable necessary financial resources to properly
implement the (sometimes) deficient proposals (though
resources are ample, there is wastage of resources due
to factors such as mismanagement and duplication).
Source: Daneshpour, Z.A. (1996).
Table 4: The planning problems of Tehran based on the result of questioners, 2002 and
2004.
Subject Problem area Low income district (%)*
Middle income district (%)*
High income district (%)*
Unemployment of young adults
35 6 _
Economy Low income of residents 19 _ _
Assemblage of idles and addicts in streets
34 22 _
Insufficient public services 35 50 65
Facilities Insufficient / lack of leisure facilities
100 60 60
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Insufficient/expensive public transportation
_ 55 36
Inaccessible supermarkets 24 45 16
Environmental pollution
Air pollution 40 30 **
Solid waste pollution 60 40 32
Congestion / Disquiet
Population density /noise 45 48 64
Transit traffic in residential areas
_
20 16
Inconvenience related to demolition and redevelopment activities
_
30
64
Traffic congestion
_ 10 68
Physical structure
Decayed buildings 24 _ _
Management Lack of management structure at neighborhood level
5
22
**
Source: Questioners filled under author’s supervision, as part of a post-graduate workshop in 2002 and 2004.
* Approximated percentage. ** Question was not included.
Shortcomings of problem definition/solving approaches in Tehran
The experience of urban problem-definition and problem-solving in Iran
can be said to be an inconsistent condition in which the policy-makers have not
sufficient professional awareness and truly accepted the rationale of planning.
Also, the significance of forming a consistent problem-solving approach has not
realized. Thus the precedents of proposing and implementing policies that are
either irrelevant or contrary to the nature of the problems, as well as the
multiplicity of unimplemented proposals and plans can well be observed in
Tehran (and other cities). The confirmation of this is the continuation, and
sometimes seemingly perpetuation, of unresolved problems and their
accumulation and the continued emergence of new problems (the continual
problems of Tehran are indicated in Figure 3).
Some shortcomings and contradictions in planning and management
structure of Tehran can be recognized. First is that though Tehran has
considerable resources and potentials, its problem-free existence has been
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*) Including illustrations and references International Conference for Integrating Urban Knowledge & Practice Gothenburg, Sweden. May 29 – June 3, 2005
undermined by poor plans unable to recognize the crucial problems and key
decision-areas, the constraints and threats, strengths and opportunities, as well
as proposing applicable strategies and policies. Second, it is the incomplete and
haphazard implementation of policies. Third, is the impossibility of adopting
planning in a situation in which the instruments of planning have never been
prepared properly, especially since, in the contemporary history of the country,
the instability of the country’s political and administrative life and many disruptive
incidents have hindered the implicit or explicit attempts towards improving the
system. Thus, a degree of certainty and continuity needed to provide the
essential requirements of an appropriate planning system to solve urban
problems never existed neither in Tehran nor elsewhere in the country.
Fourth is due the fact that the problems confronted by urban planners and
managers are not simply technical ones and owing to the political nature of
planning, involve political choices and competing/conflicting interests. The
multiplicity of (formal and informal) policy-makers and the (sometimes)
domination of latter over the former, discontinuation of their presence,
passiveness of some and the lack of participation of main actors at key stages of
a process, as well as the contrast, conflict and confrontation of the aims, policies
and programmes of actors and personal influences and dictates, have been all
hindrances to the formation of an efficient planning system for Tehran (and other
cities). This has been with no regard to the important fact that the forces of
traditional politics and administration are contradictory to the formation of a
working and well-organized planning system. Then, it is the contradiction
between public and private aims and activities. Perhaps comparable to the early
stages of planning activities of some other countries, the private consultants
(subject to public sector authorization), and conceivably, as part of privatization
programme of the public sector and in the absence of public sector’s strong
policy-making, management and implementation abilities, are supposed to act as
the main decision-makers and providers of planning aims and strategies and
crucial decisions. Last, in the absence of a local legal framework for planning,
urban planning documents of Tehran (and other cities) are supposed to act as
the major source of planning laws and regulations. These have mostly ignored
the aspirations and problems of the community at large (and even sometimes the
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*) Including illustrations and references International Conference for Integrating Urban Knowledge & Practice Gothenburg, Sweden. May 29 – June 3, 2005
programmes of the involved bodies; including politicians, public and private
sector managers, etc.).
Improving problem solving approaches in Tehran
The existing planning system of Tehran (and other cities), is mainly
focused on the highly resource consuming plan-preparation activity. This activity,
due to a frail relationship between the problems and their solutions, between the
plans and their implementation, and most of all between the plans and the
aspirations of the people, has proved to be ineffective to solve the city’s
persistent problems. Instead, an alternative problem-solving process, as is briefly
described below, can replace the existing one.
The first stage is to consider the introductory scenarios. Tehran has a
chief principal and undeniable problem which is the risk of an earthquake with the
predicted magnitude of 5-8 Richter scale. This will obviously have significant
influence on the definition of its problems, priorities and solutions. In this respect
two different scenarios can be adopted. The first is to direct all the policies and
resources towards preparing Tehran to reduce the risks of earthquake. The other
is to give less importance to this risk and to proceed as if the certainty of this risk
is less significant. Considering either, Tehran’s problems can be judged from
another dual angle. First is to solve the problems with the benefits of its residents
as the major concern, whilst the second is oriented towards preparing the
necessary base for joining Tehran (more than its present position) to the
international community. In fact Tehran has most of the adequate infrastructure,
economic and technological potentials as well as human and financial resources
to rejoin the international community or to become a regional growth point, but
some socio-political barriers, uncertainties and lack of world class technology (in
different spheres) prevent this. Either of these choices will immensely affect its
spatial structure and the methods and procedures adopted to identify and solve
Tehran’s problems.
Then, it is necessary to select either of the above mentioned alternative
scenarios, considering the fact that each has varying consequences (Figure 5).
Figure 5: Alternative opening scenarios for Tehran.
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Choice lines
Scenario 1A:
Give priority to reduce
risk vulnerability of
Tehran
Scenario 2A:
Give less priority to
risk vulnerability of
Tehran
Scenario 1B:
Give priority to solving
Tehran resident’s
problems
Scenario 2B:
Give priority to
Tehran as a regional
growth point
Source: Daneshpour, Z.A.
One of the main enduring problems of Tehran has been the damage to its
past heritage and identity (albeit its age is 200 years) mostly through the
demolition of some of its significant and historic structures (built-up areas,
buildings, monuments, green areas, etc.) during the past 50 years. This is why
the adoption of the leading aim of preserving what is left of Tehran’s identity is
another important introductory step in a gradual problem-solving oriented
approach.
Another important factor in urban planning in Iran, as elsewhere, is to
consider the main constraints and uncertainties that limit the present and future
actions. For Tehran these are first related to political and administrative
circumstances that make even the short term prediction or policy making not
viable, and second, to areas such as data requirements, values and goals, the
resources allocated to programmes and the implementation procedures.
Thus, In this and similar situations, instead of preparing highly time and
other resources consuming planning documents, it is best to work with a simple
but appropriate information system, concentrate on key issues, problems and
constraints and adopt a straightforward, though implicitly highly sophisticated
incremental problem-solving approach that has also a fitted monitoring device for
monitoring the implementation of each problem under consideration (Figure 6).
Figure 6: Incremental problem solving approach proposed for Tehran/similar cities.
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Within the framework described above, an example can be shown to
define the essential decision areas accompanied by relevant polic y areas in
each case and each related to the problems identified by this paper (Figures 1
and 2). On the basis of these, it will be possible to base appropriate strategies.
The decision areas and their corresponding policy areas can be listed as follows:
Decision areas related to the problems of Tehran’s urban region and its
internal relationships. These can entail policy areas as :
-Definition of population threshold, the hierarchical order and
reciprocal function of settlements.
-Definition of broad strategies to preserve the natural environment.
- Supplying the needed infra
Within the framework described above, an example can be shown to
define the essential decision areas, each related to the problems identified by this
paper (Figures 3 and 4), accompanied by relevant policy areas in each case. The
decision areas and their corresponding policy areas, are:
Decision areas related to the problems of Tehran’s urban region and its
internal relationships. With the dual aims of preserving the natural
environment and reducing inequalities and dependency of surrounding
areas on Tehran, these can entail policy areas as :
-Definition of broad strategies to preserve the natural environment.
-Defining population threshold, hierarchical order and mutual function
of settlements.
-Upgrading the settlements (supplying the needed infrastructure,
social services, etc.).
Decision areas related to the problems concerning the spatial structure
of Tehran. With the leading aim of reducing its inequity, these can entail
policy areas as:
-Extending job opportunities, especially for the young.
-Defining the population threshold.
-Gradually eliminating the sub-standard, while preventing the
demolition of valuable, structures.
-Counteract the environmental pollution.
Stage 3: Selecting the problem to be solved
Stage 4: Defining the most feasible policy to solve the problem
Stage 5: Monitoring the success of implementation
Stage 2: Defining the priority order of problems
Negative Positive
Stage 1: Identifying the crucial problems
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*) Including illustrations and references International Conference for Integrating Urban Knowledge & Practice Gothenburg, Sweden. May 29 – June 3, 2005
-Searching means of controlling the price of land and buildings.
-Alleviate the deficiencies in the provision of amenities and social
services.
-Preserving the compatibility of activities in each district.
-Extension of public transportation, improvement of transportation
network and finding solutions of reducing avoidable movements.
Decision areas related to problems related to Tehran’s decision-making
structure. With the aim of more coordination and public participation,
these can entail policy areas as:
-Studying the feasibility of creating an overall control mechanism for
the urban region.
-Studying means of creating control mechanism at small area level.
-Producing a corresponding legislative inventory.
-Searching the ways and means of genuine public participation in
decision-making processes.
Concluding remarks
Due to the rather volatile political history of the country and hence its
discontinued administrative structure and procedures (more evident in the capital),
Tehran has been unable to enjoy a sustained state of affairs and has lost the
opportunities to erect a proper and appropriate planning and managing systems based
on the capacity and consensus of all involved bodies and have access to the benefits
of a well-devised and working control mechanism directed to combat its urban
problems. The imperfect problem-definition/solving approach in Tehran by its different
planning documents as well as the contradiction and, in some cases, clash between
the involved bodies has diverted the in Tehran to less important problem areas and
has brought forward a situation in which the crucial and key problems has remained
disregarded. It is the specificities of the structural conditions of planning in Iran and
Tehran, in the pre and post 1979 period, (concisely described in this paper) that have
hindered the application of planning in its true meaning.
It seems that because of the existing constraints and limitations, neither a
comprehensive or radical reform of the planning system of Tehran or other cities with
a rigid and underdeveloped administrative system is possible, as it cannot easily
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*) Including illustrations and references International Conference for Integrating Urban Knowledge & Practice Gothenburg, Sweden. May 29 – June 3, 2005
accept rapid and drastic changes, nor the present approach; which is oriented towards
highly resource consuming long-term plan-making; is effective enough. Here, the
possibility of adopting an approach which defines the urban problems, their order of
priority with respect to the wishes of the people and their involvement, and
differentiates the problems that is within the sphere of influence of the existing
planning system and those outside it were delineated. This will be done by primarily
through enhancement of urban problems and planning knowledge among the
community, decision-makers, politicians, and the private sector.
Tehran as a metropolis, capital and a primate city has similarities and differences
with other cities of the country and other metropolises of the world. For a volatile and
highly uncertain situations such as Tehran it is not advisable to pursue long-term
comprehensive/strategic plans that require the sort of instruments that though might
seem obvious for a more developed country, is somewhat inconceivable for some less
developed ones. Nevertheless, the approaches proposed to solve Tehran’s problems
can be applied to cities with similar spatial structure and problems.
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