Safran, H., & Chaikin, R., (2011). "Immigration, Women and Prostitution: the Case of Women from the Former Soviet Unionin Israel", in Dalla, J., Baker, L. M., R.L., DeFrain & C. Williamson (Eds.) Global Perspectives on Prostitution and Sex Trafficking (203-222). Lexington Books.

Israel had been one of the major target countriesof trafficking in women from the Former SovietUnion (FSU) since the early 1990s until recently. Aseries of successful campaigns, coupled withpressure from the United States of America,prompted the Israeli government to introduce a newlaw and to crack down on traffickers. The presentarticle shifts its focus as the time periodchanges; it starts with the massive immigrationfrom the FSU to Israel in the early 1990s, goes onto describe the trafficking that accompanied it andthe subsequent campaigns against trafficking led bynon-government organizations (NGOs) in Israel thatcurtailed trafficking from the FSU, and lastly, itdescribes the current situation in which localwomen, themselves immigrants, are being forced intoprostitution.2

As we shall demonstrate, a successfulcampaign against trafficking does not necessarilylead to an end in exploiting and abusing women'slives in prostitution. In Israel, after a series ofeffective campaigns there is a noticeable decreasein the numbers of women being trafficked into thecountry. As a result, there have been remarkablechanges in the patterns of prostitution in Israel.However, the reduction in the phenomenon oftrafficking in women did not result in a change inthe fact that many women who are in prostitutionare immigrants. The curtailment in traffickingreduced the number of women brought into thecountry but did not change the fact that during theprocess of immigration women are extremely

vulnerable and often forced into the sex industry.This research focuses on the connection between thephenomenon of trafficking and that of prostitutionamong immigrant women.3

In the past, it was women who were illegal inthe country; nowadays it is mainly women fromsimilar places and backgrounds whose immigration toIsrael was legal, but whose acclimatization intothe new society had severely failed. They may oftenbe daughters of immigrants who had not found a wayto make their lives in the new country. If thesuccessful campaign led to a reduction in thenumber of women trafficked from the FSU who weremostly illegal in the country, it is now legalimmigrants who are filling this vacancy.

The success of the campaign led by women,feminists and human rights organizations in Israel,together with some Parliament members and effortsof the local police4 in collaboration with localpolice forces in source countries to preventtrafficking in women, has resulted in a seriouscrackdown on traffickers, thus leading to areduction in the number of women trafficked fromthe FSU to Israel. However, as the demand has notbeen reduced, the pressure exerted on women whoselives as immigrants in Israel have been fraughtwith social and cultural difficulties to revert toprostitution, has been immense. The cycle ofexploitation will continue as long as there areenough men who are willing and able to buy sex formoney, and as long as society at large does not seeprostitution as an unacceptable habit and as anexpression of violence against women.

The present article will examine the effectof immigration on women and the pressures they haveto endure as they come to a completely differentsociety where they have to cope under strenuouscircumstances. The article will focus on women whoimmigrated to Israel from the FSU either as legalimmigrants or trafficked into the country illegallyand ended up being lured into prostitution. Weinterviewed women in prostitution in an effort tomake their voices heard and their needs visible. In

2

addition, this article will focus on the role ofculture differences in hindering women fromobtaining and receiving their rights to supportfrom the state, gaining their freedom anddetermining their own lives. Finally, it willdescribe the success of the campaign led by IshaL'Isha (Woman to Woman) against trafficking inwomen.

We believe that prostitution is not a choicemade by women, but rather a social situation intowhich women without support and resources findthemselves pushed. The Haifa Feminist Center IshaL’Isha became involved in the campaign againsttrafficking in women as part of its feministideology to actively search for women who aredirectly and specifically oppressed and maltreated.Our commitment to the campaign against traffickingin women in Israel is based on the belief thatsocial movements can play a significant role inchanging policies towards women in our society.

Immigration from the FSU: the Effects of CulturalValues in Countries of Origin

Surveying the historical background, we need todistinguish between two major periods: the periodof the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR)as a communist and socialist country, and thesubsequent period beginning from the dismantlementof the USSR into 15 independent states in 1991. Theinitial period was characterized by immense angerof the public towards the old regime. Due to therapid and partly spontaneous processes, the newstates began their way to independence withoutappropriate legislation, with no regulations and nobudgets. As a result, a sharp economicdeterioration was set in motion and resulted inlack of social services and welfare educationsystems. The first to suffer severely were women,children and young families.5

It is important to emphasize that in theUSSR, despite its characteristics as a difficult

3

and totalitarian country, women had importantadvantages as citizens. An example of this is theparenting support system, which includedkindergartens that operated from morning untilevening, as well as group activities for childrenof all ages, both free of charge. Thesepossibilities made it easier, especially for youngfamilies, as well as the fact that higher educationwas also free and students received monthlystipends. Although this support system was notenough for living, it ensured a possibility tostudy. After completing academic studies, studentsdid not have to search for jobs, as the stateprovided automatic placement services in the jobmarket, according to the profession they acquired.This unique social structure, which supported andprotected individuals and families, completelydisappeared with the collapse of the USSR.

The collapse of the familiar support circlesand the disintegration of the social and communitysystem especially affected women and causeddeterioration in their status. Professions heldmainly by women began to lose of their value; therewas difficulty in finding work – professional ornon-professional – and most of the women lost theirsources of income. The parenting support system ofthe older generation also collapsed because ofmassive unemployment, and many families begansuffering from economic difficulties. A greatburden fell on the shoulders of women, as oftenthey became the main breadwinners, while at thesame time they had to bring up their children andsometimes also support their own parents. Thissituation led to difficult relationships, thebreaking up of many families and a sharp increasein separation and divorce rates.

Another significant change for women was thesituation of single mothers. Single parenthood waspossible and relatively acceptable in the USSR, asthe state supported single mothers; the educationsystem and support services for women wererelatively cheap and accessible. With the collapseof the USSR, 40% of the women defined at that time

4

as single mothers found themselves below thepoverty line. During the 1990s, this rate continuedto rise. Longitudinal studies conducted on thesituation of single mothers from the FSU show thatthese women were significantly poorer than otherfamilies and for longer periods of time.6

Poverty, the lack of workplaces and concernfor parents with no means of income led to asituation of despair and hopelessness, with asubsequent additional rise in divorce rates andincrease in distress. Another trend that underminedthe family nucleus, identified by NataliaKhodyreva7, was that most women who began to livewith partners in Russia after the collapse of theUSSR developed unrealistic expectations of theirpartners, expecting the men to take on thetraditional role of sole responsibility oversources of income. This process contributed to animpossible pressure on the relationship and onfamily life.

The existence of the FSU states asindependent entities in the early 1990s wascharacterized, among other factors, by the spreadof organized crime. The chaotic situation and thecontrol of organized crime did not receive anyresponse or intervention from the state.Furthermore, civil servants were in many casesinvolved in crime in one way or another, and menwho returned from wars and completed their militaryservice became security guards cooperating withcrime nets. These patterns of high unemploymentrates, organized crime and the collapse ofgovernmental institutions constituted fertileground for the development of trafficking in womenall over East Europe. The common cultural basis forthe different countries, as well as the commonRussian language, contributed to the wideningprocess of the exploitation.

In the years before the collapse of the USSR,its borders were closed, except in cases of specialpermits from the authorities, in an effort toprevent the penetration and influence of westernconcepts, especially those related to perceptions

5

of liberty and freedom. As a result, westerncivilization and it concepts were entirelyinaccessible to the public. The public waspolitically administered by a centralized anddictatorial rule, controlling public consciousnesssince the Soviet revolution of 1917.

Familiarity with this background is of utmostimportance for analyzing and understanding thesituation of women who left the FSU for the west insearch of income sources. This population had nounderstanding of the places where they were going.The problem was even greater for women who camefrom small, remote villages and towns of the FSUand who, until then, had never left their villages.

Trafficking in Women and Prostitution in Israel

Background

Isha L’Isha’s Fighting against Trafficking andProstitution in Women project began in 2001,focusing on work with foreign trafficked women andstruggling to eradicate the phenomenon. This focuson activity related only to a specific aspect ofthe prostitution phenomenon was due to recognizingthe urgent need for a struggle against traffickingin women worldwide in general, and in Israel inparticular. During those years, Israel was acountry with extensive trafficking activity becauseof the significant immigration from East Europeancountries, which began with the fall of the Easternbloc. At that time, the sex industry in Israel wasorganized around discrete apartments, brothels, andescort services in the central cities, where womenwere enslaved and exploited. Most of them did notknow they were going to be integrated into the sexmarket and had not imagined what fate awaited them.They had come from East Europe with the aim ofmaking a little more money than they could in theircountries of origin.8

During eight years of the project’s activity,we provided help and support to over 1,600 women

6

trafficked into Israel, most of them between theages 19 and 33, approximately half of them singlemothers, separated or divorced. Most of the womenencountered in the framework of the project arefrom East European countries: Ukraine, Russia,Belarus, Moldova and others. Other women traffickedinto Israel for purposes of prostitution throughdesignated trafficking channels include women fromAsian countries – most of them from Uzbekistan andKazakhstan. Women from other places, who fell intothe trafficking trap, but in smaller numbers, arecitizens of the Baltic countries.

Following the publication of the Traffickingin Persons (TIP) Report9 in 2000 on the scope andcharacteristics of trafficking in humans worldwide,the United States of America began classifying thedifferent countries according to their struggleagainst the trafficking phenomenon. Theintroduction of this classification system and theposition of Israel at the bottom of the ladder ledto a number of positive changes in Israel.Following this classification, Israel began tochange its practices; the government stoppedignoring the phenomenon and began exerting effortsin the struggle against trafficking in women withinIsrael’s borders.

Until this stage, trafficked victims wereconsidered criminals for merely being in thecountry without a permit and against immigrationlaws. Most of them were deported from Israel and,in the absence of clear procedures on how to assistthem, the majority of these women did not receive –before or during the deportation process – anyassistance.10 The new situation, created in light ofthe threat that Israel might lose its American aidby being defined as a country not fighting againsttrafficking in women, brought about changes in lawsand procedures. As a result, and following thecooperation created since then with women’s andhuman rights organizations, most of the womenidentified according to the new procedures astrafficked victims receive assistance.

7

As part of these changes, a parliamentaryinquiry commission began to function in 2000. Thecommittee’s goal was to eradicate the traffickingin women phenomenon and to assist women victims oftrafficking. In the framework of the first stage ofthe legal efforts, the committee submitted 16legislation proposals in various fields relating totrafficking in human beings. Six of these proposalspassed a first reading in the Knesset (IsraeliParliament), another proposal passed a pre-reading,and nine were put on the Knesset table. In December2002, the committee submitted an interim report onthe issue, in which it chose to focus on the legalaspects and provision of operational responses forthe struggle against the trafficking phenomenonthrough comprehensive legislation on relatedissues.

Until 2003, the trafficking in womenphenomenon was low in priority as far as statepolicies were concerned, which were notdisconnected from the lack of attention expressedby the state towards the prostitution phenomenon ingeneral. In 2003, the parliamentary investigationcommittee initiated a survey that, for the firsttime in Israel, examined public awareness and moralattitudes towards the phenomenon and the publicperception of the relationship between traffickingin women and human rights violations. The surveyresults indicated that trafficking in women was notconnected in the public consciousness to violationsof human rights, but rather perceived as part ofthe migrant workers’ problem in Israel. Moreover,it was perceived as a moral crime rather than as aviolation of human rights. The findings of thesurvey further pointed to the public’s blindnessregarding everything that is related to humandignity, freedom and rights, and the indifferenceof Israeli society towards anyone who is notIsraeli.11

Only after 2003 did we begin to feel a changein state policies regarding prosecution oftraffickers, protection of victims, and preventionof trafficking in women. Until we began to see

8

these changes, however, we felt deep distressbecause we had neither resources to help so manyforeign women victims of trafficking, nor anywhereto turn for help. We had to focus on the brothelsthat were overflowing with women trafficked fromforeign countries and could not do much beyondproviding assistance to these women at this stage.At the same time, perceiving the struggle againsttrafficking in women as an integral part of theattempt to change the prostitution phenomenon, webegan to tour the field, collect data, and makeefforts to understand the scope and characteristicsof the prostitution phenomenon in Israel.

From the early 2000s until 2004, there was nofacility in which the women could remain duringtheir testimony against their traffickers. Atypical example was a case from August 2003, when arequest was received from the InternationalOrganization for Migration (IOM) Moldova to help awoman who, as far as they knew, was imprisoned in abrothel. We succeeded in contacting the woman andobtaining the details of the place where she hadbeen locked up. Despite appeals to various policerepresentatives to rescue the woman, a whole weekpassed before we could provide her with any help.During the rescue operation, ten additional womenwere discovered locked up in the brothel. Policeinvestigators called Rita Chaikin, the projectcoordinator and co-author of this article, andasked for her advice: what should they do witheleven Moldovan citizens rescued from theirimprisonment with nowhere to go? There were noshelters for trafficked victims and, due to thelack of space; the Immigration Police was not readyto give up vacant space in a detention facility formigrant workers to trafficked women.

According to state laws, the police could notarrest these women as criminals, but it couldarrest them on the basis of illegal stay in Israel,and indeed it did so. The only punishment awaitingthem as trafficked victims was deportation fromIsrael. During that period, detention centers inIsrael were full of migrant workers who were not

9

entitled to become immigrants according to the lawof return – a law that specifically allows onlyJews and their families to immigrate to Israel – orany other immigration laws. This reality created anurgent need for finding a budget for a place wheretrafficked women could stay until they arrangetheir documents and leave the country; a budgetwhich, needless to say, we did not have. In thisparticular case, the women were freed and left tofind their way in a strange country on their own,while we were unable to provide them with anyassistance. The woman regarding whom we receivedthe appeal from IOM was given – thanks to repeatedappeals – a temporary place at a shelter forbattered women until her documents were arrangedand she was able to return to her country oforigin.

Another case illustrating the difficultiescharacterizing that period was when we called apolice station in the north to report on twotrafficked victims who had arrived at a town nearthe station. The investigator who answered our callreplied that he knew nothing about traffickedvictims. However, he emphasized in a harsh tone:“There are two prostitutes here, do you want totalk to them?” His reply reflects the prevalentattitude in the state and its institutions until2004 regarding the phenomenon of trafficking inwomen in Israel.

It is important to note that already in 2000,a law prohibiting trafficking in women was passedin Israel. Although the law sets a maximum of 16years of incarceration for the crime of traffickingin women, the punishments traffickers received thenwere minimal, reflecting the lack of motivation onbehalf of the police to initiate investigations andto act in this field. Rita Chaikin remembers onlytoo well her struggles during this time when shewanted to bring about the opening of files ontrafficking in women. She encountered greatdifficulties, as well as the complete lack ofunderstanding on the part of the authorities.

10

At the end of 2003, an event that shookgovernment members, especially Ariel Sharon, thenPrime Minister, took place and led to a majorturning point. In December of that year, the newsfeatured headlines of an assassination attempt of avery well known criminal by a certain gang, duringwhich two innocent civilians were killed. Due tothe severity of the case, the Prime Minister andthe Police Inspector General decided to fightorganized crime in Israel with an iron hand. Aspart of this new policy, the police conducted manyraids on establishments such as brothels, escortservices, and illegal gambling businesses. In aperiod of one year, approximately 650 traffickingin women cases were opened. Detention centers ofthe Immigration Police were full of traffickedwomen who awaited their laissez-passers (free pass)to return back home. For some of these women, thiswas a period of contemplation, during and followingwhich they mustered courage and expressed theirconsent to testify against their traffickers.

As a NGO with experience in the issue, we atIsha L’Isha began receiving calls from authoritiesinviting us to come to detention centers in thenorth in order to interview the detained women andprovide them with initial help, with specialemphasis on explaining their rights to them. Inaddition, we were allowed, for the first time, tobring the women supplies they needed, includingclothes and personal items they had left behind inthe brothels, to which they decided not to returnout of fear that it would lead to the arrest ofother women. In other cases, the pimp himselfprevented the women from obtaining their clothesand personal items, thus leaving them with nothing.The atmosphere among the detainees was that ofuncertainty and fear of what awaited them in thedetention center and in the unknown future.

Project Activity and Field Work

11

The activity of the project was designed to workwith women in prostitution, including those whowished to begin a rehabilitation process, as wellas with women who had left prostitution in thepast, but were still finding it difficult tointegrate into society. After long discussions andconsultations with other feminist organizations inIsrael, we in Isha L’Isha decided that we cannotaccept the terms “voluntary prostitution” or“choosing prostitution.” Thus, we do not act out ofthe assumption that women in prostitution are “sexworkers.” This basic stance has a number ofimplications, one of which is our belief that civilcases dealing with trafficking in women must not bedealt with in labor courts, as in cases ofemployer-employee disputes, but rather in thedistrict court that can grant trafficking victimscompensation.

In the framework of our activity, we try toprovide the women help in times of need, as well asinitiate a process that will enable them to copebetter in the future, with the aim of helping themescape the cycle of prostitution. In order toenable this process, we work with the women toexamine their past and understand the factors thatled them into prostitution. In our belief, thiscomplex process and development are the mostimportant parts of our work with traffickingvictims, out of the realization that byunderstanding the root causes of their personaldistresses, we can begin to get close to the womenin a way that will enable us to help them. Out ofthis belief, we design a personal program for everyindividual woman to suit her unique needs.

At the beginning of the project, we visitedwomen victims of trafficking in different detentionfacilities administered by the Immigration Policethroughout the country. In our encounters withthese women, we tried to help them with thedifferent processes awaiting them, includingtestifying against their traffickers, returning totheir countries of origin if they desired, andinforming them of their rights while still in

12

Israel. All this was done in order to give thesewomen first aid and help them regain the self-confidence most of them had lost at this stage oftheir lives.

A parallel aspect of the project was thestruggle for policy change in dealing with thephenomenon of trafficking in women. The reality, asreflected in our encounters with women, enabled usto analyze the situation and set goals forourselves and the authorities to eradicate thephenomenon. In cases where we felt that we couldnot, or that it was not appropriate, to cope alonewith the different challenges in the field, weturned to help from other human rightsorganizations, including those working specificallyfor the rights of women.

Throughout the years, our organization, IshaL’Isha, had to face various dilemmas relating toour work with trafficked women. Our discussionstogether with our experience led us to understandthat we will achieve our aims better if we havegood relationships with bodies and institutionssuch as the Israeli police, courts of justice,hospitals, media and others. We will demand all thesupport and the justice these women deserve fromthe state while at same time providing the womenwith the urgently needed support and help. Thecharacteristics of this dual work are gainingexperience in working with the establishment,alongside professionalization in accompaniment andtreatment of women.

Already in the beginning stages of theproject, the need for dealing in a comprehensiveand theoretical manner with the dilemma of womenchoosing prostitution arose. Long discussions andlearning followed among activist women in theorganization, especially among members of theproject steering committee. As part of our feministapproach, we invited women in prostitution to ourdiscussions, out of the wish to hear their voicesand to consolidate our position as part of adialogue with them. After a long period ofdiscussions and learning, we consolidated a clear

13

stance as an organization: no woman is inprostitution out of choice, and therefore we needto support women in prostitution and to strugglefor conditions that will allow them to leave thevicious cycle of prostitution and becomerehabilitated.12

Another dilemma we continue to face is theessence and quality of work with the establishmentand the different authorities. An example of thiscan be found in the field of media. The state ofIsrael led a number of information campaignsdesigned against the prostitution phenomenon. Thequestion we faced in this case was whether it isappropriate that such campaigns be run by agovernmental body that is committed to certaintypes of contents. Resolved to succeed ininfluencing from within the system as well, webegan to cooperate with the Israeli police ineducational work, focusing on lectures at policeacademies in the framework of advanced courses forinvestigators. The main goal of these lectures wasshattering existing myths prevalent not only amongthe public but also among professionals. Thewidespread social perception, according to whichprostitution is a profession and women inprostitution have chosen it of their own free will,leads to perpetuation of the collective accusationtoward women in prostitution. Furthermore, it leadsto a complete public social disregard of theexploitation accompanying the phenomenon. Duringlectures to police officers and investigators, wemake efforts at undermining this pattern of thoughtthrough reality analysis and dialogue.

Working with the police has strengthened ourresolve to continue our efforts of cooperating withthe establishment and to act for the eradication ofstereotypes at the core of treatment patterns ofthe different bodies working with immigrant women.The main institutes we cooperate with include theNational Insurance Institute, hospitals and theMinistry of Social Affairs and Social Services. Oneof the major problems we identify today is that thestate of Israel does not issue legal status and

14

does not grant rights for single mothers. Althoughthere is a court decision issued by the High Courtthat the National Insurance Institute has to paychild support to these women, the Institutecontinues to deny them any support and does notrecognize them as entitled to child supportpayments. This policy has created a state ofdistress, as the women are impelled to try andprovide for their children while at the same timethey are not entitled to any rights, such asmedical care or other welfare services available toIsraeli citizens. This reality often leads toextremely absurd situations, such as when theDepartment of Welfare proposes transferringchildren from the mother’s custody into a fosterfamily because they are entitled to treatmentdenied to the mother. The mother thus loses herchildren and is left to cope with her situationalone, with no support whatsoever.

The question here is not only the right torehabilitation for a woman who has experiencedexploitation, but also the broader question of theright to motherhood for women in prostitution orwomen trying to leave that cycle. Our stance isthat these women need a helping hand and maximumsupport, especially because they are in distressand may still be in prostitution.13

Project Target Group

In our work, we have come across various difficultcases where we have to deal with complex problemsand challenges, such as the immigration experienceand the status of women in Israel. One of the mainproblems stems from immigration laws in Israel,which are based on ethnic relation to the Jewishpeople. Today, only those who immigrate to Israelwithin the framework of the law of return gainpermanent legal status. Thus, some of the women whoturn to us have different rights as citizens ofIsrael. Many of them have no legal status in Israelbecause they arrived in the country in different

15

ways (direct flights, smuggled through the Egyptianborder, via the sea, or trapped in cargocompartments), as part of trafficking in women forprostitution purposes.

During 2002-2008, most of the women wereeither deported to their countries of origin orleft of their own free will. Most of those whoremained in Israel are single mothers with no legalstatus, or mothers of children of Israeli fathers.These women are usually not entitled tocitizenship, though their children are apparentlyentitled to it because their fathers are Israelicitizens. These are women who succeeded in leavingthe world of prostitution, but were caught in aviolent relationship with Israeli men, and aftertheir breakup were left with no rights, despitebeing mothers of children born in Israel.

These women become an especially weakenedgroup and often have no possibility of leaving thecountry due to a stay of exit order proceduresinitiated by the fathers of their children. A womanwithout sufficient Hebrew language skills and incontinuous economic distress has no possibility fora strenuous and complex legal struggle. On theother hand, these women are not willing to leavethe country because they believe their childrenhave much better potential for a good future thanthey would in their countries of origin. Giventheir situation, the potential for these women toreturn to prostitution is relatively high.

The results of the deportation policy offoreign women have led traffickers to stoptrafficking women to Israel, leading to asignificant reduction in this phenomenon. However,because the demand for sex services has notdecreased, pimping in local prostitution has begunflourishing instead. In recent years, we havewitnessed a significant increase in pimping and, asa result, massive numbers of immigrant women andwomen from weakened groups have lapsed intoprostitution. Furthermore, we are witnessing a newmodel of a second generation, the so-calledtransition from victim to Madam. This process-

16

oriented model emphasizes the endlessness andbrutal nature of human exploitation.

Women trafficked to other countries of theworld, who have not received any treatment orsupport, are engaged today in similar patterns ofexploiting other women. The dilemma is a difficultone. How do we, as activists and members of women’sorganizations, deal with these women? Should wehelp them even though they are making a living byexploiting other women, and if so, how do we breakthis brutal cycle where the woman is simultaneouslya victim and a victimizer? Despite the manydilemmas, we continue to provide these women withsupport, out of the belief that if they havesupport in their personal struggles, they will havethe ability to escape the cycle of violence andabuse.

Characteristics of Immigrant Women in Prostitution

A prominent characteristic of women in prostitutionis their life story that abounds with violencedirected towards them in childhood. During eightyears of work, we learned that sexual abuse andviolence experienced in childhood alsocharacterizes immigrant women in prostitution;however, in their case, these are only some of thereasons leading them to sink into prostitution.

The distinctiveness of women who receivedhelp within the framework of our project include,among others, not knowing their rights, lack oftrust in the establishment, lack of culturalunderstanding of the establishment’srepresentatives, and identification with differentcultural and social worldviews. Among the socialpatterns characterizing immigrant women from theFSU, there are differences in the definition ofpersonal autonomy and independence, a tendency forself-blame and different priorities than those inIsrael.1. Lacking knowledge of rights and distrust of the

establishment: during 2009, more than 30

17

immigrant women approached us for help. All ofthem, whether they are in Israel legally or not,complained about a continuous fear of theestablishment and clearly stated that they donot believe in the welfare system or in itsability or willingness to help them in theirsituation. In addition, those who are alsomothers suffer from fear that their childrenwill be taken away from their custody due tolack of economic security and their inability tosupport them.

2. Lack of cultural understanding of the establishment’s representatives: welfaredepartments that do not have culture-sensitiveservices cannot offer services in the differentlanguages of the women. The difficulty arisingfrom this fact can be demonstrated through acase of a trafficked victim from Uzbekistan, whois still in prostitution to this day. She cameto an emergency apartment after being beaten bya client, and asked the counselor in theapartment to help her and give her something forher headache and the bruises on her face.Meanwhile, she went to the refrigerator and tookout cold cucumbers and put them on the bruisescovering her body, although women are notallowed to open the refrigerator withoutpermission. The counselor was very angry anddecided that the woman is making a “beautymask.” An argument ensued between the two women,at the end of which the victim left theapartment, called us and complained that she wasnot being understood. This is an example ofcultural differences. Women from Eastern Europeput cold cucumbers on bruises in order to soothethe pain. Not being familiar with this culturalpractice led the counselor to act in a way thatcaused the woman to distrust her.

Another example of culture and languagedifferences related to a misunderstanding of theword “intimacy.” A trafficking victim fromUkraine and a single mother of two joined aproject where women have an opportunity to

18

acquire sound parental tools. The womanseparated from her partner who used to beat her.During a discussion with a social worker, thelatter asked about the intimacy level of therelationship between the woman and the father ofher children. The woman did not understand whythe social worker was using the word “intimacy,”while she repeatedly stated that she was notinterested in any kind of relationship with thefather. The victim thought the social worker wasasking about her sex life. This misunderstandingcaused damage to the therapeutic program andthreatened the remaining meetings. Only afterthe woman turned to us and told us about thisdifficulty was it discovered that the socialworker was only interested in the woman’sability to create a close emotional relation.This example demonstrates the complexity of thesupport and treatment issues among immigrantgroups and the difficulties they face even afterthey gather courage to seek help.

3. Different social values and worldviews: thesocial values characterizing the cultures of theFSU countries are different not only from thosecommon in western countries, but they alsodiffer among the countries themselves. Althoughmore than ten years have passed since the mainimmigration waves from these countries, ourencounters with the women make it clear to usthat the welfare system and governmental bodieshave failed in identifying the differentcultural patterns. Following are a number ofexamples in areas where social norms among theimmigrant population differ from those inIsrael. Insensitivity on the part of authoritiesmay cause gaps in communication and result inwomen feeling frustrated and discontinuing theirtreatment. Clothing code: the choice of clothes and themanner of wearing them constitute an importantaspect of life for immigrant women, one thatdemands an elegant and meticulous dress instandards differing from those common in Israel.

19

In various talks with colleagues and women fromthese countries, there is a repeated saying,according to which “even if there is no bread inthe house, the woman will buy a pretty dresswith her last money.”Perception of personal autonomy andindependence: in the FSU, women grew up with asignificant degree of independence, which theyacquired as part of a learning process ofbecoming citizens of the Soviet power. Womenreceived training and acquired professions thatare viewed in Israel as well as in the west asmale professions, such as bus drivers,construction workers, heavy machine technicians,mechanics and other such professions. Thesefields of work did not relieve them from theirresponsibilities for the household. In fact,their double role was defined in advance. Theywere in charge of both breadwinning and thehousehold, including responsibility over thehouse budget and family expenses. In Israel,when they cannot be primary breadwinners, thesewomen feel enormous frustration stemming fromthe fact that they continue to feelresponsibility for the family but cannot supplythe solutions themselves.Self-blame: in popular Russian culture, a womanis considered the mother of all sin and theimmediate source of every problem. A series ofRussian proverbs perpetuate the thought that thewoman is to blame for everything, especially forthe temptation of men and causing them todeviate from the path of righteousness, as inthe popular saying “if the bitch does not wishit, the dog will not jump.” This normative wayof thinking, beside the fact that the localculture lacks any open discussion on issues ofsex and sexual violence, has caused manyimmigrant women to blame themselves for thefailure of their relationships and for theincidents of violence they experienced. It tooka long time for the therapeutic team tounderstand that, in many cases, what was

20

presented by the women as an incident which theyperceived as being blamed for, and seen as notbeing important or worth filing a complaintabout, was indeed a rape by a pimp, client orpartner.Different priorities: citizens of the FSU, bornand raised under the Soviet regime, internalizedtheir natural low place in the priorities of thetotalitarian society. A Russian proverb saysthat the letter “YA” meaning “I” is located notby chance at the end of the Russian alphabet, asthe individual is always located at the bottomof the priorities. Thus, for example, incontrast to what is accepted in Israel, whenimmigrant women from the FSU are asked to talkabout themselves, they would first relate totheir status, their profession and work – clearsocial parameters, and only then they would saythat they are mothers. The significant changesexperienced by citizens with the fall ofcommunism completely changed the collective andindividual priorities. The need for personalproperty made the race for economic welfare intoa value of itself, and created a new realitywithin which there is a need to struggle inevery way in order to ensure the family anappropriate level of existence that conveys higheconomic status.

Many women trafficked to Israel believed theywere leaving for a country where they would earnmoney in foreign currency. This temptation wasso great that many of them left their childrenin the belief that securing the future of theirchildren was their greatest mission, while lovecan be provided by others, such as grandparents.The older generation bringing up young childrenwas a common, accepted practice in thetraditional Russian culture. Ironically, manywomen discovered that when they returned totheir countries of origin, not only had theirchildren been neglected, but also the money theysent for them was spent on other things. Themother-child relationship, which was severely

21

damaged during the mother’s absence, isdifficult to restore.

All the issues presented above indicate thatimmigrant women from the FSU, who grew up in aworld with completely different priorities andvalues, face difficulties in their process ofabsorption into Israel and experience feelings ofalienation. Immigration does not change the valuesystem of an individual or her/his ability tointerpret social messages and adapt behavioralpatterns overnight. Women who immigrated to Israelwith their children feel pressured to reducematerial gaps, such as buying a house, a car, andother things needed for the welfare of the family.The race for material integration hinders thecultural integration process and leaves women andtheir families like a foreign plant in a new land.

There is no doubt that cultural sensitivityis one of the central elements that facilitateunderstanding of the needs of various and differentpopulations. Understanding the women’s culture oforigin and a deep knowledge of it are necessary inorder to provide successful treatment.

Women’s Voices

The last part of our article is dedicated tobringing forth the voices of the women about theissues presented here. It is our belief asfeminists, social activists and researchers, thatmaking women’s voices heard has a double role inthe framework of the discourse we are proposing.Putting women’s words into writing does not onlypresent their personal and authentic voices, italso proposes change in our behavioral patterns associety. In this choice, there is a call forinvolving the voices of research participants inwork processes, not as objects, but as women with avoice of utmost importance for analysis,

22

understanding, and social coping with thedifficulties raised in this research.

As part of the attempt to bring forth thevoices of women, we interviewed seven immigrantwomen in prostitution – today or in the past – andone social worker working at a therapeutic centerfor women in prostitution. All the women, rangingin ages from 30 to 47 years, came to Israel during1995 – 2000 from the FSU. From the many differentissues they raised, we include the following:

The absorption process: most of the womeninterviewed for this article came to Israel legallyaccording to the law of return. The dominantexperience in their lives is loneliness anduncertainty. The yearning for control was expressedin a desperate attempt at acquiring the newlanguage and necessary information for integration;a yearning that all of the interviewed womendescribed as being a repeatedly shatteringexperience.

During her education at the Ulpan (school forintensive study of Hebrew), A. says that she beganto cope with many fears, the biggest one being heruncertainty about the future. A. emphasizes thatshe sought out apparently simple information – howto search for a job and who can help her, but shefailed. She describes the indifference ofauthorities and relates that she was unable to askquestions and did not receive any comprehensiveexplanation regarding her rights. Similar to A., M.also needed simple information and support insearching for a job and preparing her resume. Thetwo women did not know about welfare services andwere left alone and lonely in their efforts tosupport their children before they sank intoprostitution.

Non-familiarity with institutions and welfareservices: a central part of the personal narrativeof deterioration as described by the womenthemselves is the failure to decipher the new andunfamiliar social codes, as well as understandingthe absorption procedure in a new country. “In aforeign country, no matter what they say, there is

23

no such thing that people will help,” V. told us.Ten years after she immigrated, V. is deep inprostitution and drugs, and she emphasizes thatfrom the first moment of her arrival, the countryturned its back on her.

A. relates how she lives alone with herdaughter, who suffers from chronic medicalconditions. She had to call an ambulance onnumerous occasions and was repeatedly charged withhigh amounts she could not pay, only becauserepresentatives of the medical institute did notexplain to her that she was supposed to fill out aform and submit it in order to get her money back.In the FSU, using the services of an ambulance doesnot cost anything and does not require completingforms. A. assumed it is the same in Israel.

M. describes the frustration and feelings ofloneliness she experienced when she decided toseparate from her husband because of theirstrenuous relationship. She did not know to whomshe could turn, what organizations dealt with theseissues, or how she could proceed with the process.The common experience of these two women is thefeeling of utter loneliness in a country whereauthorities do not lend a helping hand. Anotherwoman (I.) had signed many checks for her partnerwho, contrary to his promises, deposited them inorder to cover his own debts, leaving her in greatdebt and exposed to threats from confiscationcompanies. At that stage, she relates, when all herefforts at obtaining support from the welfareauthorities had failed, the path to prostitutionwas fast.

New language: most of the women emphasizedthat it took time to acquire control over theHebrew language at a level that enabled them acertain degree of integration into society. Some ofthem noted that there is a shortage of help orinformation in Russian that would have greatlyimproved their ability to decipher the new realityand develop coping strategies.

V. told us that during her main period ofdownturn, she was in contact with a number of

24

organizations in Israel that tried to help her. Heryearning to understand what was being said led herto being drawn to anyone approaching her inRussian, even if he was trying to get her toprostitute her body. His words, in her nativelanguage, seemed more convincing than words in thenew and foreign language. The turning point in V’slife, from which she was able to begin herrehabilitation process occurred not by chance, butonly after a number of years of prostitution andsuffering, when she gathered enough courage andturned to the police. She was received by aRussian-speaking team, who called forrepresentatives who provide help for women inRussian. This was the first time V. cooperated withthe authorities and began her rehabilitationprocess.

Cultural gap: from an interview with a socialworker from “Women’s Horizon,” a therapeutic centerfor women rehabilitating from prostitution in Haifaand specializing in treatment of women from EastEurope, we learned the effects of significantdifferences in cultural background on theabsorption process in Israel, as well as aboutwomen’s routes into prostitution. As alreadymentioned, in many Soviet families, it was commonthat a child grows up with her/his grandparents andthat parents do not play the dominant role inchildren’s upbringing. This social structure hadcertain features, among them the absence ofemotional communication channels with children.Children were perceived as a kind of human assetthat needs to be clothed and educated. However,emotional aspects were not included in the commonparental pattern. Besides being in a new countryand sinking into prostitution, there are twoproblematic implications of this background onimmigrant women:

▪ At times of crisis, women’s response wascharacterized by two extremes: on the onehand, temptation to trust anyone who mightseem – even for a moment – to care about themand their needs, or promising love these

25

women lacked in their childhood. On the otherhand, in a state of victimization andobjectification, women identify similarity toa known pattern and believe that making theman object of economic worth is acceptable.

▪ The women truly believed that material needsof their child are superior to her/hisemotional needs. Therefore, they take the“no-choice” step of prostitution that theyhoped would promise certain material welfare.The social worker interviewed emphasized thatin all her sessions with women inprostitution, they noted that at least in thefirst stages it was clear to them that theemotional and psychological damage to theirchildren of being exposed to their mother’sprostitution seemed to be less than thedamage caused by poverty or material lack.

Exposure to violence and rape as part of thepersonal background: in a recent research study onwomen in prostitution published in Israel, AnatGur14 demonstrated that most women in prostitutionhad suffered in the past from sexual violence. Inaddition to the common reasons for immigrant womenentering prostitution such as poverty, social, andcultural differences, we also discovered, throughour own work in the project and through interviewswith the women, that most immigrant women inprostitution had experienced violence and sexualabuse, most often rape, in their past. Of course,it should not be assumed that in every case where awoman suffers childhood sexual violence it meansshe would enter prostitution, but indeed it can besaid that many women in prostitution had sufferedsexual violence in their past. A. was raped by herboyfriend at the age of 15, and in the absence offamily support, she never told anyone about hertrauma. To the social worker’s question of why shehad never told anyone in Israel, A. responded“because nobody had asked.” M. was raped by a groupof teenagers at the age of 15. V. was raped by herhusband at the age of 18.

26

The three women, like other interviewees,completely repressed and denied their traumas untilthe beginning of a rehabilitation process they areundergoing now in Israel. Both from the socialworker as well as from the women interviewed, itbecomes clear that in 100% of the cases, the womenexperienced physical violence and publichumiliation in their families. All women indicatedthat they never attributed any importance to thisnor did they try to obtain treatment, and most ofthem blame themselves for being in a violentenvironment.

Potential for Prostitution; the women arevictims of sophisticated pimps, who know how torecognize the personal and emotional patternsindicating in their language “which woman can be agood whore.” The first enticement for prostitutionis exerted on those women who convey beingemotionally neglected in childhood, those who facedifficulties in integration into the new society,and those who as they say “do not take their dirtylaundry out” and tend not to report.

S. related that she was not willing to talkto anybody about her difficulties, not even to herclose friends. Later on in her life, she was notwilling to talk about her husband’s violencetowards her and continued to believe that if shekept silent and worked to improve their economicsituation, things would get better.

M. told us that she arrived in Israel thanksto her Jewish husband. His parents kept remindingher of this fact and made it clear that withouttheir support she would find herself deported. ThusM. found herself in a situation where she could notget divorced for fear that she would be deportedand separated from her children, and her sinkinginto prostitution began when somebody used herfears.

Hope for better times: despite the difficultsituations of the women interviewed for thisresearch, and in spite of the complex andunsuccessful absorption processes, most of them aredetermined to stay in Israel because they feel a

27

sense of belonging to the country and hope tosucceed in building a better life in the future.

Both I. and A. noted that receiving help inthe Russian language was a turning point thathelped them begin a sound absorption process, wherethey learned their rights and began to trust theauthorities. More importantly, they were able toexpress themselves with confidence, were beingunderstood and felt supported in their efforts toact for their own benefit and that of theirfamilies.

Most of the women emphasized that theyrecognized the necessity of building a new life inIsrael. They share a background story whereby theycame to Israel out of a belief that life would bebetter here than in their country of origin. Theystill feel that it is worth trying again because,potentially, this is a better place for them. Theirlonging to belong and shatter the feeling ofalienation enables them today to integrate intotherapeutic groups, with the hope that their trustin the system will not fail them this time.

Conclusion and Recommendations

The winding journey of saving women fromprostitution has not come to an end. The complexintegration into a new culture, coupled withpoverty and social and economic crisis in thecountry of origin, have led to a situation ofdegrading abuse of the women as they immigrated toIsrael. The cultural gap created is continuous anddifficult to overcome and does not end with theimmigration process. This research has focused onidentification of immigrant women caught inprostitution, with the intent of focusing on theweak components of the immigration process.Familiarity with these weaknesses and comprehensivetreatment of them will decrease the numbers ofwomen caught in this situation.

Prostitution is a social phenomenon withvarious different aspects that influence the lives

28

of women in general, and immigrant women inparticular. We chose to focus on describing ourwork with women in prostitution and integratingtheir voices into this discourse. We touched onissues of cultural and social differences and theirmeaning in the lives of immigrant women in Israel,and we demonstrated how the unwillingness andinability of social services and welfareinstitutions to understand the immigrant populationcauses direct and often irreversible damage to theprocess of absorption and integration.

We believe that the issues touched upon here,as well as the insights we presented regardingcultural sensitivity, constitute contents thatshould be integrated into workshops at schools andlectures to representatives and staff members ofsocial and welfare departments. We want to pass theexperience and knowledge we have gained to everyplace where genuine public discussion can takeplace, with the aim of changing the social patternsthat perpetuate prostitution. Following are anumber of recommendations for practical actionsintended to change the reality described in thisarticle:1. The authorities should examine the different

and unique needs of immigrant women, withsensitivity for the specific culture of eachwoman. A support structure should be designedfor bridging gaps, with special focus onworkshops for parents in situations ofimmigration. All activity and explanationsshould be available in the languages of theimmigrants’ countries of origins.

2. Groups for support, empowerment,assertiveness and acquisition of life-skillsshould be provided for immigrant women. Thegroups should be facilitated in participants’mother tongue. Participating in a group whereone is among equals and one’s voice isunderstood enables an experience of belongingand coping better with reality outside of thegroup.

29

3. Recognizing the prevalent stereotype inwestern society and particularly in Israelisociety, according to which Russian women are“easy and promiscuous,” demands appropriatecoping with its implications. Immigrants fromthe FSU are entitled to receive explanationsregarding laws on sexual harassment, rightsin the workplace and legal procedures.

4. Priority in departments of social work shouldbe given to students with different mothertongues familiar with the cultural backgroundof various immigrant populations. Specialpriority should be given to students whoimmigrated at an older age, who can help inthe integration process of new immigrants.

5. Trainings should be held for staff personnelfrom welfare departments, social services andother public bodies on immigrationcharacteristics and the cultural patterns ofwomen and men immigrating to Israel.

6. Trainings should be held for staff personnelfrom welfare departments, social services andother public bodies on prostitution, itssources and root causes, the scope of thephenomenon and the different and commoncharacteristics of women in prostitution.Workshop participants should be empowered toact as change agents who fight against theperception whereby women in prostitution havebecome “invisible women” in society notentitled to professional help because oftheir own “choice.”

7. Welfare authorities should help the newfamilies of women trafficked to Israel inorder to help their children and prevent thephenomenon of second generation. The damagesof the transition from the family nucleus toa foster family need to be minimized, andfamilies whose origin is the FSU should beencouraged to join the circle of fosterfamilies. This step will facilitate theintegration of children into families withsimilar cultural background and language.

30

8. Budgets should be developed and allocated tosupport groups for women rehabilitating fromprostitution, especially support groups forthe acquisition of parenting skills. Thesegroups should deal with the unique aspects ofthe cultures of origin and the special needsbased on belonging to specific cultures.

9. The National Insurance Institute has torecognize the right of women with no legalstatus in Israel to receive child supportallocations for their children who arecitizens of Israel.

10. Support groups need to be made accessible andpublicized in the media in the Russianlanguage, including details of the contentsand available services.

These recommendations can significantlycontribute not only to improving the lives of manywomen, but also to the development of accessible,culture-sensitive services for differentcommunities in our society.

Our success and achievements in the fightagainst trafficking in women have shown that it ispossible to make real change in women’s lives, butalso that it is difficult to make change in thewhole society. The use of women’s bodies and theviolence against them [us] are still commoncharacteristics of the society we live in, and thesituation of many women in Israeli society isdifficult. But is this question only relevant tocertain women? From our perspective, we see a muchmore intricate and complex picture; in coping withprostitution, we identify a common issue for allwomen and men. Only a complete eradication of thephenomenon can change society’s perceptions ofwomen and, accordingly, lead to significantreduction in violence. Our place as women, whateverour role or occupation, is closely connected tolearning and understanding the violence againstwomen and knowing how terrible this situation is.The very existence of violence against women in oneform or another affects all of our lives, directly

31

or indirectly. Only a society that knows how tolisten to the other in different languages can be acontaining and patient society, and can develop toinclude multiculturalism where women can live witha sense of liberty.

NOTES1. We would like to thank Adva Shai (editing)

and Khulud Khamis (translation into English) for their invaluable contribution.

2. Levenkron, Naomi and Dahan Yossi. A WomanPassed to Trafficker – Trafficking in Women inIsrael. Tel Aviv: Top Print, 2003.

3. Chaikin, Rita. "Fighting against Trafficking in Women in the North of Israel" Pp. p.201-216. In K. Beeks & D. Amir (Eds.) Trafficking and the Global Sex Industry. Oxford, UK: Lexington Books, 2006.

4. We acknowledge the efforts of the Special Investigation Team in the Special Intelligence Unitfor Organized Crimes Investigations, Tel-Aviv District.

5. Sulaimonova, Saltanat. "Trafficking in Women from the Former Soviet Union for the Purposesof Sexual Exploitation." Pp. 61-75. In K. Beeks & D. Amir (Eds.) Trafficking and the Global Sex Industry. Oxford: Lexington Books, 2006.

6. Lokshin, Michael and Popkin, M. Barry."Emerging Underclass in Russia: Income Dynamics,1992–1996." Pp.803–829. Journal of Economic Developmentand Cultural Change 47 (4). 1999.

7. Khodyreva, Natalia. Modern Discussions on Prostitution: A Gender Approach. St. Petersburg: Altia Publishing, 2006. (In Russian).

8. Vandenberg, Martina. Traffiking of Women to Israel and Forced Prostitution. Jerusalem: A report for the Israel Women’s Network, 1997.

32

9. "Victims of Trafficking and Violence Protection Act of 2000: Trafficking in Persons Report" (TIP) US Department of State. (2000) http://www.state.gov/g/tip/rls/tiprpt/

10. Amnesty International Israeli Section. Report on Trafficking in Women. Tel-Aviv, 2000.

11. Heller, Ella. Findings of Public Opinion Poll on Trafficking in Women in Israel: Public Awareness and Perceptions on the Phenomenon and Perception of the Connection between Trafficking inWomen and Violations of Human Rights. ParliamentaryInvestigation Committee on Trafficking in Women. Jerusalem: the Knesset, Center for Research and Information, 2003. (In Hebrew). http://www.knesset.gov.il/mmm/doc.asp?doc=m00693&type=pdf

12. Buman, Masha and Solomonick, Sonia. (2009). A Silent Voice in Israeli Feminist Polyphony. Unpublished paper.

13. Tselnik, Pauline. At-Risk and Distressed Immigrant Girls. Report written for Elem, 1999. http://www.shatil.org.il/sites/noar-oleh/library/1234871264 

14. Gur, Anat. Women Abandoned. Tel-Aviv: Hakibbutz Hameuchad Publishing House Ltd, 2008. (InHebrew).

33