Prostitution Issue in the Agenda of the Late Ottoman Empire

There has been a struggle between the modernist and the traditional wings throughout the history of

the Turkish Republic. The beginning of this struggle can be traced back to the Selim III’s era in the

Ottoman Empire. Since that time the struggle has been seen in different areas and time periods. It

can be said that such a struggle existed between Abdülhamid II (r. 1876-1909) and the Committee

of Union and Progress (1909-1918). The determination of Abdülhamid’s sultanate is a controversial

topic in the Turkish historiography. Until recently, Abdülhamid was called as dictator and tyrant

while some significant scholars have claimed the contrary. Toprak, Özbek, Koloğlu and Georgeon

have studied on the modern and merciful side of the sultan. Scholars compare Abdülhamid’s reign

with the CUP’s era in terms of politics, economic level or war conditions. In this paper they will be

compared from a different point of view; the prostitution issue. The conditions of prostitution will

be evaluated in the light of Abdülhamid’s merciful regime and the CUP’s positivist and modern

application on prostitution will be discussed. Because of the traditional, conservative and Islamic

approach, prostitution in the Ottoman Empire has not been discussed deeply even in the academia.

Thus the number of the studies and sources are limited. Özbek, Toprak, N. Özbek, Ergut, Bali,

Wyers are some brave names who studied the prostitution issue in the late Ottoman Empire and

early Turkish Republic. In addition to these valuable secondary sources, the documents in the

Ottoman Archives of the Prime Ministry have been used to display some cases as primary sources.

In order to make more sense, the political developments shall be narrated shortly; constitution

expectation in 1876, Abdülhamid II’s throne and the emerging of the Young Turks or the CUP

opposition shall be explained. The intellectual baggage of the CUP shall be pointed out to

understand their perspective toward lower class. However it should be pointed that the main goal of

this paper is not to evaluate or discuss the policy of the late Ottoman Empire, but to discuss the

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prostitution issue throughout two different regimes. Moreover, their different approaches reflected

on the prostitution issue will be discussed. It will be asked that whether the merciful policy of

Abdülhamid or modern and civilized perspective of the CUP had a more positive approach towards

the lost women in the Empire.

The Meaning of Prostitution

Prostitution means the illicit intercourse of the sexes. On the other hand, the popular conception of

prostitution is a woman who temporarily loans the use of her body in return for money. According

to Webster definition, prostitution means lewdness for hire. In other words, have immoral relations

with at least two men contemporaneously and for mutual gain. Prostitution has been seen as a 1

female doing which is called morally degenerate. It is argued that a vital element in prostitution is 2

that the women derives no pressure from her sexual escapades, but is concerned solely with the fees

she receives in return for her services. It is obvious that this issue has been related to the moral 3

discourses, in other words it depends on cultural values. However the explanation from morality

point of view is that prostitute is a victim of economic and patriarchal exploitation.

The Short Overview of the Prostitution

It should be pointed out that the meaning of prostitution which is used today is totally different from

its previous meanings. For instance, in ancient Athens prostitute refers to the highest possible rank.

Like Athens, in Sumerians and some other cultures the motivation is not the financial issue, it rather

is related to religious sacrifices. Even though it is said that in patriarchal systems prostitution is

Scott George Ryley, The History of Prostitution, (London: Senate, 1996), p. 9.1

Mary Gibson, Prostitution and the State in Italy: 1860- 1915 ,( Columbus: Ohio State University Press, 1986), p 4.2

Gibson, Prostitution and the State, p.12.3

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intolerable, the surveys show the contrary. In other words, majority of men in many patriarchal 4

societies visit brothels to demonstrate that they are “honorable men”. In Roman Empire, it is said 5

that “once a prostitute, always a prostitute”. There was a prostitution system in Rome, but it is too 6

early to talk about developed brothel systems. Most probably prostitutes used to occupy the streets

and rent rooms in the Roman Empire. We know that although any religion or state could have

prevented prostitution, it is safe to argue that they abused it on the contrary. According to Scott’s

account, during the mediaeval times most of the tax revenues were coming from the brothels to

Pope. In the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, the royal palaces had their own brothels for 7

celebrations. Some powerful names were against the existence of brothels, such as Henri VIII who

shut down the brothels in England in the sixteenth century, but it does not mean there were no

brothels in England. People have always found an alternative way, and they turned public baths into

“illegal” brothels and their numbers uncontrollably increased in England. This situation continued

during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, according to Archenholz’s report,

“There is in London species of houses called as bagnios, the sole invention of which is

procure pleasure. There are magnificent buildings, furniture contained in them is not

unworthy palace of a prince. This kind of entertainments is expensive, yet sometimes the

bagnios are full night long’’ 8

Based on the report of the Chief Commissioner of Police in the United Kingdom in 1841,

there were 3.325 brothels. In the nineteenth century, the conditions of brothels or prostitutes in the 9

Gibson, Prostitution and the State, p.22.4

Aslı Zengin, İktidarın Mahremiyeti: İstanbul’da Hayat Kadınları, Sex İşçiliği ve Şiddet, (İstanbul: Metis Yayıncılık, 5

2011)

Scott George Ryley, The History of Prostitution, (London: Senate, 1996), p.65.6

Scott, The History of Prostitution, p.687

M.D. Archenholz, A Picture of England, (Dublin 1999), p.1958

James Beard Tablot, The Miseries of Prostitution, ( Washington: J.Madden and Company, 2003), pp 50-78.9

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streets were almost the same in European states. The women were abused by the owners of the

brothels or their pimps providing security. The brothels in Europe and other states were separated

into many classes based on the financial power of their customers. It can be argued that even though

it was tolerated for a long time, an opposition against prostitution and the prostitutes was born

because prostitution and crime often went hand in hand in the nineteenth century in European

states. People in brothels -mostly women- were punished seriously, however it should not be

ignored that the main reason of this reaction was not religious or cultural values, but the venereal

diseases.

Hygiene Issue

The prostitution issue has been complicated because it was accepted that prostitution cannot be

prevented. Moreover, contrary to the general belief as it has been mentioned above, the brothels and

female prostitutes were accepted as essential elements in order to continue the sexual regulation in

societies. In patriarchal societies, female prostitutes are needed because it is thought that

prostitution prevents the homosexual relationships. It should be pointed out that this condition has

not made prostitutes into honorable women in the patriarchal societies in the modern world. In

addition to the social issues, the breaking point in prostitution occurred in the nineteenth century

with the hygiene discourse in Europe. The European states organized regulations consisting regular

medical examinations for prostitutes.

The Ottoman Cases

When it comes to the Ottoman Empire, it is safe to claim that the general conditions and the

structure of prostitution were not different from its European contemporaries. Unregistered houses

or brothels had been common all around the Empire. According to the notes and observations on the

Empire, it can be concluded that prostitution had been tolerated unless there were complaints made " 4

to the Porte or local authorities. In other words, the prostitution issue depended on the individual

complaints coming from people to the Porte. Until the eighteenth century, there had been no

systematized applications for prostitution; instead there were individual battles against women. For

instance, Selim III offered awards for so called- well known prostitutes, as a result five women

were killed for being prostitutes. As with many other institutions, prostitution also changed with 10

the Tanzimat Edict in the Ottoman Empire (1839). With the regulation in 1839, people could open

legally registered brothels or houses.

When it comes to the sources on the prostitution issue, the majority of the records consist of

court records. According to Wyers these records are useful for researchers, however they do not

present the whole picture about the prostitution issue in the Ottoman Empire. It should be pointed 11

out that the prostitution issue was not a homogenous practice in the Ottoman Empire, for instance

brothels or houses -whether they were registered or not- were not the only form of prostitution.

Even though female prostitution is the first to come to mind while discussing the issue, male

prostitution was also very common in the Ottoman Empire. For example, slavery was very 12

common in the Ottoman Empire and accepted as a tradition. According to Andrew and Kalpaklı,

there were boys and gentlemen who sold or had to sell their bodies in return for money or

something else. 13

Prostitution in Religion

BOA. HH. NO: 901410

Mark David Wyers, “Wicked” Istanbul: The Regulation of Prostitution in the Early Turkish Republic, (İstanbul: 11

Libra, 2012), pp 60-66.

Droe Ze’evi, Müslüman Osmanlı Toplumunda Arzu ve Aşk, (Ankara: Kitap Yayınevi, 2008)12

Walter Andrew & Mehmet Kalpaklı, The Age of Beloveds: Love and the Beloved in Early-Modern Ottoman and 13

European Culture and Society, ( London: Duke University Press, 2005) p. 283. " 5

Prostitution, which is called as zina in Islamic literature, is accepted as a crime against God and

requires punishment by whipping in Islamic law. However, in the era of Mehmed II an alternative

legal code was regulated, which prevented those found guilty of prostitution being punished rigidly

unlike the Islamic code, Şeriat. According to Ze’evi, the punishments for sexual crimes were not

stable in the Ottoman Empire, rather they depended on the socio-economic conditions of the

involved parties. Ze’evi claims that if the participants of the sexual crime were rich they did not 14

stand an official trial, but were given warning instead. However, if they were to be from lower class,

they were punished or exiled. In other words, the lower class people or ordinary people were

subjected to more severe applications. For instance; in 18th July of 1893 Hakkı b. Veli, who was an

ordinary soldier, was subjected to hard labour for five years because of his sexual crimes in the

Rhodes Island. As a result of this punishment, Veli lost his mental stability and was sent to Manisa

asylum. 15

The Political Atmosphere of the Late Ottoman Empire

The Reign of Abdülhamid II

In order to evaluate the prostitution in the late Ottoman Empire clearly, the political atmosphere

should be explained shortly, so that the issue in the context will become more meaningful.

Despite the efforts and reform projects during the time of the ambitious sultans like Selim

III and Mahmud II, the Ottoman Empire had not been able to develop effective strategies to deal

with the impact of grand ideological and economic processes like nationalism and imperialism

among its subjects, especially in places like the Balkans and the Arab provinces where the

traditional tools of legitimacy had mostly ceased to function. While many crucial steps were taken

by the state such as reforming the army and education system, increasing bureaucratization and

Ze’evi, Müslüman Osmanlı Toplumunda Arzu ve Aşk, (Ankara: Kitap Yayınevi, 2008)14

BOA DH.MKT 89/ 4 4 M 1311/ 18 Temmuz 189315

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development of new strategies to secure the support of the masses such as the increasing visibility

of the sultan, the more comprehensive programs like the Tanzimat and Islahat reforms were applied

to prevent the empire from disintegration. Thus, the Ottoman Empire had a long undergoing process

of modernization for quite a while by the time of Abdülhamid II came to power. Although the 16

reforming and modernizing projects carried out by his predecessors helped the empire survive, most

of the problems experienced by the Empire at the beginning of the nineteenth century remained

unsolved and became more severe. The legacy of these long-lasting problems is important to

understand the political atmosphere and the attitude of the various political actors on the eve of and

during the reign of Abdülhamid II. 17

The political actors of the late nineteenth-century Ottoman Empire were the outcome of the

modernization process that started to penetrate the Ottoman Empire since the late eighteenth

century. By 1870s, the most important outcome of this process was the emergence of a new political

wing demanding the announcement of a constitution modeled after the European examples.

Educated mostly in France and inspired by the liberal ideologies there, this group aimed at limiting

the sultan’s authority in favor of a European-like parliament. While Abdülaziz did not lean towards

the idea of constitutional monarchy, Murad V who was prince at that time was more open to

negotiation. For this reason, the proponents of constitutional monarchy took the side of Murad V

and considered him as a suitable alternative to Abdülaziz once the latter lost his political power due

to his inability to deal successfully with pressing issues. The overall standing of Abdülaziz and

Murad’s promise to announce the constitution in the event of his enthronement pushed the

proponents of constitutional monarchy towards supporting Murad V, in spite of the claims that he

was mentally unstable. However, after his enthronement it was soon realized by his supporters that

Erik Zürcher, Turkey, a Modern History, (New York: I. B. Tauris, 1994), pp. 76-93. 16

Kemal Karpat, Haşim, and Esin Soğancılar. Türkiye'de Siyasal Sistemin Evrimi: 1876-1980, (Ankara: İmge 17

Kitabevi, 2007), pp. 8-19.

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his condition was serious. In addition to his already existing problems like alcoholism, the

unexpected death of Abdülaziz adversely affected Murad’s mental balance. However, the main

problem for the proponents of constitutional monarchy was not Murad’s insanity; they were more

concerned about his indifference to the proclamation of the constitution despite his initial promise.

Although Murad’ failure to go through with the constitution in the months following his

enthronement disappointed its proponents, they did not immediately stop supporting him. Instead,

they kept working towards their goal and, holding on the hope that Murad would do better on his

commitment, chose to cover up his mental issues for some time. Relatedly, they wanted to convince

the public that Murad was still capable of ruling. In order to build their claims on more solid

grounds, they resorted to obtaining medical proof of Murad’s sanity. The reports by the physicians

like Maximillian Leidesdorf and Luigi Mongeri expressed positive opinions about Murad’s mental

health, stating that he would get better if he quit drinking. All physicians shared the same opinion;

that Murad would get better in time. However, a final report based on a more detailed examination

with the signatures of around twenty different physicians eventually concluded that Murad was

mentally ill and it was not temporary. 18

The crisis that Murad’s insanity caused finally ended by Abdulhamid’s enthronement in

September 1, 1876. Given the political climate of the time, it had been unlikely that Abdülhamid

would inherit the throne. After the insanity of Murad V’s was medically documented, Abdülhamid

became the new Ottoman sultan and announced the constitution shortly thereafter. Like Murad’s

mental illness, the whole process leading to Abdulhamid’s enthronement and his proclamation of

the constitution can be read as a political process. In other words, while the sudden change in the

attitude towards Murad’s condition might have had to do with his indifference to the issue of

constitution, it is likely that hopes that Abdülhamid would proclaim the constitution if he became

Ibid. pp. 317-368.18

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sultan may have brought him political support. Once Abdülhamid ascended to the throne, he had to

deal with the long-lasting financial and political issues. The conflicts in the Balkans became more

serious, finally the Russian war out broke in 1877. The Ottoman army lost this war and the

Parliamentary held the sultan responsible for this defeat. Abdülhamid’s response to these charges

was abolishment of the Parliament on February 13, 1878. Thus, the first constitutional era of the

Ottoman Empire came to end. 19

The Period of the CUP

In the politically polarized climate initiated by the abolition of the Parliament, Abdülhamid

presented himself as a modern sultan taking the necessary steps to maintain the unity of the Empire.

In contrast, the image of Abdülhamid held by his opponents was that of a despotic ruler. According

to Hanioğlu, the Young Turk movement can be traced back to 1889. At that time it was a simple-

intellectual opposition against the regime of Abdülhamid II, however their political affect was not

felt until 1908 the Young Turk Revolution. The opponents of Abdülhamid II shaped late Ottoman 20

Empire’s and early Turkish Republic’s future. When Abdülhamid tried to present himself as a

modern sultan, his opponents also developed discourses which would be effective in the politics of

Turkish Republic in the first decades. It should be pointed out that the first opposition movements

in the Ottoman Empire against the sultan emerged in 1850s. The CUP was born in Royal Medical

Academy at the end of the nineteenth century. In 1889, as Hanioğlu reports, active student

movement began in the Academy and spread as far as to the Empire’s high schools. The beginning 21

of the political opposition movement in the Medical Academy is not a coincidence because the

medical students used to learn and discuss the biological materialism, which, according to

Zürcher, Turkey, A Modern History ,pp. 78-84.19

M. Şükrü Hanioğu, Preparation for a Revolution: The Young Turks,1902-1908, ( New York: Oxford University Press, 20

2001), p 3.

Hanioğlu, The Young Turks in Opposition, ( New York: Oxford University Press, 1995),p 71.21

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Hanioğlu’s claim, affected students’ mentality dramatically. In the mid- 1880s, the medical 22

students began to organize and participate in political movements against Abdülhamid II’s regime.

In June, 1889 the CUP was born under the leaderships of İbrahim Temo, Abdullah Cevdet, Mehmed

Reşid and İshak Sukuti. They titled their society as İttihad-ı Osmani Cemiyeti (Ottoman Union

Society). After a short time their political approach became clearer, as they began to protest against

the low quality of education level and food in the schools. In addition to the Royal Medical

academy’s students, the Royal War and Law Academies’ students also started to participate in the

activities. Soon after, the members of the committee were arrested at different times because of

these kinds of activities. They claimed that they were arrested because of their liberal ideas. 23

In spite of the Abdülhamid’s measures, the CUP grew up quickly. Their activities, and

some other organizations', increased not only in the capital but also in the provinces. At the same

time the number of arrestments increased. Moreover the founding members of the committee such

as İbrahim Temo and Abdullah Cevded were exiled, and Mustafa Effendi had to leave the capital. 24

Therefore the capital branch of the committee collapsed, which resulted in their keeping their

organization in Europe.

Following this, the CUP expanded in Beirut, Damascus, Crete, Lesbos, Rhodes, Salonica,

Izmir, Trabzon, Tripoli and Syria. There were branches in Cyprus and Bosnia. It is claimed that

CUP had network in some other Ottoman provinces such as Erzurum, Adana, Mersin, Kastamonu

and Elazığ. Even though the network of the CUP extended, the main actors of the movement were

still in exile. During the next decades, the networks of the CUP kept expanding toward Balkans,

Egypt and Europe. They published their journals like, Meşverek, Mizan and Ezan in different

branches. In 1898 the CUP reorganized and Ahmed Rıza became the dominant name in the

Hanioğlu, The Young Turks in Opposition, p 71.22

Hanioğlu, The Young Turks in Opposition, p 73.23

Hanioğlu, The Young Turks in Opposition, p 77.24

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committee. Still, it is obvious that the Young Turk movement or the CUP had no clear political

aims other than replacing the sultan’s regime with a parliamentary one which resembles the 1876

parliament. In 1902, the first CUP congress was organized in Paris, according to Hanioğlu it was 25

the most momentous event of the Young Turk movement. There are two significant consequences 26

of this congress, the first one is that member groups banded together under the framework of the

CUP, and the second is several Turkish nationalist organizations were presented and the leadership

of Ahmet Rıza was accepted in the congress. It is safe for argue that this congress changed the 27

content of the CUP, their pluralist perspective was lost and their strategies became more strict.

According to Hanioğlu, one of the main results of the congress in 1902 is the issue of majority and

minority.

When it comes to mentality of the Young Turks it is obvious that the key word which

summarizes their intentions is positivism. Auguste Comte was one of the names who was respected

by the CUP members. Their focus on positivism can be seen in their journals. Like Hanioğlu says,

their progress title was more effective than union term, especially after the 1902 congress it became

clearer. The religion issue was complicated, because they believed that the religion should be

replace by science. On the other hand, they were aware of the importance of religion. They abused

the religious discourses; for instance they judged Abdülhamid based on the Islamic rule, they

announced that the sultan was an atheist and they found him guilty. On the other hand, they

announced that Abdülhamid and his followers were traditional, anti-modern and uncivilized, while

they called themselves as modern and civilized people of the Empire. Their civilization oriented

mind changed the politics of the Ottoman Empire completely; in addition to this they tried to

construct a more civilized society. In order to achieve this they tried to get rid of the people who

Hanioğu, Preparation for a Revolution: The Young Turks,1902-1908, p 3.25

Hanioğlu, The Young Turks in Opposition, p 173.26

Ibid, 173.27

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were poor and lost. They chose to send these so- called criminals from the capital to the provinces. 28

The members of CUP devoted themselves to Le Bon’s elitist and anti-pluralist perspective. They

wished to reopen the parliamentary; however they did not aim a pluralist constitution. They rather

referred to chosen people, who would be included in the parliamentary and would rule the Empire.

They never imagined ordinary people being present in the parliamentary. Until 1902, they thought

that a better approach to education and its intellectual consequences would help to dethrone

Abdülhamid II. Many members of the Young Turks worked for improvement in education. They

would educate the masses and the dictatorship of Abdülhamid would come to end. They began to

canvass that Islam could not keep people together in the Empire any more. After 1902 the

nationalist ideas became dominant in the CUP, the Armenian and Greek oppositions present this

new perspective.

In 1903 the Mürzteg program changed the balances in Macedonia and other Balkan states,

and the Muslim elites began to protest the foreign control in the region. The cell organizations of

Young Turks fought for these regions, therefore their militaristic side developed and legitimized.

Bahaddin Şakir and Doctor Nazım are significant names of this period. As can be seen, the educated

and intellectual approach of the Young Turks was replaced with activist movements. In 1906, the

Ottoman Freedom Society was established in Macedonia and they came together with the Paris

wing, thus the CUP was born. The new key word of the CUP became fedai and self- sacrifice in the

Empire. The members, especially the fedais were known only to the high range members of the

committee, in other words the CUP prepared for their political actions well. They saw themselves as

brave soldiers. It is before the 1908 movement that the CUP negotiated with many organizations in

the Empire such as Macedo-Bulgar, Greek, Serbian, Albanians, and Jews. Shortly, it can be said that

According to the document which is recorded in 1916, prostitutes or women pimp should be sent to another place 28

from the capital, these people could stay whereever they wish apart from Istanbul; “ kadın ticareti veya fuhuş meselesinden dolayı İstanbul haricine çıkarılan kişilerin gönderildikleri yerde İstanbul haricinde bir mahale gidebilecekleri, istanbul’a gelmeleri içinse müsaade almaları gerekmekte olduğu…’’ BOA. DH. EUM. ADL. 48/9 " 12

before the 1908 Revolution, the CUP developed its networks and relationships with the

organizations that would be helpful to them. The fixing date of the revolution is a controversial

topic in the CUP history, because, according to Hanioğlu, we do not know whether the CUP had a

date for the start of the revolution or not, but he announces that Enver Bey stated in an interview

that they had fixed the date for August 1908. But, as it is known, they took the control and reopened

the parliamentary in 24 July, 1908 and they announced the constitution. In 1909, Abdülhamid was

dethroned and the CUP came to power. During those years, the CUP did not focus on the Muslim/

non-Muslim or Turk/non-Turk issues. However, after the dethronement of Abdülhamid, the main

focus of the CUP changed. After the defeat of 1912 War and Balkan Wars, the CUP took control 29

of the Empire alone in 1914 and participated in World War I.

In the light of these political developments, the social life and applications make more

sense. Without discussing the political and intellectual perspective of the CUP, their applications

toward prostitution will not be understood well. In addition, if the struggle between Abdülhamid

and the CUP is not told the main target of the CUP would not seem clearly. Moreover, in order to

understand the struggle between these two opponents, the expectations of elites from the Ottoman

Empire should be pointed out.

The prostitution law is traced back to 1880 when Abdülhamid was the sultan, then another

regulation was dated in 1915, the first year of the CUP’s domination and WWI. Turkish Republic

regulated the issue in 1930 and 1933. Shortly, it can be said that the main target of these regulations

is medicalization of prostitution. In addition to that, the surveillance practice should be pointed

out. The Ottoman Empire established Red Light Streets and forced prostitutes to remain in these 30

areas. According to Wyers’s account, the power to examine the prostitutes' bodies for possible

Feroz Ahmad, İttihad ve Terakki, 1908-1914, (İstanbul: Kaynak Yayınları, 1995),p191.29

Michel Foucault, The History of Sexuality, translated by Robert Hurley, (London: Penguin Books,1979)30

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diseases thus shifted from local kadıs and imams to the secular power of health authorities. Thus 31

the pressure on women doubled, these women had to fight against both the moral rules and the

state’s hygiene-focused applications. The Ottoman Empire, like the Turkish Republic and many

other states, saw prostitutes as semi-citizens and a threat to moral order and society’s health. This

understanding can be traced to Abdülhamid’s Islamic and patriarch discourse as much as the CUP’s

positivist and civilized- modern approaches.

According to Özbek's and Toprak’s theories, Abdülhamid was a modern and patriarch

sultan. In order to demonstrate his modern side, Abdülhamid benefited from many tools. He took

advantage of European modern devices, such as establishing hospitals and supporting the poor, and

he organized events to show his merciful side to the people, established buildings like darülaceze. 32

Especially hospitals were useful for him because he could present his modern side in them.

However, when it comes to the prostitution issue, it is safe for argue that he did not show his

patriarch side to these lost women. It was rather that his regulations were against prostitutes.

According to Toprak, many prostitutes in the capital in the nineteenth and twentieth

centuries were non- Muslim women. Galata and Pera were the centre of brothels, because of their

locations they were close to the port. After the The Ottoman -Russian war in 1878, the foreign states

became able to open consulates in the Ottoman Empire. People who had foreign passport used to be

put to trial by these consulates. Prostitution menageries had many passports; therefore the Ottoman

Empire could not judge them or shut down their brothels. The first registered brothels were

established in 1850's, in other words, when Abdülhamid came to power there was already an

established prostitution traffic in the Ottoman Empire, especially in Istanbul. However it is not seen

that Abdülhamid tried to prevent prostitution in the Empire. In the regulation that was passed in

Wyers, “Wicked” Istanbul, p 61.31

Nadir Özbek, Osmanlı İmparatorluğunda Sosyal Devlet: Siyaset, İktidar ve Meşruiyet, 1876-1914, (İstanbul: İletişim 32

Yayınları, 2002), pp 65-109. " 14

1880, the main target and concern of the state was about the hygiene issue. In addition to this, the

state tried to take the prostitution under its control rather than preventing it. The regulation made the

conditions strict; however contrary to the expectations these reforms did not fix the conditions. The

reform addressed women and it can be claimed that it abused the poor women in prostitution traffic.

As it had been mentioned before, the patriarch sultan’s modern and welfare applications did not

involve prostitutes.

In 1878, the first regulation about prostitution was determined. This regulation was

organized by doctors, because, as it has been mentioned, the prostitution issue was seen as a health

issue rather than a sociological problem. It was the draft of the regulation in 1880, after five years it

turned into an official regulation. It consisted of 22 articles ( madde) and 5 main chapters ( fasıl ). 33

It determined the managing of the brothels and medical examination of women working for the

registered brothels. For instance, the Six District had to assemble a medical team which examines

women once a week. According to first four articles, the names of the women had to be recorded 34

in a notebook, along with the detailed information such as their nicknames, ages, nationality and

physical appearance. All prostitutes should have a logbook which keeps the record of their medical

examination results. The law and civil officers were responsible for the inspection of these rules. 35

The brothels were separated into four main categories based on their incomes, the lowest class

brothels had to pay twenty kuruş per month for medical examinations, one lira for the mid-class

brothels, one and half and two liras should be paid by the highest class brothels. Women who were

not registered at a brothel but determined as a prostitute by the authorities were charged thirty kuruş

for medical examination. Women in registered houses were held responsible for costs of the 36

Osman Nuri,Mecelle-i Umur-i Belediyye: Birinci Cilt, Tarih-i Teşkilat-ı Belediye, İkinci Bölüm, (Istanbul: Kültür 33

İşleri Daire Başkanlığı, 1995), 3297.

Ibid, 3303.34

Ibid, 3303.35

Ibid, 3300.36

" 15

medical examinations, the state or local authorities likes municipalities did not supply financial

support to brothels. Therefore it is obvious that corruption emerged, for instance the managers of

the brothels did not keep record of women regularly in order to pay less money. Prostitution was a

medical issue in the mind of Abdülhamid, in 1879 he established a hospital doing medical

examinations for the prostitutes’ in brothels. From that point of view, it can be concluded that the

main target of the state was not to fix the poor conditions of the brothels or prostitutes, it rather was

the hygiene, and the state tried to prevent to spread the sexual diseases. When it comes to CUP

reign, it is safe to claim that the position of these women got worse. When the CUP took control of

the Empire, they fought against vagrants and other dangerous people in the society.

After 1909 by the dethronement of Abdülhamid II, the domestic and foreign politics of the

Ottoman Empire changed. The positivism and elitism replaced Abdülhamid’s (so-called) merciful

politics. Rather than protecting lost people, the CUP found them to be potentially guilty and

criminals. According to Dündar, the CUP tried to reform the society in the Empire after 1914. 37

Their main target of the CUP was to create a society consisting of Muslims and Turkish population;

they made plans and kept statistics to accomplish it. In addition to these nationalism and religion

oriented plans, they made regulations to clear the society. It is safe to argue that the main motivation

of this reaction may be the working and lower class phobia of Europe. It is not a coincidence that

when the CUP came to power in 1909 they regulated many laws which were arranged by

Abdülhamid in 1890 firstly, against vagrants. The CUP refreshed it soon after they came to power.

By this regulation, it is understood that the prostitutes were seen as female vagrants by the CUP. 38

Fuat Dündar, Modern Türkiye’nin Şifresi: İttihad ve Terakkinin Etnisite Mühendisliği ( 1913-1918), (İstanbul: 37

İletişim Yayınları, 2008),pp 243- 450. It is claimed that the CUP brought together the population policy with the prostitution issue, in other words, in a document , dated 1915, presents that Baron who is owner of a hotel in Aleppo used his hotel as a brothel and gambling house, more importantly he abused state-officers and collaborated with Armenian so he should be exiled somewhere else” Halep’te Baron Otel sahibi Baron’nun otelini kumar ve fuhuş yuvasına dönüştürdüğü, devlet memurlarını kullandığı ve Ermeniler lehinde çalıştığı anlaşıldığından ( kendisinin) bir başka mahalleye sevki uygun görülmüştür.’’ BOA. DH. EUM.2 ŞB. 26/ 9

Ferdan Ergut, Modern Devlet ve Polis: Osmanlı’dan Cumhuriyet’e Toplumsal Denetimin Diyalektiği, (Istanbul: 38

İletişim Yayınları, 2004),pp 236-243. " 16

According to Cohen visiting Istanbul in 1914, the conditions of the brothels in Istanbul

were terrible. Women in these houses seemed in poor condition; although they used make-up they

looked tired and unhappy. They stayed in small places like caves or boxes. Women in these streets

were exhibited, the houses became crowded on Fridays, Sundays and Turk and Greek Holidays.

When it comes to the customers of these houses, he reports that men in these brothels were rich men

and who gambled all day they were kabadayıs. According to Cohen’s memories, the state did not

intervene with the happenings on the streets in Galata or Pera. There were various class houses, for

instance the houses in Galata were the poorest ones, and many of the prostitutes were Jewish. In

Galata there were ’normal family’ houses with children living in them. Women in Şişli and Pera

consisted of Germans, Russians, Greeks and Armenians. These women used to sing and perform

dance shows, at the same time they were prostitutes and might work independently.

During the war time the number of prostitutes increased, resulting in the increase in the

number of venereal disease related cases. For instance, according to Hot, the number of syphilis

patients increased after 1877-78 the Ottoman- Russian war in the Ottoman Empire. In order to 39

prevent the increase in venereal diseases, the CUP announced a regulation in 8 October, 1915. 40

They revised the hospital which was established by Abdülhamid, named it as Beyoğlu Nisa

Hospital, which was moved to Cankurtaran later and renamed to Emraz-ı Zührevi Hospital. The

number of patients in this hospital was high, for instance; in 1917 2,512 women visited the hospital,

1,416 were Muslims. This number increased in the next year, it became 2,841- 1,675 were Muslim

women. It should be pointed out that this numbers are the outcome of the registered prostitution; 41

most probably the number of the unregistered, secret prostitution was higher than this.

It can be concluded that the prostitution was tolerated by the state until 1915. In other

İnci Hot, Ülkemizde Frengi Hastalığı ile Mücadele, Tıp Etiği, Hukuk, Tarih Dergisi (2004), pp,36-43.39

Emraz-ı zühreviyenin men’i sirayet hakkında nizamname40

Ahmet E. Yalman, Turkey in the World, ( New Haven: Yale University Press, 1930),p 244.41

" 17

words, apart from neighbors’ complaints the authorities -the state or municipalities- did not

intervene with the prostitution traffic in the capital. However Osman Bedri Bey, who was one of the

security authorities of the CUP, took control and many prostitution related people were exiled. On

the contrary, according to Yalman’s report, the policy of the CUP against the prostitution was not as

much effective as before. Rather, they tolerated Muslim women in prostitution traffic in the

capital. According to him, the main reason behind this attitude was related to the economic 42

balance.

The role of police on prostitution issue should be pointed out, like Abdülhamid’s reign the

police played active role during the CUP era. Especially with the renovated regulation in 1915, the

police had more active role in prostitution issue; “the police are to prohibit and prevent all activities

which are immoral.” In 1910, the duty of administrating the regulation of the prostitution was 43

officially transferred to the police. In 1913, the authority of police was reorganized and it had 44

played a more active role in prostitution issue, especially in women’s life.

The war affected not only men on the battlefront but also women in the everyday life;

however there was a group who could take benefit from the war conditions. These people abused

poor women, and there are many stories written about this situation. For instance, Naciye in Ömer

Seyfettin’s Zeytin Ekmek, or Hüseyin Rahmi’s Namusla Açlık Meselesi present women who had to

become prostitutes because of poverty. The new kind of prostitution, which is called fuhuş-u cedid

by Ahmet Rasim, was born in the war conditions. The main actors of this new prostitution are

savaş zengini and educated women. Rasim explains the fuhuş-u cedid as including various types of

prostitutions, like kapatma or yarı kapatma. In these types of prostitution women did not work for a

house or a brothel, they lived with one or multiple men without a marriage. According to Rasim,

Yalman, Turkey in the World, p 245.42

Halim Teyfik Alyot, Türkiye’de Zabıta, Tarih gelişim ve Bugünkü Durum, ( İstanbul: Kannat Basımevi, 1947), p 261.43

Zafer Toprak, Genelevler, Dünden Bugüne Istanbuul Ansiklopedisi, (1994), p 342.44

" 18

before the WWI prostitution was limited to one or two centers; however with the beginning of the

war it became widespread. Again the CUP did nothing for prevent this, their focus was only on the

venereal diseases.

Although the CUP did not take measures for prostitution, in some cases positive approach

to women can be seen. For instance, in 1910 they sent Melek Hanım who was captured in a hotel

room prostituting to Darülaceze. Another document shows that Ayşe, who was determined as 45

being a prostitute, was handed to her family in 1910. According to another document dated 1910, 46

prostitutes could work for military tailoring workshop. As was mentioned before, prostitution was 47

not punished rigidly like the Islamic code in the Ottoman everyday life. The common punishment

was to exile the prostitutes. However it is obvious that this measure was not taken to solve the

problem, the main goal was to send these women away from the capital or city centers. These

women did not have financial support in the places where they were exiled to survive, so they

continued to prostitute. However, some documents recorded in the war years, 1915, present the

contrary. The CUP called prostitutes who had been sent to Kayseri back to Ankara because they did

not have financial support there. When it comes to 1917, it is seen that the exile politics of the 48

state continued; prostitutes in Kütahya were exiled and sent away from the city centre. 49

Conclusion

Even though the prostitution issue is one of the taboo subjects in the Ottoman historiography, when

it is analyzed it is seen that it was not a secret topic in the Empire’s everyday life. It can be said that

BOA. EUM.THR. 34/7045

BOA. DH. EUM. THR. 50/6146

BOA. DH. EUM. THR. 48/3647

BOA. DH. EUM. ADL. 12/ 3148

BOA. DH. EUM. 43/ 3049

" 19

the conditions of prostitution have not developed or changed in a century, in other words, when

Rasim’s old and new prostitution and Zengin’s sociological study is compared with each other it is

seen that the conditions and status of the prostitutes are same. According to the regulations and

reforms organized by caliph Abdülhamid II, it is obvious that his modern and merciful practices

toward the poor and those in need did not involve the prostitutes or lost women in the Empire.

When it comes to the modern and positivist, civilized CUP applications, it can be concluded that the

condition of women did not change. Their project of getting the Ottoman people to be more

civilized did not involve prostitutes. Although women had significant role in the politics of the

CUP, their target involved upper class elitist women rather than lower class and lost women. Even

though this paper does not address the Republican period, it is clear that the Turkish Republic did

not try to fix or develop women poor conditions in brothels or the society. It is obvious that the

gender or women issue do not depend on political actors or their so-called effective modern

policies, rather it depends on the societies. In the patriarch societies women cannot present or

protect themselves, their fates are determined by the political actors or religious codes. It is clear

that the prostitution issue is related to the gender issue directly, because prostitutes are needed to

make men demonstrate their masculinity in the society. Finally, it can be concluded that lower class

women in the Ottoman Empire could not benefit from either the Islamic, merciful politics of

Abdülhamid II or the civilized and modern approach of the CUP.

" 20

Bibliography

" 21

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Abbreviations

BOA : Başbakanlık Osmanlı Arşivi ( Prime Minister Ottoman Archive)

BOA DH.MKT : Başbakanlık Osmanlı Arşivi Dahiliye Nezareti Mektubi Kalemi

BOA HH.: Başbakanlık Osmanlı Arşivi Hattı-ı Humayun

BOA. DH. EUM. ADL. : Başbakanlık Osmanlı Arşivi Dahiliye Nezareti Emniyet-i Umumi Müdürüyeti Takibat-ı Adliye Kalemi

BOA. DH. EUM.2 ŞB.: Başbakanlık Osmanlı Arşivi Dahiliye Nezareti Emniyet-i Umum Müdürlüğü İkinci Şube

BOA. EUM.THR. : Başbakanlık Osmanlı Arşivi Dahiliye Nezareti Emniyet-i Umumi Müdüriyeti Tahrirat Kalemi

" 23

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