Helena Seražin, A "Venetian" Discalced Carmelite Church in the Habsburg Lands

17|2 2012

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Joseph Edgar Kleinert: Redovniki častijo Sveto Trojico, freska na stropu glavne ladje, 1915, župnijska cerkev sv. Antona Padovanskega, Ljubljana

ACTA HISTORIAE ARTIS SLOVENICA 17|2 2012

Vsebina • Contents

Rajko Bratož, Začetki meništva in njegove oblike v antiki in zgodnjem srednjem veku • The Beginnings of Monasticism and Its Forms in Antiquity and Early Middle Ages

Mija Oter Gorenčič, Kartuzija Jurklošter in Leopold VI. Babenberžan • The Jurklošter (Gairach) Charterhouse and Leopold VI of Babenberg

Polona Vidmar, Nagrobnik Seifrida Marenberškega v samostanu dominikank v Marenberku • The Tombstone of Siegfrid of Mahrenberg in the Dominican Nunnery in Mahrenberg

Tanja Martelanc, Kapucinska arhitektura. Izhodišča za obravnavo svetokriškega in škofjeloškega samostana • Capuchin Architecture. A Starting-Point for Research into Sveti Križ and Škofja Loka Monasteries

Helena Seražin, A ‘Venetian’ Discalced Carmelite Church in the Habsburg Lands • »Beneška« cerkev bosonogih karmeličanov v habsburških deželah

Ana Lavrič, Prispevek k stavbni zgodovini samostana in cerkve bosonogih avguštincev v Ljubljani • On the Architectural History of the Monastery and Church of the Discalced Augustinians in Ljubljana

Franci Lazarini, Redovi in sakralna umetnost na Slovenskem v drugi polovici 19. in začetku 20. stoletja. Nekaj opažanj • Religious Institutions and Sacred Art in Slovenia in the Second Half of the 19th and Early 20th Centuries. Some Observations

Bogdan Kolar, Redovne skupnosti 19. in 20. stoletja. Odgovori na nove razmere • Religious Orders in the 19th and 20th Centuries. Responses to the New Circumstances

Marjeta Ciglenečki, Dominikanski samostan na Ptuju in njegova usoda po razpustu • The Ptuj Dominican Monastery and Its Fate after Dissolution

UMETNOSTNOZGODOVINSKI INŠTITUT FRANCETA STELETA ZRC SAZU

ACTA HISTORIAE ARTIS SLOVENICASamostanska umetnost

Monastic Art and Architecture

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LjubLjana 2012

Umetnostnozgodovinski inštitut Franceta Steleta ZRC SAZUFrance Stele Institute of Art History ZRC SAZU

acta historiae artis sLovenica

17|2 • 2012

Samostanska umetnost

Monastic Art and Architecture

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Acta historiae artis Slovenica ISSN1408-0419Znanstvena revija za umetnostno zgodovino / scholarly journal for art history

Samostanska umetnost / Monastic Art and Architecture

Izdaja / Published byumetnostnozgodovinski inštitut Franceta steleta Zrc saZu / France stele institute of art history Zrc saZu

Glavni urednici / Editors-in-chiefana Lavrič, barbara Murovec

Uredniški odbor / Editorial boardtina Košak, ana Lavrič, barbara Murovec, Mija oter Gorenčič, blaž resman, helena seražin

Mednarodni svetovalni odbor / International advisory boardGünter brucher (salzburg), jaromir homolka (Praha), iris Lauterbach (München), hellmut Lorenz (Wien), Milan Pelc (Zagreb), Paola rossi (venezia), sergio tavano (Gorizia-trieste)

Lektoriranje / Language editingPhilip james burt, Kirsten Margaret hempkin, Mija oter Gorenčič

Prevodi povzetkov in izvlečkov / Translations of summaries and abstractstina Košak, Katarina Mohar

Oblikovna zasnova in prelom / Design and layout byandrej Furlan

Naslov uredništva / Editorial office addressacta historiae artis slovenicanovi trg 2, p.p. 306, si-1001 Ljubljana, slovenijaFaks / Fax: +386 1 42 57 800e-pošta / e-mail: [email protected] stran / Web site: http://uifs1.zrc-sazu.si

Revija je indeksirana v / Journal is indexed inbha, Francis, ibZ, erih, ebsco Publishing

Letna naročnina / Annual subscription: 35 €Posamezna enojna številka / Single issue: 25 € Letna naročnina za študente in dijake: 25 €Letna naročnina za tujino in ustanove / Annual Subscription outside Slovenia, institutions: 48 €

Naročila sprejema / Orders should be sent toZaložba Zrc / Zrc Publishing novi trg 2, p. p. 306, si-1001, slovenijaFaks / Fax: + 386 1 42 57 794e-pošta / e-mail: [email protected]

ahas izhaja s podporo javne agencije za knjigo republike slovenije.ahas is published with the support of the slovenian book agency.

© 2012, ZRC SAZU, LjubljanaTisk / Printed bycollegium Graphicum d. o. o., LjubljanaNaklada / Print run: 400


VsebinaContents

ana Lavrič, barbara MurovecUredniška beseda 5Editorial 7

DISSERTATIONES

rajko bratožZačetki meništva in njegove oblike v antiki in zgodnjem srednjem veku 11

The Beginnings of Monasticism and Its Forms in Antiquity and Early Middle Ages 24

Mija oter GorenčičKartuzija Jurklošter in Leopold VI. Babenberžan 25

The Jurklošter (Gairach) Charterhouse and Leopold VI of Babenberg 44

Polona vidmarNagrobnik Seifrida Marenberškega v samostanu dominikank v Marenberku 47

The Tombstone of Siegfrid of Mahrenberg in the Dominican Nunnery in Mahrenberg 69

tanja MartelancKapucinska arhitektura. Izhodišča za obravnavo svetokriškega in škofjeloškega samostana 71

Capuchin Architecture. A Starting-Point for Research into Sveti Križ and Škofja Loka Monasteries 88

helena seražinA ‘Venetian’ Discalced Carmelite Church in the Habsburg Lands 91

»Beneška« cerkev bosonogih karmeličanov v habsburških deželah 100

ana LavričPrispevek k stavbni zgodovini samostana in cerkve bosonogih avguštincev v Ljubljani 103

On the Architectural History of the Monastery and Church of the Discalced Augustinians in Ljubljana 136


Franci LazariniRedovi in sakralna umetnost na Slovenskem v drugi polovici 19. in začetku 20. stoletja.Nekaj opažanj 137

Religious Institutions and Sacred Art in Slovenia in the Second Half of the 19th and Early 20th Centuries. Some Observations 153

bogdan KolarRedovne skupnosti 19. in 20. stoletja. Odgovori na nove razmere 155

Religious Orders in the 19th and 20th Centuries. Responses to the New Circumstances 165

MISCELLANEA

Marjeta ciglenečkiDominikanski samostan na Ptuju in njegova usoda po razpustu 169

The Ptuj Dominican Monastery and Its Fate after Dissolution 189

APPARATUS

izvlečki in ključne besede / abstracts and key words 193sodelavci / contributors 199viri ilustracij / Photographic credits 201


Uredniška beseda

izvirni znanstveni članki v pričujoči tematski številki Acta historiae artis Slovenica so nastali na podlagi (dela) referatov, predstavljenih na znanstvenem posvetu Samostani in umetnost, ki je potekal v najini organizaciji na umetnostnozgodovinskem inštitutu Franceta steleta Zrc saZu 25. aprila 2012. K sodelovanju so bili povabljeni slovenski umetnostni zgodovinarji in zgodovinarji, ki so prispevali številna nova spoznanja in interpretacije. raziskovanje meniškega življenja, redov ter samostanske likovne umetnosti in arhitekture v širšem političnem in kulturnem kontekstu, ki že nekaj let poteka na inštitutu, je povezalo številne strokovnjake in pomembno razširilo vedenje o vlogi in podobi samostanov skozi stoletja. Pokazalo se je, da bi bilo zelo smiselno, ko bi tej številki sledila še ena z isto oziroma podobno tematiko. Potreba po nadaljevanju, izkazana še pred zaključkom redakcije, je nedvomno zagotovilo, da je odprto pomembno raziskovalno področje, o katerem še zdaleč ne vemo dovolj.

ana Lavrič, barbara Murovec


Editorial

The articles in this special thematic volume of Acta historiae artis Slovenica were originally presented as papers at the Monasteries and Art conference, organized by the editors signed below, which was held at the France stele institute of art history at the research centre of the slovenian academy of sciences and arts on 25th april 2012. The slovenian historians and art historians who took part in the conference not only presented numerous new discoveries but also brought fresh interpretations of existing research. The work on religious orders, monastic life and monastic art and architecture in a wider political and cultural context, which the institute has been engaged in for several years, has brought together a number of experts in the field and considerably widened our knowledge of the role and image of monasteries throughout time. it became apparent, even before the editing was concluded, that this volume should be followed by another one of the same or at least a similar theme. The fact that a sequel is required only serves to confirm that a significant field has been opened, which is ripe for further avenues of research.

ana Lavrič, barbara Murovec


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ACTA hISTORIAE ARTIS SLOvENICA 17|2 ∙ 2012, 91–102

A ‘Venetian’ Discalced Carmelite Church in the Habsburg Lands

Helena Seražin

When, in 1623, Matthias count of Thurn decided to build a small chapel in the middle of his chest-nut forest on the hill at Kostanjevica near Gorizia, a site where the Miraculous painting of the virgin Mary was visited by many pilgrims,1 it was most probably to commemorate his father, who had died that same year.2 The old count raimondo (c. 1555–1623) had been an important and renowed figure in the county of Gorizia and served as an imperial ambassador at the papal court and in the venetian republic.3 as a deeply religious man, he had established a servite monastery around 1591 on his private estate in Duino near trieste,4 the first servite monastery on austrian territory after the counter-reformation.5 his choice from among all the counter-reformation religious orders of Matthias of the Discalced carmelite order (ocD) to establish a monastery to supervise the pilgrim-age site at Kostanjevica was probably politically motivated. his cousin, who bore the same name, had been one of the leaders of the calvinist religious uprising in Prague in 1618,6 and it is no secret that imperial troops defeated the rebellious army in the battle at the White Mountain in 1620 with the blessing of the order general of the German province of ocD, Fr. Domenico di Gesù e Maria.7 With this gesture, Matthias count of Thurn was demonstrating his loyalty not only to the ‘right’ roman catholic church, but also to emperor Ferdinand ii, who in 1628 ordered all the nobility in

1 carlo MoreLLi Di schÖnFeLD, Istoria della Contea di Gorizia in quattro volumi, Gorizia 1855, 2, pp. 275–276; chiaro vascotti, Storia della Castagnavizza. Contenente eziandio la malattia, la morte e il funerale di Carlo X. re di Francia, del conte della Marna figlio primogenito di sua Maestà cristianissima, e del Duca di Blacas, Gorizia 1848, p. 21; ranieri Maria cossar, Storia dell’arte e dell’artigianato in Gorizia, Pordenone 1948, p. 104.

2 claudia bortoLusso, torre (della) raimondo, diplomatico, Nuovo liruti. Dizionario biografico dei Friulani. 2. L’età veneta. N–Z (ed. cesare scalon, claudio Griggio, ugo rozzo), udine 2009, p. 2487.

3 bortoLusso 2009 (n. 2), p. 2486.4 there is a memorial plaque above the main entrance in the former servite monastic church in Duino with

the inscription: D. O. M. / Sacrvm hoc ad gloria. S. spiritvs. Honore / B. virg: ac ss. Pavli. et Lvdovici dicatv. Necno / svmmis aplicis donis a Sixto. V. ponTmax / perpetvo decoratvm. / Raymvndvs Tvrrianvs Vallisasinae comes / Sac: Rom: Imp: lib: baro vipvltiani dnvs. eT. C. / pietate. Votiq cavsa aere proprio erigi. / et decenti dote fvlciri Cvravit. / Anno ab incar: Verbi. M. d. xc. i.

5 johanna FeLMaYer, servitenkirche und Kloster, Die sakralen Kunstdenkmäler der Stadt Innsbruck. 1: Innere Stadtteile, Wien 1994 (Österreichische Kunsttopographie, 52/1), p. 159. archduchess anna catharina Gonzaga, widow of the late archduke Ferdinand ii of tyrol helped to establish the servite convent in innsbruck in 1611, although servites came to innsbruck in 1615 and from there spread all over the holy roman empire.

6 carl von cZoerniG, Gorizia. “La Nizza austriaca”. Il territorio di Gorizia e Gradisca, Gorizia 1969, p. 576.7 nicole PrieschinG, Die unbeschuhten Karmeliten. (ordo Fratrum carmelitanum Discalceatorum), Orden

und Klöster im Zeitalter von Reformation und katholischer Reform 1500–1700 (ed. Friedhelm jürgensmeier, regina elisabeth schwerdtfeger), 2, Münster 2006 (Katholisches Leben und Kirchenreform im Zeitalter der Glaubensspaltung, 66), p. 117.


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the inner austrian lands, which included the county of Gorizia, to renounce protestantism or leave the country.8 after a long-running dispute with the city council of Gorizia, Matthias count of Thurn managed to bring the Discalced carmelites to the city in 1648, and in 1649 the first carmelite broth-er, Pietro vespa, moved into a small building next to the chapel at Kostanjevica.9 vespa, the former bishop of Pafos, had fled to venice after the fall of cyprus in 1573, and, probably joined the order in venice around 1633, after the arrival in the Lagoon of the Discalced carmelites from rome.10

The Discalced carmelite order, established in 1593 in spain by saint teresa of avila and saint john of the cross, was one of the counter-reformation orders which in the 17th century spread ro-man catholicism mainly in Protestant and orthodox european regions.11 in 1617, six provinces in four countries already existed: i.e. in the Genoese, roman, French, Lombardic, belgian and Polish province.12 in German regions under the protection of the habsburg imperial house, ocD monas-teries soon followed. The ocD seat of the German province was at cologne, where in 1622 their first

8 Peter Štih, vasko siMoniti, Slovenska zgodovina do razsvetljenstva, Ljubljana 1996, p. 217.9 cf. helena seraŽin, samostanska cerkev na Kostanjevici pri novi Gorici, Acta historiae artis Slovenica, 5, 2000,

p. 68.10 ennio concina, Storia dell’architettura di Venezia. Dal VII al XX secolo, Milano 1995, p. 250; Giulio Loren-

Zetti, Venice and its Lagoon, trieste 1994, p. 458.11 hilda LietZMann, Die Kölner Klosterkirchen der unbeschuhten Karmeliten “im Dau” und “st. Maria vom

Frieden”, Zeitschrift für Kunstgeschichte, 35/3, 1972, p. 198.12 Maria brYKoWsKa, Architektura karmelitów bosych w XVII – XVIII wieku, Warszawa 1991 (studia i materiały

do teorii i historii architektury i urbanistyki, 18), p. 6.

1. Maria Brykowska: plan of the former OCD church of Saint Theresa in Vienna, drawing

2. Saint Joseph’s parish church in Leopoldstadt, former OCD church of Saint Theresa, Vienna


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A ‘vENETIAN’ DISCALCED CARMELITE ChURCh IN ThE hABSBURG LANDS

monastery in the province was built.13 Monasteries were built under the close supervision of the order authorities and according to

the building regulations formulated in 1617, 1620 and 1623, which were based on the regulations of carlo borromeo.14 They consisted not only of orders and bans aimed at ensuring the observation of the functional programme, but included spatial norms for rooms and even their own standard unit of length of 1 great span = 24 cm.15 Moreover, in 1620 the authorities ordered that two standard plans be implemented in each province (for smaller and larger monasteries).16 The typology of ocD churches follows two major currents: the spanish type with a single nave, with deep side chapels and square chancel,17 and the italian type with a longitudinal cross-shaped plan, based on the model of the ‘mother’ church in rome, santa Maria della scala (1593–1610) by ottaviano Mascarino, and the church of santa Maria della vittoria (1606–24), by carlo Maderno built just a few years earlier.18 both roman churches followed the model of the jesuit church of Il Gesu: a single nave, with two or three pairs of transitional side chapels or arcaded recesses at the nave and a domed transept con-cluded with a semi-circular apse. in addition to a barrel vault, the interior could house three, five or seven altars at most, with modest wall decoration in coloured marble and stucco. The façade was to be without a tower, mostly two-storeyed, with three bays and an attic storey which terminated with volutes. The original building regulations prohibited the construction of a campanile; they allowed bell-gables, but where a campanile was built, it was usually positioned at the back of the church, beside the presbytery or sacristy. The dimensions of the building were also regulated: in smaller monastic churches, the width of the nave was supposed to be no longer than 33 spans (7.92 m);

13 raimund bruDerhoFer ocD, Quelle zur Geschichte der österreichischen Karmelitenprovinz OCD in Österreich, Tschechien, Ungarn und anderen damaligen Erblanden des Hauses Habsburg. Acta Provinciae Austriacae a S. Leopoldo (Provinzkapitel und Provinzdefinitorien) (1701–1838). Mit einer geschichtlichen Einleitung und einer Liste der Religiosen, Amtsträger und Ausbildungskonvente sowie verschiedenen Registern, roma 2009 (Monumenta historica carmeli teresiani, 29), pp. 15–16.

14 brYKoWsKa 1991 (n. 12), pp. 79–81. 15 brYKoWsKa 1991 (n. 12), p. 25.16 brYKoWsKa 1991 (n. 12), pp. 30–31.17 brYKoWsKa 1991 (n. 12), pp. 82–83.18 brYKoWsKa 1991 (n. 12), pp. 98–100.

3. Plan of the OCD monastery at Kostanjevica near Nova Gorica, drawing, Kostanjevica near Nova Gorica


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the length of the nave had to be twice the width, while the height of the nave was not specified. The chancel was supposed to be square and as large as the nave, with a place for a choir neaby.19 Prior to the beginning of construction, each plan had to be submitted for review and approved by the defini-torium at the seat of the corresponding ocD province.20

since, apart from Fr. vespa, the Discalced carmelites came to Gorizia from cologne,21 the use of a similar architectural model would have been expected. The architect of the first ocD church ‘im Dau’ in cologne (1622) was Fr. carl von st. joseph (1586–1650)22; his project of a single nave church with shallow niche-like side chapels and a domed transept concluded with a square chancel was based on s. Maria della scala in rome, but with a Flemish-type façade, since before his arrival in cologne he had been building monastic churches in Flanders.23 Later, this architect also used the same monastic church model for ocD monasteries in Prague (1629–42),24 vienna (1630)25 (fig. 1, 2) and regensburg (1641),

19 brYKoWsKa 1991 (n. 12), pp. 79–82.20 brYKoWsKa 1991 (n. 12), p. 21.21 Luigi tavano, La vita religiosa a Gorizia. Fisionomia e influsso sociale, Gorizia Barocca. Una città italiana

nell’Impero degli Asburgo (ed. silvano cavazza), Gorizia 1999, p.167.22 LietZMann 1972 (n. 11), p. 212.23 LietZMann 1972 (n. 11), p. 212.24 Georg sKaLecKi, Deutsche Architektur zur Zeit des dreissigjährigen Krieges. Der Einfluss Italiens auf das Deutsche

Bauschaffen, regensburg 1989, p. 174.25 sKaLecKi 1989 (n. 24), pp. 175–176.

4. Maria Brykowska: Santa Maria di Nazareth, called Scalzi in Venice, plan

5. Maria Brykowska: Santa Theresa in Caprarola, plan


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and for ocD convents in cologne (1649–82)26 and Graz (1647).27 instead of using the same model of a longitudinal Latin-cross ground plan at Kostanjevica between 1654 and 1661 on the site of the demolished chapel, a simpler one was used, consisting of a single nave concluded with a barrel-vaulted and square chancel, which was in accordance with the earliest order building regulations for smaller churches (fig. 3). The 7 m x 17.5 m dimensions of the nave corresponded to the proportions of 1 : 2.5. in a drawing by the priest Giovanni Maria Marusig (1641–1712) from around 1689,28 a bell-tower on the east side and an exterior corridor on the west side of the church can be seen, elements that were usual for pilgrimage churches and can still be seen in vrh-nika in the pilgrimage church of the holy trin-ity, built around the same time. but the most out-standing ‘anomaly’ for an ocD monastic church is the large thermal window in the upper storey of the façade. The architect of the ocD church at Kostanjevica, Giovanni andrea Larduzzi from toscolano near Lago di Garda,29 might have been

inspired by andrea Palladio and his venetian church Delle Zitelle on Giudecca (fig. 10).30 he used a Lombard type of ocD monastic church with a simple longitudinal plan without a transept,31 which was initially used in both venetian ocD churches, the monastic church s. Maria di nazareth or scalzi by baldassare Longhena32 and the convent church of santa Theresa by andrea cominelli.33 in both cases, built from 1649 on, a large thermal window above the main entrance of the facade was used - the same element used at Kostanjevica (fig. 11).

26 sKaLecKi 1989 (n. 24), pp. 177–179.27 Günther brucher, Die entwicklung barocker Kirchenfassaden in der steiermark, Jahrbuch des kunsthistorischen

Institutes der Universität Graz, 5, 1970, pp. 40–42.28 Lucia PiLLon, Giovanni Maria Marusig. un profilo biografico, Gorizia Barocca 1999 (n. 21), p. 328. the drawing

of the church at Kostanjevica is part of the volume Goritia le Chiese, Collegij, Conventi, Cappelle, Oratorij. the above-mentioned drawing was published in andrea antoneLLo, Lo sviluppo urbano e architettonico di Gorizia nel corso del seicento, Gorizia Barocca 1999 (n. 21), pp. 278–279.

29 seraŽin 2000 (n. 9), pp. 69, 71–72.30 Lionello PuPPi, Andrea Palladio, München 1984, p. 335.31 brYKoWsKa 1991 (n. 12), p. 91.32 elena bassi, Architettura del Sei e Settecento a Venezia, napoli 1962, pp. 120–122; Martina FranK, Baldassare

Longhena, venezia 2004 (istituto veneto di scienze, lettere ed arti. studi di arte veneta, 8), pp. 271–278; andrew hoPKins, Baldassare Longhena. 1597–1682, Milano 2006, pp. 136–145.

33 elena bassi, Tracce di chiese veneziane distrutte. Ricostruzioni dai disegni di Antonio Visentini, venezia 1997 (istituto veneto di scienze, lettere ed arti. Memorie. classe di scienze morali, lettere ed arti, 71), p. 238. the carmelites came to venice from Milan probably as early as 1614 and grounded their convent.

6. Carlo Rainaldi: Santa Maria in Campitelli in Rome, plan, from Sandrart, Insignium Romae templorum prospectus


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in 1649, a contract between the venetian ocD monastery and capomastro Paolo Giustina was signed for the construction of a single-nave building without side chapels, with a herringbone brick pavement and a simple façade with a cut-stone portal, from Longhena’s plans.34 it seems that Lar-duzzi had to take into consideration the plans for both venetian carmelite churches. This is not surprising, since the venetian ocD monastery, which at the time was part of the roman province, was closer to Gorizia than the nearest ocD monastery of the German province in Graz. The car-melite community at Kostanjevica was multi-ethnic; it also included italians, who mostly came from nearby Friuli. several priors of the monastery at Kostanjevica, including the first one, came from venice, which became a political problem after the establishment of the austrian province in 1701.35 in spite of wars and open political hostility between the holy roman empire and the Serenissima, cultural and artistic exchange with venice flourished in the county of Gorizia.

so, when the architect Giovanni battista spinelli from Palmanova designed the plans for the enlargement of the monastic church at Kostanjevica around 1663,36 it was of no surprise that he was a venetian architect and that he used Longhena’s model for the enlargement of the scalzi church in venice from 1654,37 built largely thanks to the rich and devotional benedetto soranzo (1612–71).38 until then, both churches, the scalzi and the annunciation of the virgin Mary at Kostanjevica, lacked three important elements for such prominent buildings of the ocD: side chapels: a choir and a sacristy.

Longhena’s solution is unique in the church typology of the ocD (fig. 4, 7):39 the choir ending with an apse behind the main altar and the side sacristies alongside the choir echo Palladio’s design in the church s. Giorgio Maggiore;40 he could also have been inspired by the church of santa Maria della scala in rome. With the three pairs of transitional side chapels, we can go back as far as al-

34 FranK 2004 (n. 32), p. 271.35 bruDerhoFer 2009 (n. 13), p. 446.36 cossar 1948 (n. 1), pp. 105–106. in 1663 spinelli prepared the plans and estimate of the costs of the building. 37 FranK 2004 (n. 32), p. 274.38 hoPKins 2006 (n. 32), p. 140.39 brYKoWsKa 1991 (n. 12), p. 98.40 PuPPi 1984 (n. 30), pp. 306–308.

7. Baldassare Longhena: Scalzi’s church, Venice 8. Girolamo Rainaldi: Saint Theresa church, Caprarola


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berti’s church of s. andrea in Mantova. in the scalzi, the passage-way through the chapels runs along the nave and chancel, ending behind the main al-tar, which is not positioned against the back wall as laid down for ocD churches, but placed in the same way as in Longhena’s church of santa Ma-ria della salute, where the altar divides the presbytery from the choir.41 but the most typical feature of Longhena’s church is the nave, with emphasized middle chapels. since these chapels are of the same proportions as the chancel, the main impression of the interior is in the barrel-vaulted and open dyna-

mic Greek-cross volume, which is unlike the monastic ocD church of santa teresa e san silvestro in caprarola (fig. 5, 8), designed with the same accent on the middle pair of side chapels by Girolamo rainaldi in 1620, 42 but still executed in the static renaissance idiom with four serliana-like struc-tures.43 in 1657, Girolamo’s solution influenced his son carlo’s longitudinal project for the roman church of santa Maria in campitelli (fig. 6) (the first projects in 1656 were with ellipsoid naves),44 although the cross-axe plan and use of free-standing corinth columns at the entrances to the chapels suggest that he also knew Giovanni ambroggio Magenta’s church san salvatore in bologna, built in 1613–1622.45 Longhena also based his solution on late-renaissance models, but following the order’s regulations, he used more modest pilasters instead of columns. For this, he did not have to go very far: he could find the hierarchy of side chapels and pair of pilasters separated by niches in Palladio’s santa Lucia (fig. 9) (finished in 1589).46 on the other hand, Douglas Lewis sees typological parallels in the venetian church of san Lazzaro dei Mendicanti by Francesco contin (1634), or possibly by vicenzo scamozzi (1601), where the same hierarchy of chapels and wall structure were employed, but not the same variation in the depth of the chapels.47 according to Martina Frank, the pair of unusual large transept-like side chapels in the middle of the nave owe their form to the possibility that the cardinal and ex-patriarch Federico cornaro planned to place the tomb of his father, the late Doge Giovanni cornaro, made by Gianlorenzo bernini, in one of them; bernini made a drawing for the tomb, which was intended for the church of san nicolò dei tolentini, but the tomb was never

41 brYKoWsKa 1991 (n. 12), p. 120. one of the ocD rules required that the choir be enclosed and completely separated from the rest of the church.

42 Klaus GÜthLein, carlo e Girolamo rainaldi architetti romani, Storia dell’architettura italiana. Il Seicento (ed. aurora scotti tosini), 1, Milano 2003, pp. 228–229.

43 aloisio antinori, roma 1600–1623: teorici, committenti, architetti, Storia dell’architettura 2003 (n. 42), p. 113.44 GÜthLein 2003 (n. 42), p. 233.45 Francesco ceccareLLi, Le legazioni pontificie: bologna, Ferrara, romagna e Marche, Storia dell’architettura

italiana. Il Seicento (ed. aurora scotti tosini), 2, Milano 2003, pp. 341–343.46 PuPPi 1984 (n. 30), pp. 305–306.47 charles Douglas LeWis, The Late Baroque Churches of Venice, Yale 1967, p. 60.

9. Antonio Visentini: Cross sectional view of the church Santa Lucia in Venice, drawing, RIBA London


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installed.48 For the same patron, bernini had already executed the famous altar of santa teresa in the roman ocD church of s. Maria della vittoria, completed in 1652.49 Perhaps Longhena simply wanted to comply with the carmelites’ wish to apply a cruciform plan on the existing structure, where the solution with the transept and only two pairs of side chapels would shorten the nave and would not accord with the venetian tradition of clear and symetrical single nave churches. The clear, tranquil and united space was also what the Discalced carmelites sought in their churches.

at Kostanjevica, apart from the choir, which had to be placed above the sacristy, spinelli used almost all of Longhena’s solutions from venice; he added transitional side chapels around the church and a corridor which runs around the chancel. The pair of middle chapels is larger, but not as big as the chancel. This solution also reflected the pilgrimage function of the church, which had to enable pilgrims’ contact with the sacred representation of the virgin Mary. since the façade of the scalzi by Giuseppe sardi had not yet been built,50 spinelli used Palladio’s nearby church of s. Lucia (fig. 12) as a model for his project, or even more likely, the original modest façade with the thermal window of scalzi, built according to the first of Longhena’s projects.51 The realization of spinelli’s plans began

48 FranK 2004 (n. 32), pp. 275–277.49 tod a. MarDer, strumenti e invenzioni nell’architettura di bernini, Storia dell’architettura 2003 (n. 42), p. 150.50 bassi 1962 (n. 32), p. 190.51 hoPKins 2006 (n. 32), pp. 138, 141. the unfinished façade of scalzi could have been similar to the Longhena’s

church santa Maria assuta (1624–74) in chioggia.

10. Andrea Palladio: Church delle Zitelle, Venice 11. Andrea Larduzzi and Giovanni Battista Spinelli: Holy representation of the Virgin Mary church, Kostanjevica near Nova Gorica


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with the arrival of Prior frà Massimo di s. bene-detto around 1688,52 and was carried out until February 1691 by two proti: Giovanni torre and carlo Gianni. The first could be identified as the Mis[tro] Giouani della Torre who worked in the cantiere of the scalzi in venice with his brother Domenico between 1671 and 1686.53 however, he was not the only craftsman brought from the venice monastery to work at Kostanjevica. in 1736, Prior Lorenzo di s. eliseo invited the venetian stonecutter Giovanni battista Mazzo-leni to execute the marble-encrusted pavement, similar to the pavement in the scalzi made by his relative Marco Mazzoleni in 1695 and ordered by the same Fr. Lorenzo di s. eliseo, then Prior of the venetian ocD monastery.54

apart from the above-mentioned ocD church at Kostanjevica, Longhena’s typological solution at the scalzi left no significant mark on

Discalceate architecture, not even in the venetian province established in 1677.55 The motif of the larger middle side chapels influenced only Giuseppe Pozzo’s monastic church in verona (1666–1750), which has an ellipsoid octagonal plan.56

The ocD monastery at Kostanjevica was dissolved during the josephine reform in 1784 and consequently closed down.57 in 1811, it was reoccupied by the Franciscans, who left the architecture unchanged.58 During World War i, the monastery was heavily damaged in an air raid, but was re-stored to its previous form.59 today, it is known as the cathedral of saint Denis in exile – the burial place of the last members of the French royal family of bourbon,60 while the presence of Discalced carmelites at Kostanjevica has been completely forgotten.61

*

52 cossar 1948 (n. 1), p. 106.53 seraŽin 2000 (n. 9), pp. 75–76.54 seraŽin 2000 (n. 9), p. 76. For Giovanni battista Mazzoleni see helena seraŽin, Marijin oltar v santuario

dell’apparizione di s. vio na Pellestrini. Giovanni battista Mazzoleni (1699–1769) – kipar in štukater?, Acta historiae artis Slovenica, 14, 2009, pp. 145–160.

55 brYKoWsKa 1991 (n. 12), p. 6.56 brYKoWsKa 1991 (n. 12), p. 98.57 cossar 1948 (n. 1), p. 111.58 cossar 1948 (n. 1), p. 111.59 stanislav ŠKrabec, Naša Kostanjevica, nova Gorica 2002 (Doprinosi k zgodovini Primorske, 2), pp. 99–102.60 David ŠruMPF, Cvetje s Kostanjevice. Ob 200-letnici frančiškanov na Kostanjevici, Ljubljana 2010, pp. 78–84.* the paper was presented at the 65th annual conference of the society of architectural historians in Detroit,

Michigan, on april 20 2012, in the section: not the jesuits: “other” counter-reformational architecture, organi-zed by susan Klaiber and Denise tamborrino. the paper is a result of the basic research project Monasteries – Cohesive Strings of the European Art Scene (slovenian research agency, j6–2140, 1.5. 2009–15. 3. 2013).

12. Andrea Palladio: Saint Lucy church, Venice


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»Beneška« cerkev bosonogih karmeličanov v habsburških deželah

Povzetek

Matija grof Thurn se je leta 1623 odločil zgraditi romarsko cerkev v kostanjevem gozdu pri Gorici, in sicer na mestu, kjer je stala na kamen naslikana čudežna Marijina podoba, bržkone tudi zato, da bi počastil svojega umrlega očeta raimonda; ta je bil pomemben član goriškega plemstva in diplomat, ki je konec 16. in v začetku 17. stoletja mdr. služboval na papeškem dvoru in v beneški republiki. razlog za izbiro bosonogih karmeličanov je bil verjetno politične narave; bratranec istega imena Matija grof Thurn je bil namreč 1618 med voditelji praške kalvinistične verske vstaje, upornike pa so cesarske čete leta 1620 pri beli gori porazile z blagoslovom in čudežno Marijino podobo bosonogih karmeličanov. s to potezo je goriški Matija grof Thurn dokazal svojo »pravovernost« in lojalnost cesarju Ferdinandu ii., ki je že nekaj let kasneje (1628) izdal ukaz, da mora plemstvo, ki se ne želi odpovedati evangeličanski veri, zapustiti notranjeavstrijske dežele. Po dolgoletnem prepiru z goriškim mestnim svetom je grof Thurn leta 1648 uspel pripeljati bosonoge karmeličane v Gorico, leto kasneje pa je v manjši stavbi poleg kostanjeviške kapele že bival prvi karmeličanski brat, pater Pietro vespa, ki je po izgnanstvu s cipra vstopil v beneški samostan, ustanovljen leta 1633.

red bosonogih karmeličanov sta leta 1593 v Španiji ustanovila sv. tereza avilska in sv. janez od Križa; bil je še eden v vrsti protireformacijskih redov, ki so v 17. stoletju širili rimskokatoliško vero v protestantskih in ortodoksnih evropskih deželah. Leta 1617 je že obstajalo šest provinc v štirih deželah (genovska, rimska, francoska, lombardska, flamska in poljska provinca), nemška redovna provinca s sedežem v Kölnu pa je bila pod pokroviteljstvom habsburžanov ustanovljena leta 1622.

bosonogi karmeličani so svoje samostane gradili pod strogim nadzorom redovnega vodstva in po redovnih gradbenih pravilih iz 1617, 1620 in 1623, ki so izhajala iz priporočil carla borromejskega; pravila niso le določala funkcionalnega načrtovanja samostanov, temveč so vsebovala tudi prostorske normative glede na predvideno število samostanskih bratov, določala pa so tudi redovno osnovno mersko enoto 1 pedenj = 24 cm. Po letu 1620 sta se v vsaki redovni provinci uveljavila dva osnovna standardna tipa za manjše in večje samostane. načrtovanje samostanskih cerkva tipološko sledi dvema večjima tokovoma: španski tip z ladjo, ob kateri so nanizane globoke kapele, na koncu pa ima ravno zaključen prezbiterij, in italijanski tip z longitudinalnim tlorisom v obliki latinskega križa, ki temelji na rimski matični cerkvi santa Maria della scala ottaviana Mascarina (1593–1610) in na nekoliko mlajši cerkvi santa Maria della vittoria (1606–24) carla Maderna; obe v izhodišču sledita zasnovi jezuitske cerkve Il Gesu. cerkve morajo biti banjasto obokane, v kapelah in prezbiteriju pa trije, pet ali največ sedem oltarjev, stenska dekoracija mora biti skromna in se omejiti zgolj na raznobarvni marmor in štuk. ob največkrat enonadstropnih tridelnih fasadah z volutasto atiko ne sme biti zvonikov; dovoljene so fasadne zvončnice, zvoniki pa so postavljeni v začelje cerkve ob prezbiterij ali zakristijo. Predvidene so tudi mere cerkve glede na njeno velikost (dolžina ladje je dvakratnik širine, višina pa ni določena). Prezbiterij mora biti ravno zaključen, v neposredni bližini oltarja pa mora stati povsem od ladje ločen meniški kor. Pred začetkom gradnje je bilo treba načrte poslati v pregled na sedež definitorija vsake province.

Glede na to, da so bosonogi karmeličani z izjemo brata vespe v Gorico prišli iz Kölna, bi bilo pričakovati, da bi si za model cerkve vzeli matično cerkev Im Dau, ki je bila zgrajena 1622 po načrtih redovnega brata Karla von st. josepha; načrt za cerkev z eno ladjo, nizoma plitvih stranskih kapel, kupolo nad križiščem večjih kapel in ladje ter ravno zaključenim prezbiterijem temelji na načrtu za matično cerkev v rimu, dodana pa ji je strma stopnjevna atiška fasada, značilna za Flandrijo. enak model je bil uporabiljen še za samostanske cerkve v Pragi, na Dunaju, v regensburgu, za ženski samostan v Kölnu in Gradcu.

na Kostanjevici je bil namesto latinskega križa med letoma 1654 in 1661 uporabljen preprost tip z banjasto obokano ladjo in enako širokim ter ravno zaključenim prezbiterijem. iz risbe Giovannija Marije


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Marusiga iz okoli 1689 je mogoče razbrati, da je bila zgrajena podobno kot druge romarske cerkve tistega časa, kot npr. cerkev sv. trojice na vrhniki, največja anomalija pa je bilo veliko termsko okno na trikotno zaključeni fasadi. arhitekt andrea Larduzzi bi se bil lahko zgledoval po Palladijevi beneški cerkvi delle Zitelle, verjetneje pa je, da si je za vzor v celoti vzel obe beneški cerkvi bosonogih karmeličanov: santa Maria di nazareth, imenovana scalzi, delo baldassareja Longhene, in cerkev bosonogih karmeličank santa Theresa, delo andrea cominellija.

beneški bosonogi karmeličani so 1649 sklenili pogodbo za gradnjo preproste enoladijske cerkve s fasado, na kateri je bil preprost kamnit portal; mojster Paolo Giustina jo je zgradil po načrtih baldassareja Longhene. videti je, da so se na Kostanjevici zgledovali prav po njej. očitna zveza Kostanjevice z benetkami pa ni bila nič nenavadnega, saj so bili v samostanu bratje mešane narodnosti, samostan pa je stal bližje lagunskemu mestu kot pa Kölnu. Mnogo kostanjeviških priorjev je prihajalo prav iz benetk, tako da je to po ustanovitvi avstrijske redovne province leta 1701 postal politični problem.

Ko je arhitekt Giovanni battista spinelli iz Palmanove leta 1663 povečal kostanjeviško cerkev, ni bilo nobeno presenečenje, ko je uporabil model, ki ga je za povečanje beneške cerkve scalzi pred tem uporabil že Longhena; bogat in pobožen patricij benedetto soranzo je od 1654 financiral gradnjo stranskih kapel ladje, meniškega kora in zakristij. vendar je Longhenova rešitev v tipologiji karmeličanskih cerkva enkratna: meniški kor je proti pravilom in po vzoru Palladijeve cerkve san Giorgio Maggiore zaključil z apsido, dodal je par zakristij namesto ene same, ob ladji pa je nanizal tri pare prehodnih kapel, pri čemer sta srednji dve večji. veliki oltar ni postavljen ob zadnjo steno prezbiterija, ampak služi kot pregrada med prezbiterijem in meniškim korom; princip, ki ga je pred tem uporabil že za cerkev santa Maria della salute. najočitnejša anomalija je par večjih kapel sredi ladje in ne ob prezbiteriju, tako da notranjščina v obočnem delu deluje dinamično in odprto v obliki grškega križa, kar jo razlikuje od samostanske cerkve santa teresa e san silvestro v capraroli, delo Girolama rainaldija, saj so kljub enakemu poudarku na srednjem paru kapel zaradi izvedbe serlian stene ostale zaprte v renesančni statičnosti. Girolamova rešitev iz 1620 je vplivala na sinovo rimsko cerkev santa Maria in campitelli iz 1657 (prvi projekti iz 1656 so bili elipsoidni), kjer pa dinamično razporejeni stebri razkrivajo, da je carlo rainaldi poznal bolonjsko cerkev san salvatore. Longhena je v skladu z redovnimi pravili stene razgibal s skromnejšimi pilastri in pri tem ohranil beneški občutek jasnosti in svetlobe, pri tem pa se je tudi sam naslonil na starejše vzore; sosednja cerkev sv. Lucije je namreč imela podobno hierarhijo stranskih kapel in členitev sten, po mnenju Douglasa Lewisa pa naj bi se lahko zgledoval po beneški continovi ali scamozzijevi cerkvi san Lazzaro dei Mendicanti. razlog za tovrstno hierarhično razporeditev kapel Martina Frank vidi v dejstvu, da je kardinal Federico cornaro nameraval v eni od njih postaviti nagrobnik pokojnega očeta doža Giovannija cornara, ki naj bi ga zanj izdelal Gianlorenzo bernini; umetnik je zanj v rimski cerkvi bosonogih karmeličanov santa Maria della vittoria že pred tem postavil sloviti oltar sv. tereze avilske, dokončan 1652. Ker so bile kapele v beneški cerkvi dodane na že predhodno obstoječo strukturo, bi niz v obliki latinskega križa zaradi kratkega ladijskega dela ne bil v skladu z beneško tradicijo, zato je arhitekt večji kapeli namesto ob prezbiterij postavil v sredino.

spinelli je z izjemo meniškega kora uporabil vse Longhenove rešitve vključno s fasado, saj plastično izvedene sardijeve v benetkah tedaj še ni bilo; namesto bržkone neizdelane fasade se je za model uporabila fasada sosednje Palladijeve cerkve sv. Lucije. na Kostanjevici so z gradnjo po spinellijevih načrtih začeli po prihodu priorja Massima di san benedetta okoli 1688, med izvajalci del pa najdemo tudi imena, ki jih lahko zasledimo tudi pri gradnji beneške cerkve bosonogih karmeličanov; povezava s priorji, ki so nad Gorico prišli iz benetk, in beneškimi umetniki se je ohranila tudi v 18. stoletju, kot dokazuje primer priorja Lorenza di san elisea in kamnoseka Giovannija battista Mazzolenija.

Z izjemo kostanjeviške cerkve beneška cerkev scalzi tipološko ni vplivala na nobeno drugo redovno cerkev, niti v leta 1677 ustanovljeni beneški provinci ne; morda bi lahko kot variacijo na to temo šteli le redovno cerkev v veroni, delo Giuseppeja Pozza, le da so večje srednje kapele pritrjene na podolgovato oktogonalno ladjo.


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samostan bosonogih karmeličanov na Kostajevici pri Gorici je bil razpuščen z jožefinskimi reformami in znova naseljen 1811 s frančiškani; med prvo svetovno vojno je bil močno poškodovan, vendar restavriran in danes slovi kot katedrala saint-Denis v izgnanstvu; postal je grobnica za zadnje člane francoske kraljeve družine bourbon, bosonogi karmeličani pa so utonili v pozabo.


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APPARATUS


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Rajko BratožZačetki meništva in njegove oblike v antiki in zgodnjem srednjem veku

Poskus kratke sinteze meništva v antiki s posebnim ozi-rom na današnje slovensko ozemlje z bližnjim in širšim sosedstvom prinaša najprej predstavitev temeljnih virov in izbor novejše literature. Prikaz se nanaša predvsem na tista področja meniškega gibanja, ki so močno za-znamovala antično dobo in vplivala na srednji vek: književnost in teološka znanost, svojska duhovnost, boj za pravovernost in vpetost v politično življenje. Prikaz zaključuje predstavitev začetkov meništva v emoni, kot ga prikazujejo hieronimova pisma.

Ključne besede: hieronim, Martin iz toursa, severin iz norika, začetki meništva, samostansko meništvo v 6. stoletju

Marjeta CiglenečkiDominikanski samostan na Ptuju in njegova usoda po razpustu

Dominikanski samostan na Ptuju je doživljal svoj raz-cvet v srednjem veku in baroku. vendar je zanimiv tudi čas po razpustu samostana (1785/86). v stavbe so se naj-prej naselili vojaki, leta 1923 pa ga je kupila skupina in-dustrialcev z namenom, da ga preuredijo v tovarno svile. Pri tem so načrtovali korenite prezidave in rušenje najo-dličnejših delov arhitekture. Zaradi gospodarske krize so samostan leta 1928 prodali Mestnemu magistratu Ptuj. Župan Mihael brenčič je podprl predlog, da samostan namenijo za muzejske zbirke, stanovanja in obrtne de-lavnice. Pri pogajanjih o ohranjanju najpomembnejših delov samostana je bila ključna vloga dr. Franceta stele-ta. Do leta 2011 je veljalo stališče, naj samostan upora-bljata muzej in arhiv, tega leta pa je mestni svet Mestne občine Ptuj sprejel odločitev o novi, kulturno-kongre-sni funkciji kompleksa. Že leta 2002 so se v samostanu pričela intenzivna obnovitvena dela; raziskave so prese-netile z odkritji, ki še utrjujejo prepričanje o odličnosti

Izvlečki in ključne besedeAbstracts and key words

Rajko BratožThe Beginnings of Monasticism and Its Forms in Antiquity and Early Middle Ages

The paper is an attempt towards a short synthesis of monasticism in Late antiquity, with special emphasis on the territory of present-day slovenia and its vicinity. it includes a presentation of fundamental sources and a selection of the recent literature on the topic. it mo-stly discusses the fields of monastic activities that most strongly marked antiquity and influenced the Middle ages, i.e. literature, theology, unique spirituality, the fi-ght for orthodoxy and participation in political life. The paper concludes with a description of the beginnings of the monasticism in emona, as testified to by saint jerome’s letters.

Key words: saint jerome, Martin of tours, severin of noricum, early monasticism, communal monasticism in the 6th century

Marjeta CiglenečkiThe Ptuj Dominican Monastery and Its Fate after Dissolution

The Dominican monastery in Ptuj reached its peak in the Medieval and baroque eras, yet the period after the dissolution of the monastery (1785/86) is also interest-ing. at first, the monastery premises were settled by sol-diers; however, in 1923 the monastery was bought by a group of industrials who planned to transform it into a silk factory. although they intended to radically rebuild the complex, which would have destroyed some of the wonderful architectural elements, the economic crisis forced them to sell the monastery to the Ptuj municipal-ity in 1928. The mayor Mihael brenčič supported the sug-gestion that the monastery be used for museum collec-tions, apartments and workshops. Key to the negotiations about preserving the most important parts of the mon-astery was France stele. until 2011, it was thought that the monastery should be used to house a museum and archives, but in 2011 the city council of Ptuj decided to exploit the monastery as a new cultural-congress centre.


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Bogdan Kolar Redovne skupnosti 19. in 20. stoletja. Odgovori na nove razmere

Prispevek oriše navzočnost redovnih skupnosti na slo-venskem v 19. in 20. stoletju, njihovo odvisnost od do-gajanja v širšem okolju in drugačen pomen, ki ga imajo pri ustvarjanju in ohranjanju kulturne dediščine v pri-merjavi z redovi, ki so na slovenskem delovali v predho-dnih stoletjih. v delovanju redovnih ustanov so se sprva še čutile posledice obdobja represivnih ukrepov, šele od srede 19. stoletja dalje je mogoče govoriti o novi afirma-ciji nekaterih starejših in nastanku več novih skupnosti, ki so privzele izvirne oblike tudi v pravnem smislu, ne le v oblikah delovanja. nove skupnosti so svoje mesto uveljavile predvsem na področju socialnega dela, vzgoje in izobraževanja ter misijonskih dejavnosti. takšne usta-nove je treba razumeti kot odgovor na nove zahteve in kulturne, gospodarske, socialne, cerkvene in cerkveno-politične razmere. Pomembna sestavina njihovega dela je postala župnijska pastorala, v okviru katere so dajale večji poudarek skrbi za sakralne prostore. v 20. stoletju so bile redovne skupnosti na slovenskem dvakrat žrtve totalitarnih proticerkvenih ukrepov: najprej v času oku-pacije in nato po maju 1945, ko je nastopila nova oblast.

Ključne besede: slovenija, cerkev, redovi, samostani, socialne dejavnosti, šolstvo

Ana LavričPrispevek k stavbni zgodovini samostana in cerkve bosonogih avguštincev v Ljubljani

Prispevek predstavlja celovito podobo ljubljanskega di-skalceatskega kompleksa ter na osnovi arhivskih in li-kovnih virov že znanemu dodaja nove podatke o cerkvi in še zlasti o samostanu. Združuje stvarni in kronološki pristop, z objavo virov pa zapisano natančneje pojasnju-

kompleksa. odprta pa ostajajo vprašanja o smislu nove namembnosti in o zaprtju bogatih arheoloških zbirk, s čimer se spreminja zgodovinski spomin o Ptuju.

Ključne besede: dominikanski samostan na Ptuju, Mihael brenčič, viktor skrabar, France stele, ivan vurnik, spomeniški urad, Muzejsko društvo Ptuj, Mestni magistrat Ptuj, telovadno društvo sokol

in 2002 intensive renovation of the monastery began; re-search into the building has surprised us with discoveries that only confirm our conviction about the excellence of the complex. Yet, questions on how appropriate the new function of the monastery is remain, as well as questions about the closure of the rich archaeological collections, documenting the changes Ptuj has and is undergoing.

Key words: Dominican monastery in Ptuj, Mihael brenčič, viktor skrabar, France stele, ivan vurnik, Monument Protection office, Ptuj Museum society, Ptuj Municipality, sokol Gymnastic society

Bogdan KolarReligious Orders in the 19th and 20th Centuries. Responses to the New Circumstances

The paper outlines the presence of the religious or-ders in slovenia in the 19th and 20th centuries, their dependence on the events and activities in the broader social sphere and the specific significance they had in creating and preserving cultural heritage compared to past orders. at first, consequences of the era of repressi-ve measures could still be seen in the orders’ activities, and only after the mid-19th century some of the older orders were reaffirmed and several new ones establis-hed, which were original in organisational, structural and judicial terms. The new communities took an acti-ve role above all in the fields of social, educational and missionary work. These institutions should be under-stood as a response to new demands and specific cul-tural, economic, social and political conditions. Parish pastoral work became an important part of their activi-ty, and greater emphasis was put on the care for sacral buildings. in the 20th century, the religious orders in slovenia twice fell victim to totalitarian anti-church measures: during the second World War and after May 1945, when the new political regime was established.

Key words: slovenia, church, religious orders, monasteries, social activities, education

Ana LavričOn the Architectural History of the Monastery and Church of the Discalced Augustinians in Ljubljana

The paper comprises a comprehensive presentation of the Monastery of the Discalced augustinians complex in Ljubljana. based on the archival and artistic sources, it provides additional information on the church and, especially, on the monastery. it combines the material


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Franci LazariniRedovi in sakralna umetnost na Slovenskem v drugi polovici 19. in začetku 20. stoletja. Nekaj opažanj

Prispevek obravnava arhitekturo in opremo redovnih cerkva, nastalih v obdobju razcveta ustanov posvečene-ga življenja v drugi polovici 19. in začetku 20. stoletja. v prvem delu so obravnavane novozgrajene cerkve, ki se tako s tipološkega kot tudi slogovnega vidika med seboj precej razlikujejo, v vseh primerih pa gre za kva-litetne spomenike, ki imajo v arhitekturni dediščini po-znega historizma na slovenskem posebno mesto. Poleg novogradenj je predstavljena tudi zamenjava oltarjev v svetiščih, ki so jih različni redovi prevzeli bodisi od drugih redov bodisi od svetne duhovščine. Kot glavni razlog za menjavo opreme avtor ugotavlja dotrajanost starih oltarjev in spremembo v okusu naročnikov, redkeje pa je menjavam botrovala želja po poudarjan-ju prisotnosti posameznega reda. Do novosti je prišlo tudi v ikonografiji nekaterih redovnih skupnosti, zato so v sklepnem delu članka na primeru likovne opreme frančiškanskih, lazarističnih in salezijanskih cerkva predstavljene najpomembnejše značilnosti ikonografije omenjenih redov v času med sredino 19. stoletja in prvo svetovno vojno.

Ključne besede: slovenija, redovne skupnosti, cerkvena arhitektura, cerkvena oprema, stenske in stropne poslikave, pozni historizem, nazarensko slikarstvo, frančiškani, lazaristi, salezijanci, kapucini, jezuiti, svetniška ikonografija, marijanska ikonografija, 19. stoletje, 20. stoletje

je in omogoča preverljivost interpretacije. Predstavlja tudi načrt cerkve, ki ga je v rimu aprobiral generalni prokurator konec leta 1656.

Ključne besede: Ljubljana, anton cebej, Marcello ceresola, Franc jelovšek, Gregor Maček, Francesco olivieri, Francesco rosina, barok, arhitektura, diskalceati, diskalceatski umetniki

approach with the chronological one, and – by means of the published sources – enables the verification of the interpretation. Moreover, it presents the plan of the church, which was approved in rome at the end of 1656 by the general procurator.

Key words: Ljubljana, anton cebej, Marcello ceresola, Franc jelovšek, Gregor Maček, Francesco olivieri, Francesco rosina, baroque, architecture, Discalced augustinians, artists of the order of Discalced augustinians

Franci LazariniReligious Institutions and Sacred Art in Slovenia in the Second Half of the 19th and Early 20th Centuries. Some Observations

The paper deals with the architecture and furnishings of monastic churches built in the period of expansion of institutes of consecrated life in the second half of the 19th and early 20th centuries. The first section discusses typologically and stylistically varied newly-built churches of superior quality that hold a special place in the architectural legacy of late historicism in slovenia. The replacement of altars in the sanctuaries, which the orders took over from other orders or secular clergy, is also presented. The main reasons behind these replacements, according to the author, were the wear and tear of the old furnishings and changes in the commissioners’ tastes, while such changes were rarely a consequence of wishes to accentuate the presence of a certain order. innovations were also included in the iconography of some religious institutes. The final part of the paper therefore presents the most prominent characteristics of Franciscan, Lazarist and salesian iconography through examples of pictorial decoration related to these orders between the mid-19th century and the onset of World War i.

Key words: slovenia, religious institutes, church architecture, church furnishings, wall and ceiling painting, late historicism, nazarene painting, Franciscans, Lazarists, salesians, capuchins, jesuits, iconography of saints, Marian iconography, 19th century, 20th century


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Mija Oter GorenčičKartuzija Jurklošter in Leopold VI. Babenberžan

Kartuzija jurklošter, ki jo je ustanovil krški škof henrik i. (1167–1174), je delovala le približno tri desetletja, ko je bila razpuščena. 9. septembra 1209 jo je ponovno ustano-vil Leopold vi. babenberžan. v prispevku je prikazana povezava drugega ustanovitelja z ekbertom andeškim, ki je cerkev leta 1227 posvetil. v prid tezi, da je bil ekbert z jurkloštrom povezan že dosti pred posvetitvijo, govori patrocinij sv. Mavricija, čigar kult si je še posebno priza-deval razširiti ravno ekbert andeški. na Štajerskem je bil ta svetnik v srednjem veku izjemno redek. jurkloštrska cerkev je celo prva in torej najstarejša na celotnem Štajer-skem, ki je (bila) posvečena sv. Mavriciju. ta patrocinij pa je ustrezal tudi Leopoldu vi., saj je bila tudi zanj posve-titev njegovega samostana najvišjemu svetniku cesarstva izraz pripadnosti kraljevemu krogu.

Ključne besede: kartuzija jurklošter, ekbert andeški, Leopold vi. babenberžan, sv. Mavricij, 13. stoletje

Tanja Martelanc Kapucinska arhitektura. Izhodišča za obravnavo svetokriškega in škofjeloškega samostana

Članek predstavlja v umetnostnozgodovinski stroki še neraziskano tematiko kapucinske arhitekture na sloven-skem. Prinaša predstavitev tipičnih arhitekturnih značil-nosti kapucinskih cerkva in samostanov. Posebej je pou-darjen pomen redovnih pravil, na podlagi katerih so bili kapucinski samostani zgrajeni. Kljub strogi uniformira-nosti pa najdemo v tujejezični literaturi opredeljeno tudi tipologijo omenjenih objektov. Posebej je izpostavljen vpliv arhitekture beneške in tirolske kapucinske pro-vince na zasnove prvotnih kapucinskih samostanov na naših tleh. Kapucini so pri gradnji samostanov veliko-krat uporabljali arhitekturne traktate, v katerih so našli predloge za različno velike in različno orientirane kom-plekse. eden takih je traktat antonia da Pordenone, ki se hrani v arhivu kapucinskega samostana v innsbrucku in je najverjetneje vplival na prvotno zasnovo tako sveto-kriškega kot tudi škofjeloškega kapucinskega samostana, ki sta v prispevku tudi podrobno obravnavana.

Ključne besede: sveti/vipavski Križ, Škofja Loka, antonio da Pordenone, kapucini, štajerska kapucinska provinca, redovna arhitektura, arhitektura uboštevnih redov, kapucinska arhitektura, kapucinski redovni arhitekti, kapucinski arhitekturni traktati, kapucinske konstitucije

Tanja Martelanc Capuchin Architecture. A Starting-Point for Research into Sveti Križ and Škofja Loka Monasteries

The article deals with capuchin architecture in slovenia, a topic which has not yet been researched by art histo-rians. it presents the essential architectural characteri-stics of capuchin churches and monasteries. Particular emphasis is placed on the importance of the order’s rules, based on which the capuchin monasteries were built. Despite their strict uniformity, foreign studies have determined a typology of capuchin buildings. The in-fluence of the venetian and tyrolese capuchin provin-ces on the layout of the first capuchin monasteries in slovenia is highlighted. When building monasteries, the capuchins often used architectural treaties as sources for complexes of various size and orientation. one of these is the treaty by antonio da Pordenone, kept in the ar-chive of the capuchin monastery in innsbruck, which most probably influenced also the initial layout of the monasteries in vipavski Križ and Škofja Loka, central to this paper.

Key words: sveti/vipavski Križ, Škofja Loka, antonio da Pordenone, capuchins, styrian capuchin province, monastic architecture, architecture of the minor orders, capuchin architecture, architects of capuchin orders, architectural treaties by the capuchin order, capuchin constitutions

Mija Oter GorenčičThe Jurklošter (Gairach) Charterhouse and Leopold VI of Babenberg

The jurklošter charterhouse, founded by the bishop of Gurk, henry i (1167–1174), only operated for around three decades, after which it was disbanded. its re-esta-blishment by Leopold vi of babenberg took place on the 9th september 1209. The paper presents the connec-tion of the founding father to ekbert of andechs, who consecrated the church in 1227. The hypothesis, that ekbert was close to jurklošter long before its consecrati-on, is supported by the patrocinium of saint Mauritius, whose cult the bishop strove to propagate. The saint was extremely rare in medieval styria. The jurklošter church is the first and therefore the oldest church in styria con-secrated to saint Mauritius. The patrocinium also suited Leopold vi, as the consecration of his monastery to the patronus regni expressed his belonging to royal circles.

Key words: jurklošter charterhouse, ekbert of andechs, Leopold vi of babenberg, saint Mauritius,13th century


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Polona VidmarNagrobnik Seifrida Marenberškega v samostanu dominikank v Marenberku

Prispevek obravnava izgubljeni nagrobnik soustano-vitelja samostana dominikank v Marenberku/radljah ob Dravi seifrida Marenberškega, ki so ga nune vsaj od druge polovice 15. stoletja častile kot svetega. nagrob-nik s podobo pokojnika s sklenjenimi rokami v molitvi, oblečenega v prepasano tuniko in ogrinjalo, ki spomi-nja na mrtvaško pletenjačo, ter z angeloma na oblakih, ki dvigujeta pokojnikovo blazino, je verjetno nastal po naročilu vdove rikarde Marenberške. avtorica posta-vi hipotezo, da je nagrobnik v letih med 1290 in 1293 izdelala kiparska delavnica, ki je v samostan prišla iz Gornjega Porenja in je bila seznanjena z deli francoske sepulkralne plastike 13. stoletja. Leta 1654 sta bila za

Helena Seražin »Beneška« cerkev bosonogih karmeličanov v habsburških deželah

red bosonogih karmeličanov (o. c. D., ustanovljen 1593) je eden od protireformacijskih redov, ki so v 17. stoletju pod pokroviteljstvom habsburžanov širili rim-skokatoliško vero v nemških protestantskih deželah. sedež nemške redovne province je bil v Kölnu, kjer je bil leta 1622 po vzoru matičnega samostana santa Ma-ria della scala (1606–1624), zgrajenega po načrtih carla Maderna, zgrajen prvi samostan. arhitekt kölnske cer-kve im Dau je bil pater Karel von st. joseph (1586–1650); njegov načrt za enoladijsko cerkev s prehodnimi plitvimi stranskimi kapelami, kupolo nad transeptom in kratkim prezbiterijem je bil kasneje uporabljen za samostansko cerkev v Pragi, na Dunaju, v regensburgu in Gradcu. v primeru samostana na Kostanjevici pri Gorici pa je bila cerkev v drugi polovici 17. stoletja prezidana po zgledu beneške cerkve bosonogih karmeličanov santa Maria di nazareth, imenovane scalzi (1654–1689), zgrajene po načrtih baldassareja Longhene. Prispevek ponuja mo-žno razlago, zakaj je tipologija arhitekture pri redovni cerkvi na Kostanjevici takšna, kot je, in to kljub sovra-žnostim med habsburžani in serenissimo.

Ključne besede: benetke, Kostanjevica pri novi Gorici, baldassare Longhena, Matija grof Thurn, arhitektura, arhitekturna tipologija, bosonogi karmeličani, ocD, cerkev santa Maria di nazareth, cerkev santa Lucia, cerkev Marijinega obiskanja, scalzi modernizem

Helena Seražin A ‘Venetian’ Discalced Carmelites Church in the Habsburg Lands

The Discalced carmelite order (o. c. D., established in 1593) was one of the counter-reformation orders which in the 17th century spread roman catholicism through-out the German Protestant lands under the protection of the habsburg dynasty. The o. c. D. seat of the German province was in cologne, where in 1622 their first mona-stery was built with a church based on the model of the order’s mother church in rome, the santa Maria della scala (1606–24) by carlo Maderno. The architect of the church “im Dau” in cologne was fra Karl von st. joseph (1586–1650); his project of a single-naved church with shallow communicating side chapels and domed tran-sept, ending with a short presbytery, was later used for monastic churches in Prague, vienna, regensburg and Graz. in the case of the o. c. D. monastery at Kostanje-vica near Gorizia, however, the church was rebuilt in the second half of the seventeenth century according to the model of the venetian o. c. D. church of santa Maria di nazareth, the scalzi (1654–89), designed by baldas-sare Longhena. The paper proposes an explanation for what caused the change in the typology of the church in Kostanjevica despite hostilities between the habsburgs and the serenissima.

Key words: venice, Kostanjevica near nova Gorica, baldassare Longhena, Matthias count of Thurn, architecture, architectural typology, Discalced carmelite order, ocD, church santa Maria di nazareth, church santa Lucia, church of the holy representation of virgin Mary, scalzi

Polona VidmarThe Tombstone of Siegfrid of Mahrenberg in the Dominican Nunnery in Mahrenberg

The paper discusses the unpreserved tombstone of siegfried of Mahrenberg, the co-founder of the Dominican nunnery in Mahrenberg/radlje ob Dravi, which by the second half of the 15th century came to be worshipped as holy by local nuns. The tomb included a depiction of the deceased with his hands clasped in prayer, dressed in a girded tunic and a mantle, which resembles a wicker mat, and two angel figures in the clouds lifting the pillow of the deceased. it was most probably commissioned by siegfried’s widow, richardis of Mahrenberg. The author tentatively attributes the tombstone to a workshop originating from the upper rhineland, which was familiar with French 13th century


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češčenega ustanovitelja izdelana še bakren relikviarij in kamnit epitaf. okrog leta 1731 so dale nune ob evan-geljski strani sanktuarija iz starejših elementov postaviti novo zasnovo groba ustanovitelja – mučenca, vendar se je od nje po ukinitvi samostana ohranil le relikviarij.

Ključne besede: samostan Marenberk, rikarda Marenberška, seifrid Marenberški, sepulkralno kiparstvo, gotsko kiparstvo, češčenje samostanskega ustanovitelja

tomb sculpture. in 1654, a copper reliquary and a stone epitaph were made to increase the founder’s worship. around 1731 the nuns reorganized the scheme of the martyr-founder’s grave, using the existing elements of the tombstone, the reliquary and the epitaph; however, after the dissolution of the monastery only the reliquary survived.

Key words: Mahrenberg nunnery, richardis of Mahrenberg, siegfried of Mahrenberg, tomb sculpture, Gothic sculpture, worship of the founder of the monastery


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ACTA hISTORIAE ARTIS SLOvENICA 17|2 ∙ 2012, 199

Akad. prof. dr. Rajko BratožFilozofska fakulteta univerze v Ljubljanioddelek za zgodovinoaškerčeva 2si-1000 [email protected]

Izr. prof. dr. Marjeta CiglenečkiFilozofska fakulteta univerze v Mariboruoddelek za umetnostno zgodovinoKoroška cesta 160si-2000 [email protected]

Prof. dr. Bogdan Kolar SDBteološka fakulteta univerze v LjubljaniKatedra za zgodovino cerkve in patrologijoPoljanska cesta 4si-1000 [email protected]

Doc. dr. Ana Lavričumetnostnozgodovinski inštitut Franceta steletaZrc saZu novi trg 2 si-1000 Ljubljana [email protected]

Dr. Franci Lazariniumetnostnozgodovinski inštitut Franceta steletaZrc saZu novi trg 2 si-1000 Ljubljana [email protected]

SodelavciContributors

Tanja Martelancumetnostnozgodovinski inštitut Franceta steletaZrc saZu novi trg 2 si-1000 Ljubljana [email protected]

Doc. dr. Mija Oter Gorenčičumetnostnozgodovinski inštitut Franceta steletaZrc saZu novi trg 2 si-1000 Ljubljana [email protected]

Doc. dr. Helena Seražinumetnostnozgodovinski inštitut Franceta steletaZrc saZu novi trg 2 si-1000 [email protected]

Izr. prof. dr. Polona VidmarFilozofska fakulteta univerze v Mariboruoddelek za umetnostno zgodovinoKoroška cesta 160si-2000 [email protected]


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Viri ilustracij Photographic credits

Marjeta Ciglenečki1, 3, 5, 9: © Ministrstvo za izobraževanje, znanost, kulturo in šport, inDoK center (foto: France stele). 2, 4: © Ministrstvo za izobraževanje, znanost, kulturo in šport, inDoK center (foto: neznan). 10: © Ministrstvo za izobraževanje, znanost, kulturo in šport, inDoK center (foto: Marijan Zadnikar).6– 8: Zgodovinski arhiv Ptuj, Mo Ptuj, šk. 266.11: Marjeta ciglenečki.

Ana Lavrič1–2, 10–11, 17: arhiv republike slovenije, Ljubljana.3, 6, 13: bibliotheca Metropolitana, Zagreb.4: j. v. valvasor: Die Ehre, 1689.5, 14: i. stopar, Ljubljanske vedute, Ljubljana 1996.7–8, 16: © narodni muzej slovenije, Ljubljana.9: arhiv Družbe jezusove, rim.12: © umetnostnozgodovinski inštitut Franceta steleta Zrc saZu, Ljubljana (izrisal: nejc bernik).15: © umetnostnozgodovinski inštitut Franceta steleta Zrc saZu, Ljubljana (foto: ana Lavrič).18–19: Damjan Prelovšek, zasebni arhiv.

Franci Lazarini1−2, 4, 11−12: © umetnostnozgodovinski inštitut Franceta steleta Zrc saZu, Ljubljana (foto: andrej Furlan).3, 5−10, 13: © umetnostnozgodovinski inštitut Franceta steleta Zrc saZu, Ljubljana (foto: Franci Lazarini).14: L. Menaše, Marija v slovenski umetnosti, Ljubljana 1994.

Tanja Martelanc1: © umetnostnozgodovinski inštitut Franceta steleta Zrc saZu, Ljubljana (izrisal: nejc bernik).2, 3, 4, 6: © umetnostnozgodovinski inštitut Franceta steleta Zrc saZu, Ljubljana (foto: andrej Furlan).5: © umetnostnozgodovinski inštitut Franceta steleta Zrc saZu, Ljubljana (na podlagi tlorisa iz

Pokrajinskega arhiva v novi Gorici, Državni tehnični urad trst, teh. e. 133, str. 94, izrisal: nejc bernik).7, 8, 14, 15: © Provinzarchiv des Kapuzinerklosters in innsbruck, Österreich (foto: Manfred Massani).9: © izrisal: anton Mlakar.10, 11, 13: © umetnostnozgodovinski inštitut Franceta steleta Zrc saZu, Ljubljana (foto: tanja Martelanc).12: Ilustrirani Slovenec. Tedenska priloga Slovenca, 6/50, 1930, str. 395.17: Acta historiae artis Slovenica, 6, 2001.


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vIRI ILUSTRACIJ / PhOTOGRAPhIC CREDITS

Helena Seražin1, 4, 5: M. brykowska, Architektura karmelitow bosych w XVII–XVIII wieku, Warszawa 1991.2: © umetnostnozgodovinski inštitut Franceta steleta Zrc saZu, fototeka (foto: nataša ivanović)3: D. Šrumpf, Cvetje s Kostanjevice, Ljubljana 2010.6: t. Magnuson, Rome in the Age of Bernini, uddevalla 1986.7, 10, 11: © umetnostnozgodovinski inštitut Franceta steleta Zrc saZu, fototeka (foto: helena seražin)8: a. antinori, roma 1600–1623: teorici, committenti, architetti, Storia dell’architettura italiana. Il Seicento. 1, Milano 2003.9: e. bassi, Tracce di chiese distrutte, venezia 1997.12: u. Franzoi, D. Di stefano, Le chiese di Venezia, venezia 1976.

Polona Vidmar1–2, 4–7, 16: steiermärkisches Landesarchiv, Graz.3: Ludwig Freidinger, Wappen des Adels, der Geistlichen und der Bürger im Pittener Gebiet, im Oberen

Mürztal und in der Nordoststeiermark im Mittelalter, Graz 1990 (tipkopis doktorske disertacije).8–12: Kurt bauch, Das mittelalterliche Grabbild, berlin-new York 1976.13: © narodna galerija, Ljubljana (foto: bojan salaj).14–15: © Landesmuseum joanneum, Kulturhistorische sammlung, Graz.17: Polona vidmar.


Helena Seražin, A "Venetian" Discalced Carmelite Church in the Habsburg Lands

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