English mercantilist influences on the foundation of the Portuguese School of Commerce in 1759

English Mercantilist Influences on theFoundation of the Portuguese School of

Commerce in 1759

LÚCIA LIMA RODRIGUES∗AND RUSSELL CRAIG∗∗

Abstract

The Portuguese School of Commerce, founded in 1759, is promoted frequently as theworld�s Þrst official, government-sponsored school to offer formal instruction in com-merce. This paper contends that Sebastião Carvalho e Melo (1699-1782), the Marquis ofPombal, was responsible for the transfer, from England to Portugal, of the educational�know how� instrumental to the School�s success. Pombal was inßuenced by the Englishmercantilism he observed as the Portuguese ambassador to England (1738-43), partic-ularly proposals by a writer on mercantilism, Malachy Postlethwayt, for academy-basedcommercial education in England. Another inßuence on Pombal was former East In-dia Company employee, John Cleland. Pombal�s motives were to imitate the success ofBritish mercantilism, develop trade and economic activity in Portugal, and improve andexpand Portugal�s merchant class. (JEL A20, M40, N10)Atlantic Econ. J., 32(4): pp.329-345, Dec. 04. c°All Rights Reserved

�Portugal existed only for England. She was . . . entirely absorbed by her. It wasfor her that the vine ßourished at Oporto, that the tree of the Hesperides burdeneditself with its golden fruit, that the olive diffused its sweet and unctuous tides;it was for her that the sun of the Brazils hardened the diamond in the bowelsof the earth, and it was for her that Portugal rendered her banks and her soilinhospitable to industry� [Williams, 1822, I, p. 425].

Introduction

This paper examines an instance of the transfer of ideas for the development of com-mercial education in mercantilist 18th century Western Europe. The authors explore thesource of the educational know-how embodied in the courses offered by what has often beenclaimed to be the world�s (or at least, Europe�s) Þrst official, government-sponsored teachingacademy offering formal instruction in commerce (including in double-entry accounting): thePortuguese School of Commerce, established in Lisbon in 1759 [Rodrigues et al., 2004]. Therehave been many claims and claimants regarding the Portuguese School of Commerce�s �Þrst-ness.� For example, the Portuguese Government, by Decree Number 5029 in 1918, stated

∗University of Minho�Portugal and ∗∗The Australian National University�Australia. The au-thors would like to thank DelÞna Gomes, Joanna Corden, and Adrian James for their valuableassistance. A research grant from the Câmara dos Técnicos OÞcias de Contas greatly facilitated thecompletion of this paper. The comments on an earlier version of this paper by Joel Amernic, JoséBarreto, and José Luís Cardoso, participants at the 57th International Atlantic Economic Conferencein Lisbon, 2004, and an anonymous reviewer, are greatly appreciated. The usual disclaimer applies.

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that �Portugal was the Þrst country where commerce teaching was organized and the hon-our belongs to the Marquis [of Pombal].� Corrêa [1930, p. 14] claimed that �The School ofCommerce was, without any doubt, . . . the Þrst technical school of commerce established inEurope.� Azevedo [1961, p. 6] claimed that:

�. . . two hundred years ago, in [Portugal] the Þrst school of commerce was created.And it was not only the Þrst school of commerce but also the Þrst technical school.Further, it was not only the Þrst in Portugal, but so far as one knows, it was theÞrst technical and professional school officially created in the world.�

The School of Commerce was an important part of the social, economic, and educationalfabric of Portugal from its foundation in 1759 until about the time of the French invasionsof 1807. Many government positions were reserved for graduates of the school. Such was theesteem with which it was held that, at various times, King D. José and his Chief Minister,the Marquis of Pombal, attended the exams and the ceremonies marking the opening eachacademic year, often with the Royal Court in attendance. Ratton [1813, p. 194] observedthat:

�The appreciation that King D. José had about the School of Commerce was suchthat many times he went to see the students take the exams with all his Court;for that purpose he built special seating for himself and members of his court; andwhen the King could not attend, his Minister, The Marquis of Pombal, usuallyattended.�

Many graduates of the school made important contributions to the economic life and publicservice of Portugal, in the Board of Trade, Royal Treasury, and other private and publicinstitutions, such as the Royal Hospital of All Saints and the Royal Silk Factory [ANTT;Board of Trade, book 111, folio 111V]. Famous graduates included Alexandre Herculano(a romantic poet), Francisco Honorato da Costa, (sponsor of the Þrst crossing of Africafrom Angola to Mozambique, 1804-11), and António Julião da Costa, Portugal�s consul inLiverpool (1810-33) [Felismino, 1960; Santana, 1989; Rodrigues et al., 2004].This paper argues that the educational know how incorporated in the curriculum design

and general planning of School of Commerce when it was founded in Lisbon in 1759 hadbeen transferred from England by Sebastião Carvalho e Melo, the Portuguese ambassador toEngland, 1738-43. (Carvalho e Melo is much better known by the title, Marquis of Pombal,acquired in 1769. For clarity and consistency, he is referred to as �Pombal� throughout thispaper.) Pombal was inßuenced strongly in London by the successes of English mercantilistendeavour and by exposure to the ideas of prominent English economic writers. From thispaper, a clearer understanding emerges of the formative inßuences on the School of Commerceand of the innovative thinking about commercial education that took place in the Þrst halfof the 18th century.The paper begins by brießy explaining mercantilism. Then follows a review of the leading

proponents and implementers of formal academy-based commercial education in 18th centurymercantilist Europe who have been identiÞed by Redlich [1957].1 Particular attention isgiven to analyzing one of Redlich�s two leading proponents (Postlethwayt), and one of histwo leading implementers (Pombal). Two particular inßuences of English mercantilism onPombal are explored to show how he improved his theoretical and practical knowledge ofcommerce and commercial education. First, his familiarity with the views outlined in thewritings of mercantilist author, Malachy Postlethwayt, and second, his personal contact withJohn Cleland, a highly experienced former East India Company employee. The authors show

RODRIGUES AND CRAIG: PORTUGUESE COMMERCE 331

the similarities between the deÞning statutes, textbooks, and procedures of the PortugueseSchool of Commerce, established in 1759, and the mercantilist-inspired proposals in the priorwritings of Postlethwayt. Some factors which inßuenced the transfer of the educational know-how are outlined and reviewed: the vehicles for the transfer, inhibiting factors, networks ofaccess, rate of adoption, and like matters.

The Influence of Mercantilist Ideas in the First School of Commerce

From approximately 1500 to 1800, many Western European countries were inßuencedstrongly by ideas of mercantilism. Their economic systems were based on the premise thatnational wealth and power were best served by encouraging colonization, a vigorous exporttrade, and the accumulation of vast holdings of precious metals (such as gold and silver).Foreign trade was favored over domestic trade. Economic self-sufficiency was widely sought-after. Economic well-being was not measured in terms of success in satisfying the consumptionpreferences of citizens, but by the levels of export trade balances. Mercantilism was aneconomic and geopolitical doctrine, such that, according to Allen [1987, p.448]:

�. . . notions of the balance of trade Þtted comfortably with those of the balance of[political] power . . . [and] . . . it was commonly presumed that world wealth . . . andworld power . . . were essentially given quantities, so an absolute increase in eitherfor a country meant also an increase relative to, and at the expense of, the restof the world.�

Under mercantilism, the State exercised control over national economic life and establishedtrading corporations, often with monopoly rights, to exploit commerce with colonies for thebeneÞt of the mother country. Nation states supported strong navies to ensure the safepassage of large ßeets of merchant ships.Merchants were considered pivotal in such an economic system. Yet, there does not ap-

pear to have been any formal, government-sponsored, academy-based education of merchantsin Europe before the establishment of the Portuguese School of Commerce in Lisbon in 1759.In the mercantilist period, acumen as a merchant was acquired traditionally through on-the-job internships in family-operated businesses. Typically, these were taken up by familymembers (usually young sons) or family friends. Their practical on-the-job training as mer-chants was founded on two educational imperatives. First, knowledge of foreign countries andforeign languages, and second, skills in bookkeeping, handwriting, and the use of mercantilearithmetic [Redlich, 1957].Nevertheless, in the Era of Enlightenment in the early eighteenth century, �the idea was

conceived of making [several] mercantile subjects the content of a theoretical training forbusiness� in formal academies [Redlich, 1957, p. 38]. The contributions of four pioneerswho conceived and/or established independent high-level institutions for formal academiceducation in business matters are highlighted by Redlich [1957]. Two were proponents: theGerman, Jacob Marperger (1656-1730) and the Englishman, Malachy Postlethwayt (1707-67). Two were implementers: the German, Johann Büsch (1728-1800) and the Portuguese,Pombal (1699-1782).

Two Important Proponents of Business EducationMarperger made the Þrst proposals (in 1714-15) for the systematic, formal schooling of

businessmen and the widening of the university curriculum to include commercial sciences[Redlich, 1957]. Marperger advocated a business curriculum comprising writing, arithmetic,


and bookkeeping; mercantile correspondence and billing; handwriting, orthography, stenog-raphy, and cryptography; business technique; commercial geography, newspaper reading, andthe state of business affairs; and technology, geometry, mechanics, and languages.The other proponent, the Londoner, Postlethwayt, was convinced of the �importance of

an enlightened merchant class� [Redlich, 1957, p. 40] and was a proliÞc writer on mercantilisteconomic matters in the 1740s and 1750s. The Dictionary of National Biography [DNB, 1909,XVI, p. 205], reveals Postlethwayt�s works to include: The African Trade, the Great Pillarand Support of the British Plantation Trade in America, 1745; The Natural and PrivateAdvantages of the African Trade considered, 1746; The Merchant�s Public Counting House,or New Mercantile Institution, 1750; A Short State of the Progress of the French Trade andNavigation, 1756; and Britain�s Commercial Interest explained and improved, in a Series ofDissertations on several important Branches and her Trade and Policy, 1757.Postlethwayt�s writings would have been of extreme interest and appeal to Pombal during

his time in London (as is explained more fully later). However, whether these writings werethe original thoughts and words of Postlethwayt is a matter for conjecture. He was knownfor �freely plagiarizing other writers� [DNB, 1909, XVI, p. 204].In 1751, after twenty years devoted to its preparation, the Þrst edition of Postlethwayt�s

Universal Dictionary of Trade and Commerce was published in London. It was a �translation,with large additions, from the French of J. Savary des Bruslons� [DNB, 1909, XVI, p. 205].The second edition of this Universal Dictionary, published in 1757, includes Postlethwayt�slong held plans for the establishment of a British Mercantile College�one principally forthe beneÞt of those who intended to work as merchants, in any of the chief branches ofpublic revenue, or in any particular branch of merchandising. College enrollments were to berestricted to males at least Þfteen years old, qualiÞed in school arithmetic and possessing �atolerable current hand-writing.� Six major subject areas were proposed.

1) Mercantile Computations. Postlethwayt argued that knowledge of algebra and geometry�will lead the merchant into the rationale of every calculatory qualiÞcation for whichhe may have occasion [and] must be of use to prevent deception� [1757, p. 224].

2) Foreign Exchanges and the Intrinsic Value of Foreign Coins. This was regarded to be�very essential to the qualiÞcation of the merchants� [1757, p. 220] and should involvestudents in being �led to the comparison of foreign weights and measures and methodsof converting those of one country into those of any other� [1757, p. 221].

3) Double-Entry Accounting. Postlethwayt argued for the inculcation of knowledge of �theaxioms and rational maxims and principles where-upon the whole art of accountantship,as practiced by the most skillful merchants, according to the method of double-entry,is grounded� [1757, p. 221].

4) Languages. Those languages regarded as important were �the French language, or theItalian, the Spanish, the Portuguese, or even the Dutch� [1757, p. 224].

5) Geography. Acquiring some knowledge of �geography . . . [and]. . . some skill in naviga-tion� was argued to be important because of �constant concerns with matters of shipsand insurances� [1757, p. 224].

6) Public Revenues and Related Laws. Postlethwayt stressed the importance of develop-ing an understanding of �the real principles to preserve public faith and credit, thefoundation on which the property of the monied interests stands� [1757, p. 224].

In outlining these subject areas, Postlethwayt appears to have been inßuenced by�or tohave plagiarized�the well-known mercantilist essay, England�s Treasure by Foreign Trade,


written by Thomas Mun (1571-1641) in the 1630s and published in 1664 (reproduced inWeber, 1990). In Mun�s opening chapter, he details, �The Qualities which are Required in aPerfect Merchant of Foreign Trade.� However, the clear contribution of the various editionsof Postlethwayt�s Universal Dictionary of Trade and Commerce was his distillation of Mun�s�qualities� into curricula proposals for speciÞc subjects, together with his advocacy that thesequalities be learned in an academy devoted speciÞcally to commercial education.To properly instruct students in each recommended subject, the proposed college was to

be provided �with tutors well accomplished to act their respective parts with all advantageto the collegians� and with a library containing the best authors in all modern languages[Postlethwayt, 1757, p. 225]. In the evenings, according to Redlich [1957, p. 40], there wouldbe:

�...colloquia on business subjects, to train the students in free speech and, at thesame time, assist them in clarifying their minds on what they had learned. His[Postlethwayt�s] real goal was to make young businessmen understand what wasgoing on in a contemporary counting house.�

Two Important Implementers of Business EducationThe German, Johann Büsch, and the Portuguese, Pombal, were two implementers who

attempted to put the ideas of Marperger and Postlethwayt into effect and, thereby, to makemercantile subjects the content of a theoretical training for business.In 1768, Büsch established a (private) commercial academy in Hamburg with a curricu-

lum very similar to that proposed by Marperger. However, the school was unsuccessful, andit closed in 1771. Büsch responded immediately by founding another (private) school, whichattracted students from throughout Europe and some of the colonies of European nations.It taught political history, commercial history, commercial geography, arithmetic and math-ematics for business, knowledge of commodities, languages (German, French, English, andrudiments of Dutch and Spanish), business correspondence, business technique, simple casestudies on accounting, and cost computation [Redlich, 1957, p. 42]. The school survived untilBüsch�s death in 1800, by which time it had educated approximately 360 students. Between1771 and 1800, Büsch �also became a well-known economic writer, aligning himself with theMercantilist school� [Redlich, 1957, p. 43]. He was inßuenced by Carl Ludovici�s book, 2 theGerman counterpart to Savary�s Parfait Négociant, and later, by James Steuart�s great sum-mary of mercantilist economics, Inquiry into the Principles of Political Economy, publishedin London in 1765 and translated into German in 1769-70.Of more interest here is Pombal, the other implementer. In 1759, as the Chief Minister of

Portugal, he established the School of Commerce (Aula do Comércio) in Lisbon. A criticaldifference between the Portuguese School of Commerce and Büsch�s school was that theSchool of Commerce was a public (not a private) institution. It was under the supervision ofa government instrumentality, the Board of Trade (Junta do Comércio).

English Influences on Pombal

Between October 1738 and May 1743, the Marquis of Pombal was the ambassador of thePortuguese King John V (D. João V ) to the English Court of King George II. In London,Pombal was preoccupied with the British threat to Portugal�s South American dominionsand �became convinced it was essential to understand the origins of Britain�s commercialand military superiority and of Portugal�s economic and political weakness and militarydependency . . . [and] to investigate the causes, techniques and mechanisms [responsible]�[Maxwell 1995, pp. 5-6].


Although Pombal had only an elementary understanding of economic and business mat-ters (which he acquired managing the agricultural properties of his family), his theoreticaland practical knowledge of business matters developed considerably in London. He collected�a big variety of French and English books about economic matters, not only from seven-teenth century authors but also contemporaneous [authors]� [Barreto, 1986], (the contents ofPombal�s library in London is outlined in Codices 165-7 of the National Library of Portugalin Lisbon.) Maxwell [1995, p. 7] describes Pombal�s library as including:

�. . . such classic mercantilist texts as those of Thomas Mun, William Petty, CharlesDavenant, Charles King, Joshua Gee, and Joshua Child; select reports on colonies,trade, mines, woollen manufactories; specialized tracts on sugar, tobacco, Þsh-eries, parliamentary acts of tonnage and poundage; shipping and navigation; fraudin customs houses; the book of rates; ordinances of the British marine; and, aboveall, a heavy concentration of works on the British trading companies� [Emphasisadded].

These were authors and topics of interest to Postlethwayt, and about which he wrote or whomhe plagiarized. Indeed, one of the books Pombal held was a French version of Mun�s classicmercantilist essay of 1664 (referred to earlier): Tresor du Commerce, published in Paris in1670 [Barreto, 1986].

Postlethwayt and PombalPombal cultivated contacts with persons knowledgeable about economic subjects. There

seems good reason to presume that one such person would have been Malachy Postlethwayt.In London, Pombal �moved in the circle of the Royal Society� [Maxwell 1995, p. 6], anindependent academy that focused on promoting learning in the natural and applied sciences.On May 15, 1740, he was elected a Fellow of the Royal Society [Bulloch�s Roll, NA 1015;Royal Society Archives, Ref. No. EC/1740/02]. Pombal�s citation (with spelling in theoriginal) read:

�Sebastian Joseph de Carvalho e Mello Councellor to his Majesty the King ofPortugal, his Envoy Extraordinary to his Britanick Majesty; A Member of theRoyal Academy of Portugal; well versed in Natural knowledge, and all PoliteLitterature, is desirous to be admitted a Fellow of this Learned Society, and weunder Written, do recommend him as a person well qualiÞed and one who mayprove a worthy Correspondent to the Society to promote the useful Subjects ofour Institution.(Signed by proposers):

Hans Sloane; Cadogan; Wm Stukeley; and J. de Castro Sarmento.�

As for Postlethwayt, he was also a member of a learned society in London. He waselected a Fellow of the Society of Antiquaries of London in 1734 [DNB, 1909, XVI, p. 205].This learned body was devoted to promoting knowledge of antiquities and history. In theearly 1740s, London was small (with a population of only about 650,000) and the commoninvolvement of Pombal and Postlethwayt in these learned societies would have provided goodopportunity for contact with each other. Corden, archivist at the Royal Society [in personalcorrespondence, 2004], has concluded �that there probably was considerable communicationon a personal level between the Society of Antiquaries and the Royal Society.� Evans [1956]refers to �the large common membership which the Society of Antiquaries of London sharedwith the Royal Society� [p.100]; to the fact that in 1739, three of the council members of


the Royal Society were also members of the Society of Antiquaries, and to �a considerablenumber of papers on antiquarian subjects [being] submitted to the Royal Society through SirHans Sloane� [p. 84]. Corden [personal correspondence, 2004] cites the example of MartinFolkes (1690-1754), a known antiquarian, who was the President of the Royal Society (1741-52), and also, at one time, President of the Society of Antiquaries of London. Her view issupported by an archivist with the Society of Antiquaries of London, Adrian James [personalcorrespondence, 2004, drawing upon Evans, 1956, p. 95], who contends that:

�The period around 1740, during Hans Sloane�s presidency of the Royal Society,was marked by considerable interest in antiquarian matters by the Royal Society,and at this time the two chartered societies held many members in common.When Martin Folkes, the Vice-President of the Society of Antiquaries, becamePresident of the Royal Society in 1741, he further intensiÞed its literary andantiquarian interests.�

Further, the Postlethwayt family clearly seemed to value connections with the Royal Society.Malachy Postlethwayt�s brother, James, was elected a fellow of the Royal Society in 1753[DNB, 1909, XVI, p. 205; GB 117, The Royal Society, EC/1753/10].One of Pombal�s proposers for election as a Fellow of the Royal Society was the Reverend

Dr. William Stukeley, a famous antiquarian, who served as the Þrst secretary of the Society ofAntiquaries of London from 1718 to 1727 [DNB, 1909, XIX, p. 127; www.bbc.co.uk/history/hist-oric_Þgures/stukeley_william.shtml]. This association between Stukeley and Pombal invitesconjecture that Pombal had interests in antiquarian matters too, and that he would haveknown other members of the Society of Antiquaries of London, such as Postlethwayt.3

Along with many of the intelligentsia of London, Stukeley was a frequent patron of Londoncoffeehouses�as were the likes of scientists (such as Robert Hooke), writers (Daniel Defoeand Jonathan Swift), buccaneers (William Dampier and Woodes Rogers), and a cartographer(Herman Moll) [www.britannia.com/bios/stukely.html]. The London coffeehouses of the timewere important meeting places, and it would have served Pombal�s purposes to patronize thembecause [www.freepages.history.rootsweb.com]:

�. . . [they] became centers of intellectual stimulation and provided gathering placeswhere people conducted business and exchanged news, opinion, and gossip. Suchestablishments encouraged friendships and garnered specialized clienteles, circlesfor which they became famous.�

The authors contend that it is not fanciful to believe that Pombal and Stukeley met anddeveloped a network of friends (including an economics writer, Postlethwayt) as they imbibedcoffee and partook of the conversation in London coffeehouses. Indeed, Postlethwayt andPombal would have had a natural attraction to each other: they had a common interest inthe moral and economic merits of the slave trade. Postlethwayt was an apologist for slavery[Cecil, online], whereas Pombal, in 1755, �abolished slavery in Portugal and prohibited theenslavement of Native Americans by declaring them free citizens of Brazil. Pombal wantedto outlaw slavery in Brazil as well, but realized that slavery formed a central part of Brazil�splantation-based economy� [Encarta, online]. Their strongly opposed views on slavery wouldhave provided good fare for coffeehouse debate.Educated and wealthy Portuguese expatriates, such as Sarmento (see later) and Pombal,

would have been attracted to the London coffeehouses. By the mid eighteenth century, thePortuguese had a much longer tradition of coffee drinking than the English. They wereamong the Þrst Europeans to pioneer the coffee trade in Africa and Brazil. Further, there is


evidence of a link between coffeehouses and the affairs of the Royal Society. Rousseau andHaycock [1999, p. 398, citing contemporary diary entries of MacclesÞeld] drew attention tothe administration of the Royal Society during the presidency of Martin Folkes, 1741-52, asbeing conducted by a �coffeehouse junto.�The identity of Pombal�s other proposers for admission to the Royal Society suggest he

did not waste time in ingratiating himself with important and inßuential citizens in Lon-don. Sir Hans Sloane, the noted physician, botanist, Secretary of the Royal Society, 1693-1712, and President, 1727-41, was another of his proposers [DNB, 1909, XVIII, p. 379;www.en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sir_Hans_Sloane]. Sloane was known for his habit of holdingan open dinner party each week �at which he entertained his friends in . . . the Royal Soci-ety� [DNB, 1909, XVIII, p. 379]. One can imagine such functions as helping Pombal tomeet a cross-section of inßuential people, including Postlethwayt. �Cadogan� appears to beLord Charles Cadogan, Sloane�s son-in-law [www.johnmadjackfuller.homestead.com/sloane],inviting speculation that Pombal was a friend of the Sloane family.Jacob de Castro Sarmento, the remaining proposer, was an expatriate Portuguese Jew and

a prominent physician and educator in London who had been forced to leave Portugal by theInquisition. One occasion when in London, Pombal is reported to have intervened to protectSarmento from British revenue authorities [Maxwell, 1995, pp. 11-12]. Inadvertently, or bydesign, Sarmento (like Pombal) sought to observe English practices and to convey innovativeideas to Portugal for the beneÞt of his native country. For example, Ciência em Portugal,Personagens e Episódios [www.instituto-camoes.pt] notes that, when in England, Sarmentolooked for diverse ways to contribute to the reform of education and scientiÞc enquiry inPortugal. He once sent a microscope to the University of Coimbra to help advance the studyof medicine in Portugal, and he is claimed to have �introduced Newtonian ideas in Portugal�[Maxwell, 1995, p. 10]. In his liaisons with Pombal, Sarmento would have found a similarlycommitted soulmate.In February 1742, in a letter to Cardeal da Mota, the Chief Minister of King John V (D.

João V ), Pombal acknowledged that one of his purposes in England was to investigate howEngland could be so advanced in economic terms [Pombal, 1742, paragraph 63]:

�I think the most interesting duty of a Portuguese minister living in London is toinvestigate, and tell the King, our Lord, the reasons why he found Portugal in suchgreat decline, while England and other European nations were booming. [. . . ] AllEuropean nations are beneÞting and prospering by means of reciprocal imitation.Each one observes carefully the actions of the others. So, all nations beneÞt, byusing the information of ministers about the useful inventions of others.�

This indicates that Pombal was engaged actively in intelligence gathering; indeed, in a formof low level economic espionage, common among members of the diplomatic community atthe time.Pombal [1741] drew upon his extensive reading and the knowledge he acquired in London

to write a major contribution to Portuguese economic thought: Relação dos gravames [Re-port on Grievances].4 This provocatively titled work reßected Portugal�s angst at economicexploitation by England. The Portuguese believed the English were proÞteering unduly attheir expense�and with good reason. Maxwell [1995, pp. 41-2], for example, notes that,�During the Þrst half of the eighteenth century trade [between Britain and Portugal] wasgreatly in Britain�s favour and the proÞts for individuals high.�Pombal [1741, Introduction] railed, for example, against the �unfair advantages the British

enjoyed in Lisbon and Oporto,� for which �Portuguese merchants in Britain gained no re-ciprocal advantage� [Maxwell, 1995, p. 7]. He elaborated that �what we see everyday in


London is that all commerce is done by English merchants. If we reßect about how it wouldbe if commerce was shared with Portuguese merchants, we clearly conclude that Portuguesemerchants would not proÞt, and in each English they would have a tool for ruin becauseEnglish people even deceive their own people� [Pombal, 1741, paragraph 47].Pombal�s [1741] writings reveal some of the mercantilist economic ideas he implemented

later as Chief Minister between 1750 and 1777. He advocated, for example, the adoption ofseveral �maxims� acknowledging the importance of external commerce [Þrst maxim, para-graph 1], navigation (�because mercantile navigation is . . . fundamental to the State and thesource from which all people get wealth� [third maxim, paragraph 7], and commerce withcolonies [sixth maxim]. On the latter point, his view was that �although the State has a biginterest in external commerce, proÞt with colonies is much more lucrative. Not only is thiscommerce more useful, but it is also less risky� [paragraph 19].Pombal�s [1741] advocacy of an increase in Portuguese commerce, navigation, and na-

tional industry, was molded by almost identical principles and maxims that were embracedin England at the time [Barreto, 1986, p. LVII]:

�The inßuence that England had on [Pombal] is perfectly evident in his writings. . . [and] the fascination he had with the impressive commercial and maritimedevelopment and colonial system of [England]. The English manufacturing systemdeserved his praises for its simplicity, ßexibility and low cost when compared withthe [then] recently created Lisbon Silk Factory.�

The basic mercantilist principles used in England were an inspirational blueprint, throughthe agency of Pombal, for subsequent economic development in Portugal.

Cleland and Pombal�The affairs of the Portuguese territories in India were also a major pre-occupation during

Pombal�s London posting� [Maxwell, 1995, p. 7]. It is unsurprising that Pombal, inspired bythe successes of State interventionist policies (for example, in economic legislation establishingmonopolist companies for trading with colonies such as India), wrote to the PortugueseGovernment in February 1742, suggesting the creation of an Oriental company to engage incommerce with India. This idea (and the detail supporting it) seems likely to have beenprompted by Pombal�s friendship with an Englishman, John Cleland (1709-89)�a man whowas to become infamous in 1750 as the author of the �scandalously indecent� book FannyHill or the Memoirs of a Woman of Pleasure [Barreto 1986; DNB, IV 1909, p. 484]. GivenCleland�s considerable experience with the East India Company in India, where he learnedaccounting [Barreto, 1986] and became ßuent in Portuguese (see below), it is understandablethat he would have been a person of great interest to Pombal.Cleland had served with great distinction as an employee of the East India Company in

Bombay between August 28, 1728 and September 23, 1740. In 1735, he was described as �wellversed in the Portugeze [sic] Language� [Epstein 1974, p. 32, p. 52, p. 48]. Cleland had awide range of experience with the East India Company. He was �one of the few civil servantswho could boast of having served all three of the Company�s primary areas of administrativeresponsibility�the fort, the courts, and the custom house� [Epstein, 1974, p. 45]. Clelandwas promoted rapidly from common foot soldier to non-commissioned officer serving in �theGunroom� (1729), to �Attorney of the Mayor�s Court� (1730), to �a Writer in the Company�sService at Bombay� (1731), to �Factor� (1734), to �Secretary for the Portugeze [sic] Affairsand for carrying on the Correspondence with the Country Govts� (1737), to �Junior Mer-chant� (1737), �Secretary� (1738/9), and ultimately to �Senior Merchant, the highest purelycommercial position within the Company�s �civilian� ranks� [Epstein, 1974, chapter 3].


Cleland returned from Bombay and �reported his arrival in London to the Directors of theEast India Company on 26 August 1741� [Epstein, 1974, p. 54]. Then, �for many years [he]subsequently wandered from city to city in Europe without having any deÞned employment�[DNB, IV, 1909, p. 484]. Barreto [1986, p. LIII; 2004] claims that Pombal developed afriendship in London with John Cleland�s father, William Cleland, and that William Clelandintroduced his son, John, to Pombal.5 It is not surprising that William Cleland and Pombalwere friends. William Cleland was a gregarious, well-placed civil servant who had served withdistinction on the Anglo-Portuguese side at the Battle of Almanza in Spain in 1707 [Epstein1974, p. 11]. He had �seen Most of the Countries and [could speak] Most of the Languagesof Europe,� was �a person of Universal Learning, and an enlarged Conversation,� and wasknown for his habit of �walking perpetually in the Mall, and fastning [sic] upon every bodyhe meets� [Epstein 1974, pp. 10-19].One can imagine, too, that John Cleland, as an educated, returning East India Company

official, would have slipped easily into the London coffeehouse culture known to Pombal�sassociate, Stukeley. Further, Pombal would have had good incentive to seek out Cleland fornews of events in India because Pombal�s brother, José Joaquim de Carvalho, had been killedthere, in 1740, in the defence of Goa [Maxwell, 1995, p. 7]. Pombal would have had theopportunity to establish contact with John Cleland, possibly in conveying condolensces atnews of the death of William Cleland in September 1741 [Epstein 1974, p. 8].In a letter to the Portuguese government in 1742, Pombal attached a memorial in which

John Cleland offered to help establish a monopoly trading company in India on behalf of thePortuguese. In this letter, Pombal [1742] discussed the Asian and near east trading companiesthat had developed in England, France, Denmark, and Sweden, and concluded that Portugalwould proÞt from Oriental commerce if a strong company was created. However, such acompany could not survive and prosper if Portuguese merchants were educated inadequately.Pombal [1742, paragraph 37] claimed that he came to such a view �in consequence of severalclasses and many conferences I have attended about this matter [monopoly commerce] withimportant teachers of the art of commerce.� Despite Pombal�s keenness, two months later,with King João V ill, the project to develop a Portuguese trading company in the Orient wassuspended.6

Pombal�s intentions in London, and his concerns about the poor commercial educationof Portuguese merchants, were not disguised in his writings at the time. Pombal [1741,paragraph 142] frankly confessed that:

�This knowledge I have of the bad instruction of our merchants has led me toinquire of English merchants about the details of their work and to document herethe important points that only they know. I have been hearing everything andexposing it by writing in this way. It seems to me that I should not hide in thispaper that in Portugal I could not have the sources that I have here for research. . . Here we eat and drink with a merchant who is talkative after having drunk toomuch . . .What would be difficult in Portugal to discover directly, only requirespatience to gather here . . . [such that it enables us to understand] . . . Europeancommerce in its entirety.�

Also, Pombal�s letter of 1742 discusses matters about which merchants need instruction,providing further evidence that Pombal had started to think about the program of a Por-tuguese School of Commerce during his time in London. Paragraph 51 discusses weightsand measures, paragraphs 53 and 54 discuss the double entry method,7 paragraph 56 dis-cusses arithmetic, and foreign currencies and prices, oriental ports, and taxes and tariffs isthe subject of paragraph 57.


Although the Þrst major commercial company (Companhia da Ásia) was not operationaluntil 1753, when Pombal was the Chief Minister of King Joseph I (D. José I ), his letter of1742 is important, for it provides tangible evidence that he was thinking about the curriculumof the School of Commerce during his time in London. In May 1743, when Pombal returnedto Lisbon, he met Cleland, conÞrming the interest that Cardeal da Mota, the Chief Ministerof King John V (D. João V ) had in the project [Barreto, 1986, p. LV]. Cleland�s links withPortugal are also evident in a letter that Pombal wrote from Vienna in 1748, disclosing thatCardeal da Mota had received Cleland in his home in the presence of Portugal�s Secretary ofState, Marco Coutinho [Pombal, 1748].

The Curricula of the School of Commerce

Postlethwayt�s [1757] plan for a British Mercantile College is strongly similar to the initialplan adopted for the Portuguese School of Commerce. There are two sources of information(discussed below) that help to sustain an argument of similarity. First, the Statutes of theSchool of Commerce; and second, the manuscripts, textbooks, instructional manuals, andprocedures of the School of Commerce.

Statutes of the School of CommerceThe plan for the Portuguese school is enshrined in the Statutes of the School of Commerce

(Aula do Comércio), published on April 19, 1759. The degree of formality in the structureof the course program is surprisingly at odds with experience in other European countries,where commercial subjects were taught in a less formal way [Mendonça, 1982]. The formalityin Portugal can be explained by the English inßuences on Pombal during his residency inLondon.Postlethwayt�s Universal Dictionary of Trade and Commerce [1751; 1757] is a transla-

tion (with additions and improvements) of the Frenchman Savary des Bruslon�s dictionary.Pombal�s London library8 held a copy of des Bruslon�s Dictionary of Commerce. This raisesinteresting speculation about whether there was a knowledge transfer between Savary andPostlethwayt, and if so, who was most responsible for inßuencing the course program of theSchool of Commerce: Savary des Bruslons or Posthlethwayt? There is no easy answer tothis question, but one thing that can be concluded is that there are similarities betweenPostlethwayt�s plan and institutional arrangements for the Portuguese School of Commerce.Many of the statutes of the Portuguese School of Commerce contain provisions similar tothose outlined by Postlethwayt [1757] (these were brießy described previously). For example,prospective students were required to complete an admission exam to prove they could read,write and count well [Statute 5]; admission preference was given to the sons of businessmen[Statute 6]; students were to be over fourteen years of age [Statute 8]; and lessons were tobe held in the mornings, with students required to attend decúrias,9 (similar in concept toPostlethwayt�s colloquia) in the afternoon [Statute 10].There are many other similarities. Statute 11 was consistent with Postlethwayt�s plan

also, in that arithmetic, ordained as the �basis of commerce,� was required to be the Þrstsubject in the course. It was to comprise instruction in fractions, arithmetic, and geometricprogressions, rules for simple and compound interest, and discount calculations, togetherwith other rules necessary to function as a competent merchant or bookkeeper. Studentswere then required to study exchange, weights, and measures [Statute 12]�principally theweights and measures of countries with which Portugal had business relations, methods forthe exchange of currencies [Statute 13], and methods for calculating the dimensions andvolumes of solids. Knowledge of insurance-related matters, as transacted in Lisbon and in allmarket places in Europe, was regarded as important also [Statute 14]. Bookkeeping method


was to be the last part of the course [Statute 15]. It involved teaching wholesale and retailbusiness using double-entry bookkeeping. This method of accounting and how it was appliedby companies, factories, noblemen�s houses, and other businesses, was explained, as were thedifferent accounting books involved (memorial, journal, ledger book, auxiliary books) andthe balance sheet.On May 18, 1761, consistent with the importance Postlethwayt accorded to ßuency in

foreign languages, Pombal opened a French school for students of the School of Commerce[Santana, 1989]. French lessons took place during the afternoon, in spare time [Sales, 1761-65,p. 215]. After students had learned the basic elements of French, the language was practicedin the School of Commerce. In 1765, French lessons were discontinued.

Manuscripts, Textbooks, and Instructional Manuals and ProceduresA preference for practical instruction was expressed in all mercantile literature of this

period, and in manuscripts, textbooks, and instructional manuals. The Þrst teacher of theAula do Comércio, João Henriques de Sousa10 was the author of a book, �Lessons of theSchool of Commerce� (Liçoens da Aula do Comércio),11 which was a compilation of thelessons he had dictated in class. His manuscript is divided into three parts: elements ofarithmetic, elements of geometry, and the art of double-entry bookkeeping.In 1762, the second teacher of the Aula do Comércio, Sales, a Swiss national, wrote the

manuscript, �General Information about Commerce� (Notícia Geral do Comércio).12 Thisdiscussed the different mercantile styles practiced in Lisbon and other European cities. Saleselaborated on some matters that had not received attention by his predecessor, Sousa, butexcluded other matters that Sousa had promoted (e.g., arithmetic and accounting). Thelessons recorded by Sales can be divided into general theoretical lessons (1-6, 9, and 16), out-lining ideas central to the philosophy of economic mercantilism and pragmatic (and speciÞcapplied) lessons (the remainder) [Cardoso, 1984]. Notable among the theoretical lessons werethose that promoted mercantilism. A country should aim to promote commerce, especiallyexternal commerce, and achieve economic self-sufficiency through carefully encouraging agri-culture and discouraging imports of non-essential manufactured goods (lesson 1). Lesson 3drew attention to the importance of State action to regulate the economy (e.g., through hightariffs on imported manufactured goods). Lesson 9 argued for the control of colonies in orderto provide captive markets for manufactured goods and sources of raw materials. Between1761 and 1765, Sales wrote a �Dictionary of Commerce� (Diccionario do Commercio), atranslation, adaptation, and resumé of the dictionary written by Savary des Bruslons, inwhich he quotes Malachy Postlethwayt (for example, at Volume I, pp. 226, 242, and 264).

Demise of the School of Commerce and Mercantilist Ideas

From about 1820, a liberal revolution began to transform Portugal. French attitudes oflaissez faire, liberalism and belief in individual rights, became popular. Consequently, themerits of unfettered competition and the pursuit of material wealth began to be revered,and there was less compassion for material inequalities in society. A major effect of thison commerce was that mercantilist ideals (such as monopoly privileges for overseas tradingcompanies) were viewed less favorably. The pursuit of wealth and the imperatives of exporttrading, commercial activity, and business acumen were less popular. Consequently, becausethe School of Commerce was directed to facilitating such pursuits, its appeal to prospectivestudents waned too.The Board of Trade Þnanced the School through a 4 percent tax on imports. However,

with the opening of Brazilian ports (such as Rio de Janeiro and Baía) and the secession ofBrazil (on September 7, 1822), the Board�s capacity to meet the operating expenses of the


School was weakened [Rodrigues et al., 2004]. Enrolments were affected adversely too by aLetter of Law of April 7, 1838, which rescinded the requirement that bookkeepers must beeither registered with the Board of Trade or be graduates of the School of Commerce. Theeffects were such that by a decree of September 20, 1844, the School of Commerce was closed.The teaching of commerce was annexed to the �Commercial Section� (Secção Comercial) ofthe secondary school of Lisbon. Commercial teaching soon deteriorated, much to the concernof Campos [1859, p. 4]. The School of Commerce had been infused with mercantilist ideasof the eighteenth century and had served mercantilism well, but it did not survive an era ofliberal reform in the Þrst half of the nineteenth century.

Discussion

The transfer of ideas for commercial education was a multi-faceted process. To capturefurther dimensions of the process of transfer and the outcomes and implications involved,brief answers are advanced to Þve insightful questions concerning technology transfer (posedby Jeremy [1991, pp. 3-5], and summarized by Carnegie and Parker [1996, p. 25]).

1. What inhibiting factors were there, technical and non-technical?One of the factors inhibiting the transfer of commercial education to Portugal would

have been the lack of commercial expertise and the absence of a strong mercantile class inPortugal in the 1750s. Portuguese Jews had been expelled during the Inquisition. Portuguesemerchants were few: they had little capital, poorly developed business acumen and lowlevels of literacy [Azevedo, 1929]. Foreign merchants were the almost exclusive possessorsof bookkeeping knowledge in Portugal. This would have made it difficult to attract suitableteachers of commerce. The Þrst teacher of the School of Commerce (in 1759), Sousa, waseducated in Lisbon by the Frenchman, Miguel Lebouteaux, from the age of seven (that is,from 1727). He later developed his expertise in business matters in the counting house ofItalian merchants (Bernard and Médisse ) [ANTT, Packet 25, n◦2]. The second teacher,Sales, a Swiss, had lived in Hexham, England in 1748, where he learned commerce from abusiness friend [Santana, 1974] before migrating to Portugal in 1758.

2. What were the vehicles of transfer, the networks of access to the originating economy,the information goals of acquirers, the methods of information collection, and the speed oftransfer of the technology?There are strong grounds to argue that the conduit for the transfer of the educational

know-how was Pombal, per medium of the ideas and experience he was exposed to in Lon-don 1738-43, especially from the economics writer, Malachy Postlethwayt and John Cleland.Pombal wanted to imitate the success of British mercantilism, to overcome British exploita-tion of Portugal, and to improve Portugal�s economy. He appeared to have a genuine desireto improve the wealth and political power of his country (and himself). He collected a largevariety of books about commercial matters (see footnote 7). He developed a network ofcontacts with persons who were knowledgeable about economic matters, and extended hisknowledge by attending classes and conferences [Pombal, 1742, paragraph 37]. The speed oftransfer of the technology was low because Pombal could not establish the School of Com-merce until he had the power to do so, that is, not until after he was appointed the ChiefMinister of Portugal in 1750.

3. What was the rate of adoption, the networks of distribution into the receptor economy,and the hindrances faced by the carriers of the new technology?The new educational know-how was enshrined in the statutes of the School of Commerce,

established in 1759, and in the manuscripts cited earlier. Its acceptance can be assessed by


the popularity of the School and its over-enrollment. The statutes restricted the number ofstudents in each intake to 20, with up to 30 others as supernumeraries, but this restriction wasroutinely ignored. The School was swamped by demand. In the Þrst course, 61 students wereenrolled, and enrollments increased steadily until the sixth course (1776), with 307 students.The status of the School was high because several important privileges were accorded to itsgraduates by a Letter of Law of August 30, 1770:13 �it was almost a title of honor to be orto have been a student of the School of Commerce� [Guedes 1943, p. 29].The low speed of transfer to Portugal is a reßection of the political hindrances that

Pombal faced between 1743, when Pombal left London, and 1750, when he became ChiefMinister. Pombal�s enemies attempted to exclude him from being inßuential in the creationof a Portuguese Oriental Company. They conspired with King D. João V to thwart hisinßuence by sending him to Vienna between 1745 and 1749.

4. Was the incoming technology reshaped by economic conditions, social factors, and condi-tions in the physical environment?Economic, social, and environmental forces shaped the physical environment of Portugal

into which the new ideas on commercial education were transplanted. First, Postlethwaytproposed foreign languages in his plan. The French School created by Pombal can be seenas a cultural and social inßuence. At that time, a French mood and French inßuences werevery popular in Portugal. Serrão [1982], for example, claims that French cultural inßuencesin Portugal started in the 1690s and increased until 1750, and extended from sciences andhistory to fashion. �France was for the Portuguese of that time the exemplary school ofculture and civilization. All things that were associated with France were defended, even ifthey were contrary to the national spirit� [Serrão, 1982, p. 412].Second, Postlethwayt thought that the college must have a library of the best authors.

The fact that the Portuguese School of Commerce (initially, at least) had no library can beexplained by ambient environmental circumstances. Lisbon and much of surrounding Por-tugal sustained a massive earthquake in 1755. The resultant Þres destroyed all of the majorlibraries in Lisbon, and economic conditions made it almost impossible for library holdingsto be replaced quickly. Third, Postlethwayt maintained that geography and navigation weresubjects of such importance that they should be studied in a School of Commerce. How-ever, these subjects were not catered for speciÞcally. It is plausible that they were excludedor downplayed by Pombal as a matter of national pride and esteem�Portugal, the land of�Henry the Navigator� and the pioneer of the sea route around the Cape of Good Hope,regaled itself as the land of great navigators. It is possible that Pombal considered it an af-front to national pride and reputation to suggest that Portuguese merchants did not possessa good knowledge of navigation and geography.

5. Were there any reverse ßows of technology?If the School of Commerce was the Þrst of many official establishments for teaching

commerce in Europe, there appear to have been other outwards ßows of educational know-how from Portugal, since the idea of technical public schools of commerce ßourished in Europesubsequently. For example, in Cadiz (Spain) the Board of Trade established the Þrst Schoolof Commerce in 1799 [Arquero and Donoso, 2001].Several factors can explain this successful transfer of commercial educational know-how

to Portugal. Pombal was a very ambitious and adept politician. When in London he learned,Þrst hand, to understand reasons for the success and power of the British economy. Heactively acquired economic understanding and expertise in London and demonstrated hisnew-found knowledge by writing a major economic treatise and several important officialletters. His writings clearly reinforced the fundamentals of mercantilism and, importantly, the


subject matter merchants needed to know. Pombal clearly articulated the need for Portugal todevelop large trading companies and to develop a cadre of well-educated merchants. BecausePortugal had no private schools of commerce, Pombal saw an important role for the State insponsoring such education. It was the example and the rhetoric of British Mercantilist, whichimpelled Pombal to establish the (often-claimed) world�s Þrst official government-sponsoredSchool of Commerce in Lisbon in 1759.

Footnotes

1Redlich was a well-respected historian of commercial education. His analysis was conductedwhile he was a member of the Research Center in Entrepreneurial History at Harvard University.

2This book, Grundriss eines vollständigen Kaufmannsystems . . . , Þrst appeared in 1756 [Redlich,1957, p. 42].

3Stronger evidence of an association has been sought from archivists. Both Corden [archivist,Royal Society, in personal correspondence, 2004] and James [archivist, Society of Antiquaries ofLondon, in personal correspondence, 2004] have advised that no joint meetings were held betweenthe Royal Society and the London Society of Antiquaries, 1738-43. Searches for diaries of Pombaland Postlethwayt, 1738-43, have proven fruitless.

4Barreto [1986], in his introduction, considers this to be one of the most important expressions ofPortuguese economic thought in the Þrst half of eighteenth century. Barreto�s work was a deÞnitivestudy of Pombal�s stay in London.

5He would have had to act quickly. The interval between John Cleland�s return to London andthe death of his father was approximately one month.

6According to Barreto [1986], the real reason for suspending the project was that the secrecysurrounding it had been broken. Pombal�s enemies supported the establishment of an Orientalcompany, but they tried to exclude Pombal from being inßuential in its creation.

7In paragraph 55, Pombal says that the double entry method was adopted in England with �bigadvantages for commerce.�

8The contents of this library are revealed in three volumes of manuscripts, from 1743, writtenin French, and held in the Colecção Pombalina da Biblioteca Nacional (Lisbon) and titled: (1)�Catalogue des livres de Sébastien Joseph de Carvalho e Mello, envoyé extraordinaire de Sa Majestéle Roi de Portugal auprès de Sa Majesté Britannique� [Codex 165: 272 titles, most are about lawand history]; (2) �Catalogue où l�on trouve un secours des livres politiques les plus remarquablesqui ont été composés pour l�instruction des ministres du cabinet, c�est-a-dire, ceux desquels ont peutapprendre les maximes et observer les exemples pour faire qu�un État ait la prospérité, la richesseet la sûreté au dedans et le respect et le pouvoir au dehors, par les moyens de l� encouragement etl�augmentation des forces tant par mer, que par terre, des sciences, du commerce et de l� agricultureet de la bonne administration des Þnances qui en proviennent� [Codex 166: 39 titles, most are aboutpolitics and commerce]. This title is indicative of the importance Pombal gave to economic matterssince the books were chosen to inform �ministres de cabinet� and statesmen; and (3) �Bibliothèque,ou collection des livres qu�a don son cabinet à Londres Sébastien Joseph de Carvalho e Mello envoyéextraordinaire de Sa Majesté le Roi de Portugal auprès de Sa Majesté Britannique, pour ce quiconcerne l�Angleterre, son commerce intérieur et externe, ses colonies, ses corporations, sa marine,sa navigation et ses Þnances, la constitution et la politique des Anglais� [Codex 167: 254 titles, mostare about England and its colonies].

9In these sessions, the teacher assigned several better students (decuriões) to help other students(decuriados) revise the lessons given in the morning. The objective was to improve understandingof the subject matter and to enhance memorization. An Order of the Board of Trade on January 8,1796 emphasized the obligation to attend lessons and Decúrias.

10Sousa was nominated in 1758. He did not take responsibility for the exams of the Þrst course,or for the lessons after 1762, because on January 11, 1762, he was appointed as clerk of the RoyalTreasury.


11Found in the Secondary School of Veiga Beirão. Today this is known as the Secondary Schoolof David Mourão Ferreira, Lisbon.

12This (and similar manuscripts) can be found in codex 2966, University of Coimbra Library(second course); codexes 2272-73, National Library, General Reserve Collection [GRC] (third course);one manuscript in the Instituto Superior de Economia e Gestão (seventh course); codex 11260,National Library, GRC, (eighth course); and codex 7010, National Library, GRC, (July 27, 1810).

13Appointments to many important posts in the public service were restricted to graduates of theSchool of Commerce. To qualify to be a merchant, it was necessary to be a graduate of the Schoolof Commerce.

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English mercantilist influences on the foundation of the Portuguese School of Commerce in 1759

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