Continuities and Changes in the Structure of Ceramic Design: a record of migration and social change...

CONTINUITIES AND CHANGES IN THE STRUCTURE OFCERAMIC DESIGN: A RECORD OF MIGRATION AND SOCIAL

CHANGE IN THE RIO GRANDE PUEBLOS

Dorothy K. Washburn

Abstract

This paper traces migration and social adaptation in the northern Ancestral

Pueblo Southwest during the thirteenth to sixteenth centuries from the perspec-

tive of continuities and changes in the structure of ceramic design. During the

Coalition period cultural continuities are recorded in the patterns and structures

betweenMcElmo B/W and Santa Fe B/W and betweenMesa Verde B/W and Galis-

teo B/W. Migrants from the Four Corners initially continued making their home-

land decorative styles in their new homes on the Rio Grande. The designs,

constructed by one-dimensional bifold rotation, are structural metaphors for

the multiple reciprocities that organized kin relationships in the unit pueblo com-

munities of their Four Corners homeland. Subsequently, during the Classic

period coincident with the construction of large plaza-oriented towns there is a

structural shift to finite design organization that, like designs in the earlier pit-

house horizon, signals the adaptive role of the household as the self-sufficient

mobile subsistence and social unit. This shift has also been observed in architec-

ture and subsistence activities.

Resumen

Este artículo sigue la migración en la parte norte del Suroeste desde la perspectiva de las

continuidades y cambios en la estructura del diseño cerámico. Se presentan argumentos a

favor de que Santa Fe B/W sea una forma en Rio Grande de McElmo B/W y que migra-

ciones continuas desde la Cuenca de San Juan ocurrieron durante la producción de Galis-

teo B/W en el Rio Grande. Notables cambios estructurales en diseño ocurren entre las

múltiples reciprocidades basadas en familiaridades visualizadas por las unidas simetrías

bifold en diseños cerámicos de negro-sobre-blanco de los periodos Pueblo I-III y las sime-

trías finitas, centradas en la casa, en los diseños de cerámicas Biscuit del periodo Pueblo

IV. Este desplazamiento hacia autosuficiencia de la casa ha sido además observado en

arquitectura y actividades de subsistencia.

Introduction

The ancestry of the current Pueblo towns along the Rio Grande has beenthe subject of many reconstructions. Some archaeologists maintain

that the Rio Grande populations increased largely through internal growth

KIVA: The Journal of Southwestern Anthropology and History, Vol. 79, No. 1 (Autumn 2014), pp. 27–53.Copyright © 2014 Arizona Archaeological and Historical Society. All rights reserved. 27DOI 10.1179/0023194014Z.00000000013

(e.g. Boyer et al 2010; Dutton 1964; Steen 1977); others conclude that the areawas largely populated by a series of in-migrations, especially those coincidentwith the mid twelfth-century and later thirteenth-century droughts that depopu-lated the Four Corners region (e.g. Ahlstrom et al. 1995; Cordell et al. 2007; Ellis1967; Ford et al. 1972’ Kohler et al. 2010; Lang 1982; Mera 1935; Ortman 2012;Roney 1995; Wendorf and Reed 1955).

This paper offers an alternative approach to the use of ceramic types and/or design elements to reconstruct the peopling of the upper Rio Grande region.Here I assess continuities and changes in the structure of design. I begin withdesigns characteristic of the homeland Four Corners area during the Early andLate Developmental periods (A.D. 600–900, 900–1200) and trace the continu-ities in design structure through the Coalition period (A.D. 1200–1325) andinto the Classic period (A.D. 1325–1600) as people moved into and adaptedto life in the Rio Grande. This focus on design structure—the way elementsare organized and repeated in a pattern—has disclosed the changing nature ofthe social units that enabled people to survive and adapt to new environmentalconditions and social situations upon their migration to the Rio Grande region.

The analysis is predicated on the premise that design structures are visualstructural metaphors of the social relationships and institutionalized behaviorsthat organized and sustained pueblo communities. Such information is notembedded in alternative design study methodologies. Frequencies of designelements (e.g. Ruscavage-Barz 2002) cannot adequately represent specifickinds of social activity since the elements studied—lines, triangles, checker-boards, etc.—are universally present on ceramic designs throughout Southwes-tern cultures and the prehistoric ceramic record. More importantly, despitecontinued assertions to the contrary, it has never been demonstrated with ethno-graphic research among Pueblo peoples in the American Southwest that designelement distributions embody significant social meaning. Likewise, ceramic typesequences imply continuity and thus can neither isolate nor account for impor-tant changes, such as the community reorganization that populations under-went once they arrived in the Rio Grande Valley.

PREMISES AND PROCEDURES OF THE ANALYSIS

This analysis is based on the premise that social organizational information isembedded in the way the elements and motifs in a design are configured intoa repeating pattern (Washburn 1999). Consultations with native consultants(Sekaquaptewa, personal communication; Sekaquaptewa and Washburn2004; Sekaquaptewa et al. 2015) have confirmed that the consistent ways thatdesigns are structured are metaphorical visualizations of organizational relation-ships fundamental to life in small agriculture pueblo communities.

DOROTHY K. WASHBURN28

The motions of plane pattern symmetries are a systematic and objectiveheuristic device to describe these preferred design structures. An illustrated descrip-tion of the finite, one-dimensional and two-dimensional axial layouts (symmetryclasses) for the four plane pattern symmetry motions (translation, bifold rotation,mirror reflection, glide reflection) complete with flow charts that aid the researcherin keying out the correct motion classes can be found in the handbook by Wash-burn and Crowe (1988). Research has documented the fact that in cultureswithout writing where design is an important kind of visual language, patternsare not structured randomly. Like consistent preferences for spin direction infiber preparation, the preference for consistent design organization is part of agiven culture’s behavioral practices. Pattern makers need not be nor are they con-scious of the mathematical basis for these structural arrangements, althoughthey are aware of the consistency in the structure of their designs.

A 1000 year study of the changes in ceramic design structure of the Ances-tral Puebloans shows two periods in which this reciprocity principal underwentmarked change: one at the Basketmaker to Pueblo transition in the Four Corners,ca. A.D. 900, and the other as the corn lifeway experienced prolonged droughtsthat forced a diaspora from the Four Corners into the Rio Grande during thetwelfth to thirteenth (Washburn et al. 2010) (Figure 1).

FIGURE 1. 1000 Years of Continuity and Change in Pueblo Design Structure. FromWashburn et al.2010, Figure 4.

CONTINUITIES AND CHANGES IN CERAMIC DESIGN 29

In brief, the small pithouses of the late Basketmaker period were occupiedby separate households who decorated their pottery with designs centered inbowl interiors predominantly structured by bifold rotation (C2) in finite axialarrangements. This design structure metaphorically visualized the householdreciprocities of the husband/wife team whose complementary tasks sustainedeach family pithouse. The shift to masonry unit pueblos housing larger kinand clan groups ca. A.D. 900 was marked by pottery decorated with one-dimensional designs composed of series of bifold units (p112) arranged inlinear bands around the vessel that visualized the multiple, reciprocal kin andclan-based responsibilities and obligations needed to sustain these commu-nities. Two major droughts, A.D. 1150 and A.D. 1280 (Benson et al. 2007) chal-lenged this scattered, small settlement, dry farming corn lifeway and the socialreciprocities that sustained it.

This article describes the design structure continuities and changes thatoccurred when families moved from the Four Corners into the Rio GrandeValley during the thirteenth to fifteenth centuries. I examine two cases of popu-lation movement, one from the San Juan and one from the Mesa Verde in whichmigrants initially persisted in organizing themselves and their ceramic designs inthe social units of their homelands. Later, however, the San Juan migrantsadopted the glaze styles of western groups also entering the Rio Grande andthe Mesa Verde migrants reverted to the design structures of individual house-holds characteristic of earlier pithouse villages. The latter shift has also beennoted in subsistence and architectural evidence gathered by other researchersthat found that the household was the sustainable, self-sufficient unit thatmoved, built room units and raised food while living in very large pueblo towns.

In ceramic design this role of the household as the social unit most able toadjust to the environmental and social conditions of the Rio Grande Valley isvisualized in the breakdown of the paneled band bifold (p112) design structuretypical of the Santa Fe B/W and Galisteo B/W types that were extensions of theirMesa Verde forbearers, McElmo B/W and Mesa Verde B/W. The new designs onthe Biscuit wares are simple bands of translated panels as well as finite designs,the latter of which characterize the design system of independent householdsduring the late Basketmaker–Pueblo I pithouse phase in the Four Corners region.

DATABASE ANALYZED

In order to develop a sufficient data base of whole vessels necessary for designstructure analysis I analyzed vessels recovered during the early excavations ofRio Grande sites (Table 1). Although the provenience of most vessels islimited to the site and the vessels are dated by ceramic type associations, thelimited scope of more recent work that has largely recovered only sherd assem-blages has not provided usable samples. For the convenience of readers who use


the typological system, I have analyzed the design structures within each type asassigned by the original excavators. While this approach might appear to com-promise the goal of detecting trends unmarked by changes in types, since Ilumped the major types and their variants, each type group characterizes a rela-tively discrete time period such that the changes in the designs within thesedated groups can be studied sequentially.

I assess my results in light of the known prehistory of the Rio Granderegion developed from many overviews and surveys (Cordell 1979; Stuart andGauthier 1988) and excavations, such as those at Cochiti Reservoir (Biella andChapman 1977–1979), Bandelier (Kohler 2004; Powers and Orcutt 1999),Arroyo Hondo (Creamer 1993; Dickson 1979; Habicht-Mauche 1993), PindiPueblo (Stubbs and Stallings 1953), Tesuque By-Pass (McNutt 1969), PotCreek Pueblo (Crown 1991; Wetherington 1968) and Tijeras (Cordell 1980).As well I compare my results with reconstructions offered by Mera (1935),Lang (1982), Cordell (1989) and the more recent compilations by Crownet al. in Adler (1996) and by Fowles (2004) as well as the syntheses by Kohleret al. (2010) and Ortman (2012).

MIGRATION CONSIDERATIONS

In this article I argue that the way aspects of social organization adapt to move-ment and resettlement can be found in continuities and changes in design struc-ture. I will not review here the large literature relating to issues surrounding the

TABLE 1. Sample Size and Site Provenience of Ceramic Types Analyzed.

Type N Sites

Navajo Reservoir Rosa/Piedra/Arboles B/W

38 Sanchez (LA 4086), Sandoval (4131), Sambrito (4195),Bancos (4380), Cemetery (4384), 4088, 4191

Gallina B/W 18 Cerrito (LA22860), Cuchillo (22861), Nogales (649),Carricito, Rattlesnake (35648), Starveout Ridge

Jemez B/W 69 Unshagi (123), Amoxiumqua (481), Kwastiukwa (LA482), Nanshagi (541), Giusewa (679)

Santa Fe B/W 97 Pindi Pueblo (LA 1)

Galisteo B/W 43 Pindi Pueblo

McElmo B/W 351 Mug House (5MV1229), Aztec Ruin (LA 45), Salmon Ruin(LA8846)

Mesa Verde B/W 1373 Mug House, Aztec Ruin, Salmon Ruin

Biscuit A & B 377 Otowi (LA 169), Tsankawi (211), Sapawe (306), Pecos(625)


process of migration in the American Southwest summarized and assessed byothers (e.g. Cameron 1995; Clark 2001). However, two issues are relevant tothis analysis.

First, ethnographic and archaeological research indicates that most com-munities under stress do/did not move as a whole. Emory Sekaquaptewa (per-sonal communication) commented that, as a practical matter, it would havebeen cumbersome for large groups of people to relocate together. Rather,moves were undertaken by individual households and family groups. Indeed,architectural evidence at Rio Grande sites such as Arroyo Hondo indicates thatthe living units constructed correspond to family and extended family groups(Creamer 1993).

Second, pueblo migrations are not single events but rather are character-ized by a series of successive relocations as populations respond to changes inthe environment. This process has been described as “serial migration” by Ber-nardini (2005). Pueblo oral histories specifically describe this sequential move-ment from their place of emergence in the north to where they live today [Tewa(Naranjo 1995; Ortiz 1969, 1979), Keres (Bayer 1994; Hoebel 1979; White1962), Towa (Sando 1979, 1982), and Tiwa (Fowles 2005)]. Emory Sekaquap-tewa (personal communication) characterized this lengthy process for the Hopias a search for their final “resting place” where they could “grow their corn andlive in health, prosperity and happiness.” In the twelfth and thirteenth centuriesprecipitation levels in the Four Corners were often insufficient for prolongedperiods. Facing these deteriorating conditions, in order to survive, familiesand larger kin groups moved, many to the Rio Grande. The successive phasesof late Classic construction and abandonment of large pueblos in the RioGrande represents this process just before other changes in ceramic decorationwere introduced by the Spanish during the historic era.

Overview of the Occupation Sequence in the Upper RioGrande Region

During the Developmental period (A.D. 600–1200) the Rio Grande was spar-sely occupied. Nuclear families lived in widely scattered pithouses with exteriorstorage cists and surface jacal or adobe rooms and followed a horticultural/hunting/foraging way of life. McNutt (1969) has suggested from the widespreadpresence of ceramics similar to Red Mesa B/W that these early occupants weregroups who left the Chaco-San Juan area beginning A.D. 750 and moved intothe Rio Grande via the Rio Puerco of the East. “There is virtually no evidencethat this culture originated within the upper Rio Grande Valley; apparently itwas introduced by Pueblo immigrants from some other area beginning at ca900 AD” (McNutt 1969:71, 981).


After A.D. 900, other groups moved into the Rio Grande from the northernSan Juan with hachure style mineral painted pottery, Kwahe’e B/W, the type thatreplaced Red Mesa as the dominant ceramic type. In the Pot Creek area sites withboth Red Mesa B/W and Kwahe’e B/W ceramics show this transition by the earlyeleventh century (Wetherington 1968:77). At the Tesuque By-Pass site near SantaFe, Kwahe’e B/W is present in L-shaped room blocks of eight rooms with anassociated circular kiva by A.D. 1100 (McNutt 1969:9).

During the Coalition Period (A.D. 1200–1325) the number of sitesincreases ten-fold (Stuart and Gauthier 1988:51) and a carbon painted type,Santa Fe B/W, appears to replace the mineral painted types of the DevelopmentalPeriod. Biella recorded an 800 percent increase in the number of sites in theCochiti Reservoir area. Although many continued to be small room blocks of4–8 rooms with a kiva; some grew to larger blocks of 15–20 and upward to100 rooms facing a central plaza with several kivas (Biella 1979). In the Bande-lier area the population increases during this period are exemplified in the archi-tectural changes at Burnt Mesa Pueblo, LA 60372, from an initial linear block of8 rooms occupied by 3–4 households to a later 65-room, two-storyplaza-oriented pueblo occupied by 20 households (Orcutt 1999).

Wendorf and Reed (1955) believed that Santa Fe B/W developed locallyand spread widely throughout the upper Rio Grande. They argued that althoughit was decorated with a new kind of paint, a similar transition from mineral tocarbon paint occurred locally in the San Juan during the transition fromMancos B/W to McElmo B/W. In contrast, others have concluded that such asite increase can only be the result of in-migration (Biella 1979:142; Dickson1979:41; Kohler and Root 2004:118; McNutt 1969:116; Ortman 2012). Bythe mid 1200s Santa Fe B/W had become the prevailing type throughout theRio Grande in sites from the Taos District in the north to below Albuquerquein the south and from the Jemez Mountains in the west to the Sangre deCristo mountains in the east (Habicht-Mauche 1993:Figure 8). The shift fromKwahe’e B/W to Santa Fe B/W is recorded in the two building phases at BurntMesa Pueblo.

The shift from Santa Fe B/W to Galisteo B/W is recorded at Pindi Pueblo.Here the first phase of construction occurred ca. A.D. 1250–1300 and resulted ina 40-room pueblo with 3–4 circular kivas. Then, beginning around A.D. 1270and intensifying in the 1320s and 1330s, a second building phase resulted inconsiderable remodeling and construction of new adobe room blocks andabove ground kivas (Ahlstrom 1989). The first building period was dominatedby Santa Fe B/W and the second by Galisteo B/W. I shall argue that from a designstructure perspective both Santa Fe and Galisteo types are evidence of migrationout of the Mesa Verde. Santa Fe B/W shows distinct pattern and structure simi-larities to McElmo B/W and, similarly, Galisteo B/W shows distinct pattern andstructural similarities to Mesa Verde B/W.


During the Classic period (A.D. 1325–1500) very large pueblos werebuilt in the Chama, Pajarito, Taos, Santa Fe, Galisteo, Pecos and Albuquerqueareas. At sites like Paako as well as others in the Galisteo Basin, the suddenappearance of Galisteo B/W was associated with a change from building withcoursed adobe to stone masonry (Lambert 1954). Stubbs and Stallings(1953:48) claimed that Galisteo B/W was virtually identical to Mesa VerdeB/W. It became the dominant type south of the Santa Fe drainage after A.D.1300. In the sequence of types, the last of the B/W types, Wiyo B/W, has beensaid to be the predecessor of the Biscuit wares (Mera 1934). In the ChamaValley and on the Pajarito Plateau two sequential biscuit wares were produced:Biscuit A (Abiquiu B/G) between A.D. 1325 and 1450 and Biscuit B (BandelierB/G) between A.D. 1450 and1600.

During the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries multiple phases of buildingand abandonment occurred at these large sites. Many experienced extensiveremodeling and/or new construction that resulted in multi-storied roomblocks of thousands of rooms arranged around multiple plazas (Jeancon1923; Kidder 1915). Unfortunately, with a few exceptions (e.g. Kidder 1931)many of these sites were merely surveyed or excavated briefly and/or havenever been fully reported (e.g. Hewett 1906); the artifacts recovered oftenhave little provenience beyond site affiliation. Nevertheless, the ceramicdesigns obtained in these early excavations can still provide insights on socialresponses during the process of population movement and adaptation.

The evidence suggests that there were multiple movements of people fromthe Chaco/San Juan area into the Rio Grande, beginning as early as the late Bas-ketmaker ca. A.D. 900 and continuing into the Pueblo III period “in response tolocal factors” (Rohn 1989:164, 168). While some archaeologists have claimedthat people from the Chaco and San Juan areas spread throughout the RioGrande valley into fairly “empty” lands (e.g. Crown et al. 1996), more recentwork has shown that all areas were occupied, if somewhat sparsely (synthesizedin Boyer et al. 2010).

Nevertheless, there is unequivocal evidence of in-migration into the RioGrande. The evidence from similarities to pottery types from the homelandareas suggests that the first pottery made by these immigrants was made withlocal clays and tempers but was decorated with the homeland styles (seeHurst 2003 for a discussion of these regional varieties). The similarity of theRed Mesa and Kwahe’e like variants made in the Rio Grande to their antecedentsin Chaco and the Rio Puerco resulted in the use of the same type names for thesetypes wherever they were made. In contrast, migrants from the Mesa Verde areabrought their carbon paint tradition and McElmo style but, because the distinc-tive clays and tempers used to make the McElmo-like pottery in the Rio Grandemade the pottery “appear” very different from McElmo B/W made in the MesaVerde area, it was given a new type name, Santa Fe B/W. A design structure


analysis shows that these two types are the same and that the makers weremigrants from the Mesa Verde.

TYPOLOGICAL CONSIDERATIONS

The above described periods and routes of migration have largely been derivedfrom continuities in ceramic types and their stylistic features such as designelements and motifs (e.g. Graves and Eckert 1998; Kohler et al. 2004; Ruscavage-Barz 2002). I argue that type sequences are not good indicators of the historicaltrajectory of cultural systems. First, implied in ceramic type sequences is continu-ity in development from one type to the next. A false genetic relationship isimbedded in descriptions of Kwahe’e B/W as “derived from” Chaco types orthat Santa Fe B/W “developed” from Kwahe’e B/W. Such relationships are par-ticularly tenuous since the element repertoire is shared by all the AncestralPueblo types.

Second, the assumption that the presence of the same types and/or designstyles over wide areas is indicative of interaction—trade, alliances, kin-foodsharing, etc. (e.g. Cordell et al. 2007; Roney 1995) has been continually assertedby never substantiated as a Pueblo practice with ethnographic research. Otherthan similarities in ceramic styles, there is little archaeological evidence of theexistence of alliances. There is no evidence that people who made Red MesaB/W in the Chaco basin and its cognate styles Cortez B/W to the north alongthe San Juan and Newcomb B/W in the Chuskas were involved in an exchangenetwork with those making Red Mesa-like pottery in the Rio Grande. This was atime of small, scattered self-sufficient pithouse and unit-pueblo settlements.Petrographic analyses have indicated that each community made their ownpottery. With the rare exception of the Pueblo alliance during the PuebloRevolt, there is little to no evidence that, prior to the fifteenth century,Pueblos engaged in systematic, widespread inter-village trade or alliances.

In fact, since the coalescence of the corn lifeway on the Colorado Plateauduring the late Basketmaker, pueblo life was characterized by small, self-sufficient communities. When population growth exceeded the capacity of thesurrounding environmental areas to sustain the community, social mechanismswere in place to split the community, forcing some members and their familiesto leave and form new communities in other areas. That families maintainedritual connections between these mother and daughter villages or that individ-uals may have temporarily joined their relatives in other villages in times ofneed—these are not the kind of institutionalized socio/political and economicpractices that resulted in formalized alliances and interaction networks proposedby many archaeologists (e.g. Upham et al. 1994).

The typological similarities between the Red Mesa B/W and Kwahe’e B/Wmade by people living in the Chaco/San Juan/Puerco areas and the first ceramics


these migrants made when they moved into the Rio Grande have been labeledwith a confusing plethora of variant names. The localized variants that arose inthe Rio Grande have been explained as “Red Mesa-like” pottery with a “hetero-geneous” nature (Cordell 1989:310). Similarly, during the Coalition period, SanJuan migrants who formerly made McElmo B/W on the Mesa Verde, onmigrating to the Rio Grande, began crafting pottery with local Rio Grandepastes and tempers that archaeologists mistakenly type as a new, local type,Santa Fe B/W. Again, local variants were created, such as Pindi B/W at PindiPueblo (Stubbs and Stallings 1953). Curiously, despite the above type simi-larities, some archaeologists (e.g. Ortman 2012) have claimed that there is nomaterial assemblage evidence with Mesa Verde homeland markers in thesenewly formed Rio Grande communities. The research reported here on designand structure continuities between Mesa Verde and northern Rio Grande typeschallenges Ortman’s claim.

Designs on ceramics from the northern puebloan American Southwest arepredominantly structured by the motion of bifold rotation in which elementsare repeated by two rotations about point axes and along line axes is the prevail-ing symmetry. This motion characterized the reciprocities that organized kin inthe unit-pueblos during the A.D. 900–1300 period. However, two episodes ofcultural change before and after this lengthy period as mentioned above arereflected in structural changes in design. In the case examined here we shallsee that as migrants abandoned the Four Corners and moved into new areas,they initially maintained the same complex of institutionalized social relation-ships and perforce the same design structure system. The continuities indesign structure on Santa Fe B/W, for example, visually reflect this continuityin institutionalized social relationships brought from the Mesa Verde area.However, when the people encountered demographic and environmental con-ditions that prompted social adjustment, the design structures embody thesenew social relationships. The shift to finite designs on the Biscuit wares reflectsthe shift to household self-sufficiency during the period when family groupswere living in the multi-storied, multi-plaza pueblos.

These design structure continuities and then changes that occurred whenpeople moved to the Rio Grande Valley can also be considered as evidencethat the depopulation of the Four Corners region was a lengthy process charac-terized by the departures of separate family groups (a different view has beenproposed by Ortman, 2012 who proposes a massive migration of 10,000people in the late 1200s). Upon arriving in the Rio Grande they first recreatedtheir former communities in small masonry pueblos and continued toproduce pottery decorated with banded bifold designs (p112) similar to thoseof their homeland.

Subsequent precipitation shortages (see, for example, Bensonet al. 2007,Figure 4 for the Chama in the 1400–1500s) led to the growth of very large


pueblo towns that must have sheltered many different peoples. Instead of unitpueblos housing kin groups, families with different kin affiliations were juxta-posed in the different room blocks in these large pueblos. To survive, theybecame independent self-sufficient social units. This shift is represented by C2bifold and other finite symmetries on the Biscuit wares.

Migrations into two areas and the designs made by these people are exam-ined here.

MIGRATIONS FROM THE UPPER SAN JUAN RIVER ANDTRIBUTARIES

The early agricultural pithouse settlements along the northern reaches of the SanJuan River and its tributaries, the La Plata, Animas, Pine, and Piedra rivers havepottery decorated with D2 and C2 finite design symmetries that I have claimedare indicative of the reciprocities, that is the complementary tasks that thehusband and wife perform that are primary to the survival of a self-sufficienthousehold (Figure 2). This design system dominates assemblages from theDurango/Ignacio area (Duke 1985; Gooding 1980), the La Plata River District(Allison 2010; Morris 1939) and the Piedra River District (Dittert and Eddy1963; Roberts 1930).

Droughts in the eighth and ninth centuries (Gooding 1980, Figure 5)prompted people to abandon these communities and move south into theNavajo Reservoir district where self-sufficient nuclear families continued tolive in pithouses (Dittert et al. 1961:235). Each pithouse was equipped withdomestic and ritual household assemblages that included Rosa B/W, Piedra B/W,

FIGURE 2. C2 and D2, Navajo Reservoir District, LA4086, Feature 18. Collections, Laboratory ofAnthropology, Museum of New Mexico, Santa Fe.


and Arboles B/W ceramic types that were similar to the design system of theirnorthern homeland. A sample of 38 bowls of these types clearly reveals the con-tinued preference for finite designs: 24 percent were C2 and 21 percent were D2(Figure 2) (Table 2). Climatic reconstructions (Gooding 1980) suggest that afterA.D. 900–1000 drier conditions led to slope runoff, flooding, and channeling ofthe floodplain that lowered the water table and reduced the floodplain areafarmed by these pithouse dwellers. Headward entrenchment of the San Juanled to continual upstream relocation of pithouse villages (Dittert and Eddy1963; Dittert et al. 1961; Eddy 1966) and eventual abandonment of theNavajo Reservoir district.

This sequence of settlement movements has been confirmed by Towaspeakers from Jemez Pueblo who recounted their emergence from a lake innorthwestern New Mexico, some identify as Stone Lake south of Dulce(Sando 1979, 1982). They claimed to have been organized as clans but livedas self-sufficient households in rock shelters and pithouses, subsisting on amixed diet of hunting, gathering, and cultivating. Stories of “nomadic races”moving into the area and forcing them into inaccessible cliff houses and stoneand mud shelters among the basalt bounders in Largo and GobernadorCanyon is suggested by archaeology (Ellis 1988; Green 1964; Hall 1944;Hatch et al. 1994; Hibben 1938, 1948). Notably, the Gallina B/W potterymade during this period (Hibben 1949) is decorated with finite designs orga-nized by C2 and D2 symmetries (Figure 3) indicating that these people contin-ued their household-based lifeway of the upper San Juan. Table 2 shows thesimilarity in percentage frequencies of the most common symmetries on thetypes made in the upper San Juan (Rosa/Piedra/Arboles B/W) with thosemade in the Gobernador/Largo and Gallina areas (Gallina B/W).

However, by the late thirteenth century some of these people had movedinto the Jemez valley (Ellis 1988) and were making designs on pottery calledJemez B/W that were organized by a heterogeneous group of structures (Reiter1938). The beginning production date for this type ca. A.D. 1300 correspondswith a major shift in habitation type from deep pithouses and small pueblitosin the Gallina highlands to large masonry and adobe pueblos built along theJemez river floodplain. Now, only 12 percent of the designs are finite; 88percent of the designs are one-dimensional. Almost half of these one

TABLE 2. Percentage Frequencies of Most Common Symmetry Structure Classes on Bowl Interiors

Type N C2 D2 P111 P112 ASYM

Rosa/Piedra/Arboles 38 24 21 8 5 –

Gallina B/W 18 17 28 5 11 –

Jemez B/W 69 – 3 32 23 17


dimensional designs, 48 percent, have the design fields structured by paneledbands (Figure 4). There is some continuity with Gallina B/W open band and seg-mented band designs. Most have paneled bands with bifold rotation. Some areasymmetric suggesting influence from different areas.

Thus, design structure analysis reveals that the history of themigrations out ofthe upper San Juan into the Gallina area is mirrored in initial continuity in ceramicdesign structure. But with the arrival of the glaze wares just to the south ca. A.D.1300 there is a distinct shift in design structure as seen on Jemez B/W, many to

FIGURE 3. C2, #40.2.149 and D2, #49.8.7, Gallina B/W. Cerrito Community, LA 22860, GallinaDistrict. Collections, Maxwell Museum of Anthropology, University of New Mexico.

FIGURE 4. Jemez B/Wopen band layout.#39.21.3, Unshagi.Collections, MaxwellMuseum of Anthro-pology, University ofNew Mexico.


finite designs (Figure 4). The majority of designs on this type display distinct simi-larities to glaze ware designs, reflecting migration from the Zuni area to the west.

This reconstruction of design structure history coincides with Mera’sdetailed reconstructions of north central Rio Grande pueblo prehistory(1935). He traced initial migrations from these upper San Juan drainages andthe Navajo Reservoir into the narrow canyons and highlands of the Gobernadorand Largo drainages where theymade Gallina B/W, a type “derived from a Chacoform in the eastern San Juan region” (Mera 1935:37).

MIGRATIONS FROM THE CHACO, PUERCO, AND MESA VERDE

I now turn to analysis of the design structure continuities and changes made bypopulations who moved into the Chama River valley and onto the PajaritoPlateau. Mera argued that the Santa Fe B/W found in these sites was the result of“fusing” Kwahe’e B/W, originally made along the Rio Puerco of the East, withGallina B/W (Mera 1935:11). He argued that his second southward migrationinto the Rio Grande were migrants from the Mesa Verde area who “grafted” theirMesa Verde B/W style “onto” the existing Rio Grande area type Santa Fe B/W, pro-ducing a new type, Galisteo B/W. Mera also argued that Santa Fe B/W evolved intoWiyo B/W and other local variants and eventually into the Biscuit A and B types,Abiquiu B/G and Bandelier B/G, respectively. Other researchers have similarlydescribed this evolution of Kwahe’e into Santa Fe and local variants—Wiyo B/W,Rowe B/W, Poge B/W, and Pindi B/W—and then into the Biscuit wares (Habicht-Mauche 1993; Wetherington 1968; Wilson 2008).

The typed reconstructed designs from Pindi Pueblo (Stubbs and Stallings1953) coupled with a reanalysis of the dating of the period of construction of thepueblo (Ahlstrom 1989) enable us to closely study a sequence of design changesassociated with what has been called a typical sequence of migration in the RioGrande: initial establishment of a small site, abandonment, and reoccupationwith rebuilding and expansion. The Chacoan roots of the people who builtPindi Pueblo are documented in the presence of Red Mesa B/W and Kwahe’eB/W sherds found in the pithouse and jacal structures that date to the earlydecades of the 1200s. Stubbs and Stallings proposed that this manifestationwas part of a “very uniform culture” present throughout southern Nevada,northern Arizona, southern Utah, northern NewMexico, and southern Coloradoby ca. A.D. 700 (1953:152, 154).

The first major period of construction at Pindi, marked by a cluster of treering cutting dates A.D. 1270–1305, added a linear block of 40 adobe rooms andsubsurface kivas and a ceramic assemblage dominated by the ceramic type SantaFe B/W (Figure 5). A second period of construction activity between A.D. 1320and 1340 resulted in the addition of room blocks of several hundred rooms thatenclosed plazas and the construction of surface D-shaped kivas and a ceramic


assemblage dominated by the ceramic type Galisteo B/W (Figure 6). Stubbs andStallings (1953:154) and Ahlstrom (1989:376) concluded that Galisteo B/W, atype that closely mirrors Mesa Verde B/W, constituted definite evidence forin-migration from the Mesa Verde. Here I argue that design structure analysisindicates that both the ceramic types characteristic of the first and second con-struction periods, Santa Fe B/W and Galisteo B/W respectively, representin-migration of people from Mesa Verde who made types decorated with thesame structural style (e.g. McElmo B/W and Mesa Verde B/W) as made in theirMesa Verde homeland (Table 3).

Marked changes in design structure did not occur until the production ofthe Biscuit wares that were made when people were living in very large adobepueblos along the Chama (i.e. Sapawe, Poshu, Te’ewi) (Jeancon 1923;Wendorf 1953) and on the Pajarito Plateau (i.e. Otowi, Tsankawi and Tsirege,Tyuonyi) (Kidder 1915; Kohler 2004; Stuart 2010). Two changes in design struc-ture are notable.

FIGURE 5. Santa Fe B/W, Pindi Pueblo. p112 (Fig. 44d), pmm2 (Fig. 53m), pma2 (Fig. 44o), p112(Fig. 51k) from Stubbs and Stallings (1953).

FIGURE 6. Galisteo B/W, Pindi Pueblo. p112 (Fig. 51m), pmm2 (Fig. 54d) from Stubbs andStallings (1953).


A comparison of the two common symmetry structures, translation (p111)and bifold rotation (p112), on Santa Fe B/W, Galisteo B/W, and the Biscuit waresshows that the use frequencies of these most prevalent symmetry structures weredramatically reversed (Table 3). Notably, although the paneled band layout thatorganizes many Santa Fe and Galisteo designs is continued on some Biscuitwares, the panels, formerly filled with identical motifs on either side of the diag-onal panel dividers that comprised the bifold designs, were now filled withdifferent motifs. This difference reduces the symmetry from bifold rotation totranslation (Figure 7).

Second, the resurgence of finite symmetries, especially C2, suggests therenewed importance of the household as the primary living and subsistence pro-ducing unit (Figure 8). This is the same finite symmetry that structured thedesigns on late Basketmaker bowls from the upper San Juan region when separ-ate households lived in separate pithouses. In the Classic period this symmetryembodies the family group whose small size could most easily move frompueblo to pueblo. Some of these C2 designs recall similar C2 and C3 geometricdesigns on Gallina B/W. Others organize avanyu, the quasi-representationalserpent, suggesting additional influxes of ritual ideas from the south.

ARCHITECTURAL AND ECONOMIC CONSIDERATIONS

Significantly, these Classic period design structure changes correlate with docu-mented changes in architectural form and activity between the first and laterbuilding phases. During the early decades of the fourteenth century, sites with

TABLE 3. Percentage Frequencies of Common Symmetry Structure Classes.

Type N P111 P112 Pma2 Pmm2 C2 C3

McElmo B/W

Mug House 100 – 39 11 3 9 1

Salmon 160 10 40 9 17 – –

Aztec 91 11 27 7 – 3 –

Santa Fe B/W 97 6 35 9 24 – –

Biscuit wares 377 43 11 10 2 10 8

Mesa Verde B/W

Mug House 211 4 49 10 3 5 6

Salmon 683 3 43 12 5 3 –

Aztec Ruin 479 4 37 15 4 5 –

Galisteo B/W 43 19 26 7 23 – –


Santa Fe, Wiyo, and Galisteo B/W type assemblages, were rapidly built within ageneration or two. Creamer posits that the degree of site planning and coopera-tive activity required for Arroyo Hondo to grow to 1000 rooms in 45 yearsduring the first building phase implies the work of groups of people largerthan households (Creamer 1993:12). In contrast, during the second construc-tion phase during the 1370–1380s often only single rooms or pairs of rooms

FIGURE 7. Biscuit warep111, #A244601,Otowi; p112,#A244676, Tsan-kawi. Collections,National Museum ofNatural history,SmithsonianInstitution.

FIGURE 8. Biscuit ware C2, #21906/11, Otowi, Collections, National Museum of Natural History,Smithsonian Institution. C2, #66.105.80, Sapawe, Collections, Maxwell Museum of Anthropol-ogy, University of New Mexico.


were added, “suggesting construction by families or individuals” (Creamer1993:148). This very shift was also observed by Holschlag (1975) who docu-mented the change from extended family to nuclear households during thelast 600 years in the northern Tiwa area.

This shift to family household living units is also in concert with evidencethat the subsistence activities at this time were being conducted by family unitsregardless of the size of the pueblo in which the families were living. In theCochiti area Biella argued that household residential units (7–8 surface roomswith kiva) characterized the PIII [Coalition] period. During the followingClassic period, although these family living units were articulated into muchlarger settlements, they remained “capable of being relatively self-sufficient orautonomous economically” (Biella 1979:144). Similarly, in the Bandelier areaPowers and Van Zandt observed that during the Classic period, even thoughpeople were living in multiple room block multi-story pueblos, “most farmingwas conducted by individual families using nonhydraulic means” (Powersand Van Zandt 1999:26). They argued that most agriculture depended on pre-cipitation and runoff and was no more intensive than in the Coalition period.

These two observations on architectural and subsistence activity during theClassic are critical. It appears that households were 1) preserving their autonomyby maintaining their own spatially discrete set of living and storage rooms evenas these units were being built into larger sites, and 2) conducting their subsis-tence activities essentially as self-sufficient family units even while living in verylarge pueblos. Here I have shown that this resurgence of the household as theprimary habitation and subsistence unit is also documented in the reversionto finite symmetries on the Biscuit wares made during the Classic that are struc-tural metaphors for household reciprocities. In short, architectural, economic,and design structure evidence all suggest that, for survival, the householdbecame the unit that not only could move easily and often as circumstances dic-tated, but also could function as the sustainable subsistence providing unitduring the final centuries before contact.

EXPLAINING DESIGN STRUCTURE CHANGES ON THE RIO GRANDE

Drought conditions periodically plagued pueblo peoples who followed the cornlifeway throughout their occupation of the Colorado Plateau. While there willnever be one:one agreement between the archaeological and oral historyrecord, the collective oral histories of modern pueblos suggest their origin inthe north and movement south to their present homes. At their Emergencethey chose the corn lifeway and began a long series of migrations to find aplace where they could grow their corn.

In the San Juan and Chaco areas the earliest pueblo farmers lived in pit-houses, surviving as independent, self-sufficient households. They decorated


their ceramics with finite designs structured by C2 and D2 symmetries that arestructural metaphors that describe the complementary tasks of the husbandand wife necessary to maintain their family. The subsequent shift from pithousesto masonry unit pueblo settlements is marked in ceramic design by a shift fromhousehold to more inclusive kin-based reciprocities such as those between clansas represented by the series of bifold units that comprise banded designs withp112 symmetry. These small unit-pueblo communities persisted for hundredsof years until the persistent droughts of the mid twelfth and late thirteenth cen-turies challenged the survival of these communities, prompting many to migrateto the Rio Grande.

I have focused here on the twelfth- and thirteenth-century relocations intothe Rio Grande that are first described by structural continuities on theblack-on-white types and then by structural reorganization on the biscuitwares. I have shown that when people from the upper San Juan River drainagesfirst began moving south into the Rio Grande highlands, A.D. 1250–1350, theyretained their homeland design systems. This is attested by the similarity of thedesigns on Gallina B/W found in refugee sites in the Largo, Gobernador, andGallina highlands to the designs on the preceding types from the upper SanJuan/Navajo Reservoir area. Likewise, in a series of moves from the Chaco andMesa Verde area into the northern Rio Grande area between Santa Fe and Albu-querque they made Red Mesa B/W and Kwahe’e B/W—types that are similar tothe Red Mesa and Mancos types of their Chaco and Mesa Verde homeland areasrespectively.

Later people making McElmo like pottery moved south into the RioGrande where they used the distinctive local clays and tempers to produceSanta Fe B/W. I have specifically argued that Santa Fe B/W did not ariselocally (e.g. Habicht-Mauche 1993:89) but was the local version of McElmoB/W and represents a wave of migrants from the San Juan. I have shown thatstructurally the designs on Santa Fe B/W and Galisteo B/W are similar to thosefound on McElmo and Mesa Verde B/W respectively. On all of these typesmade by the migrants after they arrived in the Rio Grande, the bifold p112 sym-metry structure continues initially to be the prevailing structural metaphor forthe reciprocal social relationships that organized the farming villages widespreadacross the Four Corners region during the previous A.D. 900–1200 period.

It is only after ca. A.D. 1350 with the consolidation of these migrants intovery large multi-storied, multi-plaza sites on the Pajarito Plateau and the Chamariver valley that design structures change from banded bifold rotational designsto finite designs. At this time, designs on the Biscuit A and B wares (Abiquiu B/Gand Bandelier B/G) are structured by finite symmetries such as C2 that embodythe primacy of the family. Such self-sufficient units are best adapted to living inthe very large pueblos that were composed of groups of families without kinrelationships. Lacking the obligatory imperatives to assist kin, families were


on their own for survival. I argue that the change in design configuration signalsthe renewed importance of the household as the survival unit that could easilymove if sites became too crowded and/or if arable land became unavailable orunusable.

I emphasize that the significant social and design structure change on theRio Grande occurred after a period of population in-migration and productionof a series of types such as Santa Fe B/W and Galisteo B/W that were simplythe local Rio Grande versions of the homeland Mesa Verde types. After aperiod of habitation of medium sized sites built and populated by thesemigrants and a hiatus in some areas, some of these sites were reoccupied andgreatly expanded into multi-story plaza oriented pueblos. However, the socialrelationships that structured interactions in the smaller pueblos, signified bydesigns structured by bifold rotation, were no longer present in the largertowns that were composed of people from many different kin groups. In theselarge but short-lived towns people began decorating their pottery with designsorganized with finite symmetries that suggest a return to the viable social unitthat could move and sustain itself—the household.

This interpretation centers on the changing adaptiveness of one of the keysocial behaviors that cemented these early agricultural communities—recipro-city. In a review of the concept of reciprocity, Kohler et al. (2000) highlightthe important point made by philosopher Lawrence Becker that reciprocity isa “fundamental moral virtue” whose “requirements have presumptive priorityover competing considerations … [reciprocity] fixes the outline of our non-voluntary social life (Becker 1986:5). Indeed, Emory Sekaquaptewa (personalcommunications) repeatedly described the responsibilities and obligations ofkin to share and help others within a community as “moral imperatives.”

In this article I have explored how continuities and changes in design struc-ture during the Coalition and Classic periods documented the shift away fromcommunity-wide kin reciprocities to the renewed importance of the householdas the primary self-sufficient subsistence unit for families living in the very largePueblo IV towns. I interpret the design structural changes at the Coalition toClassic boundary as being due to the presence of unrelated families ratherthan larger kin-based groups juxtaposed in the room blocks in the large pueblos.

Many of these very large pueblos were short lived. But others persisted intothe present. What other kinds of social institutions might have replaced/aug-mented kin reciprocities to sustain these large towns? In the Rio Grandepueblos today non-kin basedmoieties and other sodalities organize many activi-ties. Ortiz, noting that the primary significance of moieties “lies elsewhere thanin descent,” pointed out that the Tewa Summer and Winter moieties at San JuanPueblo correspond to the subsistence division of the year into agriculture andhunting activities (Ortiz 1965:394, 390–391). The division of a pueblo intosummer and winter people (moieties) whereby each group maintained ritual


activities during one half of the solar year appears to have emerged as an effectiveorganizational mode by the Pueblo IV period. Today the Tewa and Tiwa speak ofthe two moieties as Summer people and Winter people, surely an acknowledge-ment of the two solstice events. At Pot Creek Pueblo Fowles suggests that thesemoieties were manifested in two differently shaped and orientated room blocks:C-shaped room blocks in the south were oriented to the southeast facing thesunrise at the winter solstice and L-shaped room blocks in the north wereoriented to the east facing the sunrise at the summer solstice (Fowles 2005,Figure 4). This two-part division of the household may be reflected in the D2and other mirror symmetry design structures that organize contact periodceramics.

I have shown here that continuities in design structure during theCoalition period provide systematic evidence for migrations out of the FourCorners region and changes in design structure during the Classic period are evi-dence of a shift to households as the primary social unit in the very large plazapueblos. While typological analysis lists evolutionary sequences of types thatimply cultural continuity, design structure analysis shows that between thelast B/W types and the Biscuit wares there is a distinct shift in design structure.This shift from one-dimensional band designs to finite designs documents theshift from the multiple reciprocities of unit pueblo life to the cooperative duali-ties that sustained individual households in the massive multi-storied, multi-plaza Rio Grande pueblos.

Acknowledgments

I am indebted to the late Emory Sekaquaptewa for insights regarding pueblo life,especially those that led me to understand that design structure preferences visu-alized social relationships and principles. I thank Andres Hernandez for prepar-ing the Spanish abstract. Susan Ward redrew Figures 5 and 6; the author redrewthe other Figures.

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Dorothy K. WashburnAmerican Section, University Museum, University of Pennsylvania

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Continuities and Changes in the Structure of Ceramic Design: a record of migration and social change...

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