Child Trafficking for Sexual Exploitation within the United Kingdom: A North Western Perspective.

Sandra Nichol and Susan Skipper

University Centre at Blackburn College, UK.

E-mail: s.nichol@blackburn.ac.uk;

s.skipper@blackburn.ac.uk

Abstract

This paper discusses issues concerning child sex trafficking from the perspective of current UK policy and practice. It examines different academic ideological perspectives on child sex trafficking issues and highlights how these can be detrimental when applied to government policy and decision making.

Specific reference is made to the issue of internal child sex trafficking (ICST) in the UK, a previously under-researched area of child sexual exploitation. Recent high profile cases,such as the Rochdale Child Abuse enquiry have highlighted the historic and contemporary failures of agencies and institutions to deal with the specific issues at play. The role of the media and other agencies in perpetuating/dismantling victim stereotypes has been evaluated, and their role in raising awareness and combating the problem of child sexual exploitation and trafficking in the UK, examined.

This paper poses the questions: Are ideological debates about child sex trafficking useful in informing policy and practice?Should ICST be analysed as a separate phenomenon to cross-border child sex trafficking? Finally, in terms of governance, does policy need to be better informed by victim-centred perspectives if practice is to be improved?

Introduction

Human trafficking has long been present in human society and

Britain’s involvement in the global slave trade is evidently a

case in point. Indeed, Yen (2008) has described sex

trafficking as a “modern-day slave trade” (2008: 654).

Children have been exploited for a number of purposes since

the dawn of time. Moreover, children have always been abused

but, “the scale and systematic organisation of this abuse is a recent feature of

modern society” (Mowforth et al, 2008: 201). Reid and Jones

(2011) sum up the problem by describing it as “being fuelled by an

escalating and seemingly insatiable demand” (ibid: 238). The

trafficking of children for sexual exploitation is, arguably,

one of the most hidden crimes in all contemporary societies.

Strategies to combat the growing prevalence of sexual

exploitation began in 1997 with the launch of a national plan,

under the auspices of the Department of Health, with the

support of a strong multi-agency consultation process

involving governmental and non-governmental agencies.

Subsequent legal and strategic developments took place in this

area which culminated in the launch of the national, Child

Exploitation and On-line Protection Centre (CEOP) in 2007. In

addition, local authorities took the opportunity to tackle the

more apparent problem of trafficking for sexual exploitation.

This paper defines the scale and scope of child sex

trafficking in the UK, with specific reference to internal

child sex trafficking (ICST). In addition, it examines the

value of ideological debate about the issue, and analyses the

impact of existing perceptions of victims that ultimately

inform policy and practice. Particular reference has been

made to the ramifications of the recent Rochdale case that

resulted in the first convictions in the UK for Child Sex

Trafficking.

Defining Child Sex Trafficking

Can we be sure that practitioners, victims, academics and

policy makers understand the poorly defined, inconsistently

measured, vague, and often hidden social phenomenon of human

trafficking? An international agreement on the definition of

trafficking has only relatively recently been endorsed. In

November, 2000, the United Nations Convention Against Trans-National

Organised Crime was adopted by the UN General Assembly. Two new

protocols were introduced: one of which was concerned with

trafficking in persons; the other was concerned with the smuggling of

migrants. These became known as the Palermo Protocols and were

ratified by the UK in February, 2006. Article three defines

trafficking as:

"Trafficking in persons" shall mean the recruitment, transportation, transfer, harbouring or receipt of persons, by means of the threat or use of force or other forms of coercion, of abduction, of fraud, of deception, of the abuse of power or of a position of vulnerability or of the giving or receiving of payments or benefits to achieve the consent of a person having control over another person, for the purpose of exploitation. Exploitation shall include, at a minimum, the exploitation of the prostitution of others or other formsof sexual exploitation, forced labour or services, slavery or practices similar to slavery, servitude or theremoval of organs;

(…) 

(c) The recruitment, transportation, transfer, harbouringor receipt of a child for the purpose of exploitation shall be considered "trafficking in persons" even if thisdoes not involve any of the means set forth in subparagraph ( a ) of this article;

(d) "Child" shall mean any person under eighteen years ofage.” (United Nations Commissioner for Human Rights, 2000)

It should be noted, therefore, that children “cannot give consent to

being moved, therefore the coercion or deception elements do not have to be

present” (SOCA, 2013, online).

It is interesting to note, that throughout Europe, the

translation and interpretation of the Palermo Protocols in

relation to human trafficking differs. The inconsistencies

within the Protocol’s definition on trafficking, arguably

makes it problematic to operationalise responses in any agreed

manner. This lack of uniformity on a working definition of

human trafficking provides good reason for some academics to

question claims about the magnitude of the growth of the

phenomenon.

According to the Serious Organised Crime Agency, UK (SOCA)

there are three constituent elements to human trafficking:

1. “The movement – recruitment, transportation, transfer, harbouring or receipt of persons.

2. The control – threat, use of force, coercion, abduction, fraud, deception, abuse of power or vulnerability, or the giving of payments or benefitsto a person in control of the victim.

3. The purpose – exploitation of a person, which includes prostitution and other sexual exploitation,forced labour, slavery or similar practices, and theremoval of organs.” (SOCA, 2013, online)

It is apparent that trafficking in persons cannot be seen as a

singular act, the term embraces a wider process of movement,

control and purpose, involving a variety methods, actions and

results. As a term, sexual exploitation as a constituent element

within the Palermo Protocol is problematic due to a lack of

international consensus on a universal definition (Anderson &

O’Connell Davison, 2002).

Child Trafficking

Child trafficking can be defined as:

“… The movement of children for the purpose of

exploitation. This can be either into, within, or out of

a country. Child trafficking does not have to involve

crossing international borders” (Sillen & Beddoe, 2007:

6).

End Child Prostitution, Child Pornography and Trafficking of

Children (ECPAT) are keen to point out that all commercial

sexual exploitation of children is sexual abuse, but not all

sexual exploitation of children is commercial sex.

Exploitation is defined by ECPAT as “when someone benefits from, or

gets something, by taking advantage of someone else in an unfair way” (ECPAT,

2012, online). Thus, prostitution is the exchange of money,

gifts or favours for sexual activity, whereas exploitation

does not necessarily involve a similar exchange. ECPAT

emphasise that children cannot choose to be sexually exploited

(ibid).

Ryan and Hall (2001) claim that child prostitution should not

be categorised separately from prostitution in general. They

support O’Connell Davidson’s assertion that the drawing of

such boundaries fails to note that “ the majority of sex tourists who

use child prostitutes are first and foremost prostitute users who become child sexual

abusers through their prostitute use, rather than the other way about.”

(O’Connell Davidson, cited in Clift and Carter, 2000: 69).

Therefore a similar question over sex trafficking could be

posed: Should the sex trafficking of children be considered

as a separate issue from trafficking per se?

“Female sexual slavery is present in ALL situations wherewomen or girls cannot change the immediate conditions of their existence; where regardless of how they got into those conditions they cannot get out; and where they are subject to sexual violence and exploitation.” (Barry, 1984, cited in Ryan and Hall, 2001: 40)

Although sympathetic, Ryan and Hall do not fully support this

view, they acknowledge the importance of the exploitation that

the loss of individual control brings. Thus the issue of

consent in child trafficking assumes considerable importance

when seeking prosecution of perpetrators.

Scale of the phenomenon

The hidden nature (Scott & Harper, 2006) of this social

problem, together with the definitional issues discussed

above, has meant that definitive figures and accurate claims

about the scale and size of the problem are impossible to

quantify.

It would seem that campaigners against trafficking are sure

about the size and seriousness of the problem. “No one now

disputes that trafficking today has reached alarming proportions, the magnitude of

which affects many countries as countries of origin, transit and destination points”

(Javate Dios, 2002: 1). Other academics, however, have

described this response as a moral crusade against sex

trafficking and that these distorted views have been used to

influence government policy, legislation and law enforcement

practices, particularly in the United States (Weitzer, 2007).

In the US, scholars have noted that since the introduction of

the Trafficking Victims Protection Act (TVPA) of 2000, the sex

trafficking debate has ascended into a type of moral panic.

Brents et al (2010), suggest that conservative, Christian,

anti-immigration groups, as well as fundamentalist feminists

have capitalised on the “escalating moral outrage over sex trafficking”

(Brents et al, 2010: 232). Furthermore, Brents et al (ibid)

suggest that these groups consider that all forms of sexual

labour are “inherently exploitative and non-consensual” (ibid). This

view is supported by O’Connell Davidson (2007).

Weitzer (2012) has described the paradigm responsible for the

“robust mythology” of sex trafficking, as the “oppression paradigm”

(Weitzer, 2012:137-8). He suggests that this paradigm depicts

all types of sexual commerce as “institutionalized subordination of

women” (ibid). He argues that this perspective is monolithic

and fails to consider exploitation as a variable. He goes on

to suggest an alternative, evidence-based paradigm, which

acknowledges the existence of variations and complexities in

sex work. Weitzer recommends that his polymorphous paradigm

should be adopted by government officials when considering

policies and laws relating the sex trade. His view that

prohibition, and by implication, the oppression paradigm,

misguide government policy makers is supported by Brents et

al, who conclude that legal models, such as those in the State

of Nevada, are a better solution than criminalisation

(Weitzer, 2012, Brents et al, 2010).

Uy (2011) is concerned that the international focus on sex

trafficking, in human trafficking discourse, has led to a

paradigm paralysis, with discourse being dominated by the

religious right and feminists on the left. Furthermore, these

arguments have influenced the popular perception of sex

trafficking as being the primary reason for human trafficking,

and according to Uy (2011), this detracts policy makers from

the wider issues involving other forms of trafficking, such as

labour trafficking. He claims that the news media “has had a

large hand in manufacturing the belief that most if not all trafficking is sex

trafficking, by always keeping sex in the limelight” (ibid: 209). Whilst

Uy’s (ibid) concerns are acknowledged, current research (CEOP,

2011: online) indicates that in the UK, sex trafficking is the

primary reason for all trafficking, and almost exclusively in

the case of Internal Child Sex Trafficking (ICST), and should

therefore be given precedence when considering policies and

practices related to human trafficking.

Brents et al (2010) suggest that prohibiting the sale of sex

does not reflect the cultural changes that have taken place in

modern society. Moreover, they suggest that such

prohibitionist and abolitionist policies ultimately fail in

curbing prostitution, by driving illegal sex work even further

underground.

From an abolitionist perspective, Yen (2008) argues that the

demand side of sex trafficking, that is male clients of

prostitutes, should be targeted and suggests, “a comprehensive,

demand-oriented approach to sex trafficking” (Yen, 2008: 653). She

refers to Kandathil’s argument that, “[this]... is a modern-day

slave trade of shocking magnitude and brutality” (Kandathil, 2000, cited

in Yen, 2008: 654). Yen supports the view that sex

trafficking is fundamentally an economic problem and that

strategies that solely consider the supply side of sex

trafficking are ineffective. The TVPA, in Yen’s opinion, is

flawed as it fails to recognise and penalise the demand-side

of prostitution and sex trafficking.

In 1998 Sweden became the first country to criminalise the

buyers of commercial sex, through the Prohibition Act 1998,

which regards prostitution and sex trafficking as being

inseparable (Sullivan, 2005, online). Sullivan argues that a

sharp drop in male demand resulted from this legislation,

which subsequently led to a reduction in the number of female

prostitutes. She suggests that this subsequently led to a

change in Swedish opinions about prostitution and the sex

trade, which are now widely consider to be socially

unacceptable and harmful to women.

In the State of Victoria, Australia (1984), a decision was

taken to legalise prostitution with the aim of ending child

prostitution and sex trafficking, through the regulation of

the commercial sex industry. This, however, resulted in an

increase in sex trafficking due to a surge in demand that was

not met by the legitimised supply (ibid).

Yen (2008) propounds the argument that legalisation of

prostitution has negative social and cultural impacts, namely

in the treatment and commodification of women as sex objects.

In economic terms, legalisation directly results in increased

demand, where there is inadequate local supply, an increase in

illegal sex trafficking has been identified (Raymond & Hughes,

2001: online). Kara (2011) suggests that an increase in

penalties, along with improved prosecution rates and

conviction levels should increase the risks to traffickers and

thus the cost of human trafficking to a detrimental level,

which ultimately should deter them from engaging in the trade

(Kara, 2011: 70-71).

“Whilst there continues to be debate about the boundaries of forced adult

prostitution, there is no dispute that the prostitution of children is always, by

definition, coercive and to be proscribed.” (Esadze, 2003: 14). However,

as previously mentioned, O’Connell Davidson (2007) asks

whether it is unhelpful to separate issues in child sex

trafficking from those which affect adults. Perhaps the same

could be said about sex trafficking: is it useful to separate

child victims from those who are considered to be adults and

capable of giving consent? Legally the age of consent in the

UK is sixteen; however a grey area exists for those between

the ages of sixteen and eighteen, where consent is often not

straightforward.

“The Sexual Offences Act (2003) introduced a new series of laws to protect children under 16 from sexual abuse. However, the law is not intended to prosecute mutually agreed teenage sexual activity between two young people

of a similar age, unless it involves abuse or exploitation.

Specific laws protect children under 13, who cannot legally give their consent to any form of sexual activity. There is a maximum sentence of life imprisonment for rape, assault by penetration, and causing or inciting a child to engage in sexual activity.There is no defence of mistaken belief about the age of the child, as there is in cases involving 13–15 year olds.” (FPA, 2013: online)

Internal Child Sex Trafficking (ICST) in the UK

Statistics on the trafficking of children in the UK for the

purposes of sexual exploitation are problematic. All

statistics produced will inevitably represent a limited

overview of the scale of the problem, which is “complex, hidden

and illegal” (ECPAT, UK, 2009: 1, Scott & Harper, 2006). Thus

the scale of the problem in the UK is difficult to approximate

with any accuracy.

In total it has been estimated that 202 children were

trafficked into and within the UK between 1st January 2011 and

15th September 2011 (CEOP, 2011). Of these, 53 trafficking

victims were sexually exploited, and 15 (28%) of these were

identified as being UK nationals. It must be noted, however,

that these statistics cannot represent the true extent of the

issue. Largely statistical studies fail to distinguish

between trafficking from abroad and the internal movement of

children and young people for the purposes of sexual

exploitation.

“Some cases of sexual exploitation involve an element of

trafficking, where a victim is taken from their place of

residence by perpetrators to another town or city within

the UK for the purposes of sexual exploitation.” (CEOP,

2011, online)

Kapoor’s (2007) study of children trafficked into and within

the UK identified that 57 per cent of children reported sexual

exploitation.

Figure One: Exploitation Types

(Source: Kapoor, 2007: 44)

Kapoor’s (2007) figures indicate the relatively high level of

sexual exploitation experienced by girls trafficked into and

within the UK.

Figure Two: Female Exploitation Types

(Source: Kapoor, 2007: 45)

CEOP’s (2011) update on child trafficking confirms that sexual

exploitation is the most prevalent form of child trafficking

and exploitation, especially for young females. Statistics on

young males are not as readily available, which may indicate a

further definitional issue, which is, however, beyond the

scope of this paper.

ICST refers to the systematic grooming, sexual abuse and

trafficking of UK resident children. ICST is a crime under

Section 58 of the Sexual Offences Act 2003 (OPSI, 2003,

online). This specific legislation deems it an offence to

arrange, or facilitate the movement of children and young

people for the purposes of sexual exploitation (Brayley et al,

2011: 134). As Brayley et al (2011) identify, the definition

of movement is not specifically qualified, and can therefore

include the movement of victims within a city, or even a

street, or to a nearby hotel (CEOP, 2009, online). According

to the UK Human Trafficking Centre (UKHTC) ICST is a “knowledge

blackhole” (UKHTC, 2010, cited Brayley et al, 2011, 134).

According to the Child Exploitation and Online Protection

Centre (CEOP) (2009) British children constitute around twenty

per cent of all trafficking cases in the UK. It can be

assumed that these cases are likely to represent instances of

ICST as there is no recognised demand for minors to be

trafficked for labour, domestic servitude and organ donation.

ICST has been described as a “latent, but wide spread and ingrained

problem” (Brayley et al, 2011: 134).

ICST is infrequently reported as a trafficking offence and

therefore statistics to distort and under-estimate the true

extent of the problem (CRIN, 2001, online).

Brayley et al (2011) have developed “a viable and cost-effective tool in

supporting strategic policing” in deconstructing the process of

grooming and abuse that leads ultimately to the trafficking

incident. Crime Scripting allows ICST to be deconstructed into

its component parts, allowing clear mapping of such complex

crimes, and allows the police and other agencies to develop

focused intervention and preventative measures to be put in

place.

Figure three: Stages in the Crime Scripting Process

(Adapted from, Brayley et al, 2010: 140)

Grooming is a process which involves psychological, physical

and social techniques, which can allow the child abuser to

facilitate the further and more organised abuse of their

victims. Grooming behaviours can include giving expensive

gifts, flattery, building trust, normalising sexual activity,

isolating the victim from friends and family, disorientation

through language and geographical moves, as well as alcohol

and illegal drugs, plus verbal and physical intimidation.

Brayley et al’s (ibid) ideas in relation to ICST are detailed

in Figure Four below:

Figure Four: Ideas for Interventions

Stage one

FindScript Action: Identify new girl

Stage two

GroomScript Action: Groom girl

Stage three

AbuseScript Action: Enter abuse location

(Source: Brayley et al, 2011: 140)

The North Western Perspective

Beddoe (2007) suggests that child trafficking in the UK is not

limited to London and areas surrounding major ports, such as

Dover, Heathrow and Gatwick, as identified in earlier

research. The problem of child sex trafficking was found to

be increasing in a number of other areas of the UK. She

investigates three regions: the North West; The North East;

and the Midlands and her research material makes reference “80

reported cases of known or suspected child victims of trafficking” (ibid: 5).

In addition to the issue of child trafficking into the UK, it

is becoming apparent that internal trafficking of children for

the purposes of sexual exploitation is an emerging social

issue. Police Operation ‘Glover’ identified thirty three

children who were being trafficked around the UK (ECPAT, 2007:

2). It is becoming increasingly clear that such children can

include British nationals, as well as children trafficked into

the UK from abroad.

It is important to note that sixty per cent of the children

and young victims of trafficking mentioned in Beddoe’s study,

had gone missing from social services care, and had never been

found (Beddoe, 2007). “A deeply disturbing and significant finding… is the

high number of separated children who go missing from local authority care and

are never found.” (ibid: 20)

Young women who have been placed in local authority care have

been identified as being at an increased risk of sexual

exploitation. This has been linked to the tendency for local

authorities to move young people frequently, and often without

consultation. These multiple placement moves have been

reported as being extremely destabilising and leave young

people extremely vulnerable to sexual exploitation. (Coy,

2009). In addition to the destabilising effects of these

frequent moves, young women often feel alienated by the care

system and may present to practitioners as being uncooperative

and resistant to help and support. Coy reports one young

woman’s experience of care as being "moved around like bags of

rubbish nobody wants” (ibid: 1).

Pearce and Lowe (2006) contend that the way in which sexually

exploited children and young people are perceived in the UK

has changed. They argue that sexually exploited young people

are, in the main, seen as victims of abuse, as opposed to

“young prostitutes” in need of control through the Criminal

Justice System (CJS) (2007: 289). Evidence presented

following the following the Serious Case Review into the

Rochdale Child Sexual Exploitation Case, would appear to

contradict this assertion.

The Rochdale Case (UK) 2012

The case involved the grooming, sexual exploitation and

trafficking of a number of under age, UK resident girls, which

concluded with, “six members of a gang [of men of Pakistani and

Afghan origin] who preyed on under-age white girls in Rochdale, Greater

Manchester... [becoming] the first in Britain to be convicted of sex trafficking.”

(Bunyan, 8th May, 2012.)

This case dispels the idea that trafficking only takes place

across international borders. The CEO of Unseen believes that

it is vital that prosecutions were made for the offence of

Child Sex Trafficking and not grooming or sexual exploitation

because human trafficking law allows young people to be

confirmed as proven victims, which is more difficult to

contest in court (The Daily Mail, 15th May, 2012). Under a

rape charge the young person’s victimhood could have been

questioned, but under the Palermo Protocol (op. cit) the consent

of a child under eighteen is irrelevant. The sex trafficking

charge allowed prosecutors to reflect on the full criminality

of the perpetrators.

“Figures obtained under the Freedom of Information Act show

that an NHS team providing sexual health services to

vulnerable young people made 83 referrals to Rochdale

Borough Council about girls they thought were either

being sexually exploited, or were at risk of

exploitation, between 2004 and the end of 2010.”

(Williams, 27th September, 2012).

Williams (ibid) goes on to report that even though the

agencies involved in the case clearly understood the teenagers

involved were victims of abuse, rather than consenting young

adults, and had been referred to the council's children's

social care department, the social workers’ case files showed

evidence that staff often noted such young people to be "making

their own choices" and "engaging in consensual sexual activity". Often, no

further action was taken. The agencies making the initial

referrals such as the NHS and family doctors were often left

feeling frustrated by the lack of action. There was also a

tendency to concentrate on safeguarding issues involving small

children at the time; this was as a direct result of the 'Baby

P' scandal (Sellgren, 2010: online). Thus cases involving

older children (especially those often over thirteen years of

age) were often overlooked, or not prioritised.

Williams (ibid) also highlights the deficiencies in the Crown

Prosecution Service (CPS), which missed opportunities to bring

the case to trial as early as 2008. Perhaps more importantly,

Suzie (pseudonym for one of the key witnesses) was considered

an unreliable witness by the police.

“‘The father of the victim referred to in the review said

he believed that social workers were incompetent: "Case

files show that social workers in Rochdale believed girls who were being

systematically abused were 'making their own choices'. By their neglect, they

were complicit in prolonging the abuse. If they had being doing their job, they

could have stopped this abuse years ago.’” (ibid).

An interview with one of the social workers who had been

involved in Suzie’s case revealed the following comments:

“ ‘She [the case worker] said: "The girl was constantly going missing and the reaction to that was that she was making informed choices’.

‘The issue I had is how can a child of that age make informed choices? I don't think those comments were appropriate.’

‘She did get drunk quite often and what she was doing when she was drunk, that's the question,’ she added.

‘So every bullet point you have in grooming, exploitation, she ticked every one of those boxes.’ ” (BBC, 2012, online).

Since the Rochdale conviction another high profile case is

going through the CJS. Again this involves victims who are

young female and UK residents. The men involved operated as

an organised gang in Oxford and have been accused of a number

of offences. “The men deny the 51 counts, including rape, trafficking and

organising prostitution between 2004 and last year.” (Raif, 15th January

2013)

"Sexual exploitation primarily occurred as a result of young people making

constrained choices against a background of social, economic and emotional

vulnerability". (Scott & Harper, 2006: 319) Some professionals

see this as 'free choice'.

Sexually exploited children who are presenting to social

services are often the most challenging that they are likely

to encounter. They are damaged by the abuse they have

suffered and as a result are often misunderstood. Re-

classifying child prostitution as child sexual exploitation

has made identification of the issue more straightforward.

This has enabled practitioners to develop risk assessment and

interventions that can work as tools for practitioners. (Coy,

op. cit)

The Perfect Victim

Chomsky and Herman (1994) suggest that the media’s function is

to “amuse, entertain, inform and to inculcate individuals with the values, beliefs

and codes of behavior that will integrate them into the institutional structures of

larger society” (Chomsky & Herman, 1994: 1). Uy (2011: 208-9)

argues that the media has injected sex trafficking into the

“collective American consciousness as de rigueur” and believes that the

news media often make salacious and controversial statements

about sex trafficking that often serve to titillate, rather

than inform. For Uy (ibid), the perfect victim is a Western

construct of a trafficking victim, which relies upon a

political doctrine that highlights the perceived otherness and

weakness of the victim. These images are created by white

middle class views that the Third World woman is sexually

constrained, illiterate, tradition bound and poor. Whilst

this appears to be the case when considering media portrayals

victims of trafficking across borders, the same cannot be said

for ICST victims.

In addition, the justice systems often deal with victims of

child sex trafficking inconsistently. “Sometimes treating them as

offenders, and in other instances as victims” (Reid & Jones, 2011: 208).

Further, Pearce (2006) believes that there is anecdotal

evidence to suggest that Britain’s CJS also resorts to this

measure (Pearce, 2006).

“By using the term ‘child prostitution’ with the implied

commonalities between adult prostitution and child

prostitution, the sexual abuse and victimization of the

child is never acknowledged.” (op. cit)

Pearce (2006) suggests that seeing young people who have been

sexually exploited as 'victims' means that often the wider

picture is missed. The problem is seen purely as a child

protection problem, which is the sole responsibility of

responsible practitioners, rather than addressing the related

economic issues, such as poverty, lack of employment and

housing provision.

Young victims of sexual exploitation, who continually reject

the support offered by the appropriate agencies, can find

themselves marginalised and then ultimately criminalised as

they will slip through the child protection net. Legal

systems should not increase the distress of child sex

trafficking victims by criminalising their vulnerability.

Rather, justice systems should support victims and ensure that

they receive the protection deserved by all children in

society as enshrined by the United Nations.

Conclusion: Theory informing Practice

As this paper has highlighted, governments, policy makers and

practitioners need to acknowledge that ICST displays distinct

characteristics from current perceptions of trans-border child

sex trafficking. Brayley et al (2011) have identified a

clear overview of ICST that can inform debate around the

criminalisation of grooming. Crime scripting has been developed

through the systematic deconstruction of ICST and the results

should help inform focused intervention strategies by

supporting multi-agency collaborations. These partnerships

need to work alongside the UKHTC’s victim-centric strategy,

encompassing the three main principles: prevention, protection and

prosecution (SOCA, 2012, online).

Brayley et al (2011 suggest that crime scripting offers a workable

framework for data collection and analysis, with a view to

establishing appropriate actions and decisions in tackling the

problem of ICST. The victim centred approach has been

endorsed by ECPAT UK, who have made several policy and

practice recommendations, with a clear focus on the interests

of children trafficked for sexual exploitation (Beddoe, 2011).

As Uy (2011) suggests, debating the ideologies surrounding

child sex trafficking merely succeeds in over-complicating the

issues and may lead to uninformed policy decisions and

ineffective interventions.

“In order to address trafficking, we need to move from an ideology based agenda,

and move towards a victim- or survivor-centered focus.” (Uy, 2011: 219)

It is apparent that pervading derogatory perceptions of child

victims of sex trafficking have meant that many victims are

considered “throwaway minors” rather than vulnerable victims who

are worthy of protection in all societies (Reid & Jones, 2011:

225).

Furthermore, the emerging and specific problem of ICST

requires further research, as this paper reveals, it is a

crime that doesn’t present the policy and practice issues

typical of those identified in the wider field of child sex

trafficking.

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