Bronze Chalcophones in Southern Italy Iron Age: a Mark of Identity? Carmelo Colelli, Amedeo Fera (University of Calabria) Abstract The use of a mysterious musical instrument was off in southern Italy during the Iron Age. Examples of this bronze object have been found in a specific area of the Ionian coast including settlements in Basilicata and Calabria. Recently excavated material demonstrates that chalcophones appeared only in funeral contexts and always in female graves. The present paper focuses on a general understanding of the object from both an archaeological and musicological perspective. First of all we will attempt to hypothesize how these instruments were played but we will also list the different typological shapes. They will be analysed in order to question whether various morphologies depend on a geographical distribution and/or on a chronological evolution. Outside of Italy chalcofones seem to have connections with Phoenician material culture. This evidence connects the instrument to a wider network of long distance exchanges between East and West in Mediterranean Iron age. Keywords Chalcophone, Iron Age, Southern Italy, Oenotrians, Idiophone, Apulian Sistrum. Introduction The word chalcophone describes a bronze musical instrument found in several Iron Age graves in southern Italy (Figure 3). The musicologist Martin West (1992, 127) describes the chalcophone as ‘a small instrument consisting of two parallel bronze bars linked by ten to fifteen wooden spars, each of which was loosely encased in a delicate, flexible coil of bronze wire. Shaking or picking at the instrument would cause the coils to tinkle together’ (Figure 9). In the musicological literature this instrument is discussed in a marginal manner. Musicologists have generally focused their attention on another idiophone called the Apulian sistrum, which is very similar to the chalcophone, and has been depicted on several Apulian red figure vessels dated to the 4th century BC. The most extensive study of chalcophones, was published by Paola Zancani Montuoro, who examined the instrument from an archeological perspective. In the 1960s, Zancani Montuoro directed the excavations at the Macchiabate necropolis, located close to the present day town of Francavilla Marittima (Cosenza), about 15 km north of Sybaris. One of the richest tombs of this site (Temparella 60) revealed ‘un oggetto piccolo e

massiccio’ which was later recognized to be a chalcophone. Zancani interprets this instrument from an archaeological perspective; however, a study that combines both archaeological and musicological approaches to the study of the chalcophone is yet to be published. In this article we will try to deal with the technical aspects relating to the functioning of the instruments. We will add some archaeological considerations based on the latest research about the Iron Age in southern Italy. We will argue that the theories elaborated by Zancani Montuoro about the historical and archaeological aspects of this period seem to be substantially confirmed by the most recently published archaeological material.

(C. C., A. F.) Diffusion area (Figure 1) The distribution of chalchophones spread along the Ionian coast of Calabria and Basilicata. Identifying this instrument is sometimes difficult since exemplars are often fragmentary and publications are often inaccurate. Therefore, there is often confusion regarding the identification of chalchophones and other instruments such as chimes or rattles. Incoronata San Teodoro, Pisticci and Ferrandina are the Northern limits of the distribution area of chalchophones. There are also several exemplars from necropolis in the Tursi area (Santa Maria d’Anglona and Valle del Sorigliano). From the Sibaritide the mentioned exemplar from Macchiabate may be considered together with other three from Torre Mordillo and probably a further one from Amendolara. Francavilla’s evidence shows the presence of at least another chalchophone (Papadopoulos 2003, 110-111, nn. 403-404). This exemplar is part of a big collection of objects discovered on the Timpone Motta (the acropolis of Francavilla) during illegal excavations and primarily exposed by the Paul Getty Museum in Los Angeles finally restituted to Italian authorities in 2002 (Papadopoulos 2003, 4-5). If this chalchophone really comes from the acropolis this is the first time we have a bronze chalchophone from a non-funerary context. The presence of chalchophones in the necropolis of Bucita di Rossano (Southern Sibaritide) is very notable because there are at least seven known examples. However, this necropolis is very badly preserved and has never been fully excavated, though it has returned the highest number of chalcophones. The presence of this instrument is documented from several necropolis in the Crotone area (Cirò-Cozzo del Saltarello, Gallicello, Zigari/Cassana and Murge in Strongoli district, and Scandale-Serre Galloppà). Furthermore, it is also widespread among the Ionian coast until Tiriolo in the

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Squillace isthmus. From Sant’Onofrio di Roccella Ionica (Southern Calabria) another uncertain example is documented. To conclude, the archaeological evidence shows that this instrument is typical of the entire Oenotrian area, though it is yet to be documented outside this ‘cultural region’. To provide a complete overview of the distribution, we have to mention the presence of bronze objects from Grammichele in Eastern Sicily (Figure 4) and from Palestrina in Latium (Figure 5). However, we will distinguish from the chalcophones from Calabria and Basilicata despite their similarity. I consider their differences poignant enough for them to be considered a different musical instruments altogether. As previously noted by Zancani Montuoro, chalchofones from Southern Italy have very close parallels with exemplars from the Phoenician world. They are notably similar to the exemplar of the type documented in the Sibaritide. Unfortunately, all of the chalchophones from Phoenician area come from illegal excavations and, therefore, cannot be contextualised accurately. There are three known examples from internet auctions believed to be from the Syria-Palestine province, though lacking accurate contextual information (Figure 8). In the Near East however, the presence of this instrument is well documented by the Assyrian reliefs from Nimrud.

(C. C.) Chronology (Figure 2) This work utilises published material as a basis for the analysis and by compared analysis based on crossing contexts it is possible to determine a closed chronological range for the Chalcophones. Chalcophones from Southern Italy are found in dense proportions in graves dating to the first Iron Age and, particularly, in the 2A or in the beginning of 2B phase (end of 9th - first half of 8th century BC). An exemplar from Basilicata, found in Tursi – Valle Sorigliano comes from a grave (Tomba 29) dated to the first half of 8th century BC (Bianco 1996, 8). Several exemplars dated between second and third quarter of 8th century BC are know from Tursi-Santa Maria d’Anglona (Frey 1991; Chiartano 1994, 34). Evidence from Incoronata confirms this chronology: the necropolis shows a chronological range between end of 10th and beginning of 8th century BC (Chiartano 1994, 31-32) however chalchophones are generally documented in graves dating to the last phase (Tombs 117, 209, 258, 299) or without a specific chronology (Tomb 2). The last phase at the Incoronata corresponds (or is immediately before) to the first phase of Santa Maria d’Anglona, and thus can be dated to the first half of 8th century BC. Basilicata data correlates with evidence recovered in the Sibaritide. Chalcophones are absent in the Castiglione di Paludi material, above all IFe 1B, according to Guzzo (1975); nonetheless, from the small necropolis of Piano di Bucita di Rossano (no more than 10km far away from Castiglione) there are at least seven known examples. According to Frasca-Taliano Grasso (1994) and Brocato-Taliano-Grasso (2010), Bucita necropolis shows a

chronological range between the end of 9th and the middle of 8th century BC. In Francavilla-Macchiabate only one exemplar is documented: most of the Iron Age graves of the necropolis date to the second half of 8th century BC. The chalcophone comes from T. 60 dating to IFe 2A, the earlier phase of the necropolis (Zancani Montuoro, 1976; Brocato, 2011). There is no evidence of the instruments from graves dating to the IFe 2B phase. From Torre Mordillo (which represents a period immediately before than Macchiabate) we have three examples (Tombs 78, 101, 206). In conclusion, the absence of chalcophones from Roggiano (Carrara-Guzzo 1981), Torano Cozzo La Torre (de La Genière 1977) and Castrovillari Belloluco (Carrara Jacoli-Belardelli 1994) is noteworthy; the majority of the material derives from a necropolis context dating to the second half of 8th century BC. The archeological record for the area around Crotone is very limited: a notable number of sites are known but only a limited amount of material has derived from legal excavations. Generally chalchophones are associated with Iron Age material. The Southernmost chalchophone is possibly the one from Sant’Onofrio di Roccella Ionica (the fragmentary bronze object from Tomb 20 has not been definitively identified as a chalchophone as it is a fragmented piece). A precise chronology for this grave is not at hand; however, according to Chiartano (1981), the necropolis was in use between IFe1 and IFe2A.

(C. C.) Calcophone and Psythyra West identifies the chalcophone with the psithyra, an instrument mentioned in Iulius Pollux’s Onomastikon. Pollux, a grammarian and rhetorician of 2nd century AD, describes the instruments as follows: ‘The psithyra is a Lybian invention, specially of the Troglodytes; has a rectangular shape. Some think that the psithyra is the same thing as the so-called askaros. It was a rectangular frame (or box) a cubit long, that had bobbins wired through it, if rotated they made a sound similar to the krotalon’ (Pollux, Onomastikon, 4, 60). This passage allow us some interesting ideas about this instrument: 1. It comes from Lybia, specifically from “Regio

Troglodytica. 2. It has a rectangular shape. 3. It has a frame or a box (the Greek term plinthion in

the text could refer to both). 4. It is about a cubit long (approximately 45cm). 5. It has bobbins or reels (penia) wired through it. 6. It has a sound similar to the krotalon, consequently

it has to be an idiophone.

Pollux’s description appears to correspond well with the material evidence defined as representing chalcophones in contemporary academic literature. Evidence is

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identifiable on sculptures; the rectangular shape, with a frame or box, the length, the reference to an element such as a bobbin or a reel (this means that he is surely not talking about a cymbal, as those used in sistrums) and the description of the sound as similar to the krotalon (rattle), all suggest the idea of an instrument such as a chalcophone. It is possible to offer some reflections concerning the problem of the place of origin discussed by Pollux, which may be supported by the archaeological evidence from the 8th century BC. The term lybicus, often used by the Romans, referred to the Punic world. Such a reference, related to ancient or historical periods, is clearly identifiable in Virgil’s Aeneid (1st century AD). As Aeneas lands on the Carthaginian shore, Venus, his mother, speaks to him as follows: ‘You can see the Punic Kingdom; Tirus and the city of Agenor; but the land belongs to Lybians, people indomitable in war. Dido the Tyrian here is the queen, survived by his brother; the deception and the offense is a long story; I will tell you what is important to know. Her husband was Sychaeus, between the Phoenicians the richest of land’ (Verg. Aen, I,338-343). In the same book, anyway, Carthage is defined as ‘Tyriam urbem’. Moreover battles between Rome and Carthage (a city in ancient Libya) are commonly known as the ‘Punic wars’. By considering these factors, it seems probable that Pollux was referring the psithyra to Lybia in the Punic world. Furthermore, an oriental area is suggested by the allusion to the Troglodytes, who lived in southern Egypt at the time of Pollux. Zancani Montuoro also, saw a connection between this instrument and the Punic world as she states ‘non è arbitrario ammettere che lo strumento sia originario dell'Asia anteriore’. This theory is supported by the presence of some chalcophones coming generically from Syrian-Palestinian areas (e.g. the ivory cup from Nimrud of the British Museum) (Figure 6).

(A. F.) The Apulian sistrum, possibly an evolution of the chalchophone? The previously discussed chalchophone has been connected by several scholars to another instrument called ‘apulian sistrum’. This instrument has never been found though we know about it from several hundred of depictions on Apulian vases of the 4th century BC and on reliefs dating to the same period. In 4th century images of this instrument it is always played by women (Figure 7), and it is possible that it was a symbol of the goddess Aphrodite. Mathiesen (1999, 280) states that the depictions ‘typically include such visual attributes of Aphrodite as Erotes, balls, mirrors, birds and so on’ . In this case also, the instrument is associated with a feminine and religious context. The Apulian sistrum is however bigger (about 60cm) than the instruments of the 8th century BC and does not seem to have a wooden

frame or box to connect its parts. In some of the depictions the instrument seems to have some sort of excrescence, which could be interpreted as a cymbal. It could have been played, as it appears on the figures, not much differently from the older instruments of the 8th century BC. The Apulian instrument could be an evolution of the chalcophone as well as a reimported oriental instrument that was suited for a particular worship or ritual. However, no chalcophones have been found in the Apulian sistrum area.

(C. C., A. F.) A discussion of hypothesis' concerning performance practice One of the best preserved chalcophones, comes from tomb T.60 on the Macchiabate necropolis. This instrument was studied by Zancani Montuoro in an article of 1976 (published in Atti e Memorie della Società Magna Grecia). The object was removed from the tomb ‘così come è stato trovato’ (as it was found), we can also assume that this is the correct position of the vertical bars provided with spirals and the horizontal rods. Further supporting evidence for this interpretation is the fact that the bars are slightly different in length, which means that the spirals of both bars should have been oriented in the same direction. Some wooden fragments were found inside the bronze spirals, this means that the spirals should have been connected with the bars through wooden spars about 5mm thick. This kind of instrument is unquestionably an idiophone; furthermore, it is rather unlikely that the sound generated by the bronze spirals could have been in some way modulated, because they were not directly connected to the bronze frame and therefore they could not bend as Zancani Montuoro (1976) hypothesises: ‘La loro elasticità era sfruttata non perché si allungassero, ma perché potessero flettersi e rotare, riprendendo poi la forma normale. Sono però in tutti i casi contigue e quindi, se erano tirate di seguito con le dita quando l’anima di legno permetteva, nel ritornare a posto si urtavano, tintinnando per la sonorità del bronzo. Non saprei infatti proporre altra identificazione se non quella di uno strumento musicale atto a produrre un suono metallico, che si poteva certo cadenzare e forse anche modulare, regolando con la mano l’ampiezza e la frequenza delle vibrazioni’ . This hypothesis appears rushed, as the instrument should have been much more simple in its functioning. By observing Figure 8 one can consider the possible movement of the bronze spirals relative to the wooden spars. The movements would have been either rotary with respect to the spars (producing a friction between bronze and wood) or horizontal/vertical, which would cause the spirals to bang into each other and tinkling. The sound, consequently, should have been produced either by rubbing the hands on the bronze spirals or shaking the instrument. In both cases the sound would not have been particularly bright or loud. Unfortunately we are still unaware of any instrument still in use that could be related directly to the chalcophone. The only

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iconographic reference is an ivory cup coming from Nimrud, Assyria, on which is depicted a ceremonial procession in which two chalcophone players can be see, indicating to us the function of this instrument. Observing the figure depicted may lend us an understanding of how the instrument was played. It possible to see how the right hand of the girl playing is rolling over the bronze spirals, while the left hand is involved in supporting the top part of the instrument. The thumb probably rolls or beats on the upper bronze spirals. The Nimrud instrument seems to have a frame (or a box) probably made of wood as a joint for all the elements. The crosspieces at the top and bottom of the bronze spirals can be interpreted as unpreserved wood elements in the examples that have survived to present day. Working on this data a reconstruction was hypothesized (Figure 8). The brown elements represent wood, while the grey represent metal. It is possible that the Italian instruments could also have had a wooden casing that was not preserved in the instruments we actually know. Other sculpted figures from Lebanon and Apulia confirm this hypothesis. Both instruments seem to have had a wooden frame or box connecting the different parts. In these instances the bronze whirls of the vertical bars are missing, whereas they can be found in the majority of the chalchophones of the 8th century BC coming from Southern Italy. Another contrasting aspect between the archaeological record and sculpted depictions can be noted with reference to the size of the instrument. The findings from Italy and Phoenicia are in fact about 20cm. long, while the sculptures can be determined to be in length at least 35cm (that is approximately a ‘cubit’, which is the length of a forearm, mentioned in a Pollux’s passage). Hence, we can suppose that the instrument depicted in sculptures are either another kind of instrument or they are represented inaccurately in comparison to the instruments that were actually employed.

(A. F.) Typology (Figure 10) Several types of chalcophones have been identified in Southern Italy and Phoenicia. Generally speaking, we can a conclude that there is considerable diversity in the typology of chalcophones in Southern Italy, but there is an amazing similarity between the types in an area of Southern Italy and the ones probably coming from Phoenicia. Furthermore, the Chalcophone has regularly been found with another instrument called “sonagliera” (chimes, as defined by Zancani Montuoro). This instrument is substantially similar, though it consists of small tubes instead of spirals. With reference to the discussed classification, we can affirm that the different types can be distinguished by the shape of the lateral bars and spirals. From a morphological perspective, we can distinguish three different types of chalchophones: Type 1: bars relatively thin; this fact made the instruments seem more defined (see for example instruments coming from Francavilla and Bucita di Rossano); the whirls at the

end of the bars are also thicker in comparison to other types. Some instruments, which probably come from Phoenician Area, can also be referred to this type as they seems to be very similar to Italian instruments. We can observe that in the Macchiabate necropolis others were found, probably objects originating from the Syro-Phoenician areas. Type 2: bars are very thick, and sometimes embossed (exemplar from Cirò). Whirls seem to be much more protruding in comparison to type 1. Exemplars of this type come from Tiriolo and Cirò: the second one seeming to be a transitional model. Type 3: In this type whirls are completely absent, whilst ‘cones of bronze layers’ appear. This kind of chalcophone is shorter and they have been found in pairs. The chalcophones of this type come from Basilicata (Metaponto, Pisticci, Santa Maria Anglona, Tursi Valle Sorigliano) and possibly from Torre Mordillo (in this instance the instrument is badly damaged and therefore cannot definitely be ascribed to this type. An interesting case is the so-called chalcophone from Grammichele (Catania), which seems more likely to be a chime (sonagliera) rather than a chalcophone, because it has metal tubes and not spirals. It has a rather particular shape, it is without whirls but has foldings in the bars, which are absent in other specimens coming from Basilicata. The types seem to follow a north-south direction, with the southern exemplars characterized by a greater thickness of the bars and whirls, which become thinner and thinner until they disappear in the northern examples.

(A. F.) Some notes on social aspects To sum up, a detailed study of this instrument allows us the following observations: 1) In Southern Italy chalchophones derive from funerary contexts 2) They are directly connected to women and to the ‘female world’. A direct connection with the female world is also documented in the Assyrian sculptures and in the latter Apulian Sistrum where chalchophones always appear in religious contexts. 3) Sometimes the chalchophone can be associated with grave good with other musical instruments: see e.g. T. 60 of Maccchiabate (Bellia 2010). 4) As already suggested by Zancani Montuoro ‘i corredi (in which chalchophones have been found) presentano caratteri fuori del comune, almeno nei casi meglio documentati’. Those observations allow us to conclude that the chalchophone was a ritual instrument connected to an elevated social status of the player. In Basilicata chalchophones have been attested in rich tombs. According to Bianco (1996, 8) Tomb 28 of Tursi has yielded a high number of bronze objects, including a parure and a golden falera (pendant). Also in Incoronata-

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San Teodoro we can observe the presence of chalchophones from some of the richest graves of the necropolis (117, 258 e 299). The exemplar from Francavilla comes from T. 60, one of the richest of all the necropolis. According to Bellia 2010 it is possible to imagine ‘the presence of five, or maybe six musical instruments’ and ‘the woman may have been a musician or a dancer in public festivities or ritual ceremonies, if not really a priestess, assigned to the objects of cult’. From Torre Mordillo we are aware of three chalcophones from graves 78, 101 and 206 all of them with numerous and precious artifacts. Tomb 78 had more than 50 objects and was the richest of all the necropolis (around 250 sepultures have been excavated). In this tomb, the chalchophone was associated with a bronze pendant with a human couple (known in Italian literature as ‘coppietta antropomorfa’), an artifact that, according with Brocato and Taliano Grasso (2011), generally appears in tombs with ‘corredi che presentano elementi distintivi di rango elevato e elementi con funzionalità di carattere ritual’. I would like to add that during a survey in Bucita a fragmentary chalcophone has been found close to a human couple; however, the distribution area of the two objects largely coincides and they are sometimes discovered in association with one another. In Central and Northern Calabria both the artifacts are documented (from this area we can note the presence of a much higher number of both objects). The human pair, however, seem to have a “more meridional” diffusion as documented by the presence in Southern Calabria and Sicily and by the absence in the sites further North than Francavilla. To conclude, chalcophones are often included in tombs with rich grave goods containing often unusual objects or exotic artifacts. For example, the previously discussed bronze human couple, the goliera (neckwear), the Phoenician bowl in T. 60 of Francavilla and the golden pendant in Tursi T. 28. I would once again like to reiterate the significance of the fact that outside of “Oenotrian” those objects have the closest parallels in the Phoenician world. At present it is difficult to determine whether the presence of chalchophones was somehow related to the age of the deceased or not. This is because prior academic articles have not published the data concerning the age of the bones. As a general observation, we can note that the deceased were generally adult females (e.g. Incoronata T. 209; Santa Maria d’Anglona T. 97 and T. 124).

(C. C.) Conclusion The presence of Chalchophones in Oenotrian necropolis allows us some general observations about Italian Iron Age. I have refrained from engaging in the discussion about the relationships between Southern Italy and the Phoenician world in this article. I will, however, briefly mention the problems connected to the so-called Phoenician bowls (for example, one discovered in ‘Tomba

della Strada’ of Francavilla) and recently discussed by Nijboer (2006) and again by Gaucci (2009). In her paper of 1976 (p. 37) Zancani Montuoro wrote: ‘In conclusione si dovrà ammettere che un modello importato da mercanti orientali fu riprodotto e variato da metallurgi «enotri» dell'VIII sec. per essere usato, anche qui, dalle più autorevoli celebranti in speciali cerimonie, delle quali purtroppo nulla sappiamo” . However, the absence (or the supposed absence) of this object in the areas that during Iron Age reached a more direct contact with the Punic world (e.g. Western Sicily, Sardinia or North Africa) is notable. A plausible explanation is that this instrument may have played a special role for some of the women in Oenotrian society. It is also possible that chalcophones were used also in other areas but have not yet been discovered because the deposit of Chalcophones in a funerary context was uncommon. To conclude, we can not ignore the passage of Pollux and above all, the presence of chalcophones in the Near East (already observed by Zancani Montuoro). The similarity between the chalchophones type 1 and the exemplars from the Phoenician World are simply extraordinary. Furthermore, the presence in Southern Italy of other Iron Age objects imported from the East or somehow connected with the Oriental area is well documented. We can not exclude the possibility that chalchophones were imported. Only archaeometrical analysis could in the future allow us to determine the specific places of a possible production. The detailed study of chalchophones allows us further observations. First of all I would like to highlight the point that these objects are known only in the Ionian Coast and the Oenotrian area. The only exception could be the dubious exemplar from Sant’Onofrio in Southern Calabria. Also the distribution area does not seem random due to the strongly defined identity shared between the regions of Metaponto and the Squillace isthmus. Regional or local differences and specificities are documented; however, in the 9th and more significantly in the 8th century BC, the area was involved in cultural and commercial contacts but, above all, it shows the same tradition in pottery and in metal productions in funerary contexts. Easily we can observe: 1) The presence of matt painted pottery (typical is the ‘a tenda’ motive). This production does not disseminate along the Tyrrhenian coast in the 8th century BC. It is possible that the situation became different in the 7th century BC at least in some area of North Calabria (see e.g. the presences of vessels with sub-geometric decorations from Tortora as published by Mollo 2011, 16 Figs. 11,13). 2) In this area impasto pottery is almost exclusively the ‘commonly used’ pottery (popular in Italian literature is the expression ‘ceramica di uso commune’) in which functional features prevail over aesthetics. This is something completely different from the production in Sicily, Campania or Latium of the same period.

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3) The majority of the fibulas in circulation are homogenous. Furthermore, the presence of some peculiar types in this area has been recorded (for example the ‘a occhiali’ or ‘a quattro spirali’ types). 4) Moreover, funeral contexts are similar in the area: there’s a prevalence of inhumations and often are documented ‘a tumulo’ tombs. I will finish with a few lines about the Apulian archeological record. This region, specially the southern area, shows that during the Iron Age a material culture developed in a very similar way to that of the Oenotrian area. Unfortunately, the lack of knowledge of the Iron Age necropolis precludes the possibility to better understand the metal production in this area. This argument could connect the Iron Age chalchophone with the ‘Apulian sistrum’, the musical instrument known from the paintings on the Apulian vessels of 4th century BC.

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Pasqui, A. 1888. Territorio di Sibari. Scavi della Necropoli di torre del Mordillo nel comune di Spezzano Albanese. In Notizie degli Scavi di Antichità, Serie Quarta, 1888, 239-268; 462-480; 575-592; 648-671. Salapata, G. 2002. The Apulian ‘Sistrum’: Monotone or Melodic?. In E. Hickmann, A.D. Kilmer and R. Eichmann (eds), Studies in Music Archaeology III: vol I, The Archaeology of Sound: Origin and Organisation. Papers from the 2nd Symposium of the International Study Group on Music Archaeology at Monastery Michaelstein, 17-23 September 2000 (Orient-Archäologie 10), 415-28. Rahden/Westf, VML Verlag Marie Leidorf GmbH.

West, M. L. 1994. Ancient Greek music Oxford, Clarendon Press. Zancani Montuoro, P. 1976. Tre Notabili Enotri dell’VIII secolo a.C. Atti e Memorie della Società Magna Grecia, n.s. XV-XVII, 9-106.

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Figure 3: A chalchophone from Francavilla, T. 60 (Bellia 2009).

Figure 4: Chimes from Grammichele, Sicily (photograph by M. Cura). g

Figure 5: Bronze object from Palestrina Latium (now exposed in British Museum, London) (http://

www.icobase.com/?tag=chalcophone).

Figure 6: Ivory cup from Nimrud a) full image b,c) details (modified from Salapata 2002).

a

c

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