Bodies and Boundaries

in Graeco-Roman

Antiquity

Edited by Thorsten Fagen and Mireille M. Lee

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Bodies and boundaries in Graeco-Roman antiquity / edited by Thorsten Fagen and Mireille M. Lee.

p.cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-3-11-021252-5 (hardcover: alk. paper) 1. Human body -- Social aspects -- Greece. 2. Human body -- Social aspects -- Rome. 3. Human body in literature. I. Fagen, Thorsten. II. Lee, Mireille M. GT497.G8B632009 306.4-dc22 2009027988

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Body-Modification in Classical Greece

Mireille M Lee

Abstract: Body-modification may seem at first glance to be a superficial aspect of Greek culture; but modifications to the body reflect Greek ideology in a profound way. This chapter considers the textual , visual and archaeological evidence for Greek practices of body­modification, and sbows how sucb bebaviours constructed gender, status, and ethnicity.

Tbe nude male body was presented as the ideal in classical Greece. But this body was not natural; it was achieved by means of body-modification. The diaita, a regimen of diet, exercise and bathing, ideally resulted in a lean, muscular, tanned body. In gen­eral, men's body-modification took place in the public arenas, such as the palaestra and the barbershop, which underscores tbe importance of personal display and the homo­erotic gaze.

In contrast, women's practices were private and domestic. Feminine body­modification, which illcluded bathing, the removal of body-bair, arrangement of the coiffure, and the application of perfume and cosmetics, is a more intimate process, in­volving at most an attendant or two. The self-referential nature of feminine body­modification is underscored by the prevalence of mirrors in scenes of feminine adorn­ment: women regularly gaze at their own appearance in mirrors, whereas men, as a rule, do not.

What both genders sbare in terms of practices of body-modification is tbat they are all temporary : they require repeated performance, allowing multiple opportunities for display and conspicuous consumption. The aristocratic elite used temporary body­modification as a means of maintaining their identity vis-a-vis non-elites and especially non-Greeks. Permanent body-modification, especially tattooing and circumcision, was reserved for barbarians. Such permanent fonns of body-modification ensure that non­Greeks have no opportunity for transgressing ethnic boundaries by means of perform­ance.

1. Introduction

The boundaries of bodies are not so clearly defined as we might imagine. 1

Where does the body begin? Where does it end? Is the body bounded by the skin? What about the hair and nails? What is the relationship of hair- and nail-

] wish to thank all the participants of the very stimulating "Bodies" conference at the Center for Hellenic Studies, and in particular Thorsten Fagen for his insightful comments on an ear­lier draft of this paper. All translations are from the Loeb, unless otherwise specified.

156 Mireille M. Lee

clippings, or other bodily products such as excreta, breast milk or saliva, to the body? Mary Douglas argued that the body serves as a metaphor for society, and that the boundaries of the body reflect the boundaries of society (Douglas 2002). Michel Foucault understood the boundaries of the body as the site at which societal structures of power are inscribed upon the individual (Foucault 1977). But the boundaries of the body do not simply reflect or reinforce a static social structure. Rather, bodily boundaries comprise an essential means by which social boundaries are constituted. As formulated by Pierre Bourdieu, the boundaries of the body are not fixed, but negotiated by individuals on a daily basis in the habitual construction of social identities (Bourdieu 1977).

Modifications to the body, which mark the boundary between self and so­ciety, are fundamental to the construction of identities. Hence, body­modifications are strictly policed (Entwistle 2001: 37). Body-modifications may include transformations of the hair, skin, nails, muscular/skeletal system, teeth and breath; they may be temporary or permanent (Eicher & Roach­Higgins 1992: 18). Although we tend to think of body-modification in terms of such extreme practices as tattooing, piercing or cosmetic surgery, the mundane habits of diet, exercise, bathing, the application of perfume and cosmetics, and the maintenance of body- and cephalic-hair are also significant. All cultures engage in body-modification in some form; it is one of few human universals.

This chapter considers the social functions of body-modification in classi­cal Greece.2 Although individual practices of body-modification have been re­constructed from the textual, visual and archaeological evidence, they have not been considered as part of a coherent system by which the Greeks negotiated the social constructs of gender, status and ethnicity. As has been well estab­lished, the elite male comprised the norm in Greek society. Greek practices of body-modification were essential to the construction of the normative status of the elite male; "other" bodies, that is, the bodies of women and barbarians, were marked as deviant by means of body-modification.

2. Diaita and difference

The Munu, a daily regimen of diet, exercise and bathing, were fundamental to the construction of elite identity, and especially elite masculinity. 3 Each of these behaviours of bodily modification worked in concert with the others to maintain a proper balance of hot and cold, wet and dry. Men 's bodies were

2 Archaic and Classical practices are di scussed in greater detail in my forthcoming book Kolos Kosmos. The Body, Dress and Gender in Early Greece. For Roman practices, see Baertschi & Fagen (2005), with further references.

3 An excellent overview of the lilurta is Craik (1995: 343-350). Ancient "dietetics" are di s­cussed by Foucault (1990 : 95-116); for a corrective, see Detel (1998: 93-117).

Body-Modification in Classical Greece 157

thought to be naturally hot and dry compared to the bodies of women. Hence their OiatTa, as prescribed by the Hippocratics, included vigorous exercise and "drying" foods such as wheat bread and roasted meats, whereas the women' s regimen specified the opposite. Diet also depended on the season and climate. Certainly the consumption of food is a primary means of body-modification, as evidenced by the modern diet industry. In classical Athens, overindulgence in food , resulting in obesity, was frequently satirized in comedy; abstinence from eating, leading to emaciation, was linked with philosophers (who reject bodily needs in favour of intellectual pursuit), the elderly and the dead (Wilkins 2000: 27). Despite the attention paid to food and its effects on the body in the textual sources, overweight or excessively thin persons are conspicuously absent from Greek art of the Classical period, and images of dining practices are rare.4

Conversely, scenes of exercise and bathing are common in vase-painting start­ing in the late archaic period, and in sculpture beginning in the early classical.

Robin Osborne has argued that the palaestra was the primary context for the performance of elite masculinity (Osborne 1998: 29). The extensive ar­chaeological, visual and literary sources pertaining to Greek athletics under­score their central importance for ancient society. The activities of the pa­laestra are depicted on numerous Attic vases, such as the red-figured dinos in the manner of the Dinos Painter in the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston (fig. 1). As is invariably the case in Greek art, the athletes are depicted nude, in con­trast to their trainers, who are clothed. The literary sources confirm the practice of athletic nudity: Herodotus (1.10.3) and Plato (Rep . 5.452c) identify exercise in the nude as a uniquely Greek institution that distinguished Greeks from barbarians. Given that only the aristocracy could afford the luxury of leisure time in the palaestra, athletic nudity also marked elite social status (Osborne 1998: 29).

Athletic nudity is important for our investigation of body-modification, because it underscores the significance of bodily display within the context of the palaestra. The performance of Greek athletics was not limited to the actual workout, but included a kind of ritual preparation before and restoration fol­lowing exercise. These activities would have been witnessed by others within the palaestra, and are recorded in detail on the vases. Prior to exercise, the ath­lete would anoint himself with oil from an aryballos, as shown in the tondo of a red-figure cup by the Antiphon Painter in Berlin (fig. 2). The Greeks be­lieved that anointing the body with oil gave the athlete greater strength (Ulf 1979). It also would have enhanced the tanning effects of the sun, softened the skin and made it shine. Some late literary sources also mention the practice of sprinkling the oiled body with a fine powder. Philostratus (On Gymnastics 56)

4 For images of both emaciated and obese persons in later Greek and Roman art, see Grmek & Gourevitch (1998: 145-1 82).

158 Mireille M. Lee

notes that "yellow dust also adds glisten and is a delight to see on a nice body which is in good shape",5 but we cannot be sure that this was a classical prac­tice.

Figure 1: Red-figured dinos, manner of the Dinos Painter, c. 430-420 B.C., Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, no. 96.720. © Museum of Fine Arts, Boston

The custom of infibulation is likewise absent from classical literary sources, though it is represented on several vases. In the tondo of a red-figured cup by Onesimos in the Hermitage, an athlete is in the process of tying up his foreskin (fig. 3). The purpose of infibulation has been debated: some have suggested that it served as a kind of proto-jock-strap, or to control sexual impulses

5 Translation from Miller (22004b: 22).

Body-Modification in Classical Greece 159

(Sweet 1985).6 But the appearance of infibulated komasts in symposium scenes suggests that it was not exclusively an athletic practice. Rather, it served as a means of preventing accidental exposure of the glans during any vigorous movement, which would have been considered unseemly (Hodges 2001: 382-383).

Athletic activity was itself an important means of body-modification. Vig­orous exercise outdoors in the nude would have created a deep, dark tan and well-defined muscles. Indeed, these features were emphasized in the many bronze sculptures made to commemorate Greek athletes, such as the so-called Antikythera bronze (fig. 4). As was noted even in antiquity, the original ap­pearance of the polished bronze approximated the tanned, oiled, skin of ath­letes (Mattusch 1996: 24-25, 88-89). Western viewers have internalized such monuments as representing a generic Greek type, but it is important to under­stand them within the context of the palaestra. These sculptures represent the ideal body to which all aspired. Such images may have contributed to athletes' anxieties in the same way that idealized images in the media today create standards that are generally unattainable.

Cleansing of the body following exercise was likewise an opportunity for bodily display. A red-figure kylix by the Codrus Painter in the British Mu­seum (fig. 5a) depicts several youths in process of scraping the accumulated sweat and oil from the body using a strigil, of which many examples have been preserved archaeologically, primarily as offerings in graves. The particular sig­nificance of this process of body-modification may be suggested by the fact that the scrapings, called YAot6e;, were preserved and sold for medicinal pur­poses, though we have no secure literary testimony for this practice prior to Pliny the Elder (Nat. hist. 28.50-52; see Miller 2004a: 16; Miller 32004b: 213). The opposite side of the kylix (fig. 5b) depicts the next stage of the cleansing process, the cold-water bath: three young men stand around a louterion; the man on the right holds out a sponge for washing. To the right of this group, a man has dipped water from a well to pour over the head of a kneeling com­rade. The overall significance of the body-modifications performed by the Greek athlete is underscored by the iconic appearance in vase-painting of the athlete's kit, which contained the necessary tools: the arybaUos and strigil, and sometimes also a sponge (e.g. fig. 3).

It is clear from both the literary sources and the visual representations that the palaestra was an erotically charged homo-social environment (Scanlon 2002: 199-273). Some of the vases are more explicit than others: KaMe; names are frequent; trainers often gaze at the genitals of the athletes, or gesticulate

6 Late lexicographers refer to the cords as KUV01i£cr~l(:tl ('dog leashes'); see Miller (2004a: 12-13).

160 Mireille M. Lee

Figure 2: Red-figure ky/ix, Antiphon Painter, c. 500-450 B.C., lost, formerly Staatliche Museen, Antikensammlung, Berlin, no. 2314.

Photograph: Bildarchiv Preuflischer KulturbesitziArt Resource, NY

Figure 3: Red-figure ky/ix, Onesimos, c. 500-450 B.C., State Hermitage Museum, St. Petersburg, no. B1534. Photograph: State Hermitage Museum, St. Petersburg

Body-Modification in Classical Greece 161

Figure 4: Bronze statue of an athlete, found off tbe island of Antikythera, c. 340 B.C., National Archaeological Museum, Athens, no. 13396.

© Hellenic Ministry of Culture/Archaeological Receipts Fund

162

Side B

Mireille M. Lee

Figures Sa and Sb: Red-figure kylix, Codrus Painter, c. 450-400 B.C., British Museum, London, no. E83. © The Trustees of the British Museum

Body-Modification in Classical Greece 163

towards them with their switches. In this arena of bodily display, individuals perform their social identities in part by means of body-modification. The ha­bitual repetition of exercise and bathing reinforces individual identities; the erotic gaze of other men assures identification with the group of masculine elite.

Women are conspicuously absent from the palaestra. In general, elite women did not engage in vigorous exercise outdoors, but ideally remained in­doors overseeing the operation of the oikos. In Xenophon' s Deconomicus, the performance of household chores is adequate exercise for the young wife (Dec. 1O.!1).7 Whether or not the texts mirror reality, the visual record (especially classical grave reliefs, but also vase-painting) emphasizes the ideal image of an elite woman seated on a high-backed chair, feet elevated on a footrest, suggest­ing an interior, static, existence. As with other aspects of the 8tat'ta, women's practices are the opposite of men's.

But although women are excluded from the palaestra, they do engage in elaborate bathing practices, often in the company of other women. Here we are somewhat hampered by the evidence: although Greek vases provide extensive evidence of feminine bathing and grooming practices, it is difficult to discern in many cases whether the women represented are proper women or hetairai.8

And if they do represent courtesans, as is likely on symposium vessels, to what degree were bathing practices shared by women of all social classes? The liter­ary sources are likewise ambiguous in most cases, which is not surprising given that feminine adornment took place primarily in private contexts. Of course, both the vases and the texts were created primarily by men for an in­tended male audience, and we cannot be sure that either reflects actual femi­nine practices.

The Hippocratic Diseases of Women (II 71.60) prescribes warm water bathing for women, as part of a "moist" regimen. But images of women bath­ing in vase-painting are in some ways indistinguishable from representations of men's cold water bathing. The red-figure amphora in Munich by the Group of Polygnotos (fig. 6) depicts three naked women standing around a louterion not unlike that in the palaestra scenes. Other features of men's bathing, how­ever, are absent, namely the strigil and aryballos (the figure in the center holds

7 According to Athenian (and Roman) literary sources, Spartan women exercised in order that they might give birth to healthy baby boys. Whether or not they actually did so cannot be es­tablished with certainty. It is quite li kely that the textual evidence reflects construction of Spartan "otherness" vis-a-vis Classical Athenian practices. For a recent discussion of women ' s athletics at Sparta, see Scanlon (2002 : 121-138). Other examples of women ' s ath­letics are restricted to ritual, especially girls' rites of passage, e.g. the Arkte ia at Brauron and the Heraia at Olympia (see most recently Scanlon 2002: 98-120, 139-174). These events oc­curred only sporadically, and would not have resu lted in any appreciab le bodily modifica­tions.

8 The literature on hetairai is extensive. See most recently, Faraone & McClure (2006).

164 Mireille M. Lee

a woman's alabastron, not an aryballos). It seems likely, then, that this is a domestic space as opposed to the public realm of the palaestra.9 The social status of the women represented on the vases is debatable: the conventions of female nudity in this period would argue for their identification as hetairai, es­pecially the frontal figure in the center, whose direct gaze would not have been appropriate for proper women. On the other hand, similar scenes of washing, especially hair-washing, are common in bridal scenes (Pfisterer-Haas 2002: 40-47; Sabetai 1997: 320-321), which suggests that bathing practices were shared by proper women and hetairai alike.

Figure 6: Red-figure amphora, Group ofPolygnotos, c. 475-426 B.C. , Staatliche Museen, Antikensammlungen, Munich, no. 1349.

Photograph: Staatliche Antikensammlungen und Glyptothek MUnchen

9 A very few images depict women with strigil s in apparently public settings (e.g. red-figure column krater by the Gottingen Painter, Bari , Museo Archeologico Provinciale 4979; red­figure column krater by the Painter of Tarquinia 707, Vienna, Kunsthistorisches Museum 2166). It seems quite likely that these vases do not represent actual bathing practices (Berard 1986), but a kind of erotic male fantasy (Kotera-Feyer 1998: 111-112).

Body-Modification in Classical Greece 165

The diaita comprised the primary means of body-modification for both men and women in classical Greece, and also an essential means for the construc­tion of elite identity. Both men and women were prescribed certain foods ac­cording to their sex, in order to maintain the proper balance of warm and dry, cool and moist. Such recommendations were intended for those with the lux­ury of dietary choice. Certainly those of lesser means would not have access to such a range of foodstuffs ; they were not the intended audience of such pre­scriptive works. Exercise was likewise a means of distinguishing male from female, elite from non-elite. Only the wealthy could afford leisure time in the palaestra. The distinctively Greek practice of athletic nudity underscored eth­nic identity as well as the essentially male character of the palaestra. Nudity further emphasized the practices of bodily modification that took place in that public context. Both athletics and bathing in the nude allowed multiple oppor­tunities for bodily display and the voyeuristic gaze. The repeated performance of these elements of the Olarra was essential to the construction of elite mascu­linity. Conversely, women were excluded from the palaestra, and therefore re­mained outside the ideal. But, they did perform their feminine, elite status in other ways, by abstaining from physical activity and bathing in an interior, domestic space. On the other hand, the social status of some female bathers is somewhat ambiguous. Bathing, like some other aspects of body-modification, may have served more as an indicator of gender rather than status.

3. Care of the hair

Hairstyles and the maintenance of body-hair were important for the construc­tion of both gender and ethnicity in classical Greece. Hair has special signifi­cance in many cultures. It is part of the body, but not itself alive; it is painless­ly and easily transformed by means of cutting, shaving, plucking, colouring, curling, binding or covering; it is highly visible, especially that on the head and face. This visibility, combined with the ease with which it may be transformed, makes it especially effective as a marker of changes in social status, especially age (Synnott 1987, with earlier references). In classical Greece, maintenance of cephalic hair was an essential component of an individual's kosmos. 'o Di­shevelled hair was a sign that one was outside the proper order of things, for example the disaffected, philosophers, women in mourning and old people. Properly arranged hair reflected proper social order.

10 The term K6cr!-l0~ originally meant 'combing', ' hairdo ', and later acquired the more general meanings of ' arrangement, ordering ' on the one hand, and 'adornment, beautification' on the other (Puhvel 1976: 159).

166 Mireille M. Lee

Figure 7: Red figure bell krater, Dinos Painter, c. 450-400 B.C., Sackler Museum, Harvard University, Cambridge, L9.1988 .

Photograph: Michael A. Nedzweski. © President and Fellows of Harvard College

Most men visited barbers for the maintenance of the hair and beard. II We know from several literary sources that barbershops were popular gathering places for Athenian men, and a source of gossip and news (Lewis 1995). Al­though barbers are not represented in vase-painting, several Boeotian terracot­tas represent barbers with their customers. 12 In contrast to men's practice, women attended to their own coiffures in the privacy of their own homes. The red-figure amphora by Polygnotos (fig. 6) depicts a woman perfuming her hair with a wand, perhaps with a sponge attached. Other vases depict women wash­ing, combing and arranging their hair (e.g. fig. 8), often with the aid of per­sonal attendants. As with bathing, women's practices take place in the private context of the aikas, whereas men's practices take place in a public venue. 13 In

I I According to Artemidorus, admitted ly a late source, to dream of having one 's hair cut by a barber is a good sign, because no-one ever cut his own hair unless he is poor or in difficult circumstances (On Dreams 1.22).

12 E.g. Berlin, Staatliche Museen, Antiken-Sammlung 6683b. 13 Women 's hair-care was also a domestic activity in the Roman period (Baertschi & Fogen

2005: 218).

Body-Modification in Classical Greece 167

this way, the performance of bodily modifications is nearly as important as the net result. Habitual visitors to the barbershop performed their identities pub­licly on a repeated basis.

The social significance of hairstyles is as yet poorly understood, in part on account of the complexity of the evidence. As a rule, in the classical period, men's hair is cut short, while women's hair is long, but bound up in a fillet, sakkos or mitra. These gendered distinctions seem to over-ride social status, as proper women and hetairai engage in similar practices. As noted by Molly Le­vine in her essay on the social meanings of hair, the tradition of binding and covering women's hair reflects societal concern for control over women's sexuality (Levine 1995).

Hair also plays an important role in the construction of age. Children of both sexes generally wore their hair long. Upon maturity, boys and girls cut their hair in a coming of age ritual, dedicating the locks to Artemis and other protective divinities. The visual sources display a clear progression in feminine hairstyles, with young girls displaying loose locks with a simple topknot, nap9Evot wearing bound ponytails, and yuvalkcr; with their hair bound up completely in a sakkos or mitra. 14 The lack of similar categories for boys and men suggests a special concern with feminine sexuality and social control.

On the other hand, facial hair played an important role in the construction of age-grades for boys, and especially in the strict rules governing sexual rela­tionships between older and younger men and boys. Older men are generally identified by their thick, full beards, while younger men and boys are beard­less. The ideal €pcOJ.!cvor; was an adolescent on the cusp of manhood, as indi­cated by the presence of "peach-fuzz" of the boxers in fig. 1 (compare also the bearded trainer). Gloria Ferrari has eloquently explained the transitional period between nair; and uv~p, delineated by the first appearance of facial hair and the development ofa full beard (Ferrari 2002: l35-l37).15 Although contemporary literary sources are silent on the subject, this liminal period might have been extended artificially by means of plucking or shaving (Dover 1989: 244).16

The removal of body-hair was especially associated with women in classi­cal Athens, as indicated by the humorous passage in Aristophanes' Eeclesia­zusae in which the women of Athens disguise themselves as men in order to infiltrate the assembly. One woman claims to have "armpits bushier than un­derbrush" (Eee!. 60-61); her companion chimes in: "Me too. I threw my razor

14 This pattern is especially discernible in vase-painting. See Lewis (2002: 27-28). 15 That beards were considered markers of adult masculinity is demonstrated in Aristophanes '

Ecclesiazlisae, in which Praxagora and her co-conspirators don false beards in order to pass as men in the assembly (24-25, 68-72,126-127).

16 The erotic construction of adolescent facia l hair continues well into the Hellenistic period (Tanln 1985).

168 Mireille M. Lee

out of the house right away, so that I'd get hairy all over and not look female at all" (65-67). Although body-hair is clearly gendered male in the texts, the vis­ual evidence is less emphatic. A few examples of chest-hair on mature men are discernible in vase-painting, though no obvious patterns emerge; armpit hair is likewise generally absent.

Pubic depilation was a decidedly feminine practice. Aristophanes makes several references to women removing their pubic hair by means of singeing and plucking, in order to make themselves sexually attractive. 17 In the Ecclesi­azusae, Praxagora, the leader of the women's movement to take over the as­sembly, sings the praises of her lamp: "You alone illuminate the ineffable nooks between our thighs, when you singe away the hair that spouts there" (Eecl. 12-13). The effectiveness of the sex-strike in the Lysistrata is guaran­teed by the woman teasing their husbands by wearing diaphanous garments with their "pubes plucked in a neat triangle" (Lys. 151). Given the dramatic context of these passages, it is difficult to ascertain whether depilation was practised by proper Athenian wives, or whether it is mentioned for comic ef­fect.

The visual sources are likewise ambiguous as to the social status of depi­lated women. Two (perhaps three) vases depict the actual process of depilation by singeing with a lamp. The tondo of an archaic red-figure cup in the manner of Onesimos in Oxford, Mississippi depicts a nude woman squatting over a ba­sin. This figure is generally identified as a hetaira on the basis of her nudity and her bold frontal pose (and possibly the amulet on her thigh) . On the other hand, a classical red-figure bell krater by the Dinos Painter in the Sackler Mu­seum (fig. 6) depicts a seated woman performing her own depilation, while a standing woman is depilated by Eros. The presence of Eros suggests a parallel with wedding scenes, making the identification of these women as hetairai problematic. 18 Whether practised by proper women or hetairai, depilation had connotations of eroticism and femininity.19

Hair that grows on the body is often particularly meaningful, on account of its borderline relationship with the flesh and with clothing (Barcan 2004: 25-30, 144-150). For the ancient Greeks, body-hair functions on a fundamental level as an indicator of the division between male and female, child and adult, hu­man and animal. Vivid testimony to the dynamic relationship between humans and animals is found in the Pseudo-Aristotelian Physiognomies (812b14-19):

17 The literary sources are collected in Bain (1982a: 7-10) and Bain (l982b: III) . 18 On the identification of hetairai, see Paul (1993: 330). 19 A few passages in Aristophanes refer to the punishment of male adulterers by means of depi­

lation, but these should be read as jokes : because they lacked control of their sexual impulses like women, they would be plucked like women (Roy 199 1: 73-76; Cohen J 985 : 385-387).

Body-Modification in Classical Greece

at oaudae; Ex0VTl:e; Tae; KV~flae; AUYVOt' avacpspcLaI e7tL TOUe; TpuyoUe;. ot OE 7tcPL TO. UTl19Tj KaL T~V KOlAlav ayav OUGscoe; Ex0VTce; OUO€7tOTc 7tpOe; TOle; aUTOle; olaTcAouGtV· avacpspcLaI e7tL TOUe; opvlSae;, on TaULa TO. UT~STj KaL T~V KOlAlav oaGUTUTT]V EXOUGtV. at TO. U~STj CP1Aa ayav EXOVTce; aVUlocle;· avacpspcTal em Tae; yuvalKae;. e7tclO~ o-ov OUTc ayav oausa ocl clVUl OUTc CP1AU, ~ flSUTj ESle; KpaTlUTTj.

"Hairy legs mean lasciviousness, as in goats. Too much hair on the breast and belly mean lack of persistence, as argued from birds, in which this bodily characteristic is most developed; but breasts too devoid of hair indicate impudence, as in women. So both extremes are bad, and an intermediate condition must be best.,,2o

4. Cosmetics

169

The locus classicus for the use of cosmetics in classical Greece is Xenophon's Oeconomicus (6.10), in which Ischomachus chastises his wife for making up her face "with a great deal of white face powder (\jft~UelOV) so that she might appear paler than she was, and with plenty of rouge (Eyxoucra) so that she might seem to have a more rosy complexion than she truly had" (I0.2)? 1 Some have cited this passage as proof that proper Athenian women wore cosmetics; others have argued it proves that make-up was used primarily by hetairai.22

The archaeological evidence suggests that the use of cosmetics was wide­spread among women of varying social classes. Pyxides containing tablets of \jft~UelOV (white lead carbonate) and Eyxoucra (red alkanet) are common finds in women's graves throughout Greece, as are cosmetic spoons and applicators in ivory and bronze. Perhaps Ischomachus' real concern was the over-zealous application of cosmetics. As far as I know, we have no images in classical vase-painting of women applying cosmetics, nor images of obviously made-up women. Some have argued that make-up was painted on marble sculpture, but studies of the remaining polychromy have not confirmed this.

An interesting detail of the Oeconomicus that has escaped comment until recently is a reference to men using a type of skin-colouring. Ischomachus asks

20 Translation from T. Loveday and E. S. Forster (in Barnes 1984: 1248). 21 Translation from Pomeroy (1994: 161). This is followed by the passage exto lling the virtues

of housework as a form of exercise (discussed above, p. 163). Certainly the primary aim of the text is to emphasize the high moral value attached to feminine beauty achieved without the artifice of cosmetics. Cf. Xenophon, Memorabilia 2.1.22, in which the personification of Vice is identified as a highly made-up woman.

22 The association between cosmetics and inappropriate sex is evident in several passages in Aristophanes in which an older woman tries to attract a younger lover by plastering her face with make-up (£eel. 878, 928, 1072; Wealth 1064). In Lysias ' speech On the Murder of Era­tosthenes (1.14), the defendant Euphi letus suspects his wife's affair because she left the house wearing face powder.

170 Mireille M. Lee

his wife how she would respond if he approached her for sex having smeared his body with miltos, a type of red ochre. It has been argued that men did em­ploy miltos to enhance the colour of the skin, either in the form of a coloured unguent, or as a dry powder - perhaps that with which athletes powdered themselves at the palaestra (Hannah 2004). Elsewhere in Greek literature, the only men who employ cosmetics are barbarians: Herodotus names several Af­rican tribes who smeared their bodies with miltos (4.l91, 4.194, 7.69); Xeno­phon claims that Cyrus encouraged the use of eye-make-up and cosmetics for the skin (Cyr. 8.1041), and that Astyages wore eye-liner, colourful make-up, and hairpieces, according to the custom of the Medes (Cyr. l.3.2). The barbar­ian (and also feminine) connotations of cosmetics suggest that the masculine elite did not view them positively.

5. Perfumes and body-odours

Exotic perfumes likewise carried barbarian connotations. According to He­rodotus (l.l95) Babylonian men perfumed their entire bodies, and Xenophon (Oec. 4.23) remarks that the Persian king Cyrus smelled of perfume.23 Several passages in tragedy underscore the negative value attached to barbarian fra­grances: in the Orestes of Euripides, the wanton Helen returns from Troy ac­companied by slaves to hold her mirror and perfumes (1110-1113); in Eurip­ides' Bacchae, the "Lydian foreigner" (the god Dionysos in disguise) is identi­fied by his blond, perfumed locks (235).

Given the barbarian connotations of perfumes, it is no surprise that per­fumes are most often associated with women, especially in erotic contexts. A fragment of Antiphanes' play The Men of Thorikos or The Miner (Jr. 106) de­scribes an entire wardrobe of perfumes employed in a young woman's toilette: Egyptian perfume for the feet and legs, palm oil for the cheeks and breast, ber­gamot for one arm and melilot for the other, marjoram for the hair and eye­brows, and thyme for the neck and knees (fr. 106). The explicitly erotic func­tion of perfumes is demonstrated in the charming passage of Aristophanes' Ly­sistrata, in which Myrrhina teases her husband with the promise of sex, pre­tending to fumble over the appropriate scent (938-947). In Aristophanes' Ec­clesiazusae, when Blepyrus suspects Praxagora of infidelity, her defense is: "See if you can smell perfume on my head", to which he replies: "What? Can't a woman get fucked even without perfume?" (523-525; cf. 1117-1118).24

23 Pliny claims that perfume was invented by the Persians to conceal their foul stench, and that it was not adopted by the Greeks until the campaigns of Alexander (Nat. his!. 13.3).

24 For the anointing of hair with perfume, see Lilja (1972 : 82-83). Perfume could also be ap­plied to the beard, moustache and eyebrows (as described in the passage of Antiphanes, above).

Body-Modification in C lass ical Greece 171

The use of perfumes by Greek men is met with some ambivalence by the ancient authors. Men certainly used perfumes in the context of the symposium, on account of its luxurious and erotic qualities (e.g. Aristophanes, Ecc!. 841-842). Whether men wore perfume on a daily basis, or specifically in the con­text of the gymnasion, is an open question. In Xenophon's Symposium, Socra­tes claims that just as men and women wear different clothes "the smells that suit men and women are different. (oo.) the smell of oil in the gymnasia gives more pleasure by its presence than perfume gives to women, and excites more longing by its absence" (2.3-4),zs Theophrastus displays no negative attitudes towards men's use of perfumes, but like Socrates, specifies that they are dif­ferent than women's scents: "The lightest [perfumes] are rose-perfume and kypros, which seem to be the best suited to men, as also is lily perfume" (Con­cerning Odours 42). For women he recommends "myrrh oil, IlEYUAEtOV,26 the Egyptian, sweet marjoram and spikenard: for these owing to their strength and substantial character are not easily made to disperse, and a lasting perfume is what women require" (Concerning Odours 42). On the other hand, he later de­scribes perfume powders for sprinkling on bedding, in order to give men's bodies a long-lasting scent (Concerning Odours 57-60). It seems likely that the use of perfume in itself was not an indicator of gender; rather, the quality of the scent, and its strength, may have been most significant.

Naturally occurring body-odours were likewise gendered. In Xenophon's Symposium, Socrates claims that "women, especially if they are young, do not need any additional perfumes, because they are fragrant themselves" (2.3).27 The gendered determination of body-odours is underscored in Aristophanes' Lysistrata, when the men, and later the women, remove their clothing in order to release their respective scents (662-663, 686). Body-odour was also deter­mined by social class, as in Aristophanes' Clouds when the rustic Strepsiades describes his marriage to a wealthy city girl: "When I married her I climbed into bed smelling of new wine, figs, fleeces and abundance; and she of per­fume, saffron, tongue kisses, extravagance, gluttony (oo.)" (46-52). Foul body­odours were likened to the smell of animals, especially goats (Aristophanes, Acharnians 852; Peace 813; Aristotle, Probl. 13 .9). The negative connotations of animal and human body-odours underscore the ideological distinctions be­tween human and animal bodies.

25 Translation from Tredennick & Waterfield ( \990). This passage is genera lly taken to mean that the olive oil used by athletes was unscented (see above, p. 157).

26 ,.u;yuAElov, invented by the Athenian perfumer Megallos, was a popular scent composed of myrrh, burnt resin (probably pine), cassia and cinnamon, and was tinted pink with the addi­tion of alkanet (also used for rouge; see above, p. \69). For a modern recipe for J1EyuAElov, see Pointer (2005: 212-213).

27 Translation from Tredennick & Waterfield (1990).

172 Mireille M. Lee

Perfumes and body-odours are closely associated with bathing practices (see above, pp. 159, 163-165). The application of scented oils to the skin and hair was a regular feature of the bath, especially for women. Conversely, infre­quent bathing would have resulted in increased body-odour. Given that regular bathing was a privilege of the elite, it follows that artificial scent in the form of perfume was reserved for those of high status, while naturally occurring body­odour was associated with low status, as reflected in the literary sources. Per­fume was certainly a luxury product, especially exotic formulations of im­ported flowers and spices. The barbarian associations of perfume made it espe­cially appropriate for women's use, though it is clear that men used certain types of perfumes in particular contexts, especially the ritual context of the symposium. The erotic connotations of perfume likewise suggest that it was gendered feminine?8

Despite the fact that the nude male body was presented as the ideal in clas­sical Greece, this body was not natural,29 but was achieved by means of body­modification: exercise, bathing, grooming, and other manipulations such as in­fibulation. Many of these practices took place in public arenas, such as the pa­laestra and the barbershop, which underscores the importance of personal dis­play. But it should be noted that such modifications to the body were only temporary; they required repeated performance in order to maintain the ideal of the masculine elite.

Whereas masculine body-modification took place primarily in the public contexts of the palaestra and barbershop, feminine body-modification was pri­vate and domestic. And whereas masculine body-modification is characterized by personal display and the homoerotic gaze, feminine body-modification is a more intimate process, often performed alone or with only an attendant or two. The self-referential nature of feminine body-modification is underscored by the prevalence of mirrors in scenes of feminine adornment, as on a red-figure amphoriskos by the Eretria Painter in the Ashmolean (fig. 8) depicting a seated woman arranging her hair. (Note also the alabastron hanging on the wall be­hind her, another symbol of feminine beauty.) Women regu larly gaze at their own appearance in mirrors, whereas men, as a rule, do not (Frontisi-Ducroux

28 For the relationship between feminine sexuality and perfumes in modern culture, see Cohen (1992 : 48-78).

29 Social theori st Pasi Falk notes: "The Western body-image is dominated by a deep rooted idea of ' the natural ' . This may be traced back to Greco-Roman body-aesthetics on the one hand, and the Judea-Christian tradition on the other. The Greco-Roman cult of natural , bodily beauty of both men and women, so richly expressed in the pictoria l art of antiquity, was part of a whole 'aesthetic of existence' (Foucault 1987), but it allowed decoration and painting of the body only as far as it served the ideal of ' natural ' beauty. Other kinds of body-moulding, or permanent marking of the body were disapproved of, irreversible markings were restricted to stigmatizing uses" (Falk 1995: 100).

Body-Modification in Classical Greece 173

1996). The essential equivalence between mirrors and femininity is indicated by the fact that mirrors function as a kind of icon for feminine beauty just as the athlete's kit represents the masculine ideal.3o

What both genders share in terms of practices of body-modification is that they are all temporary: they require repeated performance, allowing multiple opportunities for display and conspicuous consumption, especially of lUxury goods such as perfume, and the services of barbers and slaves. The aristocratic elite used temporary body-modification as a means of maintaining their iden­tity vis-a-vis non-elites and especially non-Greeks.

6. Bodies of barbarians

Barbarians were marked as "other" in Greek society by body-modifications that were the opposite of Greeks. Whereas Greek men and women ideally ad­hered to the prescriptions of the Mana, no provisions are made in the texts for the diet, exercise, or bathing practices of non-Greeks. Whereas Greek men and women attended carefully to their hairstyles, beards and body-hair, barbarians are repeatedly represented with wild, dishevelled hair, as seen on the Thracian woman depicted on the red-figure column krater by the Pan Painter in Munich (fig. 9); or with bald, shaved heads and faces, as on the red-figure pelike in Athens, also by the Pan Painter, depicting the Egyptian priests ofBousiris (fig. 10). As described above, cosmetics and perfumes had strong barbarian conno­tations.

But certainly the most distinctive feature of barbarian body-modification is that they engaged in permanent practices, whereas the Greeks, as a rule, did not. As seen in fig. 9, Thracian women are regularly identified in vase-painting by elaborate tattoos on their arms, legs, neck and face. That the designs were permanent and not simply painted on is indicated by descriptions of stigmata in various (mostly late) medical sources.31

Another decidedly non-Greek practice is circumcision. 32 Herodotus (2.104) identifies circumcision with various ethnic groups of the Eastern Medi­terranean but especially with Egyptian priests, who "value cleanliness more than comeliness" (2.37). And, indeed, the red-figure pelike in Athens by the Pan Painter depicts the Egyptian priests of Bousiris with large, circumcised genitals in contrast to the petite, uncircumcised genitals of Heracles.

30 For example, in fig. 6, a mirror hangs on tbe wall as a general symbol offeminine adornment. 31 Jones (1987: 142); see also Jnnes (2000). 32 The earliest ev idence for female circumcision (also known as female gen ital mutilation or

FGM) is a second-century B.C. papyrus from Memphis, Egypt (Cohen 2005: 56-57; Knight 2001). Strabo reports that the Egyptians "circumcise the males and excise the females" (Ge­ography 17.2.5).

174 Mireille M. Lee

Figure 8: Red-figure amphoriskos, Eretria Painter, c. 450-400 B.C., Ashmolean Museum, Oxford, no. G303. Photograph: Ashmolean Museum

Body-Modification in Classical Greece

Figure 9: Red-figure column-krater, Pan Painter, c. 470 B.C., Staatliche Museen, Antikensammlungen, Munich, no. 1777.

Photograph: Staatliche Antikensammlungen und Glyptothek Milnchen

175

176 Mireille M. Lee

Figure 10: Red-figure pelike, Pan Painter, c. 470 B.C., National Archaeological Museum, Athens, no. 9683.

© Hellenic Ministry of Cult ure/Archa eo logical Receipts Fund

Body-Modification in Classical Greece 177

Perhaps the most dramatic example of permanent body-modification is the head-binding practised by the tribe of Makrokephaloi ('Longheads'), as de­scribed in the Hippocratic Airs, Waters, Places: "As soon as a child is born they remodel its head with their hands, while it is still soft and the body tender, and force it to increase in length by applying bandages and suitable appliances, which spoil the roundness of the head and increase its length" (Airs, Waters, Places 14). Aside from ear-piercing for women, which may have had foreign connotations given the tradition of ear-piercing in the Near East, Greeks never engage in permanent body-modification. 33 Such permanent forms of body­modification ensure that non-Greeks have no opportunity for transgressing ethnic boundaries by means of performance. As Pasi Falk notes in reference to modern body-modification: 'The irreversible reshaping of the body and its permanent marking manifest the stable and static character of relations in soci­ety" (Falk 1995: 99).

7. Summary

Although body-modification may seem, at first glance, a superficial aspect of Greek culture, it reflects Greek ideology in a profound way. The elite male is the ideal in Greek society; hence, his body is the ideal. This body is habitually constructed by means of body-modifications; other bodies are marked as devi­ating from the normative male body. Whereas men exercise outdoors in the nude, acquiring deep, dark tans and defined musculature, women remain in­doors, retaining pale white skin. Whereas men oil and scrape their bodies, and bathe in the public arena of the palaestra, women bathe in a private, domestic, context. Whereas men cut their hair short, women grow their hair long and bind it with fillets and hairnets . Of course some dress practices are biologically impossible for women to achieve, for example infibulation, or the growing of chest-hair or beards, which underscores the "natural-ness" of the normative Greek male. On the other hand, some practices of body-modification are shared by men and women: the process of bathing, for example, is not so dif­ferent for both genders, and both use perfumed oil and, perhaps, skin­cosmetics, though in different ways. These points of convergence may there­fore indicate other aspects of identity, elite vs. non-elite status, for example, which is most effectively achieved by the consumption of luxury products such as perfume. On the other hand, it seems that elite women and hetairai shared certain dress practices, not only bathing and the use of perfume and cosmetics, but also the treatment of head- and body-hair, which function as strong indica-

33 Men do wear earrings in the so-called Anacreontic vases, but it is unclear whether men actu­ally pierced their ears for this purpose.

178 Mireille M. Lee

tors of status among men. Again, it would seem that the primary social distinc­tion conveyed by these practices was gender as opposed to status. On the other hand, it may suggest that the dichotomy between wife and courtesan was not so strict as we might think; the potential for being mistaken for a prostitute it­self functions as a means of social control for proper women. But some "oth­ers" will never be able to manipulate their identities by means of body­modification: tattooing and circumcision mark barbarians as permanently other-than-Greek. It may seem counter-intuitive that the masculine Greek elite, who presumably would never wish to relinquish their elite status, should not choose permanent body-modification for themselves. But it is in the repeated performance of body-modification that the subtleties of social identity are con­structed and maintained. It is in the negotiation of the boundaries of bodies that Classical Greek society defined itself.

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