Beek, R. van/B.J. Groenewoudt/L.J. Keunen, 2014: Establishing the dates of farm sites (A.D....
-
Upload
wageningen-ur -
Category
Documents
-
view
3 -
download
0
Transcript of Beek, R. van/B.J. Groenewoudt/L.J. Keunen, 2014: Establishing the dates of farm sites (A.D....
Establishing the dates of farm sites (A.D. 800–present) in Salland (the Netherlands): Aninterdisciplinary approach
Roy van Beek1, Bert Groenewoudt2, Luuk Keunen3
1Leiden University, Leiden, the Netherlands, 2Cultural Heritage Agency of the Netherlands, Amersfoort,the Netherlands, 3RAAP Archaeological Consultancy, Zutphen, the Netherlands
We present an interdisciplinary method for establishing date ranges of farm sites (A.D. 800–present) andreconstructing regional settlement dynamics. An experimental field strategy was designed to refineestimates regarding the ages of individual farmsteads based on historical data and physical and historicalgeography. Archaeological test pitting was employed to recover settlement debris in carefully selectedlocations. In the course of one week, we investigated 13 farm sites and were able to refine age estimatesusing artifactual evidence. The field strategy is applicable in situations where concentrations of settlementdebris related to farm sites are buried under younger sediments.
Keywords: interdisciplinary research, Medieval settlement, dispersed settlement, historical geography, farmsteads, test pitting, settlement debris
IntroductionThis paper describes an interdisciplinary research
method used to analyze and reconstruct Medieval
and post Medieval settlement patterns in the south-
western part of the Salland region in the eastern
Netherlands (FIGS. 1, 2). High quality archaeological
and historical data are available here, as well as
detailed information on the physical geography of the
region. The research method may be useful in other
areas, although regional differences must not be
neglected. The results and methods reported here can
be compared with those in neighboring countries
such as the U.K., where this type of research is in a
more advanced stage.
The deepest roots of the modern settlement pattern
in Salland are assumed to go back to the 9th century
A.D. (Groenewoudt et al. 2006). The oldest farms still
in existence today were founded around that time and
formed the pivotal points for later developments. The
general outlines of the modern cultural landscape
gradually emerged and crystallized as a phased
expansion and intensification of the settlement
pattern took place (e.g., Spek and van Exter 2007;
van Beek 2009). In some locations, especially around
early churches, hamlets and villages developed
(Keunen 2006a, 2011). The result of this process
was a combination of dispersed and nucleated
settlement. Many questions regarding this develop-
ment remain unanswered. Which processes produced
these settlement patterns and how do they relate to
earlier occupation and landscape organization? How
old are the farmsteads (a farmhouse with its out-
buildings, water wells, field systems, and all other
structures associated with it) in these regions actu-
ally? What is the reliability of existing models
concerning Medieval settlement development?
Interdisciplinary Records in the Dutch MedievalCountrysideThe importance of an interdisciplinary study of
Medieval settlement and cultural landscapes is cer-
tainly recognized in the Netherlands. Research has
been undertaken in the northern (Waterbolk 1973,
1980, 1982; Waterbolk and Harsema 1979; Spek 2004),
central (Blommesteijn et al. 1977; Heidinga 1987), and
southern Netherlands (Slofstra et al. 1982; Theuws
1988; Leenders 1996). Until recently, hardly any
detailed, interdisciplinary and diachronic studies of
the Middle Ages had been carried out in the eastern
Netherlands (van Beek and Keunen 2006a; van Beek
2009). An important exception is the long lasting and
large scale research undertaken in the vicinity of the
city of Zutphen (Groothedde 1996; Bouwmeester et al.
2008). Research in the adjacent German Munsterland
region (Nordrhein-Westfalen) mostly focuses on
deserted villages (German: Wustungen) (Simms 1976;
Bergmann 2001, 2006). These studies differ consider-
ably, although some combine archaeological and
Correspondence to: Roy van Beek, Faculty of Archaeology, LeidenUniversity P.O. Box 9515, 2300 RA Leiden, the Netherlands. Email:[email protected]
� Trustees of Boston University 2014DOI 10.1179/0093469013Z.00000000074 Journal of Field Archaeology 2014 VOL. 39 NO. 1 51
historical evidence. Standardized research methods
are lacking. Therefore, the prediction made by the
historical geographer Vervloet (1988: 388) that the
boundaries between historical geography and archae-
ology would gradually fade away has only partly come
true.
Recent developments in Medieval landscape archae-
ology in the U.K. provide inspiration. Rippon and
Gardiner describe the growing coordination of archae-
ology, history, and historical geography, and call for a
closer integration of field archaeology, local history,
the study of standing buildings, place names, and
paleoenvironmental evidence (Rippon and Gardiner
2007; Rippon 2009). In the 1950s, the study of the
English Medieval landscape mainly focused on
deserted sites amenable to survey and excavation
(Beresford 1951). The decades that followed witnessed
both an enlargement of the research scale and a
growing interest in interdisciplinary studies (e.g.,
Hooke 1988; Hamerow 1991; Rippon 2009: 232;
Christie and Stamper 2012). Especially in Denmark,
the Netherlands, and northern Germany, the main
focus gradually shifted from sites to entire landscapes
and from specific timeframes to long term perspectives.
The extensive settlement excavations at Vorbasse,
Denmark (e.g., Hvass 1983, 1986), Gasselte, the
Netherlands (Waterbolk and Harsema 1979), and
Flogeln, Germany (Schmid and Zimmermann 1976)
are well known. Even though Scandinavian research,
especially since the 1980s and 1990s, has witnessed
an increase in interdisciplinary studies (e.g., Emanue-
lsson et al. 2003), approaches to the rural Medieval
countryside are very diverse and––as in the
Netherlands––still lack standardized research methods
(Fabech and Ringtved 1999).
An interesting development in the U.K. is the
growing number of studies focusing on the investiga-
tion of still-occupied settlements and other features of
the countryside through the excavation of small test
pits and surface survey (Rippon and Gardiner 2007:
231; Rippon 2009: 237). Well known early examples
are the studies of Shapwick (Aston and Gerrard
1999) and the villages of the Whittlewood area (Jones
and Page 2003; Page and Jones 2007; Lewis 2005).
The Salland region offers good possibilities for
implementing an interdisciplinary approach to the
study of developmental changes in the Medieval and
post Medieval cultural landscape. Settlement patterns
have not been researched intensively yet, but a
relatively large number of Medieval settlements have
been excavated (van Beek 2009; van der Velde 2011).
Archaeology is the main source of information with
regard to the Early (A.D. 450–1000) and High (A.D.
1000–1300) Middle Ages. From the Late Middle Ages
(A.D. 1300–1500) onwards sufficient historical data
are available to permit a detailed reconstruction of
habitation development at various scales. Many relics
of the settlement pattern that gradually crystallized
during the Medieval and post Medieval periods are
preserved in the modern countryside and offer
possibilities for research. However, there are some
important methodological issues that need to be
addressed. These are mainly encountered at the
intersection between archaeological information and
historical and historical geographical data. Besides
differences in the levels of detail and scientific
contexts in which data are collected––which reflect
the lack of true interdisciplinary studies in this
region––there is little chronological overlap between
the ‘‘territories’’ of archaeology and historical geo-
graphy. Archaeological research into post Medieval
settlement patterns is hampered by the fact that,
Figure 1 Location of the study area (rectangle) in Salland,
the Netherlands, in northwestern Europe.
Figure 2 Mechanical test pitting in progress at the Harme-
link farmstead in southwestern Salland.
Beek et al. Establishing the dates of farm sites (A.D. 800–present) in Salland (the Netherlands)
52 Journal of Field Archaeology 2014 VOL. 39 NO. 1
compared to the preceding periods, the archaeologi-
cal visibility of farm buildings constructed after ca.
A.D. 1250 is very poor, whereas the oldest construc-
tion parts of extant farms rarely date back further
than ca. A.D. 1650 (FIG. 3) (Verspay 2007; van
Doesburg and Groenewoudt in press). This gap is
attributable to the introduction of new building
techniques and the destruction of archaeological
evidence owing to the continuous use of late
Medieval farm sites up to the present.
The archaeological visibility of farm buildings is
strongly related to building techniques. Since pre-
historic times, in many parts of northwestern Europe
where deep soils are found, roof posts of farm
buildings have been anchored in foundation pits.
This type of construction is called ‘‘earthfast post
construction’’ (in German, Standerbau) (Zimmermann
1998: 19–24). In the Netherlands, the shape of house
plans changed during the Early Middle Ages from
rectangular to boat-shaped. This development can also
Figure 3 Rough dates and life spans of excavated Medieval settlements in the eastern Netherlands. Dotted lines: habitation
uncertain. Settlements dating to after the 13th century A.D. have low archaeological visibility (marked in gray). Adapted from van
Beek 2009: fig. 13.11, 447.
Beek et al. Establishing the dates of farm sites (A.D. 800–present) in Salland (the Netherlands)
Journal of Field Archaeology 2014 VOL. 39 NO. 1 53
be observed in other parts of northwestern Europe
(e.g., Waterbolk 1999). The archaeological visibility of
such boat-shaped houses is usually excellent, especially
from the High Middle Ages. In Dutch literature the
ensuing ‘‘disappearance’’ of settlement features on the
sandy Pleistocene soils is generally dated from the 12th
to early 14th centuries with an emphasis on the second
quarter of the 13th century (Theuws 1989: 182, 1990:
56; Hiddink 2005: 30). It is thought that buildings with
earthfast posts mostly disappeared at that time in
favor of timber-framed buildings with posts archored
on pad stones, or with foundation walls in brick or
stone, or with wooden foundation beams (Klapste
2002). The foundation elements now rested on the
surface or in shallow pits or trenches that left only
faint traces in the soil, if at all. These traces were often
obliterated by later soil disturbances. Therefore,
farmsteads dating from the Late Middle Ages can
often be recognized only by artifacts and features like
wells, ditches, or outbuildings with earthfast post
constructions. Few of these sites have been properly
documented (FIG. 3).
Another reason why farmhouses from the Late
Medieval period have virtually disappeared from the
archaeological record is that the custom of periodi-
cally shifting settlements to other locations (see
below) ended around that time, after which the
location of farmsteads remained fixed. Many of the
oldest farms in Salland have hardly moved since
the 13th–14th century. The excavations of three
farms belonging to the former hamlet of Eme, near
the city of Zutphen, provide clear evidence of this
(Reuselaars 1996). Evidently periodic rebuilding has
done significant damage to any remains of previous
building phases (Bouwmeester et al. 2008: 304–381).
The transition to brick-built farmhouses in the 18th–
19th century and the introduction of stables with
sunken floors and manure cellars has been destruc-
tive. Furthermore, in many cases standing farms
impede the archaeological accessibility of farm sites.
On a more general note, it is clear that attempts to
reconstruct regional settlement patterns are ham-
pered because reliable archaeological information—
i.e., solid facts with regard to foundation dates and
life spans—is available for only a tiny fraction of all
(presumed) farm locations. This makes any recon-
struction of settlement patterns based on archae-
ological evidence alone hypothetical at best.
Some of the shortcomings can be overcome with
data from other scientific fields. Such data should not
be approached as complementary resources, but used
to design interdisciplinary research projects. Following
the plea by Rippon and Gardiner (2007), we directed
our attention to paleoenvironmental data, historical
geographical research, and studies of place, field, and
farm names. Botanical analyses shed light on trends in
Medieval habitation intensity, land use patterns, and
subsistence economy (c.f. Rippon et al. 2006).
Unfortunately, in our research area detailed analyses
of samples from Medieval contexts near settlements are
rare and do not permit far reaching conclusions.
Groenewoudt and colleagues (2007) give a first
impression of general trends in vegetation structure in
the immediate vicinity of settlements between the Late
Bronze Age and Middle Ages. The value of detailed
historical analysis has already been proven in the
eastern Netherlands. In the last decade a small number
of studies in the regions of Twente and Salland have
demonstrated that different periods of occupation can
be distinguished in the foundations of ‘‘historical’’
farmsteads (van Beek and Keunen 2006b; Spek and
van Exter 2007; Groenewoudt and Scholte Lubberink
2007). Reconstructions are based on different criteria,
such as the earliest historical references, landownership
registries, farm names, and the chronological varia-
bility in the geophysical positions of farms on the
landscape. Near Raalte (Salland region), these age
assumptions correlate well with archaeological evi-
dence (Spek and van Exter 2007; van der Velde 2011).
Research Questions and MethodologyFor this study, we followed two lines of inquiry. One
assessed the reliability of possible connections
between archaeological data and historical geogra-
phical information in well investigated areas. While it
may be tempting to assume that archaeologically
investigated Medieval settlements and nearby farm-
steads known from historical sources are connected––
the former being predecessors of the latter, and each
being reflected in different types of scientific records
with their own strengths and weaknesses––this may
not be so. Claims that archaeological evidence
corresponds with historical evidence, and indeed
represents the same farm, need to be well founded.
Such claims generated the first research question.
Which scientific criteria can be used to test the
connection between archaeological settlement sites
dating from the Early and High Middle Ages and
historical geographical information on the Late
Middle Ages and early modern period in the same
microregion? To answer this question, a series of
criteria drawn from archaeology, historical geogra-
phy, Medieval studies, and toponymy were selected
(van Beek and Keunen 2006b).
The same elements were also important for the
second research theme: the development of a method
for predicting and testing the life spans of farmsteads.
As mentioned above, it seems possible to reconstruct
different phases of historical farmsteads in the
Medieval and post Medieval countryside by analyz-
ing and combining historical geographical and
geophysical data. Such hypotheses need to be tested
Beek et al. Establishing the dates of farm sites (A.D. 800–present) in Salland (the Netherlands)
54 Journal of Field Archaeology 2014 VOL. 39 NO. 1
against—and, if reliable, combined with—archaeolo-
gical data. This raises the problem that archaeologi-
cal data are inadequate in many areas and collecting
sufficient data by excavation is time consuming and
costly. The second research question was therefore as
follows. Is it possible, using historical geographical
and geophysical data, to make reliable predictions
of the ages of farmsteads and the phases of specific
landscape units? This research question was address-
ed in a pilot study in the Salland region. Estimates of
the ages of a series of farmsteads were made and were
tested by means of small scale archaeological test
pitting and surface survey. Both the general assump-
tions underlying this test and the methodology are
discussed in more detail below.
In the following section, we provide a general
outline of the Medieval habitation history of the
Salland region, as derived from current archaeologi-
cal and historical geographical information. We
focused on the origin and development of the
dispersed settlement pattern that characterizes large
parts of this region. The development of nucleated
settlements is poorly studied; therefore, we did not
include it in our study. The general trends described
below serve as the scientific background for later
sections. Even though the importance of regional
differences should not be underestimated (e.g., for the
U.K., see Roberts and Wrathmell 2000; Rippon 2007)
it is probably safe to assume that at least the main
outlines of habitation development are comparable to
processes in other parts of the eastern Netherlands and
adjacent regions.
Pilot Area: The Salland RegionThe landscape of the Salland region was produced by
the combined activity of wind, water, and ice during
the Saalian and Weichselian ice ages. It is part of the
European Sand Belt (Koster 2009; Tolksdorf and
Kaiser 2012). In the Late Weichselian, the drifting of
Pleniglacial sand deposits resulted in the formation of
numerous coversand ridges and hummocks. This
landscape structure, characterized by a rapid alter-
nation of (relatively) high and low areas, influenced
habitation patterns throughout prehistory and his-
tory (van Beek 2009: 135–151) (FIG. 4).
Late prehistoric settlements generally consist of
single farmsteads (van Beek 2009: 153–202, 2011).
Farmsteads frequently moved over distances of up to
several hundreds of meters. This dynamic pattern
virtually disappears by the first century A.D., at the start
of the Roman period (12 B.C.–A.D. 450), when nucleated
and larger settlements with fixed locations appear (van
Es 1973, 1988; van Beek and Groenewoudt in press).
Some smaller and less structured settlements
inhabited in the 5th–6th centuries A.D. more closely
resemble the dynamic late prehistoric settlement
system than the fixed, nucleated, and larger Roman
period settlements (van der Velde 2011: 125–127).
The same pattern has been observed in the U.K.
(Hamerow 1991). Between the 6th and 8th centuries
Figure 4 Simplified map of southwestern Salland and the location of the pilot area and tested farmsteads. Figure 6 contains
greater detail.
Beek et al. Establishing the dates of farm sites (A.D. 800–present) in Salland (the Netherlands)
Journal of Field Archaeology 2014 VOL. 39 NO. 1 55
A.D., the single farmstead again became the dominant
settlement type. Whether this shift was gradual or
abrupt is unknown.
Many excavated rural settlements (isolated farm-
steads mostly) date to between the 9th and 12th
centuries. The higher number of sites from this period
points to a significant increase in settlement density,
rather than to a trend caused by factors such as
sampling bias. Virtually all are situated on or near the
lower slopes of sandy ridges and without exception
consist of single farmsteads. These farmsteads were
still mobile, but rarely moved over distances exceed-
ing a few dozen meters. Together they constitute the
dispersed settlement pattern that survives today. In
the following centuries, expansion and intensification
took place. A similar, significant shift in settlement in
the 9th century has been observed in the neighboring
German region of Westfalen. Grunewald (2005: 81)
documents a transformation from settlements con-
sisting of several contemporary farmsteads into
various single farmsteads. The latter are found in
the same microregions as their predecessors, but in
slightly different locations—generally within a dis-
tance of a few hundred meters. Many of these single
farmsteads probably developed into farms that still
exist today.
From the 9th century onwards the rural landscape
rapidly became more structured and organized. This is
based on the uniformity in size, layout, and location of
settlements and the increase in their number. Only
rarely are older settlement features or artifacts
encountered at these locations. Thus, there is no clear
evidence that remains of earlier occupation phases,
referred to as antecedent features in the English
literature (Roberts 1987: 22), played an important
part in structuring the cultural landscape. It is likely
that some of these lowlying 9th-century settlements
were new, whereas others were the successors of earlier
settlements nearby (FIG. 5). From the Late Roman
period onwards, settlements gradually shifted from the
upper parts of large sandy ridges to their lower slopes
(Groenewoudt and Scholte Lubberink 2007).
Beginning in the 9th century, the upper and central
parts of sandy ridges were predominantly used as
arable land. The lower slopes were surrounded
by strings of farmsteads (see below). These radical
changes probably relate to a combination of economic
and demographic growth, as well as changing agri-
cultural practices, including intensification. They may
also reflect Frankish influence in some way (van der
Velde 2004: 49; Groenewoudt and Scholte Lubberink
2007: 58; van Beek 2009: 449).
Figure 5 Gradual movement of a Medieval settlement near the town of Borne (Twente), ultimately ‘‘fixed’’ as two separate
farmsteads at the base of the Stroomesch. A) Settlement finds from the 7th–9th centuries A.D.; B) 9th–10th centuries A.D.; and C)
11th–12th centuries A.D. Adapted from Groenewoudt and Scholte Lubberink 2007: fig. 10.
Beek et al. Establishing the dates of farm sites (A.D. 800–present) in Salland (the Netherlands)
56 Journal of Field Archaeology 2014 VOL. 39 NO. 1
For reasons discussed above, there are few archae-
ological data that postdate the 12th century. It seems
that at the end of the 14th and 15th centuries many
farmsteads were moved to their present locations
(van Doesburg and Groenewoudt in press), if they
continued to be inhabited at all. Farmstead biogra-
phies can be very diverse. Open fields developed on
the largest and most fertile sandy ridges during the
Late Medieval period (Spek 2004; Groenewoudt and
Scholte Lubberink 2007). From the 14th and 15th
centuries onwards (Spek 1992, 2004: 760–761) both
open fields and smaller plots resulting from manuring
became covered with thick plaggen soils (Pape 1970)
(see below), burying archaeological sites and making
them difficult to identify.
Beginning in the 16th century, many new, mostly
small farmsteads were founded. The appearance of
these small holdings is probably connected to
increasing population and agricultural intensification
(Bieleman 1987). Numerous small farms were also
founded in the 18th and early 19th centuries. Unlike
farmsteads with Medieval origins, these more recent
farms are usually located in less favorable positions
on the landscape (e.g., next to smaller sandy ridges,
on less fertile soils). The division of common lands
(commons) around the middle of the 19th century
(Demoed 1987) triggered the foundation of many
new farmsteads on land that was sparsely settled
before then.
Criteria for Linking Archaeological andHistorical FarmsTo evaluate the general outline presented above it is
essential to identify links between archaeological and
historical geographical data. Are the excavated farms
and the ones mentioned in historical sources really
the same? We approach this question by discussing
criteria that, within our research area, have proven to
be relevant. They can be applied in microregions
where both types of data are available, or they can be
used in constructing a framework for future archae-
ological excavations.
Distance between sitesThe distance between an archaeological site and a
farmstead known from historical sources is an
obvious first criterion in establishing whether or not
the two are related. A relationship becomes more
likely as the distance between them decreases. When
several historical farmsteads are situated in close
proximity to each other, the exact location of an
archaeological site can be important.
Geophysical settingMost predecessors of historical farmsteads are
situated in roughly the same landscape units,
although exceptions to this rule are known (e.g., at
Oldenzaal) (Oude Rengerink 2005). When natural
boundaries such as brook valleys or moist depres-
sions are found between the two, a connection
becomes less likely. When an archaeological site
and a historical farmstead are situated on the same
side of a sandy ridge, for example, this may be
important in establishing a positive relationship.
Age differenceIn general, the relationship between an archaeolog-
ical site and a historical farmstead becomes more
likely the closer they are in age. The availability,
character, and quality of historical sources, and the
limited archaeological visibility of Late Medieval
farmhouses must be taken into account. With regard
to the period after the 12th century, features like
wells, pits, and ditches filled with artifacts, and
concentrations of stray artifacts (such as pottery)
can indicate continuous habitation at a specific
location. When such deposits are absent, it becomes
more likely that the farmstead concerned ceased to
exist or was moved farther away. In future archae-
ological research on Medieval settlements it is
important to be attentive to more recent artifacts
that suggest continuous habitation, instead of focus-
ing on remains of farm buildings and outbuildings
alone.
Spatial changesDuring large scale archaeological research it is often
possible to reconstruct spatial changes within medi-
eval settlements. Farmhouses and outbuildings were
rebuilt frequently and sometimes they shifted gradu-
ally in a specific direction. By analyzing these spatial
trends it is possible to identify whether a farmstead
moved towards a historically known or still existing
farmstead location. In the period between the 9th and
12th centuries, the distances over which these shifts
occurred were, on average, smaller than in late
prehistory, and in some cases farmhouses were rebuilt
several times at exactly same location.
Domanial propertyWithin the field of Medieval studies a model has been
developed to determine whether a farmstead might
have a Medieval predecessor. In general, Medieval
landownership was stable. The geographic position of
manorial property is useful for reconstructing the
High and possibly even the Early Medieval cultural
landscape (Bijsterveld 1989; Theuws 1991; Noomen
1991, 1993; Spek 1993, 2004); therefore, land
registries of old manorial institutions should be
consulted. Detailed studies have proven that this
method can determine the oldest parts of landed
property and that the findings accord well with
archaeological evidence (Spek and van Exter 2007).
Specifically, when a farmstead is known to have
belonged to the estate of an institution of Early or
High Medieval origin, there is a good chance that
Beek et al. Establishing the dates of farm sites (A.D. 800–present) in Salland (the Netherlands)
Journal of Field Archaeology 2014 VOL. 39 NO. 1 57
remains of Medieval predecessors will be found in the
vicinity. This mainly applies to the manor houses, but
may also apply to the oldest feudal land holdings. It
is also possible that peasant farms or feudal lands of
Late Medieval institutions have even older origins.
Peasant property existed in the High Middle Ages as
well, and sovereign nobility and Late Medieval
institutions such as monasteries probably frequently
acquired their property through gifts from peasant
owners.
Property complexesIn the province of Drenthe, immediately north of
Salland, Spek (2004: 978) demonstrated that property
complexes in open fields were more dynamic than
generally assumed. The oldest phase for which we
have comprehensive cartographic coverage for the
Netherlands is the first half of the 19th century. The
recent date hampers a detailed reconstruction of
Medieval property, especially with regard to the
distribution of plots across an open field. The same
problem has been encountered by researchers in the
U.K. (Page and Jones 2007; Rippon and Gardiner
2007: 233). If we succeed, however, in reconstructing
the spatial composition of property, it may be
possible to predict where Early and High Medieval
predecessors of farmsteads are located. It is unlikely
that a farmstead situated near a sandy ridge adjacent
to arable fields had a predecessor in a different
location. It is likely that the composition of property
on smaller arable complexes were more static than in
open fields, as the former complexes often belonged
to adjacent farmsteads for long periods of time.
Parcel shape and allotmentOn 19th-century topographic maps, square parcels
with rounded corners are often visible in the vicinity
of farmsteads. Originally they were interpreted as the
first plots of land that were reclaimed and transform-
ed into insular arable fields in woodlands (Spek
2004: 679–681). Interdisciplinary research has demon-
strated that these old parcels actually reflect former
farmstead locations. In the province of Drenthe they
date to the period between the late 8th and 11th
centuries A.D. This may be true for the eastern Nether-
lands as well.
Spek (2004: 978) analyzed the dynamics of prop-
erty complexes as well as allotments. As noted above,
the oldest land registry maps are unsuited to the
reconstruction of Medieval and even early modern
landscape patterns and processes. However, using
17th-century maps, he managed to reconstruct
changes through time of open fields in Drenthe
(Spek 2004: 670–675). The boundaries of reclamation
blocks, which were divided into elongated strips, are
a constant factor through time. Furthermore, a
correlation appears to exist between small scale land
divisions with square parcels and the locations of
archaeologically investigated Roman period and
Early Medieval settlements. The relationship between
archaeological data and these types of land divisions
and their ownership provides another promising line
of inquiry.
Farm and field namesIn Salland, different phases can be recognized in farm
names (Ter Laak 2005: 26–28). The basis of the farm
name is often a person’s name, frequently a Germanic
male name. Most of these farm names end with the
suffix ‘‘-ink’’ and became fixed in the 12th and 13th
centuries. Before that, farmstead names were prob-
ably shorter versions of the names of their owners or
inhabitants, without the suffix. For example, the
farmstead called ‘‘Takun,’’ near the city of Zutphen
became ‘‘Tanckinck’’ in the 13th century (Ter Laak
2008: 418). Names ending in ‘‘-huis’’ (house) or ‘‘-man’’
(man) are also common, and appear to be slightly
younger than the above type. Not all farmstead names
were linked to people. As demonstrated in other
regions (e.g., Gelling and Cole 2000), both farm and
field names can reference specific landscape features.
Farm names cannot be assumed to be static, and
therefore their ages should not be used uncritically to
date farmsteads. However, combined with other
historical and geophysical evidence, they can give
an indication of the origin and change through time
of a particular farmstead, and ultimately determine
whether a connection with archaeological finds in the
same microregion is likely. An interesting phenom-
enon is the field name ‘‘hoesstie,’’ which is common
—in different forms—in the Twente region bordering
Salland to the east (Scholte Lubberink 2009). It
literally means ‘‘homestead.’’ On a parcel with this
name, the remains of a farmstead dating to the 11th
or 12th century were excavated (FIG. 6) (Oude
Rengerink 2005). Therefore, these field names can
be used to trace deserted Medieval farm sites.
InfrastructureIn other regions of the Netherlands, excavations have
demonstrated that road systems were sometimes
important structuring elements within Medieval
settlements. The large settlements of Kootwijk in
the Veluwe area (Heidinga 1987) and Gasselte in the
province of Drenthe (Waterbolk and Harsema 1979)
are well known examples. Some of these roads
remained in use throughout historical times. When
excavated settlements and historical farmsteads have
comparable positions with respect to road systems or
other infrastructure, such as fords or bridges, this
may indicate that the two are related.
Testing the Estimated Ages of FarmsThe nine criteria described above can be used to
evaluate the relationship between excavated Medieval
Beek et al. Establishing the dates of farm sites (A.D. 800–present) in Salland (the Netherlands)
58 Journal of Field Archaeology 2014 VOL. 39 NO. 1
settlements and farmsteads known from historical
sources. Often historical evidence is used in Dutch
Medieval archaeology as a secondary source to gain
extra information. This can provide insight into the
changes through time of specific farmsteads in
specific microregions, but does not exploit the full
potential of the historical information available.
Also, the scarcity of Late and post Medieval
archaeological information precludes a materials-
based reconstruction of long term settlement patterns
on a regional scale. As a result, we take the opposite
approach here: we use historical geographical infor-
mation to predict the age of farmsteads.
Historical geographical research has led to a better
understanding of Medieval and post Medieval
cultural landscapes in Salland, helping to establish
different phases of farmstead building (FIG. 7). It is
possible to estimate the age of farmsteads by
combining characteristics such as ownership, the
earliest historical references, and the geophysical
setting. These elements partly overlap with the above
criteria. The age estimates do have some limitations.
In the Netherlands, it is rare that the exact date a
farmstead was built can be derived from historical
sources (van Doesburg and Groenewoudt in press;
see Keunen 2006b for an exception). Therefore, we
use age estimates with an error margin of a few
centuries, generally in the form of a terminus ante
quem. This applies mainly to the earliest phase of
farm building where the geographical position of a
manorial property is an important source of informa-
tion. The value of archaeological field research is
greatest for this phase. Estimates become more
accurate as farmsteads get younger and historical
data increase. For most parts of Salland, the oldest
historical sources date to the 14th century.
These age estimates can take the form of hypoth-
eses or predictions, which can be tested archaeolog-
ically. Rural homesteads produce concentrations
of waste, at least from an archaeological survey9s
point of view (Groenewoudt 1994: 20–21) (FIG. 3).
Underneath many plaggen soils, there is often an
earlier worked layer that is probably agricultural in
origin (FIG. 8A). At archaeological sites (especially
settlements) these layers contain large amounts of
heavily fragmented material (e.g., pottery) from the
original surface and disturbed upper parts of post-
holes and other manmade features. The diameter of
such artifact scatters measures ca. 30–40 m (FIG. 8B).
The association of archaeological sites beneath
plaggen soils (with intact stratigraphy) with relatively
large and dense concentrations of settlement debris
offers the opportunity to trace and date settlements
by sampling the lower parts of plaggen soils through
coring, test pitting, or sieving (Groenewoudt 1994,
2002).
We estimated the ages of 35 farmsteads in the
southwestern part of Salland, and selected 13 for field
testing (FIGS. 4, 7; TABLE 1). The 13 farmsteads were
spread over different hamlets with Medieval roots.
All but one belonged to the supposedly oldest phase
of Medieval farms. Seven farmsteads dated back to at
least the 12th century A.D. and possibly even earlier.
Five farmsteads were founded in the 14th century
A.D., but might have earlier roots as well. One
farmstead (‘‘Bieleman’’) with an anticipated post
Medieval date (16th century) was chosen in order to
establish whether the archaeological results differed
from those at the other locations.
The Oxerhof farmstead in the the hamlet of Oxe
illustrates how the age estimates of farmsteads are
actually put together. The Oxerhof farmstead is
Figure 6 Near the city of Oldenzaal, an 11th and 12th
century rural settlement (A) was excavated on a parcel with
the field name ‘‘hoesstie’’ (homestead). It probably repre-
sents the predecessor of the modern Hendrikman farmstead
(B) situated slightly further north; the earliest historical
reference to it dates to A.D. 1385. Adapted from Scholte
Lubberink 2009: fig. 3 and Oude Rengerink 2005: map 3.
Beek et al. Establishing the dates of farm sites (A.D. 800–present) in Salland (the Netherlands)
Journal of Field Archaeology 2014 VOL. 39 NO. 1 59
believed to date at least from the 12th century. The
Oxerhof (‘‘curtis Oxe’’) is first mentioned in a
document dating from 1294 or 1295 A.D. (van Beek
et al. 2007: 15–16). At that time it was an important
manor farm governing 11 other farmsteads belonging
to the property of the Count of Guelders; this
domanial situation likely predates the late 13th
century. This date is consistent with the location of
the site on a large, fertile sandy ridge that runs
parallel to a natural brook valley. The early historical
reference, property situation, and favorable setting
all supported the hypothesis that this farmstead
belonged to the oldest occupation in the Salland
countryside.
All selected sites display the typical site location for
Medieval and post Medieval farmsteads, near the
edges and slopes of sandy ridges. This is illustrated by
four of the investigated farmsteads in the hamlet of
Essen (FIG. 9). At 11 research locations farmsteads are
still present today. At one location only a barn
remains; the main building was demolished in the
second half of the 20th century. The final farmstead,
the one with the most recent expected age, was
abandoned and demolished at some point in history.
We investigated all 13 farmsteads in the course of
one week. One or two test pits, measuring 263 m,
were excavated as close to each farm as possible,
preferably on the edge of the historical fields (FIGS. 2,
8C). These were the most promising locations to
recover archaeological material for dating the earliest
occupation, for the following reasons. Archaeological
predecessors are often situated a short distance from
modern farmsteads. The earliest reclaimed lands were
probably situated on sandy ridges closest to farms.
Figure 7 Distribution and estimated ages of farmsteads predating A.D. 1830 in the former Gooiermarke and Oxermarke
(southwestern Salland). All farmsteads, some extant and others known from historical sources, are indicated and grouped into
four general age classes. Adapted from van Beek 2009: fig. 7.18, 197.
Beek et al. Establishing the dates of farm sites (A.D. 800–present) in Salland (the Netherlands)
60 Journal of Field Archaeology 2014 VOL. 39 NO. 1
Settlement refuse was used to fertilize fields.
Vegetable gardens and arable land closest to the
farm were fertilized most heavily.
In the test pits we removed most of the top layer—
usually a plaggen soil—mechanically using a small
mobile excavator (transportable on a trailer). From
the lower parts of the plaggen soil downward we
continued to excavate manually. The goal was to
recover datable settlement debris, especially pottery.
Where possible, we conducted small scale field
surveys focusing on arable fields close to the farm-
stead as well as on banks of ditches and molehills.
Based on the density, stratigraphic position, condi-
tions of preservation, and nature of recovered
materials, we determined whether they reflected
settlement refuse of a local farmstead, or if they were
deposited along with fertilizer, sod, or more recent
city waste (Haselgrove et al. 1985).
Results and Implications of the Field TestsEven though the amount of diagnostic material
differed significantly among sites, ranging from a
few ceramic sherds to dozens accompanied by other
artifact types (e.g., stone, glass, metal). At 11
farmsteads we recovered sufficient material from
reliable contexts to establish approximate archaeo-
logical dates. At two farmsteads (‘‘Lingeveen’’ and
‘‘Groot-Wechele’’) we collected large quantities of
artifacts. At these locations the test pits were
probably placed directly atop the Medieval farm-
steads. In general, the archaeological data support
the age predictions based on historical geographical
data (TABLE 1). In most cases the predicted dates
could be refined. The farmsteads often turned out to
be between one and three centuries older than the
terminus ante quem predictions. The established
dates mainly fall between the 9th and 13th centuries
A.D. As expected, the post Medieval ‘‘Bieleman’’
farmstead is the only exception; the archaeological
materials point to an origin in the 18th or possibly
17th century A.D. As its first historical reference dates
back to 1547, this is the only investigated farmstead
for which historical data predate the archaeological
evidence.
Based on these results, we suggest that detailed
historical geographical research can generate more
reliable estimates of the ages of farmsteads; these
estimates can then be tested easily by means of small
scale archaeological survey and excavation. With
regard to the farmsteads assumed to be the oldest,
from the High or even the Early Medieval period, age
predictions have wide margins of error and can only
be refined through archaeological research. The
opposite pertains to farmsteads founded in the post
Medieval period. At that point the greater body of
historical evidence sometimes even permits the
determination of an exact foundation date.
None of the investigated farmsteads appears to
predate the 9th or 10th century A.D., as earlier
Medieval materials are lacking. This is consistent
with the results of previous archaeological research,
Figure 8 A) Simplified soil profile and explanation of
plaggen soils. Adapted from Spek (2004: 816). During small
scale test pitting aimed at dating farmstead foundations, the
lower parts of plaggen layers and fossil cultural layers are
the most promising contexts to collect relevant artifacts; B)
Model of refuse density at residential settlements. Adapted
from Groenewoudt 1994: fig. 3, 21; C) Schematic position of
the test pitting area in relation to a modern farmstead, its
Medieval predecessors, and the assumed location of the
oldest arable fields.
Beek et al. Establishing the dates of farm sites (A.D. 800–present) in Salland (the Netherlands)
Journal of Field Archaeology 2014 VOL. 39 NO. 1 61
Figure 9 Series of seven farmsteads on the northern slope of an elongated coversand ridge in the hamlet of Essen, as
depicted on the oldest land registry map (early 19th century). The four farmsteads investigated in the field test, indicated with
circles, date back at least to the 12th and 13th centuries A.D. (they might even be older). The same is probably true for the three
other farmsteads.
Table 1 Farmsteads in southwestern Salland investigated in the archaeological field tests, their predicted ages, and thefoundation dates based on archaeological evidence. Predictions are based on a combination of historical geographicalinformation (e.g., ownership and earliest historical reference) and the physical geographical setting. The archaeologicaldates are mainly based on pottery finds. T5find from test pit; S5survey find.
Farmstead (hamlet) Predicted age Archaeological date Number of pottery finds
Borgelink (Okkenbroek) 12th century or earlier No reliable indications 5 (T) 1 (S)Harmelink (Okkenbroek) At least 14th century,
possibly earlierAt least 12th/13th century,possibly slightly earlier
5 (S)
Odink (Linde) 12th century or earlier No reliable indications 7 (S)Reterink (Linde) 12th century or earlier Possibly 11th/12th century 5 (T) 12 (S)Bieleman (Linde) 16th century 18th century, possibly 17th century 67 (T) 22 (S)Daggenvoorde (Linde) 12th century or earlier Probably 10th/12th century 9 (T) 12 (S)Lingeveen (Linde) 12th century or earlier 9th/10th century 44 (T)Wilminck (Essen) 12th century or earlier At least 11th/12th century,
possibly 9th/10th century17 (T)
Banninck (Essen) At least 14th century,possibly earlier
Probably 10th/12th century 29 (S)
Tjoonk (Essen) At least 14th century,possibly earlier
Probably 10th/12th century 16 (S)
Haverkamp (Essen) At least 14th century,possibly earlier
Probably 13th century 12 (S)
Groot-Wechele (Wechele) At least 14th century,possibly earlier
At least 11th/12th century,possibly 10th century
1 (T) 157 (S)
Oxerhof (curtis Oxe) 12th century or earlier At least 11th/12th century 80 (T) 33 (S)
Beek et al. Establishing the dates of farm sites (A.D. 800–present) in Salland (the Netherlands)
62 Journal of Field Archaeology 2014 VOL. 39 NO. 1
discussed above; from this period onwards farmsteads
were moved towards the edges and slopes of sandy
ridges and gradually became fixed in their locations.
Judging from the artifacts, the ‘‘Lingeveen’’ farm-
stead, for example, dates to the 9th or 10th century
A.D. The number of finds from later Medieval and post
Medieval phases illustrates that this farmstead was
continuously inhabited until the present day, shifting
location only a few dozen meters.
Most of the other investigated farmsteads were
founded slightly later, between the 10th and the 12th
or 13th centuries; it is difficult to be more specific.
The materials recovered from these sites consist of
locally produced ceramic bowls (German: Kugeltopf)
(Verhoeven 1998) and a smaller amount of Pingsdorf
and Paffrath pottery imported from the German
Rhineland. These ceramic types had relatively long
life spans. Therefore, large assemblages are required
to refine age estimates.
Between the 9th/10th and 13th centuries the
cultural landscape in Salland filled up rapidly; this
is demonstrated by the results of the field research in
the Essen hamlet (FIG. 9). All four farmsteads
investigated appear to have been established by the
12th and 13th centuries A.D., and probably even
earlier. These settlements survive today.
The Salland countryside has undergone significant
changes since late prehistory. Although this region
has a deeper history of occupation, the main outlines
of the modern settlement pattern date back to around
the 9th century A.D. By combining different types of
data it is possible to arrive at more reliable estimates
of the ages of farmsteads, and therefore to under-
stand the successive settlement phases that are
crystallized in the modern landscape.
ConclusionsHere we describe the development of interdisciplinary
methods to permit more reliable reconstructions of
Medieval and post Medieval rural settlement pat-
terns. It is clear that the integration of different lines
of evidence can improve our understanding of the
development and structure of Medieval rural land-
scapes. However, this is not an easy task. Evidence of
Medieval and post Medieval settlement patterns is
preserved in different forms, and must be studied
using different fields of science, each with its own
methods and research traditions.
We used the criteria presented above to assess the
relationship between Medieval archaeological data
and historical settlement data. A large body of
archaeological data is available already, especially
for the High Middle Ages, and these data continue to
accrue rapidly as a result of development-led archae-
ology (e.g., Bazelmans 2012; Bradley et al. 2012).
Integrating different types of data reveals local
processes, and, in some cases, permits the reconstruc-
tion of farmstead biographies spanning a thousand
years or more. It is important to stress that societal
and institutional circumstances varied considerably
across northwestern Medieval Europe. Therefore, the
relevance and applicability of each criterion may vary
in different circumstances.
The most promising results should be expected
from regional- or microregional-scale projects that
integrate archaeological, historical geographical,
physical geographical, toponymical, paleobotanical,
and architectural evidence (c.f., Rippon and Gardiner
2007). Our study of the Salland region represents a
small scale pilot project with positive results. We
adapted the archaeological techniques applied in our
field test from studies in the U.K and the United
States. Test pitting within the context of research into
Medieval settlement patterns and the development of
villages has taken place mostly in the U.K. Judging
from our results, this method is also appropriate in
those parts of northwestern Europe where concentra-
tions of settlement debris related to farm sites are
buried under more recent deposits such as the man-
made plaggen soils of the Netherlands, Germany,
Belgium, and Denmark. We also demonstrate that
the speed and efficiency of test pitting in these areas
can be improved by mechanization and careful
selection of sample sites. Because of their large size
(263 m) nearly all test pits produced enough data-
ble material to refine estimated founding dates of
farmsteads.
AcknowledgmentsResearch was conducted by Wageningen University
and by the Cultural Heritage Agency of the
Netherlands as part of the project entitled, A
Cultural Biography of the Coversand Landscapes in
the Salland and Achterhoek Regions, and funded by
the Netherlands Organization for Scientific Research
(NWO). We would like to thank Klaas Greving, Wim
Jong, and Jan Krist (Cultural Heritage Agency) for
participating in the fieldwork. Jan van Doesburg
(Cultural Heritage Agency) assisted with the pottery
analysis. Menne Kosian (Cultural Heritage Agency)
assisted with the artwork. Jelle Vervloet (Wageningen
University) commented on an earlier version of the
manuscript. We also thank two anonymous reviewers
for their useful comments. Alistair Bright (Leiden)
edited the final English draft.
Roy van Beek (Ph.D. 2009, Wageningen University) is
a Postdoctoral Researcher at the Faculty of
Archaeology, Leiden University. His research interests
include modeling long term landscape formation
processes in the Twente region. He is also affiliated
with Ghent University (Belgium) as a guest lecturer on
late prehistory in northwestern Europe.
Beek et al. Establishing the dates of farm sites (A.D. 800–present) in Salland (the Netherlands)
Journal of Field Archaeology 2014 VOL. 39 NO. 1 63
Bert Groenewoudt (Ph.D. 1994, University of Amster-
dam) works at the Cultural Heritage Agency of the
Netherlands (Amersfoort) as a Senior Researcher in
landscape archaeology. He focuses mainly on the
evaluation of archaeological sites and landscapes, long
term processes of landscape change, and the archae-
ology of marginal landscapes.
Luuk Keunen (Ph.D. Candidate, Wageningen Univer-
sity) specializes in nature conservation and historical
geography. He works as a project manager for the
RAAP Archaeological Consultancy (Zutphen). He
advises on matters concerning cultural heritage in
relation to policy and spatial planning.
ReferencesAston, M., and C. Gerrard. 1999. ‘‘Unique, Traditional and
Charming. The Shapwick Project, Somerset,’’ The AntiquariesJournal 79: 1–58.
Bazelmans, J. 2012. ‘‘Serving Two Masters: Dutch ArchaeologySince the Valleta Convention,’’ in L. Webley, M. VanderLinden, C. Haselgrove, and R. Bradley, eds., Development-LedArchaeology in Northwest Europe. Proceedings of a RoundTable at the University of Leicester 19th–21st November 2009.Oxford: Oxbow Books, 9–21.
Beresford, M. W. 1951. The Lost Villages of Medieval England.London: Blackwell Publishing.
Bergmann, R. 2001. ‘‘Wustungsforschung. Die landlicheBesiedlung im Mittelalter,’’ in U. Becker, H.-P. Kuhnen, V.Brieske, and R. Bergmann, eds., Der Kreis Soest. Fuhrer zuarchaologischen Denkmalern in Deutschland 39. Stuttgart:Theiss Verlag, 113–123.
Bergmann, R. 2006. ‘‘Hofwustungen und Eschsiedlungen imsudwestlichen Munsterland,’’ Siedlungsforschung. Archaologie-Geschichte-Geografie 24: 195–217.
Bieleman, J. 1987. Boeren op het Drentse zand 1600–1910. Eennieuwe visie op de ‘‘oude’’ landbouw. A.A.G.-bijdragen 29. Ph.D.dissertation, Wageningen University. Utrecht: Hes Uitgevers.
Bijsterveld, A. J. 1989. ‘‘Een zorgelijk bezit. De benedictijnerabdijden van Echternach en St. Truiden en het beheer van hungoederen en resten in Oost-Brabant 1100–1300,’’ NoordbrabantsHistorisch Jaarboek 1989: 7–44.
Blommesteijn, C. M., H. A. Heidinga, H. H. van Regteren Altena,and C. L. Verkerk, eds. 1977. De Veluwe, archeologisch-historische verkenning van de bewoningsgeschiedenis tot 1200,project middeleeuwse archeologie en middeleeuwse geschiedenis1975–1976. Universiteit van Amsterdam, Albert Egges vanGiffen Instituut voor Prae- en Protohistorie, Working Paper 4.Amsterdam: University of Amsterdam.
Bouwmeester, H. M. P., H. A. C. Fermin, and M. Groothedde, eds.2008. Geschapen landschap. Tienduizend jaar bewoning enontwikkeling van het cultuurlandschap op de Looerenk inZutphen. Zutphen-Hertogenbosch: Gemeente Zutphen/BAACBV.
Bradley, R., C. Haselgrove, M. Vander Linden, and L. Webley,eds. 2012. Development-Led Archaeology in Northwest Europe.Oxford: Oxbow.
Christie, N., and P. Stamper, eds. 2012. Medieval Rural Settlement.Britain and Ireland, AD 800–1600. Oxford: Windgather Press.
Demoed, H. B. 1987. Mandegoed schandegoed. De markeverdelin-gen in Oost-Nederland in de 19de eeuw. Zutphen: Walburg Pers.
Emanuelsson, M., A. Johansson, S. Nilson, S. Petterson, and E.Svensson. 2003. Settlement, Shieling and Landscape: The LocalHistory of a Forest Hamlet. Lund Studies in MedievalArchaeology 32. Lund: Lund University.
Fabech, C., and J. Ringtved, eds. 1999. Settlement and Landscape,Aarhus University Press. Proceedings of a Conference in Aarhus,Denmark, May 4–7 1998. Aarhus: Aarhus University Press.
Gelling, M., and A. Cole. 2000. The Landscape of Place-Names.Donington: Shaun Tyas.
Groenewoudt, B. J. 1994. Prospectie, waardering en selectie vanarcheologische vindplaatsen: een beleidsgerichte verkenning vanmiddelen en mogelijkheden. Nederlandse ArcheologischeRapporten 17. Ph.D. dissertation, University of Amsterdam.
Amersfoort: Rijksdienst voor het OudheidkundigBodemonderzoek.
Groenewoudt, B. J. 2002. ‘‘Sieving Plaggen Soils: ExtractingHistorical Information from a Man-Made Soil,’’ Berichtenvan de Rijksdienst voor het Oudheidkundig Bodemonderzoek 45:125–154.
Groenewoudt, B., M. Groothedde, and H. van der Velde. 2006.‘‘De Romeinse Tijd, Middeleeuwen en vroegmoderne tijd inMidden- en Oost-Nederlands zandgebied’’, NOAA chapter 20,version 1.0 (www.noaa.nl): 1–59.
Groenewoudt, B. J., H. van Haaster, R. van Beek, andO. Brinkkemper. 2007. ‘‘Towards a Reverse Image. BotanicalResearch into the Landscape History of the EasternNetherlands (BC 1100–AD 1500),’’ Landscape History 29:17–33.
Groenewoudt, B., and H. Scholte Lubberink. 2007. ‘‘Essen enplaggendekken in Oost-Nederland vanuit een archeologischperspectief,’’ in J. van Doesburg, M. de Boer, J. Deeben,B. Groenewoudt, and T. de Groot, eds., Essen in zicht. Essen enplaggendekken in Nederland: onderzoek en beleid. NederlandseArcheologische Rapporten 34. Amersfoort: Rijksdienst voorArcheologie, Cultuurlandschap en Monumenten, 53–77.
Groothedde, M., ed. 1996. Leesten en Eme. Archeologisch enhistorisch onderzoek naar verdwenen buurschappen bij Zutphen.Kampen: Stichting Archeologie IJssel/Vechtstreek.
Grunewald, C. 2005. ‘‘Archaologie des fruhen Mittelalters vom 5.bis zum 9. Jahrhundert in Westfalen. Ein Uberblick,’’Archaologie in Ostwestfalen 9: 71–86.
Hamerow, H. F. 1991. ‘‘Settlement Mobility and the ‘MiddleSaxon Shift’: Rural Settlements and Settlement Patterns inAnglo-Saxon England,’’ Anglo-Saxon England 20: 1–17.
Haselgrove, C., M. J. Millett, and I. M. Smith, eds. 1985.Archaeology from the Ploughsoil: Studies in the Collection andInterpretation of Field Survey Data. Sheffield: University ofSheffield.
Heidinga, H. A. 1987. Medieval Settlement and Economy North ofthe Lower Rhine. Archaeology and History of Kootwijk and theVeluwe (the Netherlands). Assen: Van Gorcum.
Hiddink, H. A. 2005. Archeologisch onderzoek aan de Beekseweg teLieshout (gemeente Laarbeek, Noord-Brabant. ZuidnederlandseArcheologische Rapporten 18. Amsterdam: Free UniversityAmsterdam.
Hvass, S. 1983. ‘‘Vorbasse. The Development of a SettlementThrough the First Millennium AD,’’ Journal of DanishArchaeology 2: 127–136.
Hvass, S. 1986. ‘‘Vorbasse. Eine Dorfsiedlung wahrend des 1.Jahrtausends n. Chr. in Mitteljutland, Danemark,’’ Bericht derromisch-germanischen Kommission 67: 529–542.
Hooke, D., ed. 1988. Anglo-Saxon Settlements. New York:Blackwell.
Jones, R., and M. Page. 2003. ‘‘Characterising Rural Settlementand Landscape: Whittlewood Forest in the Middle Ages,’’Medieval Archaeology 47: 53–83.
Keunen, L. J. 2006a. … der grosse und kleine hoff undt darauffbestehendes dorpff Neede … De ontwikkeling van de hof en hetdorp Neede. Kleine Reeks deel 12. Eibergen: Stichting Stad enHeerlijkheid Borculo.
Keunen, L. J. 2006b. ‘‘Biografie van een boerenerf in de buurschapWechele bij Deventer. den camp te Weechle daer die busschplach te stane,’’ Historisch-Geografisch Tijdschrift 24: 49–57.
Keunen, L. J. 2011. ‘‘Middeleeuwse dorpsvorming in Oost-Nederland. Een verkenning van de historische relatie tussenhoven, kerken en dorpen,’’ Historisch-Geografisch Tijdschrift29: 60–72.
Klapste, J., ed. 2002. The Rural House from the Migration Period tothe Oldest Still Standing Buildings. Ruralia 4. Prague: Pamatkyarcheologicke.
Koster, E. A. 2009. ‘‘The ‘European Aeolian Sand Belt’:Geoconservation of Drift Sand Landscapes,’’ Geoheritage 1:93–110.
Leenders, K. A. H. W. 1996. Van Turnhoutervoorde totStrienemonde. Ontginnings- en nederzettingsgeschiedenis vanhet noordwesten van het Maas-Demer-Schelde gebied, 450–1300:een poging tot synthese. Ph.D. dissertation, University ofAmsterdam. Zutphen: Walburg Pers.
Lewis, C. 2005. ‘‘Test Pit Excavation Within Occupied Settlementsin East Anglia in 2005,’’ Medieval Settlement Research GroupAnnual Report 20: 9–16.
Noomen, P. N. 1991. ‘‘Koningsgoed in Groningen. Het domanialeverleden van de stad,’’ in J. W. Boersma, J. F. J. van denBroek, and G. J. D. Offerman, eds., Groningen 1040.
Beek et al. Establishing the dates of farm sites (A.D. 800–present) in Salland (the Netherlands)
64 Journal of Field Archaeology 2014 VOL. 39 NO. 1
Archeologie en oudste geschiedenis van de stad Groningen.Bedum and Groningen: Profiel, 97–144, 279–288.
Noomen, P. N. 1993. ‘‘Middeleeuwse ontwikkelingen in Rolderdingspel,’’ in J. G. Borgesius, P. Brood, M. A. W. Gerding,P. N. Noomen, H. Noorman, and H. Westebring, eds.,Geschiedenis van Rolde. Meppel: Boom, 83–111.
Oude Rengerink, J. A. M. 2005. Plangebied De Graven Es, fase 3:Kaalters Kaamp en De Hoesstie, Gemeente Oldenzaal. Eenproefsleuvenonderzoek en opgraving. RAAP-rapport 1146.Brummen: RAAP Archaeological Consultancy.
Page, M., and R. Jones. 2007. ‘‘Stability and Instability inMedieval Village Plans: Case Studies in Whittlewood,’’ in M.Gardiner and S. Rippon, eds., Medieval Landscapes. LandscapeHistory After Hoskins 2. Oxford: Windgather Press, 139–152.
Pape, J. C. 1970. ‘‘Plaggen Soils in the Netherlands,’’ Geoderma 4:229–255.
Reuselaars, I. 1996. ‘‘Boerderijen en hun bewoners. De gebouw-plattegronden van de laat-Romeinse tijd tot en met de LateMiddeleeuwen,’’ in M. Groothedde, ed., Leesten en Eme.Archeologisch en historisch onderzoek naar verdwenenbuurschappen bij Zutphen. Kampen: Stichting ArcheologieIJssel/Vechtstreek, 77–104.
Rippon, S. 2007. ‘‘Emerging Regional Variation in HistoricLandscape Character: The Possible Significance of the ‘LongEighth Century,’’’ in M. Gardiner and S. Rippon, eds.,Medieval Landscapes. Landscape History After Hoskins 2.Oxford: Windgather Press, 105–121.
Rippon, S. 2009. ‘‘Understanding the Medieval Landscape,’’ inR. Gilchrist and A. Reynolds, eds., Reflections: 50 Years ofMedieval Archaeology, 1957–2007. Society for MedievalArchaeology Monograph 30. London: Maney Publishing,227–254.
Rippon, S., A. G. Brown, and R. Fyfe. 2006. ‘‘Beyond Villages andOpen Fields: The Origins and Development of a HistoricLandscape Characterised by Dispersed Settlement in SouthWest England,’’ Medieval Archaeology 50: 31–70.
Rippon, S., and M. Gardiner. 2007. ‘‘Conclusions: The Future ofMedieval Landscape Studies,’’ in M. Gardiner and S. Rippon,eds., Medieval Landscapes. Landscape History After Hoskins 2.Oxford: Windgather Press, 231–235.
Roberts, B. K. 1987. The Making of the English Village. A Study inHistorical Geography. Harlow: Addison-Wesley.
Roberts, B. K., and S. Wrathmell. 2000. An Atlas of RuralSettlement in England. London: English Heritage.
Schmid, P., and W. H. Zimmermann. 1976. ‘‘Flogeln – zurStruktur einer Siedlung des 1. bis 5. Jhs. n. Chr. imKustengebiet der sudlichen Nordsee,’’ Probleme derKustenforschung im sudlichen Nordseegebiet 11: 1–77.
Scholte Lubberink, H. B. G. 2009. ‘‘Verlaten middeleeuwse erven,’’’t Inschrien 2009(1): 12–16.
Simms, A. 1976. ‘‘Deserted Medieval Villages and Fields inGermany, A Survey of the Literature with a SelectBibliography,’’ Journal of Historical Geography 2–3: 223–238.
Slofstra, J., H. H. van Regteren Altena, N. Roymans, and F.Theuws. 1982. Het Kempenproject, een regionaal-archeologischonderzoeksprogramma. Bijdragen tot de studie van het BrabantsHeem 22. Waalre: Stichting Brabants Heem.
Spek, T. 1992. ‘‘The Age of Plaggen Soils. An Evaluation of DatingMethods for Plaggen Soils in the Netherlands and NorthernGermany,’’ in A. J. Verhoeve and J. A. J. Vervloet, eds., TheTransformation of the European Rural Landscape.Methodological Issues and Agrarian Change. Brussels: SocieteBelge d’Etudes Geographiques, 72–91.
Spek, T. 1993. ‘‘Historisch-geografische verkenningen van hetmiddeleeuwse landschap van Balloo,’’ in J. G. Borgesius,P. Brood, M. A. W. Gerding, P. N. Noomen, H. Noorman,and H. Westebring, eds., Geschiedenis van Rolde. Meppel:Boom, 47–82.
Spek, T. 2004. Het Drentse esdorpenlandschap. Een historisch-geografische studie. Ph.D. dissertation, Wageningen University.Utrecht: Matrijs.
Spek, T., and L. van Exter 2007. ‘‘Bewonings- en ontginnings-geschiedenis van het kerspel Raalte tijdens de Middeleeuwen enVroege Nieuwe Tijd. Een historisch-geografisch onderzoek tenbehoeve van de archeologie,’’ in H. M. van der Velde, ed.,Germanen, Franken en Saksen in Salland. Archeologisch enlandschappelijk onderzoek naar de geschiedenis van het land-schap en nederzettingsresten uit de Romeinse tijd en VroegeMiddeleeuwen in Centraal Salland. ADC-monografie 1.Amersfoort: Archeologisch Diensten Centrum, 399–530.
Ter Laak, J. C. 2005. De taal van het landschap. Pilotprojecttoponiemen in de Berkelstreek. Rapportage ArcheologischeMonumentenzorg 123. Amersfoort: Rijksdienst voorArcheologie, Cultuurlandschap en Monumenten.
Ter Laak, J. C. 2008. ‘‘Toponymische gegevens ten zuiden enoosten van Zutphen,’’ in H. M. P. Bouwmeester, H. A. C.Fermin, and M. Groothedde, eds., Geschapen landschap.Tienduizend jaar bewoning en ontwikkeling van het cultuur-landschap op de Looerenk in Zutphen. Zutphen-Hertogenbosch:Gemeente Zutphen/BAAC BV, 383–419.
Theuws, F. C. W. J. 1988. ‘‘De archeologie van de periferie. Studiesnaar de ontwikkeling van bewoning en samenleving in hetMaas-Demer-Schelde gebied in de vroege middeleeuwen,’’unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, University of Amsterdam,Amsterdam.
Theuws, F. C. W. J. 1989. ‘‘Middeleeuwse parochiecentra in deKempen 1000–1350,’’ in A. Verhoeven and F. C. W. J. Theuws,eds., Het Kempenproject 3. De Middeleeuwen centraal. Waalre:Stichting Brabants Heem, 97–216.
Theuws, F. C. W. J. 1990. ‘‘Het laatmiddeleeuwse cultuur-landschap,’’ in J. Bazelmans and F. C. W. J. Theuws, eds.,Tussen zes gehuchten. De Laat-Romeinse en middeleeuwsebewoning van Geldrop ’t Zand. Amsterdam: Van GiffenInstituut voor Prae- en Protohistorie, 52–57.
Theuws, F. C. W. J. 1991. ‘‘Landed Property and ManorialOrganisation in Northern Austrasia: Some Considerations anda Case Study,’’ in N. Roymans and F. C. W. J. Theuws, eds.,Images of the Past. Studies of Ancient Societies in NorthwesternEurope. Studies in Pre- and Protohistorie 7. Amsterdam: VanGiffen Instituut voor Prae- en Protohistorie, 299–407.
Tolksdorf, J. F., and K. Kaiser. 2012. ‘‘Holocene AeolianDynamics in the European Sand-Belt as Indicated byGeochronological Data,’’ Boreas 41: 408–421.
van Beek, R. 2009. Relief in tijd en ruimte. Interdisciplinaironderzoek naar bewoning en landschap van Oost- Nederlandtussen vroege prehistorie en middeleeuwen. Ph.D. dissertation,Wageningen University. Enschede: Ipskamp.
van Beek, R., and B. J. Groenewoudt. 2013. ‘‘An Odyssey Alongthe River Vecht in the Dutch-German Border Area. ARegional Analysis of Roman-Period Sites in GermaniaMagna 89,’’ Germania.
van Beek, R., B. Groenewoudt, and L. Keunen. 2007.Archeologisch veldonderzoek van boerenerven in de omgevingvan Colmschate (Overijssel). De toetsing van een historisch-geografisch verwachtingsmodel. Beknopte RapportageArcheologische Monumentenzorg 5. Amersfoort: Rijksdienstvoor Archeologie, Cultuurlandschap en Monumenten.
van Beek, R., and L. J. Keunen. 2006a. ‘‘A Cultural Biography ofthe Coversand Landscapes in the Salland and AchterhoekRegions. The Aims and Methods of the Eastern NetherlandsProject,’’ Berichten van de Rijksdienst voor het OudheidkundigBodemonderzoek 46: 355–375.
van Beek, R., and L. Keunen. 2006b. ‘‘Van huisplattegronden enhistorische erven,’’ in H. Clevis and S. Wentink, eds.,Overijssels Erfgoed. Archeologische Kroniek van Overijssel over2005. Zwolle: Stichting Promotie Archeologie, 83–111.
van der Velde, H. M. 2004. ‘‘Landschapsordening in de VroegeMiddeleeuwen. Het ontstaan van het middeleeuwse cultuur-landschap in Oost-Nederland,’’ in R. M. van Heeringen, E. H.P. Cordfunke, M. Ilsink and H. Sarfatij, eds., Geordendlandschap. 3000 jaar ruimtelijke ordening in Nederland.Hilversum: Verloren, 43–59.
van der Velde, H. M. 2011. Wonen in een grensgebied. Eenlangetermijngeschiedenis van het Oost-Nederlandse cultuur-landschap (500 v. Chr. – 1300 na Chr. NederlandseArcheologische Rapporten 40. Ph.D. dissertation, VrijeUniversiteit Amsterdam, Amsterdam. Amersfoort:Rijksdienst voor het Cultureel Erfgoed.
van Doesburg, J., and B. Groenewoudt. in press. ‘‘In Search of theInvisible Farm. Looking for Archaeological Evidence of LateMedieval Rural Settlement in the Sandy Landscapes of theNetherlands (1250–1650 A.D.),’’ in Medieval Europe in Motion.Essays in Honour of Jan Klapste.
van Es, W. A. 1973. ‘‘Roman-Period Settlement on the Free-Germanic Soil of Drenthe, Overijssel and Gelderland,’’Berichten van de Rijksdienst voor het OudheidkundigBodemonderzoek 23: 273–280.
van Es, W. A. 1988. ‘‘Genetische Siedlungsforschung in denNiederlanden mit besonderer Berucksichtigung der landlichenSiedlungsarchaologie im ersten Jahrtausend n. Chr.,’’ in P.Burggraaf, ed., Genetische Siedlungsforschung in Mitteleuropa
Beek et al. Establishing the dates of farm sites (A.D. 800–present) in Salland (the Netherlands)
Journal of Field Archaeology 2014 VOL. 39 NO. 1 65
und seinen Nachbarraumen. Bonn: Verlag Siedlungsforschung,345–364.
Verhoeven, A. A. A. 1998. Handgemaakt aardewerk in Nederland(8ste-13de eeuw): enkele studies over Middeleeuwse kogelpot-ten. Amsterdam Archaeological Studies 3. Amsterdam:University of Amsterdam.
Verspay, J. P. W. 2007. ‘‘Onzichtbare Erven. Het Brabantseplatteland in de Late Middeleeuwen,’’ unpublished M.A.thesis, University of Amsterdam, Amsterdam.
Vervloet, J. A. J. 1988. ‘‘Grundzuge der Entwicklung derHistorischen Geographie in den Niederlanden mit besondererBerucksichtigung der genetischen Siedlungsforschung,’’ in P.Burggraaf, ed., Genetische Siedlungsforschung in Mitteleuropaund seinen Nachbarraumen. Bonn: Verlag Siedlungsforschung,365–417.
Waterbolk, H. T. 1973. ‘‘Odoorn im fruhen Mittelalter,’’ NeueAusgrabungen und Forschungen in Niedersachsen 8: 25–89.
Waterbolk, H. T. 1980. ‘‘Hoe oud zijn de Drentse dorpen?Problemen van nederzettingscontinuıteit in Drenthe van de
bronstijd tot de middeleeuwen,’’ Westerheem 29: 190–212.
Waterbolk, H. T. 1982. ‘‘Mobilitat von Dorf, Ackerflur und undGraberfeld in Drenthe seit der Latenezeit: ArchaologischeSiedlungsforschungen auf der nordniederlandischen Geest,’’Offa 39: 97–137.
Waterbolk, H. T. 1999. ‘‘From Wijster to Dorestad and Beyond,’’in H. Sarfatij, W. J. H. Verwers, and P. J. Woltering, eds., InDiscussion with the Past. Archaeological Studies Presented toW. A. van Es. Amersfoort: Stichting Promotie Archeologie/Rijksdienst voor het Oudheidkundig Bodemonderzoek, 107–118.
Waterbolk, H. T., and O. H. Harsema. 1979. ‘‘Medieval Farms-teads in Gasselte (Province of Drenthe),’’ Palaeohistoria 21:227–265.
Zimmermann, W. H. 1998. ‘‘Pfosten, Stander und Schwelle und derUbergang von Pfosten- zur Standerbau. Eine Studie zuInnovation und Beharrung im Hausbau,’’ Probleme derKustenforschung 25: 9–241.
Beek et al. Establishing the dates of farm sites (A.D. 800–present) in Salland (the Netherlands)
66 Journal of Field Archaeology 2014 VOL. 39 NO. 1