Assessing State Nuclear Weapons Proliferation: Using Bayesian Network Analysis of Social Factors
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Transcript of Assessing State Nuclear Weapons Proliferation: Using Bayesian Network Analysis of Social Factors
DRAFT
Assessing State Nuclear Weapons Proliferation: Using Bayesian
Network Analysis of Social Factors1 By: Garill Coles, Alan Brothers, Jarrod Olson2, and Paul Whitney
ABSTRACT:
A Bayesian network (BN) model of social factors can support proliferation assessments by estimating the
likelihood that a state will pursue a nuclear weapon. Social factors, including political, economic,
nuclear capability, security, and national identity and psychological factors may play as important a role
as more physical factors in whether a State pursues nuclear weapons. This paper illustrates how
Bayesian reasoning can be used to combine evidence that supports proliferation assessment for a
generic case of a would-be proliferator State . Theories and analysis by political scientists can be
leveraged in a quantitative and transparent way to indicate proliferation risk. BN models facilitate
diagnosis and inference in a probabilistic environment using a network of nodes and acyclic directed
arcs between the nodes whose connections, or absence of, indicate probabilistic relevance, or
independence. We propose a BN model that uses information from both traditional safeguards and the
strengthened safeguards associated with the Additional Protocol to indicate countries with a high risk of
proliferating nuclear weapons. Such a model could be used in a variety of applications such a
prioritization tool and as a component of state safeguards evaluations. This paper will discuss the
benefits of BN reasoning, the development of Pacific Northwest National Laboratory’s (PNNL) BN state
proliferation model, and how the model could be employed as an analytical tool.
Introduction
In 1962, John F. Kennedy famously predicted that the world faced a cascade of nuclear weapons
proliferation as nuclear technology and knowledge continued to spread. This prediction mirrored the
common belief in the “Technological Imperative” common at the time, where acquisition of nuclear
energy technology would inevitably yield nuclear weapons technology. Fortunately, this proved to be an
inaccurate forecast.
Political scientists have since continued to examine the root causes of proliferation and build
frameworks for understanding nuclear weapons proliferation. However, one commonly acknowledged
shortcoming of existing studies of proliferation is that they rely on historical precedent. They identify
when a state is following the same path as historic proliferators, but they may not be able to predict the
next wave of proliferators. In 2009, Alexander Montgomery and Scott Sagan identified key shortcomings
of proliferation studies.3 They noted that data are scarce about nuclear weapons and it is difficult to
1 PNNL-SA-72126
2 Contact author: 1100 Dexter Ave N. Suite 400, Seattle, WA 98109. [email protected]
3 Montgomery, Alexander H., Scott Sagan. The Perils of Predicting Proliferation. Journal of Conflict Resolution, 4
February, 2009, http://online.sagepub.com/ doi: 10.1177/0022002708330581
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code independent variables like prestige, bureaucratic power and normative effects of the international
system. In addition, they maintain that most studies tend to provide insights that most experts already
know and understand, thus failing to provide additional information to policy makers.4
Understanding this landscape, PNNL undertook a research and development project to assess the utility
of social modeling for proliferation assessment. We chose Bayesian Nets (BNs) as our modeling
environment because they have the ability to integrate statistical data with expert judgment,5 where
data are unavailable, in order to build a stronger predictive model. BN models can incorporate the
theories and analyses of political scientists and academics. The qualitative structure of a BN is intuitive
and easily understood, and they can be quantified to provide a useful metric for the detection and
deterrence of nuclear weapons proliferation.
This paper will discuss PNNL’s development of a predictive BN model and some of the challenges the
team has encountered. The first section covers background material on nuclear proliferation analysis;
the second section covers information about BN models; the third section discusses the PNNL model
development and the final section covers the next steps that the project team plans to take.
Background
In 1970, the proliferation paradigm shifted with the development of a legal and normative treaty known
as the Nuclear Non Proliferation Treaty (NPT). The NPT introduced a system of constraints and
normalized an inspection regime for nuclear energy programs, building transparency into the secretive
world of nuclear weapons development and enabling the peaceful spread of nuclear energy without the
negative side-effects of nuclear weapons proliferation. Nonetheless, the system has not worked
perfectly and it has been challenged on a regular basis by states with negative intentions.
For decades authors have attempted to answer the question, “who will be next?” with a series of
different approaches. In the early years of nuclear proliferation literature, authors like Epstein pondered
the question with academic reasoning based on well-known theories of political science.6 Over time, this
type of work developed into qualitative case-study research and eventually blossomed into quantitative
research utilizing statistics to test theories of proliferation.
Around the advent of nuclear weapons, there was a common belief that nuclear energy and nuclear
weapons were undeniably linked. Assumptions like this led to President Kennedy’s famous prediction in
1962. As new nuclear weapons development ebbed following the Chinese test despite the continuing
spread of nuclear energy technology, theorists were challenged to explain the phenomenon. Working
4 Ibid.
5 “Expert judgment” for the purpose of this paper refers to a structured, methodological approach to gathering
data from experts and incorporating it into the models. In some cases, these data are preliminary and will be
vetted thoroughly before finalizing the model.
6 Epstein, William. Why States Go – and don’t go – Nuclear. The Annals of the American Academy of Political
Science, Vol 430, No. 1, 16-28 (1977) / DOI: 10.1177/000271627743000104
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from the academic background of the Technological Imperative, Epstein and others developed this
theory and qualitatively argued that motivations related to the security environment were important to
understanding proliferation. Epstein wrote about security motivation as a driver for nuclear acquisition,
but in line with the technological imperative, he did not differentiate between weapons and energy.
Motive conditions generally outweighed the disincentives, thus states were likely to pursue nuclear
energy (and by default, nuclear weapons) if they faced a security threat or wished to expand their
economy.7
Later, authors evolved to recognize that technological capability was a necessary but insufficient
condition for proliferation to occur. In his groundbreaking work in 1984, Meyer introduced the idea that
having nuclear technology did not necessarily lead to the development of nuclear weapons and that
motivation or the intention of the country’s leaders was also necessary.8 Meyer’s work is also
groundbreaking because he is one of the first authors to move from qualitative research methods like
case-studies into quantitative empirical studies of motivational theories.
Authors continued to ponder the question of proliferation and with the end of the Cold War a significant
paradigm shift occurred in the nuclear weapons world. As the U.S. and Soviet Union stood down their
arms race with new arms control agreements, other changes in the nonproliferation environment
occurred that warranted attention by theorists and undermined existing conceptions of proliferation.
The coalition liberation of Kuwait in 1992 and short incursion into Iraq unveiled just how far Saddam
Hussein had gone towards getting a nuclear weapon. Alternatively, South Africa came clean and
disarmed itself of nuclear weapons under the supervision of the International Atomic Energy Agency
(IAEA). States in the Former Soviet Union returned possession of Soviet-era nuclear weapons to the
Russian Federation and the world focused on dealing with the challenges of secretive nuclear weapons
program development. In 2006, North Korea changed the paradigm even more by testing its own
nuclear weapon following its 2003 withdrawal from the NPT. All of these activities challenged traditional
understandings of the mechanics of proliferation or the capabilities required to proliferate.
Authors like Sonali Singh & Chris Way,9 and Dong-Joon Jo & Eric Gartzke10 attempted to work through
these challenges by developing large datasets of social indicators and performing quantitative tests
using statistical regression. Additionally, they made these datasets available to the public for additional
research. Their datasets broadly cover many of the factors political scientists believe are connected with
proliferation.
7 Epstein, 24
8 Meyer, Stephen. The Dynamics of Nuclear Proliferation. University of Chicago Press: Chicago, 1984. Pg. 90
9 Singh, Sonali and Christopher Way, The Correlates of Nuclear Proliferation: A Quantitative Test, Journal of Conflict
Resolution, 2004; Vol 48, No 6. 859-885. DOI:10.1177/0022002704269655
10 Dong-Joon Jo and Erik Gartzke, Determinants of Nuclear Weapons Proliferation, Journal of Conflict Resolution,
2007; Vol 51, No 1. 167-194
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At the same time, researchers like Scott Sagan and Maria Rublee continued advancing qualitative
research about social factors related to proliferation. To help summarize the vast amount of research to
date on social factors of proliferation, we have included a table of information in Annex I.
In a special edition of the Journal of Conflict Resolution devoted to proliferation analysis in the spring of
2009, Montgomery and Sagan identified challenges with predicting proliferation while acknowledging
the quantitative work of Singh & Way and Jo & Gartzke. They noted that there are still challenges with
scarce open-source data about proliferation activities and with coding complex factors such as prestige,
bureaucratic influence and the nonproliferation regime. Additionally, they note that some findings
provide only insights that are already known. Furthermore, the current quantitative literature often
ignores or glosses over data crucial for policy making and wider debates.11
In this environment, the PNNL research team first explored the utility of social modeling for proliferation
assessment, and then built a preliminary predictive model that utilizes a Bayesian Network (BN)
approach, datasets from existing research and structured expert judgment.
BN Models
Bayesian network (BN) models can be used to provide a probabilistic assessment of competing
hypotheses in light of evidence that is relevant to the hypothesis but not necessarily conclusive. BNs are
graphical representations of relationships among variables and provide generalized, quantitative
modeling and analytic capability. Nodes of BNs represent uncertain variables and connections
between nodes indicate probabilistic dependence between variables. Historically, BNs were built using
expert judgment. Learning algorithms are now available that allow models to learn both the BN
structure and probabilities from datasets, thus it is now possible to build BNs using a combination of
expert judgment and available data. The graphical nature of BNs makes their understanding intuitive
and they lend themselves to interactive exploration of alternative hypotheses and the strength of causal
relationships. BNs have been used in medical diagnosis, decision support for the military, intelligence
analysis, features of Microsoft software, and many other applications.
BNs can be used to test hypotheses using causal reasoning, as opposed to identifying correlations
between variables that may or not be causal. Consider the following example case using the BN shown
in Figure 1 intended to help diagnose a problem with a car that will not start.12
11
Montgomery and Sagan, 3
12 Russell, Stuart and Peter Norvig, 2003, Artificial Intelligence: A Modern Approach, Second Edition, Prenice Hall,
New Jersey.
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Figure 1 - Simple BN to illustrate diagnostic reasoning13
This figure shows two types of connections (convergent and divergent) and the associated BN reasoning.
Consider the three nodes in the upper left. This exemplifies a divergent connection. If the condition of
the battery is unknown, then learning whether the radio works provides information about the ignition.
Once the battery state is known however, the Radio and Ignition become independent. “Ignition,”
“Starts,” and “Gas” form a convergent connection. Here the situation is just the opposite. Knowing the
car won’t start makes ignition and gas dependent. Knowing the state of one variable changes the
probability of the other being the problem, by “explaining away” the cause.
To see how this type of reasoning can be applied to reasoning about proliferation, consider the model
shown in Figure 2, which represent a simple BN model of proliferation analysis. This BN is a simple
model of conceptual information as it relates to identifying a proliferating state.
13
Ibid.
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Figure 2 - Simple Bayesian Net for Reasoning about Proliferation.
The three nodes represent three areas of proliferation analysis that are carried out independently of
each other. The “proliferation detection at a declared facility” node is primarily addressed by material
protection control and accounting (MPCA) and State Systems of Accounting and Control (SSAC). The act
of detecting proliferation at a declared facility depends on determining whether weapons grade
materials are either being diverted from their peaceful purposes or misused. The focus is on
understanding and countering possible diversionary or misuse tactics that could take place at known
facilities. The “proliferation at a hidden facility” node concerns the ability to detect an undeclared
facility intended for the production of weapons grade material such as highly enriched uranium (HEU).
The relevant approach for detecting a facility falls to intelligence agencies and utilizes technologies like
signal detection and remote sensing. The “state intends to proliferate” node is concerned with
understanding the motivations, technical and economic capability of nation states with regards to
weapons production. The technical skills and expertise of analysts in these three areas of endeavor are
very divergent: Political science, nuclear science (physics), geosciences (geography) and economics.
These nodes represent three pieces of the proliferation puzzle combining analysts with different
technical backgrounds and a common interest in the detection and minimization of proliferation, but
who normally do not work with each other.
The BN representing the results of these three activities shows their interconnectedness. Specifically, if
the country’s intention to proliferate is unknown, knowledge of proliferation activities at a declared
facility suggests an increased likelihood of proliferation at a hidden facility and vice versa. Furthermore,
knowledge that the intention of the country is to engage in proliferation activities increases the
likelihood of proliferation at a known facility, which provides insight to analysts working in both of those
areas.
DRAFT
A simple example helps understand this structure and reasoning. Political scientists have long believed
that Iran’s intention is to proliferate.14 Questionable behavior and inconsistencies at their declared
facilities like providing misleading information and appearing to conceal information led analysts to
believe that there could be proliferation behavior underway at an unknown facility.15 In 2009, open
source reports indicated that Iran had a secret facility dedicated to enrichment and located on a military
base. This example shows why this type of reasoning can help identify unknown information (in this
case, a secret facility) by using known information.
The authors have focused on the top node. In particular we have been developing BN models to make
assessments of a state’s intention to proliferate. A preliminary version of a country level proliferation
model is shown in Figure 3.16
Figure 3 – Simple Country Proliferation Model17
14
Perry, Major Richard M. Rogue or Rational State?: A Nuclear Armed Iran and US Counter Proliferation Strategy.
Research Department: Air Command and Staff College, 1997
15 Cordesman, Anthony H. and Adam C. Seitz, Iranian Weapons of Mass Destruction: The Birth of a Regional
Nuclear Arms Race? Center for Strategic and International Studies, Praeger Security International: Santa Barbara,
2009, Pp 3, 188-205
16 Coles GA, SE Thompson, ZN Gastelum, and AJ Brothers. 2009. "Utility of Social Modeling for Proliferation
Assessment - Preliminary Findings ." 2009 International Nuclear Materials Management conference, Tuscon, AZ.
PNNL-SA-64468.
17 Coles, et. al
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This simple, illustrative model represents our early conceptual thinking about state level nuclear
proliferation. Despite its simplicity, the model captures many elements of the basic causal structure that
subsequent exploration of the literature uncovered. For a state to proliferate there must be two
elements present: the ability to do so (“nuclear capability” (NC)) and the desire or motivation
(“motivation”). The motivation is in part due to a state’s external political climate. Are its neighbors
capable of launching a nuclear attack? Are they peaceful? How interdependent is the state economically
and diplomatically? Since this model was developed, the authors have identified additional information
that affect “motivation,” such as the aspirations of its leaders to be a nuclear power or the need to
create a national focus to divert attention from a domestic political problem. The other major element,
“Nuclear capability” consists of the inputs “technical capability” and “material resources.” “Material
resources” include economic capacity in addition to the needed materials for a nuclear weapon.
The causal structure of the model is one aspect of BN development. The other is the quantification of
the probabilities. This model was quantified using expert judgment based on factors identified by the
authors in a literature review. The project team performed a preliminary assessment estimating
parameters for 192 countries and made judgments about stability and technical resources in those
countries and their regions to populate probability tables in the model. Our intention was to augment
the model by gathering better, more robust data about the social factors to support or modify these
judgments. Conceptually, this simple model does surprisingly well and provides reasonably accurate
results. Rather than developing this simple model, the team elected to pursue a different route and built
a model incorporating data and structure from existing statistical studies, which are supplemented by
expert judgment as needed. Figure 5 shows the result of exercising the simple, model on two countries,
a low risk country and a high risk country and is provided to help explain the basic causal structures of a
BN proliferation model.
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Figure 5 - Example Assessments for simple country model.
In this example, the dependent variable, “Will state dev. Nuc weap. prgrm?” is likelihood, based on the
inputs (all of the other nodes). We can see that the state with a high likelihood to proliferate has nuclear
capability, is isolated diplomatically and economically from the international community, has a
perceived threat from its neighbors and lives in an unstable region. Alternatively, the state with a low
likelihood of proliferating may still have a nuclear capability and nuclear capable neighbors, but has high
regional stability and is diplomatically and economically integrated into the international community.
The model needs calibration to improve the magnitudes, but in a general sense, the numbers are in the
right direction. More detailed exercising of the model reveals behavior that is consistent with
expectations. A comprehensive model incorporating our results from this simple exercise with data and
structure from other authors is under construction and discussed in the next section.
BNs have another useful analytic capability. Obtaining accurate information to input into the model
about a country can be costly, and in some cases impossible. One might ask which information is most
important for predicting proliferation. The BN can assist with identifying highly diagnostic information
that will reduce the uncertainty of the model’s output by calculating the diagnosticity of each variable
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relative to the other variables. It is one way to rank the variables in terms of predictive importance and
potentially to prioritize information gathering and input into the model.
PNNL’s Social Factors Model
PNNL is developing a social factors model for assessing proliferation likelihood based on existing
datasets and supplemented by expert judgment. The model reflects proliferation concepts underlying
the Jo & Gartzke and Singh & Way datasets and the table of factors identified by the research team
during the course of the literature review (See Appendix I).
In the model, the final output is a state’s likelihood to proliferate given the known information and
historical precedent. The model utilizes proliferation datasets, including those developed by Jo and
Gartzke and Singh and Way when the data are available. Due to the limitation of finding and coding data
and the limited sample size of proliferating countries, expert judgment is used to supplement the
datasets when necessary. Two nodes, “capability” and “motivation” feed directly into the final node (a
state’s likelihood to proliferate). “Capability” addresses technical capability and resources. “Motivation”
covers incentives and constraints like domestic conditions, security environment and NPT membership.
No dataset or statistical work have been completed to explain the relationship between capability and
motivation, but based on initial work by the authors, a simple risk model was utilized to determine the
relationship between “capability,” “motivation” and “proliferation likelihood.” This preliminary social
factors model is still under development.
Next Steps
The social factors model is currently under further development and calibration,18 which will be followed
by validation. Validation will consist of quantifying19 the model for selected country proliferation
scenarios and comparing the results to what is known or what is believed to be true. The scenarios will
be both contemporary and historical case-studies of states to confirm that the model produces good
predictions. After the model is properly calibrated, the project team hopes to identify users who might
be interested in developing a tool based on the model.
Following further development, this model could be used as a predictive tool to identify proliferation
risk, which might factor into a number of different kinds of policy decisions. The likelihood that a state is
proliferating may increase or decrease based on external and domestic factors which change over time
and might be monitored by using such a tool.
As a policy support tool, with additional development and refinement it could be used in roles as diverse
as developing effective sanctions, supporting the right development efforts, or prioritizing states for
18
Whitney PD, and SJ Walsh. 2010. "Calibrating Bayesian Network Representations of Social-Behavioral Models."
In Social Computing, Behavior Modeling and Prediction. LNCS 6007, p338-345
19 In this instance, “quantifying” refers to the act of putting in information about a scenario. Previous discussion
about “quantifying the model” has referred to the act of having the BN learn the relationships and probabilities
associated with the data.
DRAFT
nuclear assistance. It could be used for sanctions and development by identifying the right elements of a
state’s social conditions to support or deny. In this case, the model would enable sensitivity analysis to
identify key factors that influence an outcome. This key information could help policy makers make
more informed decisions regarding where and when to apply sanctions or aid. For example, if a state
exhibits characteristics representing a state with high technical capability and a perceived high risk from
a nuclear neighbor, it may prove valuable to offer that state support in the form of nuclear defense
guarantees to offset their perceived security risks. There are many trade-offs to that decision requiring
additional analysis. A tool like the one proposed would allow policy-makers to test and determine
potential outcomes associated with certain policy decisions and make more informed judgments. As a
prioritization tool for nuclear assistance, the model could help identify relatively high-risk states to focus
resources on and maximize return on investment for nonproliferation policies. For example, if there are
two states with research reactors containing highly enriched uranium and the U.S. and its allies only
have sufficient resources to convert one of those reactors, how does it make that decision and support it
to Congress and our partners? A quantitative model identifying proliferation risk can support that
decision in a transparent and consistent way. If one state has a higher proliferation risk based on social
factors, then that state could be prioritized over the lower risk state.
Conclusion
At this point, the PNNL BN model and its validation remain a work in progress. Nonetheless, the
experience of the modeling team is that BN models do provide a transparent intuitive assessment tool
that is easy to understand, adapt and to use to perform “what-if” analyses. The hope is that developing
such a model can provide insights not yet obvious from other types of analysis and will be a useful
addition to the analytic toolbox.
With a BN model, the project team will be able to analyze questions not yet addressed in the existing
quantitative research such as the effect of possible correlation between factors. This model could
provide the basis for a tool useful to policy makers to help support decisions and implement policies to
prevent additional proliferation of nuclear weapons.
There remains a great deal of work to be done in this field, and like Montgomery and Sagan note in their
2009 article, “As with much good research, they *researchers in this field] provoke as many questions as
they answer.”20
20
Montgomery, Sagan, 21
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Annex I – Table of Proliferation Theories
Source Technical
Capability Factors
International
Security Factors
Domestic Politics
Factors
National Identity
& Psychology
Factors
The Correlates of
Nuclear Proliferation
– A Quantitative
Test21
(Singh and
Way)
Latent capability
Economic capacity
Security threat
Security alliance
Regime type
Political change
Economic openness
Economic change
Symbolism
Why Do States Build
Nuclear Weapons?22
(Sagan)
Latent capability Security Threat Activism (for and against)
Symbolism
Institutional isomorphism
Determinants of
Nuclear Weapons
Proliferation23
(Jo
and Gartzke)
Latent capability
Technology diffusion
Economic capacity
Security threat
Security alliance
Diplomatic isolation
Regime type
Domestic unrest
Regional or global status
International norms
Taking Stock of the
Nuclear
Nonproliferation
Regime: Using Social
Physiology to
Understand Regime
Effectiveness24
(Rublee)
Activism (for and against)
Consistency
Linking with established values
Psychology of
Nuclear
Proliferation25
(Hymans)
National identity consensus
21 Singh, Sonali, The Correlates of Nuclear Proliferation: A Quantitative Test, 2004:24:859.
22 Sagan, Scott, Why Do States Build Nuclear Weapons?, International Security, Vol. 21, No. 3 Winter 1996/97, pp. 54-86
23 Dong-Joon Jo, Determinants of Nuclear Weapons Proliferation, Journal of Conflict Resolution, 2007;51;167.
24 Rublee, Maria Rost, Taking Stock of the Nuclear Nonproliferation Regime: Using Social Physiology to Understand Regime Effectiveness,
International Studies Association, 2008: 10: 420-450
25 Hymans, Jacque E. C. The Psychology of Nuclear Proliferation: Identity, Emotions, and Foreign Policy. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,
2006.
DRAFT
Source Technical
Capability Factors
International
Security Factors
Domestic Politics
Factors
National Identity
& Psychology
Factors
Why States Go – And
Don’t Go - Nuclear26
(Epstein)
Security threat
Security alliance
Weapons superiority
Nuclear hedging
Legal barriers
Symbolism
International norms
Regional status
International status
Economic status
The Politics and
Technology of
Nuclear
Proliferation27
(Mozley)
Security threat
Diplomatic isolation
Regime type Regional status
Nuclear Tipping
Point – Ch 128
Technological difficulty
Security threat
Bargaining tool
Activism (for and against)
Legitimacy of government
Symbolism
International norms
Tipping Point – Ch
229
Technology diffusion
Security alliance
U.S. foreign and security policy
Domestic unrest International norms
Tipping Point – Ch
330
Latent Capability
Technology diffusion
Materials diffusion
Security threat
Security alliance
Domestic unrest
Hedging
Nuclear-phobia
International norms
Tipping Point – Ch
431
Security threat
Trade sanctions
Activism (for and against)
Leadership
International norms
Symbolism
26 Epstein, William. “Why States Go – And Don’t Go – Nuclear.” The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Sciences: Nuclear
Proliferation: Prospects, Problems, and Proposals. Vol 430, March 1977, pg 16-28.
27 Mozley, Robert F. The Politics and Technology of Nuclear Proliferation. Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1998.
28 Reiss, Mitchell B. “The Nuclear Tipping Point: Prospects for a World of Many Nuclear Weapons Sates.” The Nuclear Tipping Point: Why States
Reconsider Their Nuclear Choices. Kurt M. Campbell, Robert J. Einhorn, and Mitchell B. Reiss (ed). Washington D.C. : The Brookings Institution,
2004.
29 Campell, Kurt M. “Reconsidering a Nuclear Future: Why Countries Might Cross Over the Other Side.” The Nuclear Tipping Point: Why States
Reconsider Their Nuclear Choices. Kurt M. Campbell, Robert J. Einhorn, and Mitchell B. Reiss (ed). Washington D.C. : The Brookings Institution,
2004.
30 Einhorn, Robert J. “Will the Abstainers Reconsider? Focusing on Individual Cases.” The Nuclear Tipping Point: Why States Reconsider Their
Nuclear Choices. Kurt M. Campbell, Robert J. Einhorn, and Mitchell B. Reiss (ed). Washington D.C. : The Brookings Institution, 2004.
31 Einhorn, Robert J. “Egypt: Frustrated but Still on a Non-Nuclear Course.” The Nuclear Tipping Point: Why States Reconsider Their Nuclear
Choices. Kurt M. Campbell, Robert J. Einhorn, and Mitchell B. Reiss (ed). Washington D.C. : The Brookings Institution, 2004.
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Source Technical
Capability Factors
International
Security Factors
Domestic Politics
Factors
National Identity
& Psychology
Factors
propensity for nuclear weapons
Tipping Point: Ch 532
Security threat
Diplomatic isolation
International norms
Regional status
Tipping Point – Ch
633
Economic capacity Security threat
Security guarantee
Political change
Economic change
Government legitimacy
Tipping Point – Ch
734
Security threat
Security alliance
Relationship with U.S.
International norms
Nationalism
Tipping Point -
Conclusions35
Technology diffusion
Support from advanced states
Security threat
Security alliance
Relationship with the U.S.
Regime type Symbolism
Meyer Economic Capacity
Diplomatic isolation
Int’l legal commitments
Preemptive diplomatic intervention by major power
Domestic unrest
Recent, major military defeat
Risk of unauthorized seizure
International status
Regional status
International norms
Peaceful reputation
Kwon Technological Capability
Economic Capacity
Safeguards
Physical Protection
Security threats
Security guarantee
Diplomatic isolation
Transparency
Domestic unrest
Activism (for and against)
Leadership propensity for nuclear weapons
International norms
Duration of Participation in NPT
Linking with established values
32 Laipson, Ellen. “Syria: Can the Myth be Maintained without Nukes?” The Nuclear Tipping Point: Why States Reconsider Their Nuclear Choices.
Kurt M. Campbell, Robert J. Einhorn, and Mitchell B. Reiss (ed). Washington D.C. : The Brookings Institution, 2004.
33 Lippman, Thomas W. “Saudi Arabia: The Calculations of Uncertainty.” The Nuclear Tipping Point: Why States Reconsider Their Nuclear
Choices. Kurt M. Campbell, Robert J. Einhorn, and Mitchell B. Reiss (ed). Washington D.C. : The Brookings Institution, 2004.
34 Fuerth, Leon. “Turkey: Nuclear Choices amongst Dangerous Neighbors.” The Nuclear Tipping Point: Why States Reconsider Their Nuclear
Choices. Kurt M. Campbell, Robert J. Einhorn, and Mitchell B. Reiss (ed). Washington D.C. : The Brookings Institution, 2004.
35 Campbell, Kurt M., and Einhorn, Robert J. “Avoiding the Tipping Point: Concluding Observations.” The Nuclear Tipping Point: Why States
Reconsider Their Nuclear Choices. Kurt M. Campbell, Robert J. Einhorn, and Mitchell B. Reiss (ed). Washington D.C. : The Brookings Institution,
2004.
DRAFT
Source Technical
Capability Factors
International
Security Factors
Domestic Politics
Factors
National Identity
& Psychology
Factors
Export control Public influence (internalization)
Regional status
International status
Diplomatic Activities (to prove compliance with int’l norms)
Sweeney Economic Capacity
Latent capability
Economic capacity
Security threat
Enduring Rivalry
Regional Proliferation
Diplomatic Isolation
Bargaining tool
Security alliance
Preemptive diplomatic intervention by major power
Int’l Legal commitments
Institutional inertia +
Political change
Risk of unauthorized seizure
Economic change
Economic openness
Activism (for and against)
International status
Nationalism
Peaceful Reputation
International norms
Yim (Note: This is for
90% certainty and
combines results
from explore, pursue
and acquire)
Safeguards
Latent capability
Economic capacity
Population size
Enduring rivalry
Frequency of disputes
Security alliance
Economic change
Regime type
Economic openness
Political change
International norms