The act of masking has been referred to as: mimicry (Ullman, 1995), gen-der/spirit- impersonation (Butler, 1991; Herold, 1967), masquerades (Cole,1985), drag (Ullman, 1995), gender performance (Butler, 1993), malefemale-ing (Ekins, 1993), camp (Newton, 1972), and play of appearances(Butler, 1990). These terms and others assume the peculiarity of masking,but the art of masking, in any tradition, serves as a disguise to preserve theanonymity and identity of the wearer. Masking ranges from a “wholistic”alteration of the human form in a costume of human and nonhuman char-acters, as characterized in the Chinese New Year where the dragon headsand bodies are used to a slight or substantial modification of visible faceand body (Aldenderfer, 1993; Hersak, 1986) as characterized in othermasking performances such as American minstrelsy. These performancescan also become politicized. With masking comes a set of social politicsthat is more than beauty—it embodies the subject and it has symbolicmeaning for society.

Masking refers to a plethora of ceremonies and traditions all over theworld (i.e., Kabuki in Japan, Kia Orama on Cook Island, Drag in theUnited States, Mardi Gras in New Orleans, Yup ilk in Alaska, and Mexicanmasks) where new identities are conferred on the wearer. Since the 17thand 18th centuries, masking has been practiced in all types of cultural

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AFRICAN MASKED DANCE AND THEWEARING OF DRAG

APPLICATIONS OF GEBSER’S MYTH AND MAGIC

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activities. This is evidenced in the Samba Schools of Brazil’s Carnival(Afalobi, 2002), Shakespearean plays and Elizabethan theater (Baker,1968; Orgel, 1989), early 20th-century vaudeville shows, and Oriental the-ater or the Peking Opera (Dolby, 1976). These examples can be expandedeven more but serve in this chapter only to emphasize that there are varia-tions of masking behavior that exist in diverse societies.

African masked dance and drag are distinguished from other forms ofmasquerade and were chosen as a point of focus for several reasons. First,both performances are rife with taboo and myth that are difficult to combat.Sexual myths about feminine behavior are prominent in drag, and beliefs thatAfrican masked dance is situated in the depths of darkness, sorcery, andwitchcraft continue. Second, identities are linked to a reinvented image thatleads the spectator and the wearer to believe in the idea that “I am notmyself,” in either classification of metamorphosis—male female-ing (malesbecoming female) or spiritual kinship (deceased ancestors/forest sprits return-ing to share the human body for a short time). Finally, the position of thefemale masker in both performances is different from that of the male maskerand will serve as a critique toward power, politics, and marginalization.

The application of magic and myth will be made from Gebser’s semi-nal work, The Ever-Present Origin (1949/1991). Gebser examines com-mon ways that people live in different periods through illustrations of artobjects, literature, and science. Gebser describes five consciousness struc-tures that correspond with a particular reading of reality: Archaic, Magical,Mythical, Mental, and Integral. Much of what societies have experienced,in terms of social transformation as it relates to creative expression, can beassociated with the work of Jean Gebser. The fundamental premise ofGebser’s work is that society is constantly on the verge of a new conscious-ness and a paradigmatic shift from ancient times to the present. These con-sciousness structures are based on a cultural conception of spirituality andman’s need to cultivate a reflection of spirit through art, painting, sculp-ture, and design as a response to rigid structures that impede individualexpression. This analysis is about how myth and magic are exemplified inthe tradition of two performances, the expansion of gendered identity, gen-dered power relations, the emergence of essentialists politics, and of who isauthentic and who is not. The performances under examination are notconsidered rigid but embody a social critique based on a review of researchthat alludes to inflexibility constructed in the performance to maintain tra-dition by dressing in concealing ways. This analysis is also comprised ofseveral parts: first, a quick look at the terms employed in this analysis—African masked dance and the wearing of drag, the role of African maskeddance, a brief summary of drag, Gebser’s ideas of magic and mythical struc-tures, implications for communication, and then, finally, a closer look athow dominance is expressed in each performance.

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TERMS

To better understand how these two contexts have social meaning, we haveto first explore the terms used in this analysis. Masked dance is a term thatwould be rejected by many scholars. Perhaps there is nothing more damag-ing than this thrum way of unrealistic criticism. Many scholars who workin this area have experienced the suggestion that African masked dance isused as a monolith. Duerden (2000) suggests that critical cultural scholarsinsist that there is no masked dance that could be included under the gen-eral heading African masked dance because there are unique customs,beliefs, and traditions in Africa where more than 53 countries, 250 lan-guages, and 800 ethnic groups exist.

Although it is true that Africa is far too vast to speak of in monolithicterms, the author employs the term African masked dance consciouslybecause it displays a common link among different ethnic groups from dif-ferent locations to preserve the culture (Duerden, 2000). The practicesthemselves vary, but there is a belief that the spirit power dwells in themask of the wearer. As the mask develops, it acquires power. The belief thatmasks hold power is common throughout Africa (Fedrej, 1986; Pels, 1998;Wingo, 1998). The purpose of the ritual is to illustrate that masks makespirits visible and that there is a manifestation of invisible power, otherwisethe ritual is meaningless—hence the term African masked dance.

Drag is also a complex term and can refer to many performances. Theterm drag is also a contested term, but in this chapter it refers to a malesubject who performs a version of femininity on stage for theatrical, enter-tainment, or competitive purposes where feminine behavior has been cod-ified through clothing, mannerism, and appearance. Drag performance inthis analysis refers specifically to camp (an exaggerated, clown-like style ofdrag performance that includes satire and dirty jokes), drag queens (per-formers, generally gay men and sometimes transgendered men who dress inwomen’s clothing with the sole purpose of giving the illusion of beingfemale; drag queens often perform to lip-syncing.), and female imperson-ators (female impersonators dress and act like women, famous women;many female impersonators are heterosexual). These performances suggestthat performers have deeply invested in their female mask without relianceon surgical modifications or an erotic desire. Surgical change makes iden-tity expansion of transgendered and transsexual individuals permanentrather than temporal. The erotic desire in fetishists is often private and per-sonal and is not a physical reversal of one’s identity. Therefore, drag is notto be confused with terms such as fetishists (a fetishist has an erotic inter-est that is centered on garments, underclothing, and shoes), transsexuals (atranssexual strongly desires to assume the physical traits of the opposite

sex through surgical construction, with the ultimate goal of passing as maleor female), and transvestism (a transvestite takes on the dress and manner-isms associated with the opposite sex).

Although drag and African masked dance is unrestricted to gender(Babatunde, 1988; Butler, 1993), male transformation (e.g., male secretsocieties and male female-ing—a man masquerading as a woman) is theprimary focus of this analysis. The reason there is no particular effort madeto examine female male-ing (a woman masquerading as a man) and femalemasked dancers lies in the fact that drag female male-ing is not only viewedas a substandard performative act, but female male-ing is considered nor-mal and desirable for a woman (Stoller, 1985). Women who wear men’sclothes “have no clothing fetish” because men’s clothing has no associationwith eroticism like women’s clothing (Woodhouse, 1989). In Africanmasked dance, women are not allowed to enter most secret societies or per-form masked dance with few exceptions (i.e., girl initiations). Women areexcluded in both performances preserving patriarchal privilege.

HOW AFRICAN MASKED DANCE FUNCTIONS

African music and dance in their essence communicate concepts of life on aspiritual level. Dance in African culture is a universal, transcendent language(Wingo, 1998). Masked dance is a cultural practice that is part of everydayliving, in which ceremonial dancing and masks have purpose. There are sixprimary functions of African masked dance: (a) to tell stories throughmasked representation of ancestors and village characters that relate histo-ry to its audience, both private (i.e., secret societies for members only) andfor the public; (b) to address problems with moral codes (Arnoldi, 2000);(c) to establish a clear identity of the wearer in the spirit world (Arnoldi,2000); (d) to perform symbolic Rites of Passage, which includes initiation,wedding, and funeral rituals; (e) to administer social control, which includesthe punishment of criminals and evil cult practice; and (f) to entertainmentby retelling folklore, history, and comedy. An example of these functions areillustrated in the Mekenda circumcision ceremony for boys in Zaire and theSande society for girls in Sierra Leon, where the initiates are given newnames and go through transitional training in their role as an adult. TheEgungun dance masquerades in southeast Nigeria are examples of ritualsused to administer justice and social order within the community (Olajubu& Ojo, 1977). Sacred rituals include fertility rites and warding off of evilspirits like the Minhajl mask in Zaire and the Dance of the Raffia in Nigeria(Meyer, 1992). The masquerades of Mali are where the Sogo bo animalmasks represent beliefs about hunting success (Arnoldi, 2000).

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To understand the meaning behind masks, behavioral manifestation,and the traditions of African people, Brielmaier (2000) lists several func-tions of African masks. The Dan masks of West Africa are used in publicwhen there is a need for social order. It is also a symbol for strength andpower. Fang masks are used to protect the community from the worldbeyond. Helmet masks are for the Mende women and embody the powerof the matriarch. Kota masks repel evil and guard the family. Kwele masksare a nonhuman representation that regulates social and political life. Punumasks are ancestral carvings used to mark the end of mourning. Bwa dwarfmasks represent nature spirits that ensure well-being. Battle masks are usedfor entertainment purposes.

HOW THE WEARING OF DRAG FUNCTIONS

The wearing of drag has a long history in the performing arts communityspanning an extensive assortment of cultural and artistic customs, just asAfrican masked dance exhibits. In its broadest sense, drag means a set ofclothes or an outfit that carries symbolic significance (Ekins, 1993). Theterms drag, drag queen, mimicry, gender impersonation, camp, malefemale-ing, and play of appearances all refer to some form of theatrical per-formances that have been defined as “the theoretical and deconstructivesocial practice that analyzes these structures [gender, indecisiveness] fromwithin, by putting in question the ‘naturalness’ of the gender roles throughthe discourse of clothing and body parts” (Garber, 1992, p. 151).

There are six primary functions of wearing drag: (a) to establish a clearidentity of the wearer by designating a gender role when worn by the oppo-site gender (i.e., male actors in Elizabethan England and classical Chinesetheater where men performed female roles because women were bannedfrom the stage) (Levine, 1986); (b) to resist oppression and challenge thestatus quo (i.e., 1969 Stonewall Riots, gay pride parades) (Rupp & Taylor,2003); (c) to entertain or put on a show (i.e., RuPaul, Crazy Girls Show inLas Vegas, New York’s annual Wigstock festival); (d) to personally fulfillone’s erotic desire (i.e., film Paris is Burning) (Rupp & Taylor, 2004); (e) tofinancially prosper (i.e., Atlanta’s Now Explosion drag troupe and gay bardrag shows) (Baker, 1968; Newton, 1972); and (f) to reveal genderedpower as men as described in the field work with the drag queens at the801 Cabaret (Rupp & Taylor, 2005).

Although drag is effectively associated with Western gay culture, “dragqueen” performers, whom are gay, rarely perform unless participating inpageants. The performances consist of singing or lip-synching, dancing, andparticipating in events such as gay pride parades and gay games.

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Impersonators, in contrast, often perform impressions of classic performerssuch as Marilyn Monroe, Madonna, Cher, Tina Turner, Whitney Houston,and Judy Garland (Bullough, 1976; Taylor & Rupp, 2004). Newton’s(1972) analysis stresses that drag is the outside—sex role behavior is anappearance for the audience, which clearly supports that drag is a doubleinversion that says, “Appearance is an illusion.” The “outside” appearanceis feminine, but my essence “inside” is masculine. Concurrently, it symbol-izes the opposite inversion: “my appearance ‘outside’ is masculine, but myessence ‘inside’ is feminine” (p. 69). Thus, drag can be a role that is takenon or off but is clearly the decision of the wearer.

However, forms of masking and what it represents continue to havemythical and magical qualities. In the following discussion and applicationof Gebser’s mythical and magical structures of consciousness, there will bemisunderstandings, objections, and misinterpretations because this processspeaks of the spiritual rather than the biological. So, it is important toemphasize that African masked dance and the wearing of drag does not rep-resent every characteristic of myth and magic. This does not, however, inval-idate the effectiveness of its application. It allows us to see the unfolding ofconsciousness and self-realization through visible identity transformation.

GEBSER’S MAGICAL STRUCTURE OF CONSCIOUSNESS

Gebser (1949/1991) argues that at a certain historical point, a change tookplace and man started to develop a new consciousness about the world aswell as his role in it. The period that represents the magical structure canbe found in 200,000–10,000 BC, when hunters gathered, tools were made,primitive art was drawn in caves, and rituals and dance were an expressivelanguage (not linguistically). The magical consciousness event celebratesthe representation of some ancestor or god and man’s obsession with hav-ing the world rather than just being in the world. Magic is expressed in adream-like sleep, where the wearer experiences the world blindly andthrough confusion. The most potent weapon is spell casting. The use ofwitchcraft is man’s way of freeing himself from nature in his struggle forpower. The use of witchcraft is a function of reacting and directing one’sreality, which signifies man’s struggle for power.

According to Gebser (1949/1991), to ward off evil, man disguises him-self as that which threatens him or he re-creates the image through draw-ings or carvings to gain power over it. As illustrated in the wearing of dragand African masked dance, respectively, the disguise in the wearing of dragwould be equivalent to drag queens acting and passing as woman during adrag show performance to gain power over his anatomical imperfection

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and social restriction on gender bending. In other words, he claims andtakes ownership of woman. In becoming woman, he conquers and takesaway what he fears. Additionally, he sequesters the power assigned to itwhen he claims becoming woman for himself (Anonymous, 1995).

In African masked dance, man disguises himself behind a man-mademask where the spirits of the ancestors are believed to lie. Dancing to thebeat of drums, he makes the spirits of the ancestors and forest spirits visi-ble to take control of his fear of the underworld. While masked, he gainspower over evil and harmful spirits. The masked wearer can extort money,collect debts, bring messages from beyond, convey peace, judge cases, andbreak the spells of barrenness. These are just a few of the powers assignedto the masks (Phillips, 1978; Segy. 1976; Wylie, 1973).

CHARACTERISTICS OF MAGIC

According to Mickunas (1997), magic consciousness for Gebser is embed-ded in cultural meanings, ritualistic practices, and social constructionsrather than the magician’s way of making things disappear and reappear.Magic has an Indo-Germanic root related to several words meaning, “mak-ing power” (p. 3). Magic man is able to practice witchcraft, sorcery, totem,and taboo through art, rituals, laws, and other objects that function assigns of acquiring power and giving himself freedom (Gebser, 1949/1991).We see this further demonstrated in the five essential characteristics of themagic structure that allows for a mystical transformation: (a) egolessness;(b) spacelessness and timelessness; (c) one-dimensional unity; (d) the livingconnection between man and nature, the most prominent characteristic ofthe magic consciousness structure; and (e) his magical response to theworld where a sense of self is always present. It is here where sorcery,spells, and taboos lie.

The manifestation of egolessness shows man’s “release from nature”(Gebser, 1949/1991, p. 48). Because African masked dance and the wear-ing of drag inhabit some of the essential characteristics of the magic man,they fulfill the purpose of magic with respect to ritualistic practices. Theegolessness of the magic man represents an act against nature that is attrib-uted to individual power of man’s ability to stand external to the supernat-ural power of nature. In the wearing of drag, egolessness is expressed whenmen approach gender femininity (i.e., wearing women’s clothing). His actagainst nature is considered an unnatural act (Butler, 1990; Connell, 2002).As a result of men who wear drag, there is an ontological disconnectionfrom nature. Thus, drag is questioned on the basis of biological predeter-mination but requires a superordinate reality attributed to a preexistent

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power connected to full consciousness. This consciousness requires man tobear the responsibility for his wearing of drag as a symbol of his releasefrom nature. In other words, his disharmony with the whole makes himconscious.

The second characteristic, point-like unity, is an exchangeable connec-tion between real and symbolic causative activities (Gebser, 1949/1991).The magic man is part of everything around him, yet he recognizes he isdifferent and is a separate entity. The forms of expression of this structurecan be found clearly in African masked dance, in which man is assumed tobecome the spirit of an ancestor or forest animal. The spirit is believed tobe everywhere, including in the trees, rivers, rocks, persons, and the moun-tains (Bastin, 1993; Finley, 1999). This unity is also apparent in theNworong and Negri secret societies’ death masquerades in Cameroon. Notonly is the symbolic role of the masker associated with the spirit of theancestors, the interchangeability of the real and the symbolic is visiblewhen the wearer and spectators are exposed to the danger of being affect-ed by the mask. Whatever happens to the wearer can also happen to theaudience. The spirit of the mask is scattered all over. The sorcery, witch-craft, and power of the performance lies in the act of or ability to causedeath.

According to Wingo’s (1998) ethnographic accounts of the Nkohmask, the symbolic dismemberment performed during a funeral rite coin-cides with the actual ones committed in the past. The masquerade is pre-ceded by secret music that has been playing for hours in the secret society.Ranked secret society men enter first to warn spectators that Nkoh is com-ing. Once Nkoh appears, two people holding ropes restrain him. Nkoh car-ries two clubs used to throw at individuals running in front, spectators notsquatting, and to kill a live goat. During the ritual, Nkoh claps the twoclubs together, throws them to the ground, and open his arms and fingersto illustrate grabbing something to tear apart. Children respond in fearbecause the story behind the performance is that Nkoh used to dismemberbodies of people. If Nkoh breaks loose from the ropes and returns to theforest, foragers go in search of Nkoh with live chickens, not just to reducethe fear in the community, but because it is believed that once the chickensare sacrificed, the spirit of the chicken will take the message of elders backto the ancestors and the villagers will be safe.

This paint-like unity is an illustration that everything is intertwinedand interchangeable. This unity is apparent when the symbolic illustrationof dismembering a body is pantomimed in the ritual. The ability to destroyis the act of witchcraft. This destruction coincides with stories of Nkoh'shistory of killing therefore it is in one sense unreal. Because of the ritual’smystical and secretive aspects, it manifests realness. In other dance mas-querades, it is believed that touching the dancer could kill you. African

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masked dancers are also believed to have power to heal, counter spells,chase liars out of the community, and make blessings (Olajubu & Ojo,1977; Wingo, 1998).

Another feature of the magical structure is spacelessness and timeless-ness, which occurs in the state of a trance as a reaction the masses, slogansor —isms (Gebser, 1949/1991). Man is not completely cognizant of who heis and loses his authority due to the induced dream-like state. Mickunas(1997) argues that “this unity means that any event is unitary, is a space-time event, and that any event, entity, activity can be exchanged for anyother. In this sense the soul is not yet inside but strewn among all events”(p. 3). This preoccupation allows for the influence of magic to appear fromcountless knowledge sources that force us to connect with the soul to holdonto some aspect of the ego. For example, in the documentary Paris IsBurning, black and Hispanic gay men inhabit two worlds and experience adual identity. In one world, they experience discrimination and poverty,whereas in another world, they are able to dance, put on costumes, imitate,and perform in a world that excludes.

To further substantiate this claim, spacelessness and timelessness isexpressed in African masked dance when the wearer of the mask goes intoa deep trance to communicate with an ancestor to bring forth a message ofwisdom and order. A wise man or translator sometimes accompanies thewearer of the mask during the ritual. Often the messages are grunted utter-ances, and the translator will accurately decipher the messages (Herold,1967). Forms of this structure can also be found in the wearing of drag.The magic man becomes more apparent in drag due to the fact that it isassumed he reaches deep into the soul/psyche of himself and the audienceto develop an elevated status to falsify his reality as woman.

As discussed by Gebser, the magical structure of consciousness is pro-duced through a body–mind inversion, which depends on the presence of anatural proclivity toward being feminine. In Paris Is Burning, one of thejudges explains, “If you can pass the trained eye and not give away the factthat you’re gay, that’s when it’s Real.” When a man becomes a woman inperformance, his ability to imitate her is likening to the connection with anexternal spirit where the feminine body of a woman materializes based ona psychological and physiological transformation into a woman (Brasell,1997). The performer’s identity resides so deep in the nocturnal part ofhimself that he could come into full consciousness as woman (Morris,1995). Thus, he is not aware of his consciousness and cannot be in totalcontrol of his power.

The merging with nature is the fourth and most notable characteristic.Man has a definite connection with nature but concurrently wages waragainst nature to become visible. This interaction is shown in Africanmasked dances where the soul of the ancestor is reincarnated through

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masking (Pels, 1998; Walter, 2001). According to Wills (1985), the masksare believed to be the faces of God and spirits, so there is a direct commu-nication between them. The individual is lifted outside of himself and aspirit being is created. In Egungun and Jobai masks, there is a close associ-ation among the masks, the spirit of the mask, and the mask wearer. Themask wearer absorbs the magical powers of the mask. He loses a part ofhis own identity and becomes possessed by a spirit that is indicative to themask.

By and large, African masked dance shows unity, but it also proposesa paradox in the unity. In the masking performance, the masker becomesone with spirit. The mask contains the mind and spirit of the wearer, butthe wearer is in no real danger as long as he follows the dance routine andthe beat of the drums. He remains as a representation of the spirit withoutbeing taken by the full life force (Fedrej, 1986). Mickunas argues that inthe magic structure, the “soul is not yet inside” (p. 3). Although the maskeris well hidden underneath his mask and costume, the self is always present,which implies consciousness and an exact course of action. Concurrently,the magic man’s awareness of the music and drumbeats is a method of pre-venting himself from merging with nature, which leads to the fifth charac-teristic, magic reaction.

The magic reaction produces separation and a striving for power.Already separated from nature, the magic man is performing for himself.Here, the magic man casts spells of his own to release himself from nature’shold to access power, further accomplishing a leap into consciousness. Asa result, he is free from taboos, labels, and miracles. The skill of passingallows men in drag to stand out against the power of nature. Passing aswoman presents an allusion of the real. As described by Maltz (1998),passing is a misreading of the false copy as real. Another implication is thatpassing can influence “heteronormative citizenship” in the outside world(Johnson, 2002, p. 317). In the case of a passing drag queen, the power toliberate himself from nature is illustrated in his authentic male identitybeing misinterpreted as an authentic woman and perhaps his ability to livelife as a woman off stage with traditional societal standards. Thus, in pass-ing, it is more important that the masker conceal not only his masculinitybut also his phallus in order to give the illusion of woman.

REFLECTIONS OF COMMUNICATION THROUGH MAGIC

The element of communication that is a product of the magical structure isthe idea of a third subject. The third subject grows out of Casmir’s (1999)third-culture building model that describes a cultural convergence of two

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cultures into an offspring as a response to the environment. These respons-es go beyond practices of disempowerment and include mutual communi-cation, organizational systems, and other values. Ritualistic practices likeAfrican masked dance and drag are good examples of this consciousnessstructure on account of certain dance movements, mannerisms, and ges-tures, operating at the point of transformation, conveying the making ofnot only power but the emerging of a third subject.

Additionally, the ears and the eyes are the predominant sense organ inthe magical structure. The method of communicating is nonverbal for theone who wears the mask. The spirits of the mask never talk during the rit-ual, and the person who wears the mask never speaks about it (Evanoff,1985; Ukala, 2000). This explains how words or the lack thereof becomevehicles of power for the masker. The absence of mouth and language ofthe body and dance produces a consciousness that is not linguisticallyexpressed creating a mystical and realness feel to the performance.

GEBSER’S MYTHICAL STRUCTURE OF CONSCIOUSNESS

The mythical structure for Gebser is representative of the Stone Age whencommunities began to permanently develop along with economics, govern-ment, technology, science, and war as major institutions. According toMikunas (1997), the word myth is derived from the word mythos, whichmeans to speak, but it also means to be mute. This polarity is characterizedby the presence of silence. The role of speech is important in making themyth visible and where we see the individual emerge (Feuerstein, 1987). Atthe root of the myth is the presence of language where stories, poems, andepic myths emerge to maintain its life, which suggest that nothing is total-ly mysterious about what happens in a society. In this structure, man self-transcends his dream-like state to validate his consciousness.

To reveal that there is a third subject, it is important that the stories aretold to continue the legend. Man ceases to identify with the spiritual being,and the human personality becomes transparent and man can see himselfas a larger part of the narrative. Myths also function to establish and main-tain social solidarity (Durkheim, 1955) to legitimate social institutions andvalidate beliefs, customs, and attitudes (Malinowski, 1954). What thisimplies is that the voice is sometimes used to instill fear. The essential ele-ments of the mythical structure, man’s separation from nature, are charac-terized by (a) the use of mouth and silence, and (b) the location of time andspace.

In African masked dance and the wearing of drag, the use of mouth andsilence is expressed in announcements and reports from the audience after

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the performance and in the social laws associated with drag. Convolutedmythology is in place, with language being the primary medium. The wordsabout the performance reflect power. Although an “I” identity exist, a “we”identity prevails in the structure and the mythic man remains egoless anddream-like but uses the mouthpiece to explain and validate his individuali-ty. African masked dance imitates the myths of ancestral symbolic gestures(Cole, 1985). A good example of myth in African masked dance comesthrough the creation of masks. Many African performances require men tomaterialize spirits, Mukisi, by dreaming. The “dream of awakening”(Gebser, 1949/1991, p. 165) and the audience’s report of spirit manifesta-tion are the most vivid depictions of myth and are perhaps responsible forcontinued legends. Information about the masks comes directly from themask maker or the loyalty of the audience (Hersak, 1986). The myth relieson the audience to report their experience and the dreams of the creator ofthe mask. So the passing down of the myths through historical narrativesrelating to the mask’s origin fulfills this mode of consciousness.

According to Fedrej’s (1986) comparison of Mende and Dan masks,these myths are advanced in society several ways: (a) costumes are oftenregarded by the observations of the audience as colorful and beautiful; (b)masks gain prestige as they age over several generations of owners, there-fore oral traditions help to defend its social status; and (c) masks are some-times promoted by the elders as having high or low rank and may be dupli-cated or traded. This passing down of the oral tradition not only pulls thespirit out of concealment into view but also involves passing down power.If the belief in the effectiveness of the myth is pervasive in a particular soci-ety, it is likely that individuals will believe in the myth and it will be accept-ed as public opinion.

The appearance of the mouth, as a repository of knowledge, in dragwear performance is observed in historical rules of theater that articulateddrag as subversive. These regulations observed the danger of men becom-ing too feminine and succumbing masculinity if drag were performed often.When this activity was noticed being pursued offstage, sumptuary lawswere positioned (Garber, 1992) for the reason that there was a belief thatperformers were fully aware of their identity. At this point in time, the mag-ical structure of consciousness was not a problem because the masker wasnot fully conscious of his actions. Men could perform women’s roles aslong as he kept his masculinity intact and psychologically understood thathis performance of femininity is just an act and not a reality. When per-formances of femininity were noticed off stage, magic consciousnessbecame a problem and mythical consciousness emerged, indicating a socialchange was occurring. Myth played an important role in destabilizing gen-der disturbed bodies and “the effects of deviance” (Anonymous, 1995, p.1989; Levine, 1993).

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Garber (1992) notes that, in 1915, the dean of Yale University ruledthat female characters could not be impersonated for more than 1 year insuccession, in theatrical performances at the university, because it couldmake men effeminate and/or yearning to be undifferentiated to woman.Garber (1992) also argues that “effeminate” can mean a condition causedby women (by excessive sexual interest in them) or the condition of beingturned into a “woman” (with the implication that the “effeminate” man isnot at all sexually interested in women) (p. 139). The ruling at YaleUniversity simply led to a social belief that if men continued to performwomen’s roles, they would become vulnerable to physiological femininityand would lose a masculine self-presence. Male female-ing prohibitions intheater were a much broader attack on deviance; however, vocalized oppo-sition attached to drag performances made it economically challenging forperformers who did this for a living and were not gay.

Discourse of deification and ethos also played an important role inmythos because the discourse classified man’s private erotic behavior asunnatural and a subversive act against God. This demonized performancedetermined his gender identity with assurance. The clergy played an impor-tant role in this framing because of their instrumentality in political debatessurrounding homosexuality and their weekly influence with their congre-gations (Olson & Cadge, 2002). Although homosexuality is not the sameas wearing drag, perceptions surrounding drag performativity is that it is asign of perversion related to homosexuality (Bateman, 2002; Butler, 1990)and disruption of the divine order of things that will lead to a decline inmoral values (Yip, 2003). These ideals continue to sit at the center of post-modern worldviews.

The second characteristic of the mythical structure is the location ofspace and time that is an essential component that illustrates a transitionof “cosmogonical images in the early myths are the soul’s recollection ofthe world’s origination [to], later myths, [where] the soul recalls the gene-sis of earth and man“(Gebser 1949/1991, p. 67). Through communal gath-erings, stories about origin, birth, spirits, and great hunters are shared sothat individuals come to an understanding of what is expected of them inthe future (Arnoldi, 2000). According to Fedrej (1986) and Horton (1976),both men and women encounter mythical spirits in dreams (i.e., Dan maskon the Central Guinea Coast). The spirit identifies itself and its features inthe dream. The dreamer later carves a new mask. The spirit then inhabitsthe mask and the mask is wrapped. The spirit will choose a man, and thedream will come to him in an initiation camp. This illustrates that there isa divided relationship necessary for the myth to carry on. It is here wherewe view a transitioning from timelessness to something more tangible. Manis aware of his soul, and his separation from nature is now visible.

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We further encounter this emerging consciousness in the mythical con-struction of drag performance rooted in the media (i.e., film and television).Media was the primary social mouthpiece for the performance of drag,thereby creating a false representation. Bullough and Bullough (1993) andother scholars (i.e., Tasker, 1998) argue that media representations of dragare where audiences were first exposed:

Most of our society forms its impressions of cross-dressing/or drag viafemale impersonators in nightclubs, movie theaters or on television, orthrough professional comedians—Flip Wilson and Milton Berle come tomind—who occasionally cross-dress for laughs…. Thus, most peopleexpect cross-dressers to be outrageous, gay or hustling for sex. (p. 1)

Media representation as a method of knowledge acquisition, whetherrecognized as such, is useful in promulgating the underworld of cross-dressers, drag queens, and others alike. To further support this argument, in1997, Benjamin Edwards Knox played a transgendered drag queen knownas the Lady Chablis. As a character in John Berendt’s (1994) novel,Midnight in the Garden of Good and Evil, which later became a moviedirected by Clint Eastwood (1997), she was brought to the public’s atten-tion, further confusing and projecting wrongfully applied terms that don’tnecessarily include the other (i.e., transvestism, transgendered, cross-dress-ing, homosexuality, drag, etc.). This transcendence into woman in the mag-ical structure of consciousness stage not only acts as a complete substitutionfor a woman but also can be connected with other behaviors related to sex-ual orientation and is identified with it, which creates the mythical structureof consciousness. For example, female impersonation is a developed cross-dressing and feminine mannerism considered a performed art for the pur-pose of making a living rather than sexual pleasure. As evidenced in mediaportrayals, many confuse impersonators with cross-dressers and cross-dressers with transvestism. All people of all sexual orientations and genderidentities have practiced drag, but pure drag is never entirely free of itscross-dressing associations and socialized meanings of masculinity (Suthrell,2004). Although gay and bisexual cross-dressers do exist, many are shockedto find out that the vast majority of cross-dressers are heterosexual(Bullough & Bullough, 1993; Katz, 1992; Levine, 1993). The use of wrong-fully applied terminology and sexual orientation are key misconceptionsassociated with the wearing of drag. Terms such as female impersonation,transsexual, and fetishists are associated with and used interchangeablywith drag. The expression of terms brings about a consciousness.

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REFLECTIONS OF COMMUNICATION THROUGH MYTH

Note there is an absence and presence of the mouth in the mythical struc-ture. Social prohibitions (i.e., Yale University), discourse of the clergy andmedia were the primary mouthpieces in making the legend of deviance andinstability transparent in the modern-day “Fall of Man”—an account ofhow sin enters the world. In most drag performances, there is no vocal reg-istration due to the fact that the focus is on the visual. The absence of voicesignifies man’s limitations and his desire to protect his identity. If his voicedoes not mimic that of a woman, the presence of voice would draw atten-tion to and unveil his masculinity. Because the desire is to simulate a femi-nine persona, the inability to manipulate the audience would seize hispower. According to Newton (1972), there are distinctions between thosewho sing to music and those who do not sing to music within the dragcommunity. The label stage impersonator is specified to those who singsongs to live music. Street impersonator is designated for those who lipsync on stage and never lip sync off stage.

Therefore, the wearing of drag as myth suggests two things. First, gen-der is fabricated (Newton, 1972); male maskers can re-create gender andestablish a believable feminine persona to their audiences, which illustrateshis emerging consciousness. Through drag he is “capable of losing himselfand regaining himself in another person” (Gebser 1949/1991, p. 69).Second, there is an ontological specification of femininity of the maskerprior to the performance that may be understood as a production and dis-play of sexual dysfunction and disrupted masculinity (Butler, 1990). Theidea that becoming a woman is a fantasy of cross-dressers leads to genderconfusion (Ullman, 1995). Thus, “drag” has never simply meant mas-querading in “clothes”; there has always been some undercurrent thatsuperseded the intent of the performer.

THE FUNCTION OF POWER AND DOMINANCE

Practices of drag and African masked dance are still heavily steeped in mag-ical and mythical worldviews, and it is not surprising that these perform-ances are associated with elements of social control used to gain power andauthority that convey a sense of permanence and importance. Man cannotforego this authority because power is inherent in his position as male.Foucault (1990) supports the fact that there is a presence of power thatcannot be denied. At this juncture, I must insert that African masked dance

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and the wearing of drag will present difficulties because it is hard to ascer-tain, with certainty, specific practices related to dominance. Both culturalpractices, however, inevitably foster inequality in terms of how women areexcluded or satirized in masking performances. Anecdotal evidence con-tributes to our understanding of sociocultural dynamics of power and dom-inance as an imagined reality in performances that constitute gender andreaffirm sexist practices.

According to Gebser (1991/1949), when consciousness emerges, man’sassociation with power is connected to it. Therefore, African masked danceand the wearing of drag can be considered symbolic forms and vehicles ofpower. The sexist, misogynist, and patriarchal ways of thinking and behav-ing proffered in these performances are but a reflection of the prevailingvalues in our society—values created and sustained for centuries against thepowerless. Neither performance is the most vicious or brutal expression ofsexism or misogynistic attitudes, but they are portrayed in both perform-ances of focus.

For drag wearers—men who are dominant through illustrating theessence of true womanhood and beauty—power is connected to the wholenotion that what is considered a woman’s world can’t be germane andsacred to women. A defined womanhood without the input of women is acentral core of patriarchy and further silences women (Ackroyd, 1979). ForAfrican masked dancers, men maintain control in communities throughillustrating their authority given to them by becoming an ancestral or a for-est spirit. Through an expanded role, there is a relationship between themasker the living and the dead, the present, and the past. Masks contain-ing these spirits are hidden from women because the spirit is materializedin the mask, which is possessed by the wearer and is ultimately whereauthority is found (Horton, 1976), and the woman becomes invisible.

Many feminists and social control theorist might consider the wearingof drag and African masked dance powerful imagery that gives the wearerthe right to engage in licentious and libidinous behavior that is part of a sex-ist continuum that maintains a patriarchal social order (Baker, 1968;Bateman, 2002; Horton, 1976; Rupp & Taylor, 2003). Even as patriarchyand sexism continue to be the political and cultural norm in our society,feminists and social anthropologists have created a climate where crude anddegrading expressions of what constitutes true womanhood and the manip-ulation of leadership is called into question (Ackroyd, 1979). If we are tounderstand the social implications of patriarchal power, the discussion ofmasking as a political context and as social control must be emphasized.

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AUTHORITY AND CONTROL IN AFRICAN MASKED DANCE

Only recently has African masked dance been concocted as a source ofentertainment. Because African masked dance and drag is perceived asbeing designed for the masses or specific communities, it is considereddevoid of elitism, but this sort of access to the masses make it easier fordominance to be exercised based on the position (center stage) of the maskwearer. And now, masking can be relegated as a manipulative apparatus topreserve male patriarchy and as a means to social and political control.Folb (1997) suggests that rituals that represent the ancestors and variousvillage characters can be used to reinforce social control:

High status and attendant power may be accorded those who are seenor believed to be great warriors or hunters; those invested with magi-cal, diverse and special powers; those who are deemed wise; or thosewho are in possession of important, valued and/or vital societalresources and goods. (p. 140)

Politics, power, and authority are closely associated with African maskeddance performances. To obtain power, one must hide sources of power(Geschiere, 1997). With the mask, the wearer is the law or aestheticallysuperior (Harley, 1950). Musambachime (1994) further supports this posi-tion by asserting, “Depending on the leadership, chiefs often used intimi-dation, force and violence to maintain internal solidarity and uphold theirposition” (p. 85). Thus, the myth of the spirit residing in the mask is a cru-cial component to its power. If the masker’s behavior is not transformed,the ritual or practice is meaningless and so is the power associated with it.The political significance of African masked dance lies within how domi-nance operates within the hierarchical structure of the African communityas evidenced in the readings of African dance.

In traditional African societies, a chief or ruler is present to maintainthe order of the community, but chiefs and rulers of tribes in Africa todayhave a ceremonial function and have no real political significance becauseof Western and French influences. As suggested by Fedrej (1986), there is aclose association between the mask and the ruler. The chief or king isinevitably a member of the male secret society and could be a masked wear-er. By operating through secret masking societies (e.g., wadi bswa kjivebe),the chief can retain his rulership by using the pressure of sorcery to havesupreme command (Hersak, 1986). The masker’s disguise preservedanonymity of specific individuals, so sorcery could not be linked to anyperson of rank, which also leaves women and children powerless. Sorcerybehind the masking to maintain the survival of established political systems

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is a long-time argument of social control theorists, but it is unclear whetherthe masker is concealed for those reasons because certain masks in Gaboncan enforce obedience on those in power (Fedrej, 1986).

In each African society, there is a ceremonial chief. Chiefs are alsomembers of the secret society. All masked dance wearers are members of asecret society (Smith, 2001). The masked dancer is usually the dreamer ofthe mask who may be male or female and is sometimes given entrance inthe secret society. Women secret societies are limited and are for the pur-pose of girl initiation rites of passage. In Sande/Mende Society, the womanwho dreams of the spirit is initiated as a society official, if not already one.This gives the dreamer equal rank as the highest official. A woman can alsoown the mask, but the men wear them in general performances (Herold,1967; Phillips, 1978). The mask dancer is often the maker of the mask andmay also hold membership in the secret society. In men initiation rites, thedreamer is expected to be one of the initiates. Once visited by the spirit, heis expected to create the mask and perform the dance (Fedrej, 1986;Horton, 1976) and consequently provides a glimpse into how power is fos-tered and maintained.

To further examine the relationship of African masked dance andpower, Yoruba history was delved into and exposed how women lost con-trol over masking. According to Olajubu and Ojo (1977), in early Africanmasked dance traditions, women were the first to have the secrets of mask-ing and are said to be the first masked dancers. However, masked dance hasbeen taken over entirely by men, which excludes women from all ritesexcept as onlookers and in girls’ initiation. Women were no longer allowedto wear the mask because they could not produce the guttural sound of theancestral spirit. A male deity was allowed access to the secrets. He cos-tumed himself and spoke in a guttural tone, convincing all that he was aspirit underneath the mask. Women were no longer allowed to wearEgungun costumes from that point on.

Here, we observe a performance shift from matriarchy to patriarchy.Women continue to be prohibited from knowledge and participation inthese secret masking societies, especially in Nkada dances of Yuroba, whereprocreation is praised and the male induces an erection (Hersak, 1986).Harley (1950) asserts that a mask called Zei can impregnate infertilewomen. So, not only does this exclusion render female masking rituals out-numbered, but also they are now inferior in magical expertise, which con-nects them to ancestors of the African world. The exclusion of women is inperformance only. Feminine masks are used in rituals, which reflect thewoman’s role in the social organization of various cultural groups; howev-er, the lower status of women signifies privileges of male domination(Osumare, 1994).

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Other techniques important to the ritual illustrating dominance arewhat role certain masks are classified as in performance. There are two cat-egories of masks in Africa: the aggressive male and the passive female. Themale maskers induce fear by performing miracle feats (e.g., spewing snakesand bees or breathing fire), whereas the female masks are restricted tosupernatural feats within dance. She animates life forces through dance,calling the spirits from the forest and beyond to bring descendants to thevillagers. The female generates potential spirits through birth. She isguardian of the community’s ancestral heritage. She represents the continu-ity of life and cultural tradition. The role of the female masks has beenaccorded a place in African masked dance as one of good fortune or thebearer of children (Hersak, 1986; Wingo, 1998); she is not, however, adecision maker or a link to ancestral spirits.

We must recognize that the magical and mythical structure is attachedto power and dominance because of the shift from the original source offemale masked dance to male masked dance. What has not been taken intoaccount is that when the takeover of African masked dance pushed womenout as leaders, the ancestral spirit component may have been expelled alsodue to matricide. In other words, if the notion of spirit were originallymanifested as the matriarch, new forms of male masquerading could beconstrued as fabricated ancestral spirits to protect practices of male influ-ence rather than a real transformation into spirit.

POWER AND DOMINANCE IN THE WEARING OF DRAG

Ethnographic accounts of men wearing drag (i.e., 801 Cabaret in Key West,Florida; Paris is Burning) indicate that drag performance is more thanentertainment; it is a political outcry where gender bending is used to con-test conventional identity constructions (Rupp & Taylor, 2003). However,some feminists and other scholars believe that wearing drag advancesharmful stereotypes of women that do nothing more than address patriar-chal ideology (Raymond, 1979). Some drag artists might respond that dragis a very specific aesthetic and is not meant to satirize women in general.Nonetheless, any performance depicting women negatively can and doesmarginalize because it is the entertainment that is visible to the mainstream.Drag ridicules, parodies, and degrades women, creating a normative narra-tive because depictions of women in drag do not depart from negative por-trayals of women (Butler, 1993) that further reflect the silencing of women.

An earlier discussion of drag insisted that male female-ing is valuedmore than female male-ing, which suggests that in visual imitation of oth-ers, men are superior. In drag, the performance belongs to men. Many gen-

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der theorists (Ackroyd, 1979) mimick a gender identity forced by a social-ization of masculinity (Nagel, 1998), a reminder that man is naturally inpower (Butler, 1991), usurping every role that is woman regardless of classstanding.

Drag masking for entertainment or as a lifestyle is easier if you arealready living at a certain economic level. This elitism through masking hasbeen observed and illustrated in the past. Butler (1993) suggests that whenDennis Rodman, a professional basketball player for the Chicago Bulls,appeared for his book signing, Bad as I Wanna Be, dressed in heals, make-up, and women’s clothing, his impersonation of an ostentatious womanblowing kisses to the crowd excited everyone. Status and gender hegemo-ny are interdependent terms that contributed to the reasons his maskingdid not appear to be taken as an issue of gayness or deviance, which is asso-ciated with cross-dressing activity as discussed earlier.

Butler (1993) further argues that drag masking behavior of elite men isnot taken seriously in our society because masking is not somethingRodman or any other man is assumed to do every day, at least not publicly.Perhaps spectators thought that this was another one of Rodman’s eccen-tric maneuvers to draw attention to himself or that it was his way of act-ing out some make-believe fantasy of life or that he was simply having funimitating a woman, which then becomes a privileged expression of genderbecause he (Rodman) could and did unmask himself without being a truevictim of gendered outrage and prejudice. His cross-dressing was accept-able because he was successful power elite who would have never cross-dressed publicly before achieving social standing. Rodman was accepted indrag because masculinity is influenced by sports and there is this untouch-able veil that athletes possess in the Western world (Trujillo, 1991). To beeffeminate and an athlete concurrently is antithetical to the behaviors thatconstitute masculinity or the mark of a man.

Nevertheless, this enchanting woman, expressed by men in drag, is asign of misogynistic behavior because drag wearers adopt styles of dress(femme) that imitates the most ribald and unattractive kind of woman(Tyler, 1991), where femininity is considered to be authentic. Many dragperformers choose to imitate women who are in real life bigger than life(Patti Labelle, Cher, Liza Minnelli, Tina Turner, Diana Ross, BarbraStreisand, Whitney Houston) rather than demure women (Carol Channing,Celine Dion, Carole King, Nancy Wilson, Dionne Warwick). If men are infact trying to escape this manhood thing, why do they choose loud, wild,gutsy, women; women known for their power; women whose features (bigmouths) and attitudes are associated with being male? This identity ofwomen is misrepresented and is constructed to establish male rulership.Drag brings into being this assembled image of a woman who is replacedwith masculine femininity but surreptitiously adopting the customs

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through the tradition of patriarchal norms even though drag performersare breaking gender codes and acting outside of heterosexual norms(Butler, 1991). The real question becomes, what are they really masking?What do they not want us to see?

Ullman (1995) further explains that impersonation performances seemto offer men the opportunity to take power over representations of femi-ninity, which reinforces male authority over the image of woman as hecharacterizes her at a superficial level, which never has to deal with percep-tions of being unwomanly (Anonymous, 1995). In the transposed words ofHealey (1994), femininity would only be authentic if men were posingbecause women cannot act like women. She cannot act out that she existsperhaps because femininity is not about human physiology, but because itis based on consciousness, transformation, and mutation. Thus, drag con-stitutes what is woman in the process of posing reaffirming the virility ofman.

CONCLUSION

Every culture experiences a paradigm shift, and the wearing of drag andAfrican masked dance are examples of such a shift with respect to genderedperformances and Gebser’s structures of consciousness. Traditional maskeddance has lost its religious significance and is performed to keep the her-itage alive, and drag performance is steeped in politics as well as entertain-ment, but both are heavily steeped in myth and magic and express animbalance of power and access that is not resolved. The analysis of powerinequity in African masked dance is conceptualized from a Western per-spective, and drag is interpreted from an outsider–insider perspective,which may be perceived as a distorted frame of reference and a misinter-pretation of the performance itself.

The focus here has been Gebser’s approach to understanding the mag-ical, mythical, and power structures in the wearing of drag and Africanmasked dance. The first part dealt with examining the magic man in bothperformances. The magical structure was characterized by a certain sepa-ration from one’s surrounding, but not totally. African masked dance anddrag performances were like a state of sleep or a deep sleep becoming onewith nature. African maskers reach deep into the underworld or the forestspirit and drag wearers reach deep into their psyche to imitate woman.

By contrast, the mythical structure is captured in the vocal expressionsassociated with each performance. The dream-like state became an impor-tant factor in characterizing this structure of consciousness, but the histor-ical narrative is how the myth socially emerged and is maintained. For

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African masked dance, the spirit comes to the dreamer in initiation in theforest and is later produced in a mask and then in performance to render amessage to the audience. For drag, myth was articulated through policiesand regulations in venues where cross-dressing was performed and laterthrough the discourse of clergy and media presentations intersecting withsocial identity. In this regard, it can be seen that modem perspectives relat-ed to magic and myth, dominance and power, and consciousness andunconsciousness coincide with these performances.

Finally, dominance and power were examined as aspects of Africanmasked dance and the wearing of drag. Here, a paradigm shift is assessed.With the disappearance and exclusion of women in these performances,masking is viewed as a symbol of power. Men became the wearer of thebritches and the panties, extended and reaffirmed gender and genderedboundaries, and distinguished between masculinity and femininity. Thecentrality of gender demonstrates not only sexuality, masculinity, and fem-ininity, but also dominance. When the wooded mask is taken off behindclosed doors to disguise one’s identity to remain in social power with thecommunity or when the makeup and wig are taken off at the end of theperformance on stage, as if to say, I can be woman and man, where doestruth lie? Is there a real spirit connection of the masked or are appearancesinvented to maintain social control? Is drag an indication that genderedand sexualized behavior is casual or is patriarchal control through feminiz-ing the woman an elitist ideology? Having discussed these issues in relationto masking behavior lends itself to commentary directed toward searchingfor, not so much as truth, but what is underneath the mask. As RuPaul(1995) states:

Drag for me is showtime. . . . So when I go to work, it’s no differentthan a businessman wearing his three-piece suit on Wall Street. . . .After all, whether we are at work or play we are all wearing masks andplaying roles all the time. . . . You’re born naked and the rest is drag.(pp. vii–ix)

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