African Journal of Education & Transformation (AJET)

Volume 1, Edition No 2, November 2021, (ISSN No: 2788-6379)

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African Journal of Education & Transformation (AJET)


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“Social Justice and Transformation in Education in the Post-COVID-19 Era”

ISSN No: 2788-6379

Foreword by Editor in Chief This is the 2nd Edition of Volume 1 of the African Journal in Education Transformation (AJET). The African Journal in Education and Transformation (AJET) is an open-access, peer-reviewed and multidisciplinary bi-annual Journal offering graduate scholars the opportunity to participate in research output to address the shift from elite to mass participation in higher education and emerging opportunities that make higher education more responsive to competing demands of SA society. The Journal aims to increase research output by graduates from disadvantaged communities from various functional areas. The Journal avails a platform for novice to experienced Researchers to journal detailed accounts of various research projects across various functional areas. The ultimate objective is to encourage an increase in research output in line with the National Development Plan Vision 2030 and assist graduate Researchers to attain professional ratings by the National Research Foundation (NRF). The Journal welcomes articles, dialogues, notes, book reviews and further comments thereon, in keeping with Editorial policy (see www.hetn.org.za/research.php). The theme of this 2nd Edition is “Social Justice and Transformation In Education In The Post-Covid 19 Era”.

The key focus areas of AJET is in the following functional areas:-

• Education

• Social Sciences

• Management Sciences

• Economics

• Law

• Built Environment

All article submissions by email to [email protected] Yours faithfully

Editor in Chief Prof Thidziambe Sylvia Phendla www.hetn.org.za/research.php Email: [email protected]

http://www.hetn.org.za/research.php

mailto:[email protected]

http://www.hetn.org.za/research.php




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Editorial Board

Prof Thidziambi Sylvia Tshivhase-Phendla

PhD (Michigan State University); M.Ed (UJ), FDE (UJ); B.Ed (Wits) ; BA. Ed (Univen) HELM (Wits);

Editor in Chief

Prof Peter Lebusa Bogopane

PhD (NWU); MPA (TSU, Texas); BPA (Hon) (NWU); BPA (NWU)

Dr Kiran Odhav

PhD (NWU); MA (Essex, UK); BA. Soc (Hons) (UND);BA. Soc (Wits)

Matodzi Michelle Amisi

MA(Wits); BA Psych(Hons)(Wits); BA Psych(Wits)

Dr. Mgwebi Lavin Snail

D.Phil(Bayreuth); MA(Bayreuth); BA(Hons)(Fort Hare); BA(Fort Hare)

Mothepane Ledicia Seolonyane

MBA (NWU); PGDM (NWU); ND. Fin Man (Taletso TVET)

Litshani David Matsheketsheke

M.Comm (Wits); MBA (Liverpool); B.Comm (Univen); EDP (Wits)

Prof Zacheus Sethulego Matebesi

PhD (Sociology, UFS); MA (Sociology, UFS); BA (Hons) (UFS); BA (UFS)

Dr Seboka Kopung

PhD (NWU); MBA(Thames Valley); B.Ed (Hons) (NWU); B.Sc. Ed (NWU); B Min (CFCI), B Min(Hons) (TICU), GDE (Civil)(Wits)

Dr Reginald Sethole Legoabe

DTBA (TUT); MBA (NWU); PGDM (NWU); ND.HRM (SABPP); AIM (UCT); CMS (Mancosa)

Goitsemodimo Abel Molocwa

M.Comm (NWU); B.Comm (Hons)(NWU); B.Comm (NWU)

Issued by African Journal in Education & Transformation (AJET), (ISSN 2788 – 6379)

Research Journal of the Higher Education Transformation Network (NPO 116- 851)

109 Windswawel Road, Monument Park, Pretoria, 0181

Republic of South Africa

http://www.hetn.org.za/research.php Email: [email protected]



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INDEX

Title

Articles

Author(s)

GA Molocwa; K Logo; IP Mongale

LS Matlala

J Buthelezi

N Amin; K Odhav

Page Numbers

Page 5 - 14

Page 15 - 30

Page 31 - 38

Page 39 - 49

Page 50 – 56

Page 57 – 63

64 – 67

68 – 86

87 – 101

102 – 108

109 - 119

Evaluating Investment Theories and Policy in South Africa: A Text Mining Approach Keywords: Investment, Uncertainty, Incentive, Capital stock, Accelerator principle, Tobin’s q, Output

Is The Lack of a Centralised Research Data Repository (CRDR) Affecting The Collective Effectiveness of NGOs in The Education Sector? Keywords: Data repository; Evidence-based; Education; effectiveness; Collaborations; NGOs

Exploring the Role of the School-Based Support Team During the Covid-19 Pandemic Keywords: School-Based Support Team, Covid-19, Lockdown,

Inclusion, Sociocultural Theory Media Perspectives of Football and FIFA’s Role on the African Continent: A Hegemony Analysis Keywords: Africa, Football, Hegemony, Power, Resistance

The Paradox of Plenty: Is South Africa suffering from the Resource Curse? Keywords: African wealth, wealth, resources, conflict Significance and Determination of Fraction of Non-Separable Particles of Impurities in Water Purification Keywords: non-separable particles, number of non-separable particles, degree of destabilisation, degree of aggregation,

centrifugation, collision frequency factors

The Community Education and Training (CET) Sector: The Sector on a wrong Trajectory? Keywords: CET Colleges; Community Education and Training; Colleges; skills shortages; night schools

“The Paradox Of Luselo-Lufhanga Metaphors”: African Women Defining Leadership For Social Justice” Keywords: Black women; School principals; Leadership; Social

justice; Oppression Factors Contributing To Low Employee Morale at a South African State Owned Entity in Financial Distress Keywords: Morale, Employee Satisfaction; Job Satisfaction; Labour

Productivity The influence of Social Media on Protests: The Case of the #Feesmustfall Movement Keywords: Social media, protests, #feesmustfall, South Africa

A Sector Capacity Development Plan To Professionalize Municipal Infrastructure & Improve Service Delivery Keywords: Local Municipalities, Built environment; Civil

engineering, Municipal Service Delivery, Municipal Infrastructure: Capacity Development; Professionalisation

JJ Niemann; K Odhav

P Polasek

M Manota

TS Phendla

TJ Mabindisa; R Legoabe

D Moepeng; S Matebesi

RS Legoabe


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Introduction

The dawn of democracy in South Africa over a decade ago has

changed the performance of the macroeconomic landscape

positively. Nevertheless, it is still not remarkable. It is estimated

that from 1994 to 2003, yearly gross domestic product (GDP)

increases around 2.9 percent, though yearly per capita GDP

grew less below 1 percent.

The fluctuating of GDP progression over this era, hover around

4.5 percent every year from 1993. South Africa as a country

seems sealed on a route of constant and on the other hand

reasonable growth, as compared to the same economy outside

Africa. Countries like Malaysia and Thailand Per capita

progression was 3 times quicker in 1994 to 2003 than South

Africa (Clarke et al, 2007).

Notwithstanding the financial crisis in Asian in the mid-1990s,

when GDP fell nearly to 10 percent in these nations. In this

regard, it is obvious that South Africa may face challenges in

the area of the high level of unemployment, without quicker

growth (Clarke et. al 2007).

Low level of investment harbouring around 15 to 16 percent of

GDP is below the government’s off-the-record goal of 25

percent. This target is lesser than middle-income nations such

as Poland and Brazil, and far-off than the quickest rising

economies in Asia.

Investment by the Public sector has been low, as compared to

the investment by the private sector that hangs around 12

percent of GDP, which is also considered to be low too (Clarke

et. al 2007).

For the past decade, the economy of South Africa has enjoyed

constant, though inadequate, growth. Low investment by both

public and private sectors has also been inadequate and fixed

capital expansion has subsidised modest economic growth.

Given all these, raising the rate of investment in South Africa is

the main source of achieving higher growth.

It has been noted that the inducement of investment could be

used to stimulate investment. Such an inducement comprises

fiscal incentives that are designed by macroeconomic and

supervisory policies, governmental measures and institutional

incentives, such as the safety of possessions privileges, the

decree of regulation, and the stability of governance (Altman,

2004: 63).

According to Keynes and Fisher, investments would be made

until the current value of probable imminent revenues margin is

equivalent to the opportunity cost of capital. The consequence

of this is that firms would invest till net current worth equate to

zero (Baddeley, 2003 and Alchian, 1955).

An impending cash flows, C (t), would be generated through

investment. Then investment, I, denotes spending at a period 0

and could be stated as a negative cash flow, – C0.

Abstract: Some of the most significant elements that attract investment to any economy is effective government policies on investment and

peaceful political environment. The purpose of this study is to evaluate the investment theories of investment and to assess specific incentives

initiated by the South Africa government to attract investment by looking at the South Africa high rate of unemployment and economic

hardship on her populate. The Researchers felt the need to investigate which investment theories would best suit the South Africa economic

landscape so as to attract investment to tackle the economic challenges facing the country. The main data collection method utilized is Text

Mining (TM). This paper evaluated investment theories such as Tobin's Q, Accelerator, Solow and neoclassical models of investment to clarify

how these investment theories differ. However, the paper also assessed specific incentives initiated by the South Africa government to attract

investment to the economy and also highlighted the challenges faced by the government hindering effective economic growth. The study

results revealed that to get the most out of profits in each successive period is determined by the best stock of capital. The South Africa’s frail

rate of economic growth connected to its poverty and unemployment rates has little answer this. However, the fundamental factors that trigger

quick and sustained economic growth are more investment, saving, more productivity, better-skilled workforces, and unit labour costs

moderation. The evolving economies in progress have realised that Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) is a foundation of expansion and

transformation of every economy, the growth of income and the Job creation. Established on the study findings, it is recommended that the

South Africa government should create a sound political atmosphere and embrace open investment systems that would attract local investment

and FDI. This article has shown the importance of getting structures correct to guarantee minimum uncertainty by giving a probable lasting

atmosphere for investment. Reliability at a complete level of established settings seems critical to the South Africa rate of investment growth

and political stability will bring a sound established atmosphere that brings several magnitudes.

Keywords: Investment, Uncertainty, Incentive, Capital stock, Accelerator principle, Tobin’s q, Output

Evaluating Investment Theories and Policy In South Africa: A Text Mining Approach Goitsemodimo Abel Molocwa; Kwame Logo; Itumeleng Pleasure Mongale

Department of Business, Taletso TVET College

School of Economics and Management, University of Limpopo Email: [email protected]



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The net present value could be shown as:

𝑁𝑃𝑉 = −𝐶0 + ∫ 𝐶(𝑡)𝑒(𝑔−𝑟)𝑡𝑑𝑡∞

0

where g means the rate of growth and while r represents the

opportunity cost of capital (discount rate). An investment will

be valuable so far as predictable investment returns, i, is beyond

opportunity cost of capital, r. When r = I the NPV = 0.

Investment returns, i, is equal to Keynes’ marginal efficiency of

capital and Fisher’s internal rate of return. From this equation

the PV of an investment, I, that could be stated by way of, PV/I

= 1.

According to Fisher, the discount rate is the internal rate of

return or rate of return over costs. On the other hand, Keynes

referred to it as the marginal efficiency of capital (Baddeley,

2003, and Alchian, 1955). In 1936, Keynes contended that

investments are made till “there is no longer any class of capital

assets of which the marginal efficiency exceeds the current rate

of interest” (Baddeley, 2003).

The central dissimilarity amongst the Keynesian views and

Fisher views revolved around opinion on uncertainty and risk

and how anticipations are molded. In the view of Keynes,

investment is not modification development on the road to

equilibrium.

According to Fisher (1930) and Hayek (1941), investment is a

prime modification track to an optimal stock of capital.

In the theory of investment by Keynesian, investment is not

shown by any fundamental ideal stock of capital. As an

alternative, sincere or drastic doubt is a vital issue.

The theory of investment by neoclassical theorists is the utmost

used widely theory in every economy nowadays. An important

economic discussion lacking words such as demand-supply,

satisfaction and profit would not be a proper discussion.

The neoclassical theory was constructed on the bases of

classical theorists such as Adam Smith (1723-1790) and David

Ricardo (1772-1823) ideas. An essential of neoclassical theory

is money neutrality, therefore agents of this economic theory

alleged to make judgments grounded only on factual estimates.

The deception of money does not affect their thinking

(Cesaratto, 1999). They believe that in the traditional world,

entirely agreements must be on actual terms backed by real

terms. The Traditional neoclassical methods that characterise

by technological exogenous progress growth progress, are

powerless of clarifying the extensive inequalities at the rate of

economic growth through nations.

Meanwhile, in the dawn of the 1980s, substantial work was

dedicated to understanding the growth sources and clarifying

different outlines experienced across nations. The growth

theory of neoclassical on technology is expected to be good in

public opinion, in its application to the real world economy such

as South Africa, suggested that each nation is expected to have

a stake similar to normal knowledge that easily accessible; this

means that, the same production function is accessible to all

nations (Galeotti,1984). However, utmost disapproval

arguments point out that the economics of neoclassical theory

creates numerous unsupported and impractical conventions

which could not denote actual circumstances. Industry

sequence theorists provided a combined method to explain the

rise and fall of production rates as well as major variations in

production and employment.

The theory of accelerator that was ignored by Keynes which

then turn into standard after Keynes, particularly in the relation

to considerations when it comes to theories of the cycle of trade

and the growth of the economy. The opinion of acceleration

theory defines the consequence moderately opposed to the

multiplier (Fazzari, & Mott, 1986).

According to the theory of accelerator, an increase in income or

consumption also increases investment by many amounts.

When people's income and consumption increase, a greater

quantity of merchandise production needs to be increased too,

which will involve additional capital to increase their

production. In this instance, investment is influenced by

fluctuations in income or consumption and this is well-known

as an induced investment. The accelerator is the arithmetic rate

of the connection among the surges in investment as a result of

an increase in income.

The investment induced net will be positive if the national

income surges and induced investment could decrease to zero

if the national income or output remains constant. A certain

amount of capital is needed to produce a given amount of

output. If 𝑌𝑡 output is prerequisite to be created and v is output

ratio of capital, the requisite sum of capital to initiate 𝑌𝑡 output

will be shown by the following equation:

𝐾𝑡 = 𝑣𝑌𝑡 …………………………………. (1)

Where, 𝐾𝑡 represent the stock of capital

𝑌𝑡 represent the output level or income

𝑣 represent output ratio of capital

This output ratio of capital which is v that equate to K/Y, on the

other hand in the accelerator theory, the output ratio of capital

is presumed constant. Consequently, on the issue of constant

output ratio of capital hypothesis, variations in production could

be probable by modifications in the capital stock. Therefore, if

𝑌𝑡 is the income, now the requisite capital stock 𝐾𝑡 = 𝑣𝑌𝑝.

While productivity or revenue equates to 𝑌𝑡−1, at this point, the

requisite capital stock will be 𝐾𝑡−1 = 𝑣𝑌𝑡−1.

It could be seen from above that is evident that when revenue

surges from Kt-1 in time t-1 to Yt in time, t, then the capital

stock will surge from 𝐾𝑡−1 to 𝐾𝑡. As per understood above, 𝐾𝑡−1

equate to 𝑣𝑌𝑡−1 and 𝐾𝑡 is equate to𝑣𝑌𝑝.

Therefore, an upsurge in the capital stock in time t is shown in

the equation below:


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𝐾𝑡 − 𝐾𝑡−1 = 𝑣𝑌𝑡 − 𝑣𝑌𝑡−1

𝐾𝑡 − 𝐾𝑡−1 = 𝑣(𝑌𝑡 − 𝑌𝑡−1)………… (2)

Meanwhile, an upsurge in the capital stock in a year 𝐾𝑡 − 𝐾𝑡−1

denotes a year investment, the Equation (2) could be shown as:

𝐼𝑡 = 𝑣(𝑌𝑡 − 𝑌𝑡−1)………………... (3)

The Equation (3) exposes the consequence of upsurge in

revenue in any year t from a preceding year t-1, investment

upsurge would be v times in additions more than the rise in the

revenue.

Therefore, v is the output ratio of capital that denotes the extent

of the accelerator. When the output ratio of capital equates to

three, however, the outcome of some upsurge in revenue, an

increase in investment would be more than three times. Which

means that accelerator now would equate to three.

Furthermore, equations (3) show that investment is the function

of modification in revenue. If revenue or productivity upsurges

over a period that is when 𝑌𝑡 is bigger than 𝑌𝑡−1, this would

impact investment positively. When revenue drops that is 𝑌𝑡 is

minus 𝑌𝑡−1 it would discourage investment. Moreover, when

revenue is constant that is 𝑌𝑡 = 𝑌𝑡−1, the investment would

equate to zero.

To what extent is investment and capital build-up is essential in

the growth process, particularly over a parametrisation, a useful

condition of investment roles and predominantly the private

capital build-up route will demonstrate pretty vital in evaluating

the variances in growth estimations through revenue sub-

sections.

However, despite the seeming connection, a study on

investment growth connection discourage the use of useful

description and parametrisation method. A discrepancy of

Tobin's Q theory and the theory of investment by neoclassical

shows two different investment behaviour (Bayraktar, and

Fofack, 2007).

A quicker build-up stock of capital in the moderately high

revenue sub-section of nations, supposing a stable devaluation

rate through revenue sub-sections. The exemplary similarly

indicate the importance of investment cost financing, the capital

stock of the public, and tremors profitability in assessing the

factors of investments by the private sector. Shocks in

profitability comprise total elements and description of

variables in macroeconomic, together with the rate of real

exchange instability and inflation.

Regardless of the area, the model structure stability different

from area details; the dissimilarity rest in the parametrisation

(Bayraktar, and Fofack, 2007).

The model of growth by Solow was built around the

neoclassical total production and emphasis was placed on the

proximate growth sources, that is:

𝑌 = 𝐴𝑡𝑓(𝐾, 𝐿)

where Y is actual production, K represent capital, L denotes

input of labour while 𝐴𝑡 is technology measurement. This

shows how the inputs to the function of production could be

changed into output. That is exogenous and engaged merely

subject to a period.

Occasionally, 𝐴𝑡 could name aggregate productivity factor but

one should have a significant understanding of the theory of

exogenous technology in the Solow model. However, in the

neoclassical growth theory, technology is presumed to be good

for the public. Its application to the world economy, it shows

that each nation is expected to have similar knowledge stock

(production function) that could be easily accessible.

In the argument for the neoclassical theory of handling

technology in the view of a public good, in, Mankiw et al (1992)

sets his example as; the function of production should be

regarded as a mapping commencing from quantities of inputs

into a quantity of output and not seen as a literal depiction of a

precise production process. The notion that different nations

have identical functions of production should indicate that they

possess the equivalent inputs and could produce a similar

output. Diverse nations per contradictory measurement of

inputs should have a different process in producing goods and

services.

The economic growth model by Harrod's Domar, states that a

longer route economic system is at best balanced critical point

of symmetry growth. Where the degree of the key limits ratio

in savings, ratio in the capital-output, the labour force rate of

increase to go beyond marginally from the middle point,

implies either rising joblessness or lengthy inflation. In

Domar’s position, the precarious issue of balance revolves

around the evaluation between the rate of natural growth that

depends on the lack of change in the technology, labour strength

increase, and the acceptable growth rate influenced by saving

and investing behaviour of firms and households.

An excellent distinctive of Domar model revolves on

consistently, which Domar stated that it helps to study problems

in the long-run through a standard short-run apparatus. The

understanding of the Domar model would assist in managing

the theoretical analysis in growth if the production part is

indicated the same way as the neoclassical growth model.

The question of motivation for investment in a country still

poses a challenge for many emerging nations, as this is an issue

of serious economic significance for employment and wealth

creation. Many nations have succeeded in tapping into the

investment pond of the world and in course increase the

standards of living in these countries.


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While some still stuck in brutal rounds of little development,

low investment, and lack of job creation. It is of utmost

importance that countries embrace open investment systems

that would attract local and foreign direct investment (FDI). In

this era, the investment decision on location has become a

popular investigation issue. There are many convincing reasons

why companies favour a specific country.

Though a small number of writers take fiscal motivations as the

main important (Biggs, 2007; Oman, 1999), utmost researchers

agreed that factors such as the size of the host market,

infrastructure, and governance as the fiscal basics for good

investment atmosphere (Aitken & Harrison, 1999; Blomstrom

& Kokko, 2003; Dunning & Zhang, 2007; Moran, 2005;).

The South African government has continued to introduce

economic motivators to draw both local and foreign direct

investment, while other countries also effect economic

incentives to increase investment and job creation. Many

reasons exist for these economic incentives and could be seen

as a necessary tool to implement to indicate the commitment of

the government to create a vibrant investment atmosphere

(Moran, 1998).

An additional factor is probably the country’s political

atmosphere and macro-economic analysis might support the

significance of macroclimate issues for a particular

government. Various studies utilising macro data have failed to

come up with detail hints on investment decision, the

importance of inducements to the firms, and what kind of

incentives is the most appreciated.

Research Question

If investment incentives by government could stimulate

economic growth, then what type of these incentives are mainly

precarious for attracting investments and also increase

economic growth thereby creating jobs?

If companies are comparatively productive and the environment

for investment is positive, why investment by the private sector

has been so uncertain?

However, fiscal incentives have a critical role in investment

decisions by prospective firms or individuals. The South

African Motor Industry Development Program (MIDP), is been

viewed as an effective model of industrialised strategy.

The gains from this programme depends on a secure

atmosphere, whereas the policy has stimulated export linked

foreign direct investment (FDI). South Africa’s moderately

small local market and its location in the region has failed to

encourage more automobile investment.

As businesses in this field continuing enjoying the government

support (Black, 2008), this suggests that the government should

eradicate the import duties to stimulate more investment in this

sector.

The recent political tension in the country and operational

hindrances could thwart the governments from successfully

implementing the most significant incentive plans that would

attract investment. It is the responsibility of the South African

government to evaluate the costs of incentive programs if it is

necessary, to maximise the policy intentions and minimise the

leakage of tax revenue.

The government needs to implement an appropriate incentive

that is that could correct relevant investment failure. Generally,

tax-exemption for technology development and tax credits for

companies would ensure that the biases and expenditures

connected to inducement schemes are curtailed (Vahter 2004).

Preferably governments must uphold a steady macroeconomic

policy atmosphere, an open trade regime, and quality human

resources to stimulate investment. The World Bank analysed

South African Investment Climate for foreign firms and

stressed that quality labour was critically important for effective

economic growth and to reduce the unemployment rate.

It is essential to inform investors about all relevant

developments in the country, but sometimes regulatory

uncertainty becomes a problem. There should be transparent,

clear and constant channels of communication between

investors and the government. This is one area the government

of South Africa should emphasis on (Viviers, 2014).

Assurance and communication on the government part would

allow businesses to measure risk to make informed decisions on

investment that would benefit the parties involved. Though

South Africa has a good policy on its currency, making

currency risk as a policy priority would promote a better

investment climate.

However, political turmoil has triggered the South Africa

currency to fluctuate; all is not doomed as several steps could

be taken to address the situation. The facilitation of multilateral

development banks, export credit agencies and investment

insurers in the provision of insurance in political risk, collect

and distribute precise facts on South Africa to ease the

prospective unaware risk perceptions (Pretorius & De Beer,

2002), are some of the steps already taken by the government.

The inflation targeting policy by the government should be

commended. The state also needs to eliminate the remnants of

exchange controls, as these regulations impede the day-to-day

operations of numerous overseas and local firms; as

unrestricted capital movement would encourage companies and

individuals to invest further in the domestic market.


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Nevertheless, it seems the negative perceptions and politics in

recent years are impacting investment negatively. Though there

is a relaxed exchange regulation in recent years in South Africa,

the outstanding investment restrictions obstruct industry

operations, a condition worsened by the unstable rate of

exchange; particularly for multinational companies.

Several companies have emphasised this issue, particularly

relative to determinants for the company’s strategies for

additional investment. Many directors of big international

companies have expressed concerns on the issue of bringing in

apparatus, foreign exchange struggling, constraints on

outbound expenditures.

The BEE legislation which is sole to South Africa is the biggest

constraint according to some companies. Though it intends to

give opportunities for businesses to grow, foreign investors

think otherwise. This BEE appears not to encourage foreign

investors; it is of importance that the government adopt better

policy and implementation to encourage more investors.

Between 1994 and 2003 investment and growth in South Africa

were so low; nevertheless, companies output was relatively

high, indicators demonstrate that the investment environment

was typically positive and relatively inexpensive and reliable

power.

The business environment regulation was not extreme, low

corruption, all ports were relatively functioning well, right to

funding appears to be easy for most businesses, and the law

court system seems to be most trusted by the people (Leibbrandt

et. al. 2010).

The mystery is, if companies are comparatively productive and

the environment for investment is positive, why investment by

the private sector has been so uncertain? However, opinions on

elements that restrict investment, and how to sustain higher

investment rates could be best achieved when the rate of

exchange, public infrastructure, shortages of skills, high taxes,

business regulation and sound economic policies are planned

and implemented.

South Africa needs to have sound policies that would sustained

and grow the economy to meet the problems of joblessness,

inequality, and poverty. Underneath the present growth

trajectory, it estimated that the economy may create about four

million jobs by 2025; moreover, it is not enough to attain a

substantial decrease in unemployment.

Constraints to South Africa's economic growth has been

analysed by the International Growth Advisory Panel (IGAP)

and the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and

Development (OECD); and prepared commendations on issues

concerning macroeconomic area.

These issues comprise of monetary and balance of fiscal

policies, the volatility of the rate of exchange, the possible role

for fiscal directions, however more emphasis has been placed

on and structural reforms such as competition and trade policy,

education and skills, industrial policy, network industries,

labour market policy, institutional development and public

administration, and black economic empowerment and

microeconomic.

The diagnostics (IGAP) further recommended that a more

vigorous policy on building a permitting microeconomic

atmosphere that would increase the potential growth output

rate; that allows the creation of jobs at a needed rate to ease

poverty perpetually. There are four areas where the constraints

thwart rapid economic growth and that need to be addressed.

These constraints overlap those identified by others, and how

their influence on the economy is so important.

The scope of its impact on the economy is catastrophic. The

following constraints, therefore, impact negatively on

economic growth thereby hindering investment.

Nations should develop strategies that support constant

education, training, and re-skilling of consecutive groups of

workforces as changes in technologies and capital are rampant

in this 21st century. These changes are evident across all

businesses, complete eradication of unemployment would be

achieved by allowing an economic atmosphere where industries

could employ several varieties of capital necessitating and

likewise diverse talents.

Total output growth and employment create economic growth,

income growth and inducements for advanced talent levels in

the labour force. When output increases, it becomes mandatory

for fewer productive companies to match those upsurges; when

this happens, total advanced skills levels are created or income

is generated.

Advanced levels of skill and combinations of abilities permit

employees to execute complex tasks, upsurge effectiveness, and

output. A precarious bulk of willingly accessible skills could

reinforce improvement and high-tech distribution inside the

economy. From 1960 to 2000, it is estimated that 15 percent of

worldwide production growth for each employee could be

credited to improvement in the human capital (Bosworth and

Collins, 2003).

Upper levels of skills transform into good job projections and

upper salaries. The huge number of joblessness sometimes

reveals skills incompatibility with the economy. The economic

structure has changed in reaction to changes in the technology,

production and development demands in the worldwide

economy. These changes demand an advanced skill level.

However, South Africa’s pond of skills is restricted to a short

period. There are a plenty low skilled level workforce and


Page | 10


average skilled labours but moderately limited upper skilled

workforce, a condition worsened by the huge exodus of skilled

workforce.

Although higher skill is needed to meet the technological

changes, time and again the outcomes in production and the

demand for labour rest on the connection between output and

real wage growth.

The current high wages are well above output growth as

compared to earnings across similar countries' development

levels, though evidence suggests that this is not homogeneously

across all segments.

Since 2008, the Labour market has added considerable

workforce that has shrunk employment and slowed job creation.

Adjustments in earnings in the recognised labour markets have

restricted job growth; the wide mismatch of skills is a constraint

to a more equitable economic growth.

The connected problem of mismatch of skills is squarely to

blame on the educational system failing to produce sufficient

and appropriate human capital to back the economy's growth.

The structure of the endogenous theory of growth is the human

capital, the theory suggested that creating suitable policies on

training, skills development, and education is crucial to raise

progress in the technology and improving productivity.

The significance of human capital development, the educational

quality of the workforce for the growth of the economy is deep-

rooted (Hanushek and Kimko, 2001; Hanushek and Wößmann,

2007). The South Africa education and skills improvement

structure at present is worsening as demonstrated in the

continuous data of the weak performance of South Africa’s

educational system.

The quantity of educational success in the pass rate of the matric

declined gradually from 2003 to 2009, from 73.2 percent to 60.6

percent, though the recent matric pass rate indicated a reversal

in this development.

There is a rising indication that school exit exam results are

made by education and the elementary numeracy, literacy, and

reasoning skills in the early childhood educational life (Social

Policy Research Group, Stellenbosch, 2011). The poor

outcomes of learning at Grade 3 and Grade 6 at the first Annual

National Assessment (ANA) of Grade 3 literacy and numeracy

and Grade 6 languages and mathematics ability was evident in

this assessment. (Department of Basic Education).

The moderately small passing rate indicates the quality of the

South Africa education system. It is estimated that only 20

percent of graduates from matric advanced to higher institutions

of learning, a very small input rate (Sheppard 2009).

The graduates from the universities consist of only 3 percent of

the population working age. In the absence of addressing these

limitations, the economy is vulnerable to tenacious difficulties

of the shortage of skills and more problems in comprehending

the growth of the economy through the progress in the

technology.

To precisely quantify and measure the competition concept is

very complicated.

The availability of direct measurement is not there and this

necessitates the use of a variety of substitutes comprising of the

level of prices, the margin of profit. The manufacturing output

in South Africa increased from previous years to 1996 and it

started decreasing after 1996. The conduct of pricing in the

businesses should encourage competition. However, the area

has been open to global competition.

Subject to more directive and firmer standards is services and

is less traded. Indication suggests South Africa's manufacturing

profit margin is considerably greater than in similar businesses

internationally and continues to increase (Fedderke et. al. 2007,

Aghion et. al. 2007, Aghion et. al. 2008). Stationary and

vigorous achievements in output could be triggered by better

competition.

Stationary advantages could also be grabbed from the

reorganisation of resources because competition allows for

higher companies output thereby increasing their market share

(Scarpetta et. al., 2002).

Robust achievement in output upsurges as companies employed

the better usage of technology. Incoming new companies to the

market encourage and inspire output achievements among big

companies with higher market share, stimulate progress in

technology and invention. The significance of invention and

advancement in technology for economic growth is deep-

rooted.

Fedderke & Szalontai (2005) find that in South Africa, a

constructive connection among total factor productivity (TFP)

and Research & Development growth. The greater altitudes of

concentration in the market have shown that profit margin

studies symbolise a severe fundamental restraint to South

Africa’s prospects of attaining continued upper growth.

In 2008, Aghion et al. evaluated that a reduction of 10 percent

in the South Africa companies' profit margin would upsurge

output growth around 2.5 percent per year. According to

Faulkner and Makrelov (2009), complete elimination of profit

margin in the industrial segment would probably increase

economic growth.

The basic economic structure and its attractiveness could be

determined through communications, transportation, and

logistics setup, as this is an important factor for business'


Page | 11


location investment decisions. An absence of rivalry link

businesses has been recognised as a significant hindrance to

growth (OECD, 2008).

Equally, port transport and rail are costly and ineffective it was

estimated that in 2004, on average the tariffs of Transnet’s

freight rail (TFR) stood five times more expensive as compared

to the same industry in the United States. Though costly

comparative to other nations stay considerably inexpensive than

transport by road.

The non-existence of flexibility, dependability and stumpy

effectiveness levels warrants road freight as the main method of

merchandise transport. The use of road more often inflicts extra

charges on local manufacturers and decreases the affordability

of domestic exporters. According to Edwards and van der

Winkel (2005), the typical profit margin in carriage facilities

was estimated to be around 101 percent between 1994 and 2002

by without intermediates from costs and 47 percent if involved.

The fundamental attractiveness matters originating from the

transportation system are worsened by high charges of port fees

which then increases logistics costs. Local port duties are

considered to be one of the most expensive globally although

the level of output is considered low.

The critical segment centre of economic growth is revolved

around Telecommunications. Wide network coverage areas

together with fewer operator charges are important factors for

effective and economical communications systems. The costs

of Telecommunications in South African, mostly the cellular

phone and internet connection are high (Noll, 2007, Esselaar

and Weeks 2008).

The speeds of broadband remain slow while the access charges

to the internet are expensive, all these factors help to clarify

South Africa’s low internet penetration levels. Though several

problems are connected to profit margin measurement in the

telecommunications segment, in 2005, van Seventer et al. found

that the profit margin of South Africa’s fixed telephone line

service is 15 percent and recommended feasible probable

reductions in the price of roughly 50 percent. According to

Edwards and van de Winkel (2005), a typical profit margin

from 1994 to 2002 was 116 percent without intermediates and

33 percent-plus intermediates.

Aim and Objectives of Study

The study implemented the Text Mining (TM) approach to

evaluate the theories of investment and to assess specific

incentives initiated by the South Africa government to attract

investment.

Research Methods and Design

Talib et al., (2016) indicated that TM techniques are used to

analyse the interesting and relevant information effectively and

efficiently from a large amount of unstructured data. Similarly,

Feldman and Sanger (2007) regarded it as a procedure of

analysing material in collections of large text and

spontaneously finding interesting patterns and relationships in

the textual data.

This procedure is also known as Knowledge Discovery in

Databases (KDD) which includes drawing out or looking for

high-level information from low-level data (Fayyad et al.

1996).

Conventionally, content analysis was used for all studies

conducted (Lee, Wu and Tsai 2009), and this type of procedure

has the advantage of full-text investigation, however it also has

time consumption and subjectivity as some of its disadvantages.

In contrast, TM permits researchers to process a huge amount

of records and collection articles built on their content

similarity.

According to Kostoff, et al., (2007), Hung (2012), and Hung

and Zhang (2012) in this modern era, TM has been accepted to

study trends of longitudinal research publications and reports of

technical nature. Therefore, the review of researches and related

articles assisted the study to recognise research trends on the

study topic.

The process was conducted employing the subsequent

techniques: (a) selective article review (Simonson, Schlosser

and Orellana 2011; Mihalca and Miclea 2007); (b) logical

exploration of content (Lu, Wu and Chiu 2009; Hung 2012;

Hung and Zhang 2012; Maurer and Khan 2010); and (c) logical

referencing exploration (Gall et al. 2010).

Results of Study

There is a connection among investment theories such as the

accelerator principle, neoclassical theory, and Tobin’s Q-

theory. These theories adopted the optimisation performance

for the prospective investor. Profit or value-boosting is the

critical centre to the neoclassical and Tobin’s theory of

investment (Hansson, 1986).

The model of investment by accelerator theory accepts profit

or value-boosting indirectly, supposing capital stock

determined investment. According to Jorgenson’s initial

argument (1963, 1967 and 1971) investment theory of

neoclassical is the firm’s optimisation problem. To get the most

out of profits in each successive period is determined by the best

stock of capital. South Africa’s frail rate of economic growth

connected to its poverty and unemployment rates has little

answer.

However, the fundamental factors that trigger quick and

sustained economic growth are more investment, saving, more

productivity, better-skilled workforces, and unit labour costs

moderation. Greater output growth in labour would increase the

labour strength in the whole economy that would encourage

robust productivity growth Demarzo et al. (2012).


Page | 12


Nevertheless, this will involve extensive modifications of

economic inducements and policies. Effective Policy reform is

important in creating robust growth, work, and reduction of

poverty.

Discussion of Findings

The investment theory in these modern days recognises the

significance of investment uncertainty. Several experimental

studies have established South African investment theory on

time series, by engaging instability on the political landscape as

substitutions in measuring uncertainty.

The measurement of political uncertainty is an obligatory

requirement for the formulation of the South African

investment function (Chetty, 2007). It is also important to

establish that the established elements that impact on decision

variables are the rights to property and levels of crime.

The increasing level of income and rights to property drops

political uncertainty, together with the rising level of crime are

certainly connected to uncertainty in the political landscape.

The implication of South Africa's political instability may not

signify uncertainty directly, as it is connected to a collection of

elements. As a substitute, uncertainty could be understood well

as it is linked to the wider established connection that in

performance might produce indecision for prospective

investors (Chetty, 2007).

This article has shown the importance of getting structures

correct to guarantee minimum uncertainty by giving a probable

lasting atmosphere for investment.

Reliability at a complete level of established settings seems

critical to the South Africa rate of investment growth and

political stability will bring a sound established atmosphere that

brings several magnitudes.

Conclusion

The objective of study was to evaluate the investment theories

of investment and to assess specific incentives initiated by the

South Africa government to attract investment. The theories

adopted to optimise the performance for the prospective

investor were neoclassical, Tobin’s and accelerator.

Profit or value-boosting is the critical centre to the neoclassical

and Tobin’s theory of investment. The model of investment by

accelerator theory accepts profit or value-boosting indirectly,

supposing capital stock determined investment.

The fundamental factors that trigger quick and sustained

economic growth are more investment, saving, more

productivity, better-skilled workforces, and unit labour costs

moderation.

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Introduction and Background

The growing significance of the effectiveness of education

funding has led to the rise of governance and transparency

concerns and fears of accountability and sustainability

(UNESCO, 2017). These concerns have increased interest in

strategies such as monitoring and evaluation (M&E) and

evidence-based practices (EBPs).

NGOs in South Africa, especially those working in the

education space; have not been the exception for this growth.

One of the key objectives of M&E and EBPs in the education

sector is to ensure that quality education is provided to all

populations and at all levels (Volante, 2007).

The global drive to achieve the Sustainable Development Goals

(SDGs) for education has highlighted fundamental notions such

as expanded vision of basic education; access to equitable and

quality education for all; lifelong learning for young people and

adults and so on (UNESCO, 2017). All of these require

effective and efficient evidence-based systems to be achieved

(OECD, 2014).

In South Africa, the National Development Plan (NDP) offers

a plan to reduce inequality and disparities among South African

citizens by 2030 (NPC,2012:9) it acknowledges in particular

that education is the cornerstone of sustainable development

and the key to realising the full range of constitutionally

protected rights; as such the NDP gives priority to improving

education performance (Volmink & Van der Elst, 2019:7), and

its vision for education is, by 2030, to provide South Africans

with access to the highest level of education and training,

leading to significantly better learning outcomes (The

Presidency, 2012:11). The NDP further envisages a robust

system for early childhood development, primary, secondary,

tertiary and further education (DBE, 2015:30).

However, there are several stumbling blocks on the road to

implementing equal and quality education globally and in South

Africa in particular (Spaull, 2019). Although the government

has steadily increased its expenditure on education, schooling

expectations have also risen. For instance, access to education

is no longer enough (Spaull, 2019).

Data from the 2017 school monitoring survey indicates that

59% of schools at the national level meet minimum physical

infrastructure requirements (DBE,2017:80) and that some

essential facilities were not universally available: only 76% of

schools had clean drinking water and 80% had adequate

sanitation (DBE, 2017:81).

The survey also highlighted teacher absenteeism as a significant

problem. In both primary and secondary schools and throughout

provinces, the national average rate of teacher absence on an

average day was 10% (DBE, 2017, 38). Furthermore, as pointed

out by Van der Berg (2015:21) most educators in South Africa

do not have the requisite subject knowledge or pedagogical

expertise to teach the curriculum.

The Southern and East African Consortium for Monitoring

Educational Quality (SAQMEQ) survey conducted in South

African schools in 2007 found that 79% of Grade 6

mathematics teachers did not score 60% or higher on questions

at the Grade 6 or 7 level (Venkat and Spaull, 2015:126).

Abstract: The growth of Monitoring and Evaluation (M&E) and Evidence-Based Practices (EBPs) approaches globally has certainly been a

positive addition to efforts towards good governance. These approaches have seen some growth, especially in the non-profit arena where value

for money is needed to be seen by funders. The non-governmental organisation (NGO) sector in South Africa has not been the exception when

it comes to this growth, especially in the education sector. However, the inability to tackle some of the major education crises such as the

inequality gap in education suggests more has to be done by government and NGOs in the sector. The challenge identified in this paper is the

absence of a centralised research data repository (CRDR) specifically for NGOs working in the education sector, which leads to duplication

of efforts and limits the overall effectiveness of their work. The objective of this paper is, through analysis of the available literature, to

ascertain to what extent the lack of a CRDR affects the overall effectiveness of NGOs in the educational sector. This is a conceptual study of

the landscape of NGOs in the education sector and it involves reviewing the literature on the effectiveness of NGOs in addressing challenges

faced in the sector. The study uses secondary data (scholastic literature) to achieve its objective. The findings confirm that the lack of access

to evidence-based data in the NGO space has led to duplication of projects and undermines the reputation of the sector. This paper concludes

that having a CRDR would enable NGOs to use evidence-based practices in their work. This paper also calls for a robust understanding of

how collaboration and partnerships between academic institutions, government, funders and NGOs that could assist in building a more

successful centralised CRDR and ultimately improve the collective effectiveness of NGOs.

Keywords: Data repository; Evidence-based; Education; effectiveness; Collaborations; NGOs

Is The Lack of a Centralised Research Data Repository (CRDR) Affecting The Collective

Effectiveness of NGOs in The Education Sector? Lesedi Senamele Matlala

JET Education Services Email: [email protected]



Page | 16


Furthermore, most children gain only basic reading and writing

skills, but do not improve cognitive skills. In the Progress

International Reading Literacy (PIRLS) report in 2016, South

Africa was the last among 50 countries to measure learners’

comprehension during their fourth year of primary schooling

(PIRLS, 2017).

The study revealed that “78% of South African pupils could not

read for understanding” (DBE, 2017:82).A study conducted by

Howie, Combrinck and Roux, 2017, cited in Mullis, Goh &

Prendergast, 2017) showed that curriculum reforms over the

past 20 years have also led to almost constant changes in the

curriculum , which has affected teacher motivation. 2

Given the growing challenges and expectations of the education

sector, it is difficult for the government to meet the fundamental

requirement of providing access to all children through efficient

educational administration, and even more so to deliver

innovation and improvements in the quality of education.

Therefore, it is of importance that there is collaboration and

partnership between government, donors/funders, academic

institutions and NGOs. The enhanced role of NGOs entails

complementing the formal system of education in the country

and reaching out particularly to the restricted, underprivileged

and disadvantaged sectors of society.

Thus, to play this role well, NGOs working in the education

sector need to demonstrate their impact by using evidence of

their practices that have contributed to effectively addressing

the above-mentioned education crises in the country. To fully

utilize EBPs, this paper strongly argues that, NGOs working in

the education sector need to establish a centralised research data

repository (CRDR) system. They will be able to draw best

practices to design, implement and evaluate their interventions.

The CRDR would also assist in mitigating the problem of the

duplication of interventions or projects in the NGO’s sector,

which if not deal with might undermine their effectiveness and

costs the sector a lot of resources and time. Thus, the author

argues that having a CRDR drawing data specifically from

NGOs working in the education sector will enable those NGOs

to easily utilize EBPs and demonstrate the effectiveness of their

work.

This paper is motivated by the recent initiatives for

collaboration in the education sector, one by the Department of

Basic Education (DBE) the National Education Collaboration

Trust (NECT) and the other by the National Association of

Social Change Entities in Education (NASCEE).

The Education Collaboration Framework (ECF) and its

implementing arm the NECT, were developed to strengthen the

role of the NGO sector in supporting scaled-up and sustainable

education improvements (NECT,2018).

The NASCEE on the other hand is committed to empowering

NGOS in education by improving their capacity, effectiveness,

and collaboration. In addition, NASCEE aims to be the voice of

NPOs, build internal capacity and ensure quality practice and

delivery in the education space (Volmink and Van der Elst,

2019:4). It is based on these two initiatives that this paper

attempts to contribute to the debate and discussion on the idea

of building a successful CRDR for NGOs working in the

education sector.

Against this background, this paper aims to investigate to what

extent the lack of a CRDR affects the effectiveness of NGOs in

the education sector. This paper is therefore pre-arranged as

follows: the subsequent segment of the paper reviews the

literature providing an overview of research data repositories.

The following section then explains the research method. Next

is a discussion surrounding the development role of NGOs and

an overview of the education NGO landscape in South Africa,

followed by a discussion around the value and benefits of

CRDR for the NGO sector. Ultimately, the paper concludes by

providing the main contributions and acknowledging the

limitations of this research.

Literature Review

Recently in 2013, the Data Foundations and Terminology

Working Group and Research Data Alliance (RDA) proposed a

concept of a repository with the inclusion of research data in

particular. The RDA was launched as a community-driven

initiative in 2013 by the European Commission, the United

States Government's National Science Foundation and the

National Institute of Standards and Technology, and the

Australian Government’s Department of Innovation to build the

social and technical infrastructure to enable open sharing and

re-use of data.

The RDA (2019:1) defines a repository as “searchable and

query able interfacing entity that is able to store, manage,

maintain and curate data/digital objects”. Similarly, a CRDR

is an aggregation of stored data in some place such that it can

be shared, updated, analysed and secured by every user in an

organisation.

Hruby, et al. (2013:563) mentions that “for any research data

repository to be useful, the data must be reliable, accessible,

ideally in a machine-readable format and have agreed-upon

semantics for the data and metadata fields”.

Research data repositories have grown exponentially over the

years and researchers have been educated about the benefits of

depositing their data in data repositories. However, the author

could not find literature that pertains to data repositories for

NGOs working in the education sector in the search.

Therefore, the literature review conducted here relates the

benefits and challenges associated with research data

repositories in general.

Austin et al. (2015) cited in Banzi et al. (2019:2) emphasized

the importance of CRDR from a clinical research view, and the


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authors noted that “ research data repositories have the

potential to play an important role in the effective and safe

sharing of clinical study data because they can provide a stable,

long-term home for the data, improve the security and quality

of archiving through active data curation, increase the

discoverability of data through the application of metadata

schemes, and facilitate the processes of request and transfer of

data from generators to users, and tracking data utilisation”.

Moreover, Helliwell & McMahon (2010:35) provide a

summary of why research data repositories are important, the

authors mentions that “open and sharing of data enhances

reproducibility, helps verify scientific conclusions, safeguards

against errors and fraud, provides training materials for

teaching and learning, permits meta- and comparative

analyses, and provides future access for further research and

re-analysis at a later date”.

Gurstein (2011:5) also highlights that data research data

repositories can extend these benefits beyond the scientific

community (in this context NGOs sector) to the public as a

whole by enabling ordinary people to access these materials

(provided that the materials are research-based, not just usable

(Helliwell & McMahon, 2010:35).

Uhlir, (2006) further noted that “open data and their

organisation and curation in research data repositories can

generate multiple benefits”. Hruby et al. (2013) mentioned that

having a CRDR also improves the quantity and quality of

publications in that specific field.

Moreover, the authors also reported their experiences in

implementing and evaluating a CRDR for the urology

department at Columbia University, in the United States of

America (USA), and revealed that “the implementation of the

CRDR correlated with an improvement in both the quality and

quantity of departmental publications on retrospective studies”

(Hruby et al., 2013:566).

The author’s findings confirms that “these contributions from

the CRDR directly led to an increase in quality and quantity of

publications in the department'' (Hruby et al., 2013:566).

Furthermore, UK-based study was undertaken to measure the

value and impact of research data repositories (Beagrie and

Houghton, 2016 cited in OECD, 2017:16).

The outcomes from the study reveals that “there is substantial

and positive impacts, not only reducing the cost of conducting

research, but also enabling more research to be done, to the

benefit of researchers, research organisations, their funders,

and society more widely” (OECD, 2017:16).

According to the OECD (2017:16) the users of these data

repositories come from various sectors and fields which involve

government, non-profit and commercial sectors etc. (Beagrie

and Houghton, 2016 cited in OECD, 2017:16).

Notwithstanding these benefits of having a CRDR, there are

significant challenges in establishing such platforms (Gordon et

al., 2015:3). Some of these key issues involve the following

“cost involved in operating CRDR, data ownership risk, legality

and privacy issues” (Gordon et al., 2015:3; Weerakkody et al.

2015; Dwivedi et al. 2015; Osman et al. 2014:56).

Another concern is that, despite occasional initiatives to

encourage the use of CRDR, either by means of events such as

workshops and conferences, not much is known about the

predictors that influence users’ perceptions, willingness, ability

and intention to use CRDR. CRDR is an emerging field and the

acceptance and use of it has not received much attention in the

extant literature (Dwivedi et al. 2015).

CRDRs have been proven to reduce the cost of researching by

encouraging re-usability of evidence-based data to design

interventions (OECD, 2017:15). However, the NGO Education

sector, particularly in South Africa, has not had the benefit of a

CRDR, leading NGOs in the education sector to duplicate

efforts (Volmink and Van der Elst, 2019:8).

For these reasons, this present study is an attempt to understand

the role CRDR could play to solve NGOs problems and

improve their effectiveness. This study also emphasises that in

order to design evidence-based interventions CRDR a would be

helpful not only to NGOS but also their funders.

Methodology and Scope of the Study

The paper attempts to discuss whether the lack of a CRDR

affects the overall effectiveness of NGOs in the education

sector. The paper also discusses the practices that support

centralised research data repositories.

It further acknowledges the existing initiatives to build data

repositories in the education space across South Africa, and

attempts to examine how collaboration between government,

donors/funders, academic institutions and NGOs could assist in

building an effective CRDR for NGOs in education.

Importantly, the discussions and analysis presented should be

interpreted as an initial attempt to contribute to the effective

formation of a CRDR for NGOs working in the education

sector.

This paper presents a conceptual study of the landscape of the

education NGO sector involving a literature review on the

effectiveness of NGOs in addressing the challenges faced in the

education sector.

The review is based on the latest DBE information, including

education legislation, regulations and policies, from central-

level education authorities at the national level.

The search for peer-reviewed articles and documents was

conducted via online resources. These databases included JET

Education Service online resources, Africa Portal, Academic

Search Complete, UNESCO Digital Library, HSRC online


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resources, JSTOR, Sage Journals, OECD online Library, and

SANGONeT online resources.

Google Scholar was also employed to find open access articles.

The subsequent search terms were used to locate articles

specific to this study: NGOs effectiveness, Centralised

Research Data Repository, Evidence-based practices, NGOs

partnerships etc. Variations of these terms were used to ensure

exhaustive search results.

Moreover, various NGO-related articles and books were

consulted, and the researcher’s knowledge and experience in

the NGO environment also played a role. However, since the

issues related to evidence-based interventions and data

repository systems in the NGO sector are intricate, this paper

focuses on fundamental knowledge about the actors involved in

the evidence-flow.

In the context of this study, actors involved in these processes

may be classified into policy-makers (e.g. governmental

departments), non-profit organisations (NGOs, NPOs, etc.)

researchers, (universities, research agencies, consultants, think

tanks) and donors (funders). 5

The Developmental Role of NGOs

NGOs are described as "private organizations that pursue

activities to relieve suffering, promote the interests of the poor,

protect the environment, provide basic social services, or

undertake community development" (World Bank, 1995:16).

NGOs play a major development role in developing nations

(World Bank,1995). As noted by Volmink and Van der Elst

(2019:8) “they advocate for policy change and are often the

vehicle for community participation in policy and political

processes”. Where governments do not have the capacity for

change, NGO’s and the ability to innovate, are well-placed to

test new solutions to ongoing social and economic problems.

Volmink and Van der Elst (2019:9) further point out that NGOs

“can also serve as a conduit for financial assistance from

developed countries”. Because of existence in most countries,

both short and long-term political dialog and national

approaches are needed to clarify NGOs’ position and

effectiveness.

Rose (2006:456) further argues that “in many developing

countries, governments are willing to tolerate NGOs but they

are less keen to explicitly encourage NGOs engagement as this

may be interpreted as governments forgoing their

responsibility”.

Consequently, NGOs are often misdefined and their activities

are performed in a policy vacuum.

As indicated by Fielden and Larocque (2008), it is important to

define the role that NGOs should be playing as a whole so that

they can make a positive contribution to the national

educational development agenda.

This might include providing specific guidelines on the type of

actors that can function and guidance on how they should

contribute to achieving the educational objectives of access,

performance, equity and cost-effectiveness (Fielden and

Larocque, 2008).

Brief Overview of the Education NGO Landscape in South

Africa

An international report by Ulleberg (2009:344) indicates that

“NGOs have become the main service providers in countries in

which the government is unable to play its traditional role. In

the educational sector, several NGOs have gone beyond

innovation and capacity building gap-closing initiatives.

Indeed the South African education landscape is a case in

point”.

According to Lombard (2008:124) “the success of NGOs

actions in South Africa is also evident in schooling of

underprivileged children; communities in remote locations;

scheduled caste; scheduled tribe and other children that face

social barriers in education”.

Statistics South Africa (Stats SA) has shown that 127,000 Non-

Profit Institutions (NPIs) also known as NGOs were registered

in South Africa in 2014 (Stats SA, 2015). “The sector is

comprised of organisations of varying sizes and mandates that

operate across multiple domains in both the formal and

informal economy” (Stats SA, 2015, cited in Volmink, and Van

der Elst, 2019:6).

In addition, an estimated 50,000 NGOs are unregistered

(Volmink, and Van der Elst, 2019). Education NGOs constitute

approximately 6% of the sector, which translates into 7600

education NGOs in the sector (Stats SA, 2015, cited in

Volmink, and Van der Elst, 2019:6).

NGOs in South Africa have often been at the forefront of

promoting universal education as a basic human right. At the

NGO leadership Summit organised by the NECT in 2016, the

Minister of Basic Education (Angie Motshekga) affirmed the

importance of NGOs to the common vision, observing that

NGOs play a critical role in achieving the goals stipulated in the

NDP (Motshekga, 2016).

The summit participants supported this view strongly. Volmink

and Van der Elst (2019:5) also added their views that “there is

a national consensus that implementation of the education

vision and priorities set out in the NDP require a strong and

active NGO sector”.


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Education NGOs Challenges in South Africa

However, the work done by NGOs to achieve the position of

equitable and quality education for all is limited by various

factors.

To mention one, funding is a concern for many NGOs in South

Africa. Undoubtedly, the effectiveness of NGOs especially in

the education sector are increasingly being endangered by an

enormous of factors, the massive one being of funding. In 2012,

Davies (2012:1) pointed out that “the country’s NGOs are

experiencing funding problems, as donations, particularly from

individual and private donors, have diminished substantially”.

Because of reduced private and corporate donor funding,

“many NGOs have sought more funding from the government

to keep afloat, ultimately creating increased competition among

NGOs for government funds” (Davies, 2012:1)

Another concern faced by NGOs working in the education

sector involves the growing politics in the education system

which intervenes in the performance of the NGOs in the

education space. As reported by the Mail & Guardian, (2012:5)

there is a lack of trust between the government, South African

Democratic Teachers’ Union (SADTU) and NGOs.

For instance, The Mail & Guardian newspaper in 2012, reported

how the SADTU, accused some of the NGOs in the education

sector of pushing neoliberal agendas through their use of

foreign funding.

The SADTU General Secretary, Mugwena Maluleke, further

stated that NGOs are working with other political parties’, and

declared that, “they are driving an agenda that education is a

national crisis and using education to destroy the confidence of

the public and the government” (Mail & Guardian, 2012:6).

In summary, a government critic to NGOs’ is also understood

as a reaction to those NGOs who expose government’s

shortcomings. To resolve such matters, it is of importance to

establish strong partnerships between these actors, since they

are all working towards a common goal. The CRDR should

offer such an opportunity to bring these different actors

together.

Lack of partnerships between NGOs working in the education

sector is still lacking in South Africa. This consequently led to

“negative competition for resources then undermines the

effectiveness and reputation of the sector” (NASCEE, 2019:1).

Nevertheless, as pointed out by JET Education Services

(2013:34) “If the goals are larger than the individual

organisations, this should clearly not be the case. Networking

need not always take the form of distracting activ ities, but

rather can be activity that shares best practices and puts

mission and vision ahead of mere survival”.

Volmink and Van der Elst (2019:15) also add that

“collaboration and the sharing of knowledge amongst NGOs

are equally important when impact at the level of the system is

sought”.

An additional challenge identified through documents review in

this paper is the absence of an effective CRDR for NGOs in the

education sector, enabling NGOs to demonstrate their

collective effectiveness. The lack of CRDR also implies that

most NGOs do not share best practices and information about

their interventions, which leads to replication of ineffective

efforts in the sector.

For example, in 2013 JET Education services reviewed Teacher

development initiatives implemented by NGOs in South Africa

and found out that they have been characterized by challenges

such as fragmentation, duplication of effort, waste of resources,

lack of relevance, and poor quality (JET Education Services,

2013).

Duplication of efforts in the NGO sector is a major problem

because it undermines the reputation of the sector and the

effectiveness of NGO activities in the country; it also causes an

inability to learn from experienced NGOs in the education

sector (Naidoo, 2004).

Volmink and Van der Elst (2019:15), argues on this issue that,

“most NG interventions have very little or no systemic impact

in the education sector, due to duplicated, uncoordinated

interventions by NGOs”.

The authors also mentioned that “another reason for the lack of

systemic impact is the lack of adoption by the system of

successful practice, both in terms of policy and implementation,

because of insufficient knowledge dissemination about

innovative, cost-effective and successful projects” (Volmink

and Van der Elst, 2019:15).

Moreover, the absence of a CRDR makes it difficult to measure

and compare different field activities carried out in different

remote locations by NGOs. For instance, it becomes

challenging to measure the efforts of NGOs that promote and

advocate for quality and equitable education, particularly in

rural areas.

Although there are some attempts in the part of the country to

collaborate and share data (for instance, the EduColloborate

Portal in the Western Cape), some areprovincial-based, and

only functional on a provincial level. Therefore, to enhance the

efficiency of the NGO sector in the education space, there is a

need for an appropriate national platform that all education

NGOs working in different parts of the country can utiltise.

Furthermore, some of the greater challenges affecting the

NGOs sector have to do with the shortage of using M&E and

EBPs approach to demonstrate the impact.


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NGOs in South Africa need to strengthen their approaches by

using M&E and EBPs systems to demonstrate their impact and

thus improve their chances of getting funds from individual and

private donors and the government.

As noted earlier, using EBPs also improves the likelihood of

achieving desired outcomes. Therefore, it is of paramount

importance for NGOs in the education sector to collaborate with

the government and promote the culture of EBPs to improve

their collective effectiveness.

This could be achieved by establishing a CRDR of EBPs shared

amongst all education NGOs who share a common goal for

public good.

Understanding and Explaining NGO Effectiveness

In less developed nations such as the African countries, NGOs

have proliferated in size and number. However, it is not clear

whether NGOs' explosion and growing importance is balanced

with a related development in their effectiveness (MacLean et

al., 2015).

There is little support in literature in this regard, with academics

like Walsh and Lenihan (2006) and Smillie (1999) refuting the

effectiveness of NGOs, arguing that NGOs lack effectiveness

in developing countries because they “typically have weak

organizational structures coupled with the lack of well-

organized civil society and a weak state infrastructure” (Walsh

& Lenihan, 2006:412).

They further remark that “NGOs should adopt the

organizational structure of for profit organizations in order to

be effective, yet do so without subjecting their suggestion to

field testing” (Walsh & Lenihan, 2006:213).

Moreover, it is difficult to assess the work of NGOs in general

because they encompass so many different types of

organisations varying in size and effectiveness. For example,

institution like BRAC2, which runs a large proportion of

community development programmes in Bangladesh, is a case

in point (Smillie, 2009).

According to the Overseas Development Institute (ODI)

(1996), “there is nothing new in suggesting that it is difficult to

assess NGO effectiveness or that few NGOs have been able to

demonstrate long-term impact” (cited in Madon, 2000:67).

Also, it seems natural that NGOs are diverse organisations

guided by values. But as argued by Davies (1997:613) “they

are hard to classify and group and therefore it is difficult to find

agreed standards and elements of practice that can apply

across all types”.

BRAC concentrates on community development through

village development programmes that include agriculture,

fisheries, cooperatives, rural crafts, adult literacy, health and

family planning, vocational training for women and

construction of community centres.

The work of NGOs in the developing world is known to be

reaching approximately 250 million people in areas such as

food safety, growth of the economy, human rights, gender,

climate and agricultural development, among others (Kabir,

2000; Weiss & Gordenker, 1996:17, cited in Kang’ethe &

Manomano, 2014).

Stuart, (2013:13) point out that “In South Africa, an

innumerable number of NGOs are usually service driven and

undertake services such advocacy, education development,

gender empowerment, HIV and AIDS prevention and human

rights”.

For instance, within the education sector, the role of NGOs in

promoting equal and quality education is notifiable and

inevitable, mainly because education is an enormous

government mandate,(for example, the development of teachers

alone poses a huge challenge).

As such, the government needs NGOs’ support, and through

aligning their work with the NDP, NGOs can help the

government to achieve its goals. Volmink and Van der Elst,

(2019:4) also noted that “this necessitates critical reflection on

the effectiveness of the NGO sector and its contribution to

improving education outcomes in support of the NDP”.

Because of their diversity and complexity, it is therefore

important that these NGOs engage in partnerships and network

initiatives to improve the sector's effectiveness and enhance the

impact of their work.

This can be achieved effectively by having a CRDR in place

for, enabling individual NGOs to share their work with the

NGO community and contribute to the sector as a whole. The

establishment of CRDR will also encourage a culture of sharing

research-based information and improve the use of evidence to

inform the designing of interventions in the education sector.

Evidence-Based Practices (EBP) to Demonstrate NGOs

Effectiveness

According to Davies (1999:108) “evidence-based practice is an

approach which helps people makes well informed decisions

about policies, programmes and projects by putting the best

available evidence at the heart of policy development and

implementation”.

According to Niemi (2007:93) “the aim of research/evidence-

based practice is promoting economic competitiveness and

social cohesion by improving educational resources,

structures, and practices”.

The use of evidence can further enable NGOs to assess, enhance

and expand their programming and make a contribution to the

broader knowledge base by integrating research into their work

(Sayed, Kanjee & Nkomo, 2013).

To practice this could suggest that NGOs develop an internal

research strategy that directs their work and for which they can


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directly receive funding, including building expertise within

their organisation and among their partners. As argued by

Peirson et al. (2012:8) “the leadership of NGOs must

acknowledge the need for evidence-informed approaches and

allocate the necessary resources e.g. finance, protected time

and adequate expert staffing”.

NGOs have been caught up in contentious debates around

evidence in evaluation and impact assessment. The reason for

this is that NGOs are being assessed on their capability in

implementing projects. Financing organisations measure an

NGO's capacity through its history and success stories

(Ravallion, 2009).

Under these conditions, NGOs have no choice but to improve

their performance by various means. They must show that they

have not only experience in certain development issues, but also

the capacity to execute larger projects correctly to achieve the

desired targets. Thus, the establishment of a CRDR for the

sector will support them with an opportunity to learn from each

other and be able to be able to implement larger interventions

across the sector.

In South Africa, government agencies, private philanthropies

and academia trying to address the deficiencies in the education

sector have reviewed the evidence emerging from the numerous

policies and programmes implemented over the years in South

Africa.

For example, the Zenex Foundation, a prominent education

grant maker committed to evidence-based programming,

commissioned evaluation organisations to conduct evaluations

of education interventions in South Africa that the Foundation

supports (Roberts & Schollar, 2011).

When it comes to education interventions, the development

outcome most frequently used to measure progress is ‘learner

achievement’ (Roberts & Schollar, 2011). This is traditionally

measured through the indicators of ‘test scores’ or “pass rates”

(Hattie, 2009).

In South Africa, most learning assessments are designed and

implemented by experienced evaluation and research

organisations such as the Human Science Resource Council

(HSRC), JET Education Services (JET) and Eric Scholar and

Associates (ESA) (Bloch, 2009; Mouton et al. 2013; Sayed et

al., 2013; Taylor & Vinjevold, 1999).

However, few evaluations are done looking at the impact of

initiatives at the level of outcomes as real changes (behavioural,

institutional, social-economic) in the recipient population.

Like in most parts of the developing world, most education

evaluations in South Africa are non-experimental (Hattie,

2009).

Many studies popularly referred to as impact evaluations are

actually case studies where beneficiary outcomes are observed

only after the intervention (Roberts & Schollar, 2011). More

advanced evaluations have conducted baselines and are able to

measure change before and after intervention, but these are

relatively few (Bamberger, Rao & Woolcok, 2010).

This is therefore an issue for the interventions undertaken by

the NGOs, because if they cannot demonstrate the impact of

their work, it is difficult to convince potential donors on why

they should be funded.

To deal with these issues around use of evidence and

demonstrating impact, NGOs working in the education sector,

will have to fully maximise the benefits of a CRDR, which will

enable them to use evidence-based practices by sharing and

accessing research-based data from the platform.

This will also enable NGOs participating in such a platform to

effectively use the CRDR to compare, plan, re-evaluate (meta-

analysis), and their work when designing interventions. In the

same line the NGO sector as whole will be able to enhance their

evaluation approaches that will allow them to demonstrate the

impact of their work.

The next section discusses the advantages and principles of

CRDR for the NGOs working on the education sector.

The Value and Benefits of CRDR for NGO Education

Sector

There are numerous benefits, in adding together to the cost-

effective benefits, which are promoted through CRDR.

According to CODATA, (2015) these also take account of

better research, enhanced educational opportunities, and

improved governance.

Moreover, by sharing research data and other research

materials, third parties (e.g donors/funders) can assess research

knowledge based on CRDR. Simons and Richardson (2013:64)

also point out that “accurately generated and curated datasets

can be reanalyzed to validate research findings or reused and

repurposed to answer different research questions”.

The authors argue that “if datasets are easily accessible, new

discoveries are facilitated and duplicate work can be reduced”

(Simons and Richardson, 2013:65). This section specifically

examines the benefits and values of CRDR for the NGOs

working on the education sector.

NGOs in the education sector nowadays are often distributed

over an immense geographic region and handle a wide variety

of projects. For each project, data needs can be very different.

For example, as argued by Aldashev, Limardi & Verdier

(2015:34) “data requirements for a governance project will

vary drastically from an education based project”.

Depending on the nature of the intervention/project, both macro

and micro specifications may exist.

Cross-cutting problems may often allow information from

various projects and events to be consolidated. For this reason


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CRDR can be of value and benefit to the NGO sector by

permitting data from various projects and proceedings to be

aggregated.

Moreover, as argued by Aldashev & Navarra, (2014) NGOs do

not work for a long time with the same funder. As a funder

changes, data and reporting demands may also change, even if

the same procedure is continued but with another funder.

This also implies that the new funder might require recorded or

evidenced-based data for comparisons, evaluation, planning

and decision-making. Thus, with an absence of CRDR in the

NGO sector, to provide such data might be difficult for other

NGOs. The CRDR will also provide funders and donors with

an opportunity to access different interventions undertaken

within the education sector and assist them by making better-

informed investments.

Furthermore, the CRDR will also enable individual NGOs to be

more effective by allowing each NGO to learn from the

experiences of others and by creating a body of knowledge that

all stakeholders can draw on. demonstrated in Figure 1 below,

the CRDR will assist to create value for the individual NGO to

be more effective by adopting best practice in the NGO sector.

Additionally, the CRDR will enable the entire NGO sector to

become more effective in dealing with education crisis by

sharing knowledge, comparing, finding commonalities, and

differences in research outcomes. The figure below shows a

simple illustration of the areas in which a CRDR could assist

NGOs.

Figure 1: Centralised Research Data Repository for NGOs

As depicted in the above figure, the CRDR could serve as an

important mechanism to provide useful and credible data the

individual NGOs require for intervention purposes in the

education sector.

Additionally, the CRDR might improve assistance in strategic

and sustainable decision-making and enhance the overall

effectiveness of the entire NGO sector. With the availability of

the CRDR, individual NGOs get a competitive advantage to

attract more projects funds, skilled employees and suitable

projects in the NGO sector.

Another issue to consider is that interventions based on research

and evidence are expensive and, if funding is limited, the first

cut for most NGOs is to the research budget, because the first

goal for them is to ensure that projects are ongoing.

As such, having a CRDR in place will provide NGOs with an

opportunity to utilise the platform to conduct evidence-based

studies at that are cost-effective.

As mentioned in the review of the literature, CRDRs have been

proven to be effective in reducing the cost of conducting

research (OECD, 2017:15).

Thus, this will benefit the individual NGOs who have limited

funds to conduct evidence-based projects in the education space

by allowing them access to research-based data generated from

the platform.

Moreover, availability of a CRDR for the education NGOs

sector is important to encourage collaboration and partnerships

amongst NGOs, and other stakeholders in the sector. Having a

CRDR ensures greater levels of coordination among education

interventions by NGOs, adopting successful practices in the

sector, and making a commitment to learn from experience

(BRIDGE, 2018).

More importantly, CRDR will close the gap between the work

performed by most NGOs concentrated in big cities and those

working in rural areas and measure their contribution in the

NGO sector. The next section discusses the importance of

collaboration for successful CRDR and improvement of NGO

effectiveness.

Need for Collaborations to Enhance NGO Effectiveness

There is not a large body of literature on collaboration between

NGOs, academic institutions, funders and government. This is

peculiar since these four types of actors interact extensively (see

Figure 2 below).

This may possibly be due to the fact that NGOs operate in a

very competitive environment and feel compelled to protect

their own intellectual property and funding sources. Thus,

under these circumstances, there is a need to incentivise NGOs

to share information in the interests of a bigger commitment to

the public good.


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According to Sullivan and Skelcher (2002:143), “collaboration

gives practitioners and researchers room to permeate

organisational and scholarly boundaries in order to spur inter-

organisational, sectoral or intergovernmental partnership

through vertical and horizontal engagement”.

The underlying assumptions of collaboration are that it requires

shared interests, shared motivation and common goals, and that

collaborative partners have the same vision in a given research

project.

For NGOs to successfully drive the NDP priorities through their

work, collaboration with other stakeholders is essential, and it

is necessary to understand how these partnerships operate.

As argued by Kukundakwe (2013:25) “different factors

motivate NGOs to form partnerships, among them the search

for financial aid or resources and the shared need to address

community needs”.

More importantly the collaboration between NGOs and other

stakeholders can assist in building an effective CRDR for the

sector. Moreover, it is also important that funders include

resources supporting collaborative processes (e.g. sufficient

time for the formalisation and development of a relationship,

workshop and meeting resources, etc.), rather than simply

putting CRDR in place.

This is also another way of getting these actors mentioned

above to cooperate. Stevens et al. (2013:1072) concluded, based

on a comparative study of nine joint NGO-university initiatives,

that “funders (research councils, foundations and donors)

should provide more funding for innovative and long-term

collaborative research”.

There is also a need to incentivise individual NGOs to

rigorously evaluate the impact of their programmes and publish

and share their findings with the NGO community, even

(especially) when they are negative.

Negative findings will warn stakeholders not to go down the

same route. Therefore, supporting NGOs would include

providing funds to promote the use of evidence and to assist

NGOs in creating strategies to enhance the use of evidence in

their interventions.

Figure 2: NGOs, Academic Institutions, Donors and Government

Interface

As depicted in the above figure there are a lot of linkages and

flow of evidence-data in the collaborations between the actors

mentioned above (Volmink and Van der Elst, 2019:9; Sullivan

and Skelcher, 2002:143; Stevens, Hayman, and Mdee,

2013:1072) which can effectively assist in the formation of a

CRDR.

Although the CRDR might be a benefit to NGOs and the sector

as whole, as highlighted earlier, partnerships is identified as a

challenge between these actors (Volmink and Van der Elst,

2019:9).

It is often feared in the NGO community as a potential source

of competition for limited funds. In this manner, most NGOs

will become hesitant in contributing data to CRDR. This is a

major cause of concern since NGOs already have several issues

in collaborating and sharing data (Volmink and Van der Elst,

2019:9).

The paper proposes that the CRDR should become regulated

and coordinated by a national institution to deal with the above

mentioned. In this regard the DBE as a government department

should be at the centre of regulating such a platform (see Figure

3 below).

Moreover, the DBE should adopt a policy document that will

guide and coordinate the CRDR. According to Martin & Ballar

(2010:112) a policy document in this context “is a paper that

expresses a guiding framework for a CRDR regulating different

aspects of the implementation or operation of the repository”.

The policy document should also highlight clear information in

terms of data security issues, so that NGOs can share their data

without any hesitation. In addition the CRDR should be

proactive to adopt a standard license that will give assurance for

NGOs to contribute to the CRDR without fear.

Lastly, for this CRDR to function more effectively, the DBE

should adopt a policy-agenda that will direct these different

actors to undertake and engage in interventions that are a

priority in the education sector.

Figure 3: DBE’s Position within the CRDR


Page | 24


In order for DBE to coordinate the CRDR more effectively,

extensive consultations with relevant key stakeholders are

essential when developing the CRDR policy. It is also

important to recognize the characters that different actors would

act and meet as many as possible of all the actors' necessities

and requirements.

According to Martin & Ballard (2010:112) “this is an important

step towards ensuring wide-spread buy-in and adoption of the

policy”. Lastly, as stipulated by Martin & Ballard (2010:112) it

is of paramount significance to adapt “a clear stated policy

facilitates ease of use by all the various stakeholders. The policy

should address data management planning, the management of

active data, and the selection of data for long term preservation

and the accessibility of data through the use of the CRDR”

(Ballard, 2010:112).

Initiatives That Supports Collaboration and Sharing of

Evidence-based Data

Few initiatives that might be useful in support of a national

CRDR have been identified in this paper. Some of these

initiatives are created and limited according to their scope of

work and focus, others are provincial based (e.g.

EduColloborate), organisational based (BRIDGE) and

institutional-based (EMIS).

Hence, this paper proposes a national CRDR that should be

optimally utilsed by all the NGOs in the education sector and

other relevant actors.

These initiatives are briefly discussed below.

The EduColloborate Portal in the Western Cape, which is an

initiative by BRIDGE and the Western Cape Education

Department, hosts data about NGO work done in support of

schools in the Western Cape Province. The data on this platform

supports collaboration and coordination with the province of

Western Cape. “It further helps to reduce duplication, and

supports the sharing of resources and allows education

stakeholders to all work together and with greater knowledge

about the many innovations of the NGO sector in the Western

Cape” (wcedeportal:2020).

Another initiative that encourages data-sharing and

collaboration is the Data Driven Districts Dashboard (DDD)

programme. The DDD programme works in partnership with

the DBE to support improved learner outcomes through the

increased quality, availability, analysis and use of education

data (Mail & Guardian, 2019).

It does this by collecting school-level data from the South

African School Administration and Management System (SA-

SAMS), which the department has provided free of charge, and

visualises this data on the DDD dashboard, a web-based

reporting and analysis tool (Mail & Guardian, 2019).

The Dashboard is reported to save NGOs and education

partners time by conducting M&E activities. It also allows them

to guide their interventions into more impactful spaces and

complement existing intervention methodologies (Mail &

Guardian, 2019).

The Education Management Information System (EMIS) is a

function and unit in the DBE responsible for developing and

maintaining an integrated education information system for

management of education. “The EMIS collects data from

various sectors within education such as Ordinary Schools,

Adult Education and Training, Inclusive Education, Early

Childhood Development and Further Education and Training

institutions” (DBE, 2010:21).

BRIDGE is a non-profit organisation based in the Gauteng

province; its mandate is to drive collaboration and co-operation

among stakeholders in education to increase their collective

impact on the system.

In 2017, BRIDGE conducted an evaluation to determine their

progress towards maximising resources and reducing the

duplication of resources in NGO education space as part of their

high-level outcomes.

The evaluation shows a number of interventions and projects

BRIDGE have brought together as they share common goals in

the NGO education sector. The evaluation found ample

evidence showing that BRIDGE is filling a unique gap linking

policy and practice, maximising resources and reducing

duplication, and spreading effective practice in each of its focus

areas.

This was done through BRIDGE activities such as convening

and facilitating CoPs and other sharing events, participating in

partnerships and creating links, compiling and synthesizing

research and managing knowledge (BRIDGE, 2018).

Other mentioned initiatives such as NECT and NASCEE, were

developed with an aim of strengthening the role of NGOs by

encouraging collaborations and partnerships in the education

sector.

There are also, committed to empowering education NGOs by

improving their capacity, effectiveness, and collaboration in

dealing with education matters (NECT, 2018; NASCEE, 2019).

Based on these above discussed initiatives, some lessons can be

drawn on how a successful national CRDR will be fully

optimised by all NGOs and relevant stakeholders working in

the education sector.

The aim is to extend this platform to all stakeholders working

on promoting quality and equal education in the country.


Page | 25


Case Examples of Successful CRDRs

As mentioned earlier in section two of the paper, the author

could not find literature that pertains to how CRDRs are

improving the effectiveness of NGOs specifically in the

education sector as well in general. However, a body of

literature on how CRDR enhances the effectiveness other

institutions such as universities, research councils and libraries

has been identified in this paper (Banzi et al. 2019:2; Helliwell

& McMahon 2010:36; Gurstein, 2011:6; Hruby, et al.,2013;

OECD, 2017:16).

As such, the argument made by this paper is that the CRDR if

design and implemented effectively can also be of value in

improving the effectiveness of the entire education NGO sector.

Some of the case examples of successful CRDRs in other

sectors are briefly presented below.

A case example of a successful CRDR that earned recognition

in genomic science, is the Bermuda Principles “that were

adopted in human genetics in the framework of the Human

Genome Project in 1996” (Kaye, Hawkins, Vries &

Boddington, 2009:331). These principles require that “all

human genomic sequence data generated by centers funded for

large-scale human sequencing should be freely available and

in the public domain to encourage research and development

and to maximize the benefit to society” (Smith & Carrano,

1996:54).

“Over time the pre-publication of data comes off as common

practice, i.e. gene sequences are made openly accessible prior

to the description of them in a peer reviewed article” (Kaye, et

al. 2009:331).

Another case example of a successful CRDR initiatives

involves a large scientific projects, is research on a disease-

causing strain of the Escherichia coli bacteria (Check Hayden,

2012:334). According to Check Hayden (2012:335) “the

bacteria caused more than 4, 0004 people to fall ill in Germany

in 2011. The publication of sequence data under a Creative

Commons license enabled scientists all over the world to make

research contributions to a rapid investigation of the bacterium

through a CRDR platform”.

A further example of successful is the one on the Urology

Department at Columbia University. Hruby et al., (2013:566)

executed a surveying examination of the CRDR’s effect by

comparing the research capacity of the department of urology

during a pre-CRDR period (2005–8) and a post-CRDR period

(2009–11), the analysis involved measurements about, user

satisfaction and adoption, workflow efficiency, publication

quantity; and publication quality.

The CRDR operation resulted in “the emergence of a new

research model that transformed the research workflow and

improved research efficiency of the department on multiple

levels” (Hruby et al., 2013:566).

Henderson and Knott (2015:48) examined another CRDR at

Virginia Commonwealth University libraries. The authors have

found that CRDR has improved these libraries' effectiveness by

engaging in collaboration of sharing, handling and publishing

and reusing datasets (Henderson and Knott, 2015:48).

Moreover, the CRDR has proven to be successful at the UK

universities. The two Universities (St Andrews and Glasgow)

designed their own CRDR to deliver services to support the

rapidly evolving needs of funders, institutional policy makers

and management, and, importantly, the researchers.

The outcome from this initiative revealed that the CRDR had

“substantial and positive impacts, not only reducing the cost of

conducting research, but also enabling more research to be

done, to the benefit of researchers, research organisations,

their funders, and society more widely” (OECD, 2017:16).

Considerations for Building an Effective CRDR For The

NGO Sector

From the review of the literature on attempts to build data

repositories in South Africa, certain lessons can be learned.

Thus, this paper also considers some of the factors likely to

hinder such an initiative moving forward, such as the CRDR not

being fully utilised.

The literature review found that even when a CRDR does exist,

it is not always used. This might be because of NGOs' lack of

time and lack of trust (concerns about data protection) (Hruby,

et al., 2013).

However, this paper offers a solution to this, which involves

(potential) users, a mix of practical exchange and face-to-face

encounters in workshops and seminars to build trust.

Other important factors to consider are the issues of data

maintenance and data security. The CRDR will only be of

assistance if it is updated, ensures that user expectations are met

and provides the most relevant information.

It is therefore suggested that the CRDR should be incorporated

into existing structures (e.g. NASCEE) that already function to

bring together various actors. On the issue of data security, as

mentioned earlier the DBE as a proposed institution to

coordinate this platform, should guarantee participating

organisations ‘rights to data security.

Studies on the researcher’s perspective showing a broad variety

of obstacles that affect scholars’ willingness to share their own

data. The comprehensive studies by Kuipers & Van der


Page | 26


Hoeven, 2009 cited in Pampel, et al. (2013:3) shows that the

willingness to share data is often strongly related to the need for

strong data security. 16

Furthermore, it is also significant to reflect what system of

distribution will best ensure that the optimum level of funding

will be made available for CRDR (OECD, 2014:12). The

CRDR should be developed and maintained through

commitment and investment. “It could be financed by

stakeholders that understand the need for NGOs to be involved

in research-based interventions and the benefits of such

collaboration; these could include government, funders, and

NGOs themselves” (CoreTrustSeal, 2016:34).

Moreover, the CRDR should be user friendly and data entry

should be easy and interesting so that NGOs would be

interested in entering and actively participate in it. It is also

significant to ensure that the design of the CRDR should be

flexible enough to accommodate all the different kinds of

projects undertaken by NGOs in the education sector (Austin,

Brown & Fong, 2015).

Setting up a CRDR for the NGOs sector would also require

developing specific skills, assessing requirements, and

developing a CRDR that will address the collective

expectations of all different stakeholders.

Findings of Study

The government and private sectors have sought to solve the

problem of significant academic backlogs in South Africa

through increased investment, creative models of education,

focused school improvement programmes, ambitious

educational policies and various programmes introduced by

public and private sector institutions.

Desoite the amount of funding, innovation and policies invested

in education, many studies on evaluation of education projects,

have shown once again that very few initiatives have had a

significant impact on learning results in the South African

education sector (Bloch, 2009;Taylor, Muller & Vinjevold,

2003; Hattie, 2009).

The primary objective of this paper was to ascertain to what

extent the lack of a CRDR affects the overall effectiveness of

NGOs in the educational sector.

The study found that the literature remains largely focused on

the potential of CRDRs to bring about positive impacts in areas

such as clinical research repositories (Banzi et al. 2019) and

research-libraries repositories (Gordon et at. 2015).

However in other areas such the NGO sector, there is minimal

literature for the efficacy of CRDRs, which then present an

opportunity for this paper to contribute specifically on that

field.

In spite of benefits that come with data repositories (Peer &

Green, 2012; and Uhlir, 2006), this paper found that NGOs

working in the education sector, particularly in South Africa,

have not yet started to establish a national CRDR.

Moreover, through extensive review of NGO documents and

literature, it was also found that NGOs have a tendency to

replicate interventions that the government is already

effectively doing (Volmink, and Van der Elst, 2019:16), leading

to cost-inefficiency and ineffectiveness of the NGO sector.

Limitations of Study and Implications for Future Research

As stated earlier, the analysis and findings from this paper

should be interpreted as an initial attempt to contribute to the

effective formation of a CRDR for NGOs working in the

education sector.

This paper acknowledges that there might be other attempts of

building repositories in South Africa, which the study might not

have touched on. The paper, therefore, calls for further research

by interested parties, including policy-makers, NGO

practitioner, consultants, funders and academics, into the

methods and assessment criteria that can be used in designing a

national CRDR for the NGO education sector.

Recommendations

This paper attempted to contribute to the evidence-based

education research and policy in the NGOs sector in South

Africa. A variety of assessments have been made with different

methods, degrees of reliability and scientific rigor of education

programs in South Africa (Mouton et al., 2014, Kanjee et Al.,

2013, Scholar & Roberts, 2008).

Nevertheless, this paper recommends that policy-makers,

NGOs, donors and other relevant stakeholders in the education

sector need empirical and systematic measures in order for the

efficacy of various programmatic options available to them to

be comparatively evaluated.

To improve their collective effectiveness, this paper

recommends that NGOs working in the education sector, build

their own CRDR to encourage sharing of evidence and

knowledge.

This will promote a culture that encourages education NGOs to

assess the importance of their work and include the application

of evidence-based knowledge as an essential part of education

sector interventions.

With the establishment of the existing initiatives in sharing and

collaborating data, a solid foundation has started to be built for

a strong and meaningful collaboration in order to build a

successful CRDR.


Page | 27


Given the extent of coverage and research on what works and

what does not, the CRDR could highlight gaps in information

and thus issues that are not already being addressed. Moreover,

a CRDR could also provide NGOs with an opportunity to assist

with evidence-based policy-making by bringing what works in

practice in the education sector to the attention of the

government.

This paper also propose that NGOs working in the NGO sector

should discover points of leverage which, if enhanced, possibly

will revolve the whole (or important parts) of the education

system around, instead of replicating what the government can

and is doing effectively (Volmink, and Van der Elst, 2019:16),

thus the envisioned CRDR should be able to presents

opportunities and gaps where in the education sector where

NGOs could intervene effectively.

Conclusion

During South Africa's 25 years of democracy, there has been

considerable continuity in educational policy, increasing

awareness of problems and the prioritising of education to

tackle the system's inequalities. M&E and EBPs of major

initiatives have also begun to play a role in important policy

decisions to improve education.

This role has mainly been driven by NGOs with an emphasis to

confront the educational problems from many angles, with a

higher prospect of finding effective solutions. The vision

presented in this paper is the development of a successful

CRDR for NGOs working in the education sector, a platform

driven by professionals with strong links to research-based

knowledge.

The platform would preferably be a combination of a web-

based exchange with support from the summit of NGOs, and

discussions. The objective is to make the forum an effective tool

that enhances the important role of NGOs and their use of

evidence-based initiatives and encourages connections between

research, action and policy in education.

Finally, this paper hopefully inspires NGOs in the education

sector and other sectors to improve the quality of their

evaluations and to use the best scientific methods available to

systematically plan future programmes, make better-informed

investments and improve their continuous efforts in the

education sector.

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Introduction

The Department of Education in South Africa had to close the

schools before the official calendar day of the first day.

According to Chitimira and Hamadziripi (2021) the country

was placed under lockdown under Section 27(1) of the Disaster

Management Act of 2002.

McIntosh, Bachmann, Siedner, Gareta, Seeley and Herbst

(2020) point out that the main causes of the corona virus remain

unknown. However, its repercussions are visible and impactful

worldwide (Engzella et al., 2021; Pokhrel & Chhetr, 2021).

The government mentioned that the act will be implemented

from the midnight of 26 March 2020 (Labuschaigne &

Staunton, 2020; Chitimira & Hamadziripi, 2021). The South

African president (Mr Ramaphosa) announced that a national

lockdown would last up to twenty one days. 16 April 2020

(Mhlanga & Moloi, 2020).

However, on 9 April 2020, the lockdown was extended by

another fourteen days (Mhlanga & Moloi, 2020). The

lockdown aimed at preventing the population to have mass

gatherings and this included schooling (Chitimira &

Hamadziripi, 2021; Mhlanga & Moloi, 2020).

With this strict regulations, the government was diminishing the

spread of the pandemic (Labuschaigne, 2020; McIntosh et al.,

2020). As a result, schools were closed, learners were not

allowed to meet or gather. This impacted on how the schooling

system operates and functions (Engzella et al., 2021).

For instance, the School-Government Bodies (SGBs) had to

mend their safety policies to include a clause that will include

social distancing and restrictive movement around the school

premises (Mukuna & Aloka, 2020). Engzella et al. (2021) argue

that nations around the globe have suspend face-to-face

teaching.

This was done to curb the spread of the virus (Engzella et al.,

2021; Sequeira & Dacey, 2020). Therefore, access to quality

education was compromised.

This study argues that the prohibition of mass gatherings and

schooling created a number of challenges in the learning space

and poor learners needed more support during this time. For

instance, their interaction with friends, peers and classmates.

Another challenge is that learners who needed support were not

supported because they could not interact with the SBST since

they were locked at home. Therefore, support obtain from peers

and teachers was limited since schools were closed (Mukuna &

Aloka, 2020).

This study explores how the School-Based Support Teams

(SBST’s) responded to the needs of children who are facing

challenges in their learning and development during the

pandemic.

Navigating education in the ‘new norm’- Covid-19

Pandemic

The new social set-up has adversely affected many people's

mental health (this includes both learners and educators)

(Engzella et al., 2021; Mhlanga & Moloi, 2020; Mukuna &

Aloka, 2020; WHO, 2020).

Chitimira and Hamadziripi (2021) indicate that being isolated

due to “stay home restrictions or quarantine has caused several

negative emotions to arise as more people struggle to adapt to

the novel covid-19 way of living” (p. 27).

This virus brought fear and anxiety of contracting it (WHO,

2020). As a result, the virus has posed a treat for children’s

education and development (WHO, 2020). Therefore, the SBST

has significant role to play to ensure that these learners are

supported and cared for (DOE, 2001).

Abstract: This study explores the experiences of the School-Based Support Teams (SBST) in three South African township schools during

the Covid-19 pandemic. This is a qualitative study which adopts a sociocultural theory which put emphasis on the prominence of interaction

with others to acquire knowledge. A purposive sampling method was utilised to collect data from ten members of the SBST. Data from this

study revealed that lockdown obstructed teaching and learning. It further posed a threat in the learning process of poor learners. Therefore,

SBSTs as support structures had to develop new mechanisms to support learners who have socio-economic challenges. Data was collected

through semi-structured interviews and after a thematic data analysis the researcher discovered three significant themes namely: Navigating

learners socio-economic constrains, The SBST as a supportive structure during the covid-19 pandemic and Teacher development. The aim of

this study was to find out the role and the needs of the SBST during the Covid-19 pandemic.

Keywords: School-Based Support Team, Covid-19, Lockdown, Inclusion, Sociocultural Theory

Exploring the Role of the School-Based Support Team During the Covid-19 Pandemic Johannes Buthelezi

Department of Senior Phase (SP) and Further Education and Training (FET)

Cape Peninsula University of Technology (CPUT) Email: [email protected]



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SBST refers to educators working together to achieve

inclusiveness in learning spaces (Engelbrecht & Green, 2001).

Mahlo (2013) argues that this team of educators embrace

different expertise, knowledge and experience that can be used

in a learning space to bring transformation and create a positive,

conducive environment for learning.

SBST’s are initiated in schools to build inclusive and safe

schools for all learners (despite their learning needs) and

teachers (Engelbrecht & Green, 2001; DOE, 2001; Mahlo,

2013). The Screening, Identification, Assessment and Support

(SIAS) policy document (DOE, 2014) states that schools

implement SBSTs to offer support services to all learners and

teachers.

The introduction of lockdown and quarantine in South Africa

enforced schools to disregard their duty to include all learners

within the education system. For instance; support structures

(SBST’s) did not assist learners who are experiencing

challenges in their learning and development during the

pandemic (Hoadley, 2020; Mukuna & Aloka, 2020).

The closure of schools required learners to isolate themselves.

They were not able to interact with peers and teachers who form

part of their support structure. Therefore, school closure was a

difficult period for learners (Hoadley, 2020).

Being away from familiar environments (such as schools) and

immediate relationships (such as friends and peers) do not

encourage development (Scott & Palincsar, 2013). According

to Vygotsky (1978) learners develop “into the intellectual life

of those around them” (p. 88). Therefore, being alone and

isolated does not promote effective learning and growth (Scott

& Palincsar, 2013).

For some poor learners, schools are safe spaces and healthy for

their well-being (Hoadley, 2020) because they are able to

interact with others (Vygotsky, 1978). They obtain support that

keeps them motivated (Scott & Palincsar, 2013) and that

support is significant for their growth and learning.

Taking away school became problematic for their

psychological well-being. Therefore, this study anticipated at

exploring the support provided by the SBST while learners

were at home trying to cope with the ‘new norm’.

The underprivileged citizens of the societies were tormented the

most during the lockdown (and the pandemic) compared to the

elite class (McIntosh et al., 2020). Furthermore, these

inequalities found a way to filter into the classroom (Hoadley,

2020; Sequeira & Dacey, 2020).

Hoadley (2020) argues that the socio-economic imbalances in

the South African society were harshly affecting learners from

underprivileged backgrounds. The process of opening and

closing schools during the corona virus affected learners’

education (Mhlanga & Moloi, 2020).

For instance, they tend to exclude poor learners in an online

space, thereby hindering learning outcomes and problematizing

their academic identities (Sequeira & Dacey, 2020).

Therefore, the inclusion of learners from poor backgrounds has

been compromised during the pandemic. The White Paper 6

(DOE, 2001) pledges for the inclusion of all learners despite

their learning challenges. However, during the lockdown, some

schools placed the policy aside and poor learners were excluded

while privileged learners were taught.

This is against the law because the Bill of rights points out that

every child should obtain equal education in South Africa.

E-Learning Pedagogy

In order to ensure that learners’ education was not compromised

during lockdown, many countries (including South Africa)

introduced distance learning, open educational applications

(such as WhatsApp, Zoom and Microsoft Teams) and online

learning (UNESCO, 2020).

These online platforms were instigated to provide children with

their basic right to learning during the pandemic (Hoadley,

2020). Therefore, digital platforms to communicate with

learners were the alternatives to continue with the curriculum

(Sequeira & Dacey, 2020).

Mukuna and Aloka (2020) argue that in South Africa the

Department of Basic Education (DBE) introduced E-learning.

E-learning is a lithe learning experience initiated through ICT

resources, tools and applications (DOE, 2004). It is about the

interaction between teachers, learners and the online

environment and to collaborate learning (DOE, 2004; Mukuna

& Aloka, 2020).

E-learning was gazetted in 2004 in the White Paper on E-

education by the Department of Basic Education (Mukuna &

Aloka, 2020). However, the White Paper on E-education of

2004 is silent about the inclusion of poor communities and no-

fee schools.

It does not specify how underprivileged schools (and learners)

are going to be assisted in instigating e-learning and sustaining

technological improvement. Therefore, this silence has

generated a wide gap between the ‘haves and have nots’ (Msila,

2013) because for the privileged group of the society teaching

and learning continued for them during lockdown (Mukuna &

Aloka, 2020).

According to Mhlanga and Moloi (2020) e-learning in South

Africa is more effective in institutions of higher learning

because students in these institutions are given support. For

example at the beginning of the pandemic students funded by

National Student Financial Aid Scheme (NSFAS) were given

laptops and data bundles, on a monthly basis (Mhlanga &

Moloi, 2020).


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However, this was not the case in basic education (Mhlanga &

Moloi, 2020). Underprivileged children were not considered

when schools initiated e-learning (Hoadley, 2020). Therefore,

this compromised online pedagogy (UNESCO, 2020).

Another challenge is that e-learning is for teaching and learning

the curriculum only is that e-learning is for teaching and

learning (Mukuna & Aloka, 2020). The development and well-

being of the child were abandoned during lockdown (Mukuna

& Aloka, 2020).

The majority of the educators in the system were trained to

become educators in an era where technology was unpopular.

Therefore, e-learning has become a teaching barrier for most of

South African educators (Hoadley, 2020).

For the SBST, it became a challenge to support learners and

teachers via e-learning since they themselves are not equipped

with the knowledge of online teaching. Thus, this compromised

the support that learners deserves during the lockdown. But it

remains unclear how effective e-learning will be, given that

teachers have little experience with online instruction (Kuhfeld

et al., 2020).

Therefore, moving forward SBST’s should prepare new ways

to support learners who are poor and academically behind

(Kuhfeld et al., 2020).

Sociocultural Theory

Sociocultural theory emphasises that for learning and

development to transpire, human interactions should happen

(Wood, Bruner & Ross, 1976). Human interaction is significant

for acquiring knowledge because it facilitates the construction

of new meanings and concepts (Mutekwe, 2018; Wood, 988).

Therefore, critical thinking occurs when children are guided by

knowledgeable peers, friends and adults (Wood, Bruner &

Ross, 1976). Vygotsky (1978) mentions that human cognitive

development should be traced from social and cultural

interactions.

Therefore, cognitive development is associated with culture and

society (Vygotsky, 1978; Wood, Bruner & Ross, 1976).

According to Vygotsky (1978), cognitive development is a

process through which children develop more systematic,

logical, and rational concepts from their social interactions with

the teacher or a more skilled peer.

Woods (1988) argues that constructive learning takes place at

the presence of a mediator. Mutekwe (2018) notes that there are

diverse forms of mediators for instance; material,

psychological, semiotic and human beings. For this study the

focus is on human beings as mediators of learning and

development. I argue that they play a critical role in shaping the

development of any child.

Mediation is the process that transforms the children’s skills

from lower to higher cognitive functions as the child progresses

from previous to new knowledge (Mutekwe, 2018; Vygotsky,

1978).

According to Vygotsky (1978) mediation is the Zone of

Proximal Development (ZPD). Zone of Proximal Development

should be understood as the process of giving guidance to

children who are experiencing challenges to acquire a particular

(Mutekwe, 2018).

Children cannot gain a new skill without the assistance of an

adept adult or peer (Mutekwe, 2018; Phan, 2012). The

assistance is given to children so that they can achieve their

Zone of Proximal Development. Therefore, with appropriate

support children can see that they are capable and valued (Phan,

2012).

In order to facilitate learning and development, children should

be ‘scaffolded’ or coached (Mutekwe, 2018; Wood, Bruner &

Ross, 1976). Wood (1988) defines scaffolding as a

collaborative and interactive process. Thus, the support given

to a learner, by either a teacher or peers, in a learning process

in order to attain Zone of Proximal Development is referred to

as scaffolding (Phan, 2012; Wood, Bruner & Ross, 1976;

Wood, 1988).

The main implication is that learning and development transpire

through interaction, negotiation, and collaboration among

learners (Phan, 2012; Vygotsky, 1978; Wood, Bruner & Ross,

1976). Learning in digital platforms has compromised this

principle. Some teachers are not skilful in technology but they

are required to use e-leaning to support learners.

Therefore, it critical to explore the experiences of the SBST

during the pandemic. As indicated previously, the SBST is

tasked to support learners who are facing challenges and

affecting their learning and development. Using this theory is

critical because it will assist in exploring the role played by the

SBST in supporting learners to reach their Zone of Proximal

Development.

We need to know what kind of human interactions the SBST

had with learners when they were away from school.

Research Methodology

This research study explored how SBSTs, as support structures

had to develop new mechanisms to support learners who have

socio-economic, constrains during the corona virus pandemic.

The study highlights the impact of covid-19 on teaching and

learning. It also explores how schools (SBST’s in particular) are

adjusting to the ‘new norm’ to support learners who are

experiencing barriers to learning. The study adopted an

interpretivist paradigm.


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Data was collected through virtual individual interviews to

understand the experiences of SBST members in supporting

learners during the pandemic. The Researcher gathered

accurate, authentic data and it represents reality the reality of

sampled participants (McMillan & Schumacher, 2014).

Sampling Method

Purposive sampling method was used in this study to sample

pertinent participants. Ten members of School-Based Support

Teams were selected and they are from three township schools

located in Gauteng. SBST members were sampled because they

are tasked to support learners and teachers.

These participants showed interest on the study and highlighted

that they would like to share their experiences and reality.

Therefore, the researcher developed consent forms which

indicated that participation in this study is voluntary and

participants will be kept anonymous.

All participants signed the forms and are retained in a safe

place. Six of these participants were female teachers and four

of those were male teachers. Their average age was forty three

years.

Data Analysis

The researcher used qualitative data analysis as a procedure to

develop coded topics and categories that derived from the raw

data (McMillan & Schumacher, 2014). Transcripts and the

notes were read repeatedly in order to familiarize with the data.

Then thematic analysis was adopted with a systematic coding

approach to process all responses (Braun & Clark, 2006).

Pseudonyms are used in discussions to ensure that participants

are kept anonymous.

Results and Discussions

After data analysis, three themes emerged about the role of the

School-based Support Team during the covid-19 pandemic in

township schools. The themes are (1) navigating socio-

economic constrains, (2) the SBST as a supportive structure

during the covid-19 pandemic and (3) teacher development.

These themes are explored in the next section.

Navigating Learners’ Socio-economic Constrains

The findings of the study exposes that learners with socio-

economic challenges were affected the most during the

pandemic. From Thembi who teaches in school A, the

Researcher discovered that poor learners were forgotten by the

system when lockdown was implemented.

She narrated:

‘Remember some of these poor learners get their first meal at

school. So when we went to lockdown nobody cared whether

these kids ate or not’.

The Department of Basic Education was taken to court by Equal

Education Law Centre (EELC) and Section 27 organisations

filed a complaint at a Gauteng Higher court regarding closure

of National School Nutrition Programme (NSNP) in schools

during lockdown and school holidays during the pandemic

(Kwatubana, & Molaodi, 2021; Haffejee & Levine, 2020;

Reyneke, 2020).

According to Kwatubana and Molaodi (2021) the main

objective of these organisation to file a law suit was to ensure

that schools offer food to all learners, even during lockdown

and school holidays.

On the 16th of July 2020 the Department of Basic Education was

instructed by the High court to review its strategies to

implement the National School Nutrition Programme (NSNP)

(Haffejee, & Levine, 2020; Reyneke, 2020).

Kwatubana and Molaodi (2021) mention that the court

informed the Minister of Basic education that the Department

of Basic Education has a constitutional obligation to ensure that

the feeding programme feeds needy learners even when schools

are closed. Schools had a variety of option on how to give food

to learners during lockdown and schools holidays.

Firstly, they had an option to “serve food to learners at school;

secondly learners to collect food and lastly to deliver school

feeding as food parcels” (Kwatubana & Molaodi, 2021, p. 115).

However, Betty indicated to the researcher that he cannot recall

in her school pupils given food during lockdown. She said:

‘The feeding scheme was not open during the holidays. [Phela] I stay

next to the school and the school gate was locked from day one of

lockdown until we went back. If it was open I was going to be the first

one to know. And when we got back to school we threw away mealie,

mealie because it was rotten.’

Even though the Department was taken to Court in July 2020,

lack of implementation still prevails in 2021 (Kwatubana, &

Molaodi, 2021). Zonke mentioned that providing food for

needy learners is crucial. When I interacted with her she

mentioned that it is unfair to expect a starving child to study at

home. When I asked her about feeding scheme, she mentioned

that:

‘Erh…how can we send work to this learners during holiday? We are

not even sure whether they ate or not. How can you erh…study with

an empty stomach. Phela indla ibanga ulaka’ [starvation leads to

anger].

In the above narrative Zonke links food with learning. She

points out that when people are hungry they struggle to

understand the content and she feels it was unfair of teachers to

expect poor learners to study while they were at home hungry.

Jolikomo from School C told the Researcher that in a normal

circumstance poor learners would be given food parcels every

Friday so that they cannot starve over the weekend. However,

during lockdown the SBST from his school did not see a need

to prepare these parcels for needy learners.


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Another challenge that was facing needy learners in school was

the introduction of e-learning. Sequeira and Dacey (2020)

mention that e-learning should be seen as a process where

learning takes place via internet or any teaching materials

delivered by using any electronic devices.

Therefore there are two crucial aspects that are needed to

implement e-learning. Firstly, Internet connection and lastly, a

functional electronic device (Mhlanga & Moloi, 2020). When

the researcher interacted with Lucky about supporting learners

during lockdown and holidays, he mentioned that he used

technological tools to support and teach grade 12 learners. He

narrated:

‘I supported the learners by using a lot of WhatsApp for interactions

and to teach my grade 12 learners. I also encouraged my learners to

send the information to those who did not have phones or data. But I

am not sure if they got the information’.

Online interaction isolates the educator (a mediator) from the

learner (Rouadi & Anouti, 2020). Even though mediation

occurs it is not highly effective compared to learning conducted

through face-to-face interaction. When the researcher asked

Zanele how she ensures that learners reach their Zone of

Proximal Development when they are interacting with her and

other learners online, she narrated:

‘When you teach online erh…you ensure that you are quick, don’t

waste time and entertain questions because it can take tame and you

won’t have data for the next lesson. So I personally prefer recording

videos then send them to WhatsApp so that they can refer to them now

and again’.

Zanele does not allow learners to interact with her or peers

because she thinks about data bundles for the next lesson.

Therefore, what happens to learners who do not understand

what she is saying? What happens to those learners who do not

understand the language used in the video?

According to the sociocultural theory, language as a tool of

cognitive development is crucial when adults aim at teaching or

developing a young person (Vygotsky, 1978). Mutekwe (2018)

argues that language is used to organise thoughts, which

clarifies learners' understanding. Therefore, once learners

comprehend new knowledge, it becomes part of their schema

(Mutekwe, 2018; Vygotsky, 1978).

The communication between the child and the educator can be

there but it is limited and it is faced with many disruptions for

instance poor connection, poor sound quality or no connection

at all (Rouadi & Anouti, 2020). The problem here is that when

these platforms are used, many learners struggle to access them

for a number of reasons.

However, the majority of educators continue with teaching and

learning without ensuring that every child is included in that

online classroom.

And this is against the law as stipulated in the White Paper 6 of

2001 which indicates that every child should be included in the

classroom despite their learning needs (DOE, 2001). Therefore,

the persistence of teaching and communicating with some of

the learners because they are privileged to have data bundles

and electronic devices, is exclusion of those learners who are

underprivileged.

This study argues that the SBST as a supportive structured,

tasked to care for learners who are experiencing barriers to

learning (Makhalemele & Tlale, 2020) such as socio-economic

constrains should find a way to assist these learners to navigate

their learning, development and live during the pandemic.

The SBST as a Supportive Structure during the Covid-19

Pandemic

Makhalemele and Tlale, (2020) point out that the SBSTs are

initiated to play a supportive role to “co-ordinate learner and

teacher support services in schools” (p. 100). However,

Nkambule and Amsterdam (2018) question this role since they

were implemented in 2001. They claim that SBSTs are

unsuccessful in supporting educators and learners leaving

teachers (Nkambule & Amsterdam, 2018).

Therefore, this has left many educators feeling ill-equipped to

face the new norm (Makhalemelele & Tlale, 2020) brought by

the pandemic. When the Researcher interacted with two co-

ordinators of the SBSTs in two different schools about the role

played by the SBST during the pandemic, it was vivid that the

SBST is effective in their schools because they are avoiding to

be infected by the virus. Thato (a co-ordinator in school A)

narrated:

“I don’t want to lie, when the president declared National Lockdown

last year. Nothing was done by my SBST to help the learners or uhm…

to find out how they are doing. I think one of the problem that made us

as the team not to take a step or think about how to support learners

or anyone else for that matter, is the fact that everyone was trying to

fight for his/her own life as we were dealing with the unknown”.

While James, a co-ordinator for school B mentioned that his life

was at risk as a person living with a comorbidity, it did not cross

his mind to think of learners or teachers during lockdown.

‘I know I live with obesity and I am diabetic. My daughter advised that

I should stay at home forget about work. And I did exactly that. And

you know what the problem is, my team is effective when I am around

and when I am not there eish… I have issues’.

The SBST should not operate in such a way that it relies on an

individual to do the work. It is a team that needs to work

together to execute their duties (Makoelle, 2015; Mahlo, 2013;

Nkambule & Amsterdam, 2018).


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Therefore, James team is supposed to continue working even

though the co-ordinator is not there to ensure that learners who

experience barriers to learning and development are cared for

in the learning space (Mahlo, 2013).

Makoelle (2015) notes that most of the SBST’s do not work as

a team. They always need one person who will give instructions

on what should be done (Makoelle, 2015). This is

compromising the work that should be done in schools to

provide support to learners who are struggling in their lives.

Therefore, the SBST should learn to share responsibilities and

develop a skill of sense of urgency (Makhalemelele & Tlale,

2020). So, that when the co-ordinator is not there due to health

or any other personal reason, members should know how to

react. Thembi agreed that the SBST should have team work but

she pointed out that the emergence of covid-19 has affected the

functionality of the SBST. She stated that:

‘The SBST functions as a committee in the school which aims to

support learners emotionally, physically and psychologically. Covid-

19 affected the functioning of the committee in that us as teachers in

the committee could not invite other stakeholders to come and assist

the learners and I believed we failed this time to work together ’.

From the interactions that the Researcher had with the

participants it is clear that the members of the SBSTs know their

roles as members of the SBST. However, they were not

equipped to deal with the pandemic. As a result, they stopped

executing their duties.

According to the White Paper 6 (DOE, 2001) educators are the

drivers of inclusive education and they should complete this

duty despite the challenges they may face. This study believes

the SBST is supposed to collaborate with other stakeholders

such as District-Based Support Teams (DBSTs), social

workers, police and medical staff if the aim was to support

learners who are experiencing learning and development

barriers during lockdown and holidays.

Lack of collaboration creates dysfunctional SBST’S and this

affect progress and development in education. (Makhalemelele

& Tlale, 2020). Furthermore, this has a negative impact on the

response or none of the SBST’s in embracing diverse barriers

to learning and development (Edwards-Kerr, 2017).

Zizipho outlined that overcrowding was another challenge that

affected how the SBST during lockdown. According to her,

they struggled to respond to learner’s needs because their

enrollment is higher with many needy learners. Zizipho

narrated:

‘Our school is having many learners affected by socio-economic

barriers and it is a huge challenge for the SBST. Even if we wanted to

assist maybe with data or food, we were not going to achieve that goal

because it will the whole school’.

Zizipho’s view is accurate that township schools are

overcrowded (Zar, Dawa, Fischer & Castro-Rodriguez, 2020).

Therefore, implementing inclusive education in this institution

would be a milestone. However, the school could have explored

other options if they were willing to support learners. The first

option that they had was to inform the district office about their

overcrowding and negotiate with them and with the SGB that

they need to deviate school funds to the National School

Nutrition Programme (NSNP) for instance so that learners

could have their first meals at school or receive food parcels.

For Makhalemelele and Tlale (2020) that it is the responsibility

of these support structures to ensure that the existing scarce

resources (including funds) are used efficiently and that they

are used to benefit the child at all times.

Teacher Development

The research findings shows that the SBST requires training.

The participants pointed out that the ‘new norm’ requires

educators who are knowledgeable when it comes to technology

and other areas of leadership to assist and support staff

members and learners.

Lack of training is exposed when educators fail to identify

barriers to learning or when they fail to respond accurately to

the needs of learners (Makhalemelele & Tlale, 2020). The

participants specified that the Department of Education offered

minimal and uncoordinated support Betty pointed out that:

‘I am not yet perfect with online learning skills. And my believe is that

as a teacher I should be able to incorporate e-learning to enhance

student learning experience e.g. using WhatsApp communication to

send out important information to the learners and also engage with

them on the platform e.g. sending pictures, videos and learning

resources relevant to their studies’.

Investing in teacher development, especially in using

technology, will ensure that educators are fluent users of

technology; and they will be creative in their e-learning ethos

(Whalen, 2020). Furthermore training is significant because it

assist human beings in engaging in collaborations with others

so that they can develop ways to solve problems for their

learners’ problem (Daniel, 2020).

Lastly, well-equipped teachers in technology learn to be

adaptive and socially aware experts throughout their careers

(Whalen, 2020).

Another area that participants of this study pointed out as

critical when it comes teacher training is receiving guidance on

how to support traumatised leaners (and other educators in their

school) because of the pandemic.

James mentioned that he received many messages from his

learners informing him that they are overwhelmed by the whole

situation and they do not know how to cope. During the

interaction with the Researcher, James highlighted that the

Department should educate the SBST on how to coach learners

who are emotionally drained.


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James narrated:

‘I got two text from these bubbly learners during lockdown. They were

telling me about their emotions and how sad they are. I struggled to

respond to those messages because I didn’t want to say anything

wrong that will further stress my learners. So to answer your question,

we must receive training that will teach us how to respond to kids who

are stressed.’

Daniel (2020) argues that covid-19 has brought anxious times

for learners. Therefore, learners are bound to feel anxiety

(Daniel, 2020). It is then expected that educators (and support

structures such as the SBST) to give reassurance to learners that

corona virus is a phase, it will pass (Daniel, 2020).

However, Thoko mentioned that is was challenging for her to

reassure learners that things will improve and go back to normal

since she is also panicking about this ‘new norm’. When asked

about her professional needs she pointed out that she needs

assistance with ‘access to a health care worker, counselling and

management (School Management Team) support’.

The problem with COVID 19 is educators are expected to act,

respond and support learners while they are struggling with

their anxiety and problems as well (Klapproth, Federkeil,

Heinschke & Jungmann, 2020). Zizipho mentioned something

critical about her well-being. She said:

‘Supporting learners is not a problem is not a problem but how do I

lie to them and say things will be okay erh… while they are hungry and

struggling with their work. I am scared to give false hope. I think won’t

respond to them when they talk about covid -19 because when I think

about it I just cry.’

This narrative indicates that the impact of covid-19 has affected

both educators and has contributed badly to their

professionalism. Furthermore, it has affected how are

responding to learner’s needs. However, Daniel (2020) insist

that educators and school counsellors (than parents) are in better

potions to support and assuage learners' anxieties in deprived

situations.

Klapproth et al. (2020) argues that educators are expected to

experience pressure and tension when they are not supported by

the management (and the Education department) and by the

lack of training. And this can have undesirable outcomes when

interacting with learners in schools (Klapproth et al., 2020).

Furthermore, teachers are also likely to experience stress if they

have to use technology for which they do not feel competent

enough (Klapproth et al., 2020, p.445).

Conclusion

This article explored the experiences of the School-Based

Support Teams (SBST) in three South African township

schools during the COVID 19 pandemic. Lockdown and the

Coronavirus pandemic has impacted on face-to-face

classrooms.

Classrooms are moving towards e-learning that does not keep

up with skills befitting this new form of education.

The problem with this new type of teaching and learning is that

access to data bundles and access to digital gadgets affects the

quality education during lockdown. Underprivileged learners

are the most affected learners with this ‘new norm’.

The paper revealed that these learners were not supported due

to several constrains that affected how the SBST responded to

the needs of learners with socio-economic barriers.

Therefore, SBSTs as support structures should initiate new

mechanisms to support learners who are experiencing barriers

to learning caused by the emergence of the COVID 19

pandemic.

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Introduction

African perspectives on football in general and FIFA

(Federation Internationale de Football Association), the

international controlling body, are influenced, somewhat, by

media reports about the game (Haynes & Boyle, 2017).

In terms of the geopolitics of football, Africa is positioned

either on the periphery as onlookers or as a primary audience,

at times showing an interest as intense as football followers

anywhere on the planet.

Despite the game’s popularity among ordinary folk, players and

followers, the media can and does present reports on its seamier

aspects without denting interest and intense support for football.

In this article, we employ hegemony analysis to examine a

selection of these reports and demonstrate the dominance of a

positive spirit towards the game that is at odds with Africa’s

marginal status in FIFA and its players’ dismal performance in

international competitions when representing the continent.

Furthermore, the reasons for Africa’s marginalised position and

the conditions that prevent any of the continent’s nations from

reaching the semi-finals are also pondered upon and

explanations linked to hegemony relations within African

nations, across these nations and between the continent and the

rest of the world are offered.

The media often refers to football as ‘the beautiful game’.

Despite contestations about the origins and authorship of this

description, the aesthetic endowment to football gained traction

with the publication of Pelé’s book, “My life and the beautiful

game” (Pelé & Fish, 1977) and it now functions as its moniker.

Furthermore, football is regarded as the supreme sport

(Giulianotti, 2012; Kuper, 2010) overshadowing the Olympic

Games and other popular international tournaments like

formula one racing, golf, rugby, cricket, swimming or tennis.

Each game, contested by two teams of eleven players apiece is

the most followed sport on the planet. The number of nations

that play football exceeds the membership of the United

Nations.

Its popularity has attracted not only sports minded individuals

but also big corporations, who invest billions of dollars in

global sponsorship (Robinson, 2013, May 26). Robinson notes,

however, that the beneficiaries of such sponsorships are the

elite clubs of the European Champions League while the

leagues lower down the order struggle to attract funding.

Despite the uneven distribution of sponsorship benefits in

Europe, and the paucity of resources and amenities in many

parts of the developing world, football remains the most played

sport, even in Africa.

Ironically, though some of the prime footballers in the world

were born in Africa, learnt to play the game on African soil and

demonstrated skills that attracted offers from some of the most

distinguished football clubs in the world, Africa is not

recognised as a serious contender for the most prestigious prize,

the World Cup.

The importance of viewing football from an African context

emerged from two provocations. The first concerns counter-

narratives about the repulsive side of the game and its

authoritative body, FIFA, which, through its national bodies,

influences the rules, formats, participation and competitions at

local, national and international level. For example, the

following opinion was expressed in a newspaper report:

Abstract: The media is a source of information and influence on the worldviews of its readership and the contents of articles, one can assume,

represent the perspectives of some individuals in Africa. In that sense, the media can be seen as representing the views of a segment of the

African population for use as ‘data’. Drawing on ‘data’ from media, this article analyses the role of hegemony in the arena of football on the

continent. Three forms of hegemony are pertinent: geopolitical, economic and cultural. The first relates specifically to the dominance of FIFA,

its monopoly of the game and its impact on Africa. The second refers to the so-called ‘continental drift’ of Africa and its impact on football.

The third works in combination with the geopolitical and economic forms. Together these produce a matrix to influence, operationalise and

execute FIFA’s mandates. It reveals firstly, that hegemony succeeds through the co-option, cooperation and collusion of the dominated who

have a distorted perception of the power wielded by the controlling body. Secondly, power emanates from hegemony and vice versa. Since

power is neither stable nor possessed, the possibility exists for the debilitating effects of hegemony to be destabilised and displaced through

resistance. Thirdly, critical media perspectives, it seems, exert little influence on readers’ views of football and FIFA on the African continent.

Keywords: Africa, Football, Hegemony, Power, Resistance

Media Perspectives of Football and FIFA’s Role on the African Continent:

A Hegemony Analysis Nyna Amin; Kiran Odhav

Department of Education, University of Kwazulu Natal (UKZN); Department of Sociology, North West University (NWU) Email: [email protected] ; [email protected]




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Football has a cancer at its heart which is born purely of the

money available in the game, and which attracts the venal and

corrupt as surely as innocent billy goats do hungry trolls. If you

take away the money, you clean up FIFA without waiting for

Sepp Blatter to do it himself.

If you take away the money, you make the players subject to

the law and decent standards of behaviour in the same way the

rest are. And if you take away the money, you get the beautiful

game back (Fleet Street Fox, 2016, June 01).

Corruption may also be at the heart of a complex set of

arrangements that affects the world of football in general and

Africa in particular. The second provocation concerns literature

critical of corruption, inequities, social injustice and

dishonourable domination, which provide insights to football.

These range from issues specific to particular nations

(Giulianotti, 2004), to poaching of players from Africa (Darby,

2000), football development in Africa (Darby, 2002), and the

effects of the relationship between rule change and social and

political upheavals on the outcomes of the game (Palacios-

Huerta, 2004).

In contrast, this article presents an analysis of media reports of

football in Africa through the deployment of a framework for

hegemony analysis.

Against the backdrop of these undercurrents, a review of

Africa’s participation in football is furnished by arguing that

there are three types of hegemony at play, namely, geopolitical,

economic and cultural, which contribute to the causes,

maintenance and perpetuation of its marginal position,

peripheral role and dismal performance in the game. The ‘data’

for the analyses are drawn from media reports.

Sources of Media Data

The media is an important source of and influence on public

opinion and perception (Bailey, Oliver, Gaffney & Kolivras,

2017; Vu, Jiang, Chacón, Riedl, et al. 2018). Media and social

platforms do provide some indication of the information

available to users.

Our intention was not to measure perception and opinion;

instead, it was to explain the lack of reactivity or opposition to

Africa’s marginalisation by FIFA and adoration for football

despite the availability of negative reports on the game.

Thus, we deliberately sourced articles from online newspapers

and online platforms that expose corrupt or unfair practices

associated with football and the marginalisation of Africa.

Though the sources could be construed as biased, and

generalisation not possible, it communicates particular

interpretations or variations of the multiple truths that co-exist

simultaneously.

In that sense, it is similar to surveying or interviewing a

representative group in which every individual provides a

subjective interpretation. It is not a representative sample, but a

source of a range of negative opinions that circulate in social

spaces, applied here for a hegemony analysis.

Of interest, is the media’s seeming impotence in galvanising

readers to revolt or to declare a dispute or to challenge FIFA’s

control of the game despite exposure of alleged corrupt

practices and the marginalisation of Africa.

The data sources were selected from online platforms, online

newspaper sites and information websites. The selection was

purposive, mainly to illustrate the ways in which hegemony

operates despite the availability of disparaging information on

FIFA and football in Africa (see Table 1).

Data Source Country of Origin Focus

Al Monitor, The

Pulse of a Nation

News media

platform founded by

a Syrian-born

American

Egypt, Gulf, Iran,

Iraq, Israel, Jordan,

Lebanon, North

Africa, Palestine,

Syria, Turkey

Chronicle Zimbabwe-based

news and media

company

Local, Business,

Sport, Entertainment

Eyewitness News South Africa media

company

Local, politics,

Opinion, Business,,

Lifestyle, Sport

Financial Times News organization

owned by Nikkei

Inc.

World, U.S,

Companies, Tech,

Markets, Graphics,

Opinion, Work

&Career, Life & Arts

Geographical UK-based official

magazine of the

Royal Geographical

Society

People, Places,

Nature, Geopolitics,

UK, Opinions,

Reviews

I C Publications Magazine, founded

by a Frenchman,

with headquarters in

the UK

Insight into African

affairs from an

African perspective

Inter Press

Service News

Agency

Non-profit

international

cooperative of

journalists founded

by Italians

News and views from

the Global South

Mail and

Guardian

South African

investigative

publication

Politics, Art, Culture

Mail Online Website of the Daily

Mail, a newspaper of

the United Kingdom

News, U.S., Sport,

TV and Showbiz,

Australia, Female,


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Health, Science,

Money

Mirror United Kingdom News, Politics, Sport,

Celeb News, Royals,

TV, Film

New African An IC Publication African Politics and

African Economics

from an African

perspective

Pambazuka

News

Open-access, Pan-

African email and

electronic newsletter

Freedom, Justice

Poverties Online magazine Economic and social

issues, Global

poverty, Women’s

Rights

Quartz Africa Business news

organization owned

by the Japanese

company, Uzabaze

Domestic, business

and finance, world

economy

Sowetan Live South Africa’s

largest national

English publishing

group

News, Sport,

Entertainment,

Business, opinion

Spectator United Kingdom Politics, culture

The Guardian British Mass Media

Company

News, Opinion,

Sport, Culture,

Lifestyle

Zimbabwean Zimbabwean

independent daily

newspaper

News, Sport,

Business,

Entertainment,

politics, Opinion,

Lifestyle, Tech

Table 1. Media Sources, Country of origin and foci

Only five of the media sources emanate from the African

continent, indicating that most of the selected online media

platforms are controlled elsewhere in the world (e.g. United

Kingdom, United States and Japan).

Nevertheless, the articles written in these online platforms

indicate that there is a concern about unfair practices in the

game of football and in FIFA, irrespective of the country

source, ownership and agenda of the platform.

Online platforms, we surmise, make injustice visible and are

available to readers on the continent. It is possible, however,

that readers may be more interested in sport tournaments and

performance, sports stars, results of matches and so on and that

the focus on Africa’s marginalisation in football is the academic

interest of the authors. We concede that that is a likely scenario.

Contextual and Conceptual Frameworks: Africa, Football

and Hegemony

The second largest continent in the world, Africa is made up of

54 countries, nine territories and two unrecognised independent

states. Almost 1.2 billion people inhabit an area more than 30

million km² in total extent, constituting one-fifth of the total

land area on Earth. Mazrui (1980) has described the peoples of

Africa as ‘the most humiliated’, and the continent as ‘the least

developed’ and exhibiting ‘the lowest standards of living’.

These descriptions can be traced to its history as the most

colonised continent, with an array of European countries

(Belgium, Britain, France, Germany, Netherlands, Portugal and

Spain) occupying areas from the east to the west and the north

to the southernmost tip of Africa.

Mazrui’s pejorative descriptions decades later, still hold true for

most of the continent as do the reasons he proffered:

exploitation by the West, the division of the continent into

numerous small nations and cultural differences linked to tribal

lineage and loyalties.

These adverse conditions did not arise accidentally, but were

predicated on European frailties like wanton capitalism (greed),

disregard for the other (exploitation) and opportunism

(colonisation).

They were not natural to Africa; they emerged as a result of

social construction in the way Berger and Luckmann (1967)

theorised, that is, the present condition masks its past and makes

it improbable to retrieve a conception or to re-script and reclaim

its forgotten honours and glories.

Simultaneous with conquests by external sources are the

calamitous corrupt practices that continue to destabilise the

continent from within (Gumede, 2012, November 14). The

nurture of power and privilege, inside and outside Africa, can

be traced to hegemony articulations and can be understood

within a framework that reveals the lines of domination and

marginalisation, that connect the past and present, and include

local, national and international collusions and complicities.

Laclau’s (2000) articulation of hegemony is useful in

understanding the conditions that have led to Africa’s status in

the world of football.

Hegemony structures the world, as productive and repressive

forces. First, as a repressive force, it refers specifically to the

domination and colonisation of the mind in the absence of

coercion. Force is not required because the dominance of

existing beliefs, rules, structures and practices (about football

in this instance) are accepted as natural, legitimate and

necessary.


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As Žižek (2005, p. 204) eloquently enunciates:

… an element exerts hegemony – only when it is no longer

perceived as a usurper that has violently subordinated all other

elements, and thus commands the entire field, but as a neutral

framework whose presence is “a matter of course” –

“hegemony” designates usurping violence whose violent

character is sublimated.

Consequently, the received values are internalised and inserted

into an individual or a group’s values schema, displacing those

values that are contradictory or antagonistic. It can be likened

to a virus inhabiting an unknowing host.

Second, a focus on language as a primary structure to convey a

sense of reality situates football as the nodal point around which

meaning is accumulated, interpreted and practiced.

In practice it means that multiple assignations are possible

because, following Laclau (2000), football is an empty

signifier, which can simultaneously be attached to all kinds of

descriptions, meanings and practices.

It is a receptacle that embraces all kinds of articulations that are

not necessarily harmonious in nature.

Thus, FIFA has filled the imagination with its own conception

of football, which can be displaced and replaced at any given

moment. However, displacement and replacement are not easily

achieved as the various articulations are not equal: some are

more powerful, deeply rooted, and resistant to dislodgment.

A nodal point like football is thus the possibility and the

limitation for an existing hegemony; but the limitation also

offers the productive force to displace one form of hegemony

with another. In that sense, Butler optimistically declares that it

offers the emergence of ‘new social possibilities’ (2000, p. 14).

A hegemony analysis can reveal the hidden relationships that

prolong the status quo andprolong the status quo and serve the

aim of transforming repressive hegemony into a productive

force. In that case, football is a point in a network that can be

displaced; new narratives can be scripted, and existing practices

can be transformed so that the periphery can move to the centre

and vice versa.

For the purposes of analysis, three types of hegemony are

activated: strategic (geopolitics), economic (continental drift)

and cultural (worldviews). The peculiarities of each form will

become apparent in the discussion within the themes.

Finally, the theoretical architecture for this article has one more

feature, namely, power. Hegemony can be construed as a form

and articulation of power. Consistent with Foucault’s (1998)

notion of power, it is polyvalent in nature and is present

everywhere, circulating and changing the direction of flow that

results in various kinds of impediments when attempting to

pinpoint its exact location and its exact effects.

An analysis of power poses many challenges as the invisible

forces and regimes are sedimented, covered by a veneer that

misdirects and misguides attempts to scrutinise its underlying

structures, intents and interests.

As suggested by Althusser and Balibar (1997), when the surface

is impenetrable, only a ‘symptomatic reading’ is possible; that

is, the surface is conceived as a symptom of an underlying or

hidden intent, event or structure.

The deployment of Laclau, Foucault, Žižek and Althusser in

this article provides an integrated critical lens to read and

interpret the entanglement of Africa within the overlapping

arenas of international, national and local football structures,

discourses and practices.

Geopolitical Hegemony: The Dominance of FIFA and its

Impact on the Continent

FIFA’s domination of the game of football can be regarded as

geopolitical hegemony because it extends over countries on all

continents.

Geopolitical hegemony is not peculiar to football; the Olympic

Games under the auspices of the International Olympic

Committee also exercises its hegemony over the kinds of sports

that it entertains at the games, with many developing countries’

traditional sports not taken into account.

FIFA dominates in a number of ways, the most important being

its agenda-setting for the supreme football tournament which

takes place every four years. One could argue that the run-up to

the football World Cup is a contest between six confederation

zones (Africa, Asia, North and Central America and the

Caribbean, South America, Oceania and Europe) which

compete for just 32 championship spaces.

Arguably, the spaces per zone are proportionately unfair in

terms of the number of participating nations for each zone:

Africa, with 54 participating nations, gets just five slots for the

finals comprising 32 national teams, while Europe, with two

fewer participating nations, gets 13 slots.

From 2026, the World Cup will have 48 championship spaces.

Africa will get four more slots (Kazeem, 2017, March 31),

which will not change Europe’s position as the most

represented in the competition. This anomaly is apparent when

comparisons are made of the population and geographical size

and the number of football supporters within nations in the

different zones.

Likewise, with the richest clubs situated in Europe, FIFA

agendas and decisions seem to be swayed by Europe’s

economic power and history. There are also other forms of

domination, which, arguably, are perceptible in the following

instance: the world footballer of the year has been either a

European or a South American with only one African player

winning the award in the history of the game under FIFA’s rule.


Page | 43


Furthermore, the tenures of FIFA Presidents since its inception

is uninspiring: the only African to hold the position did so in an

acting capacity for less than six months during the transition

period of the Blatter and Infantino presidencies.

Not only are the governance formats of FIFA feudal-like and

out-dated, long leadership tenures have become entrenched.

Terms of 33 years (Frenchman, Jules Rimet), 24 years

(Brazilian, Joao Havelange) and 17 years (Swiss, Sepp Blatter),

which one might argue, are excessive and create a situation that

is ‘stable’, are also less open to transformative agendas and

more likely to engender autocratic practices.

FIFA’s governance operations reveal unacceptable and

demonstrably unethical processes, which include corruption

scandals involving senior members of the organisation, dubious

presidential elections, a dictatorial approach and management

of host countries, and general disregard for the countries of the

Global South to host the World Cup, barring the one hosted in

South Africa.

Notwithstanding the fact that few African candidates stand for

FIFA office, another European candidate, Gianni Infantino

from Switzerland, was voted in as FIFA president in 2016 and

re-elected recently for a second term.

Since FIFA’s constitution allows for long, extended tenure,

their promise to change may not really be a shift towards a fairer

and more democratic formulation. The promises of

‘transformation’, ‘clean governance’ and ‘fair play’ in the

aftermath of the corruption scandals afflicting FIFA may

operate as empty signifiers, as the anchoring content and

timeframes that define these promises have not been spelt out

explicitly, leaving the terrain open to multiple interpretations

that can be tailored for undeclared and hidden intentions.

The way the game of football is played and the ways it should

be hosted is dominated by FIFA. One may argue that in reality

national bodies, not FIFA determine the rules of the game. Our

counter argument is that the national bodies are not as

independent as they might appear to be.

In fact, they serve as bridges between FIFA and affiliated

nations; the power of FIFA is dispersed through national

bodies. Evidence of centralised control is epitomised in the way

sponsorship is controlled, and what can be bought or sold at

World Cup football matches. Furthermore, its profiteering

agenda places enormous burdens on developing nations with

very few countries in Africa inspired to make a bid to host the

World Cup.

While South Africa was successful in its bid to host the 2010

World Cup, after the closure of the games it was clear that it

delivered far less financially than was anticipated by the host

country. Steyn (2015, June 12) revealed the dubious practices

foisted on the host nation by the football governing body:

A FIFA World Cup requires the host country to bend over

backwards to meet FIFA’s requirements, ranging from tax

exemptions to exchange controls and even the price of hotel

rooms. And South Africa was undoubtedly no different after

winning the bid to host the 2010 championship. FIFA’s legal

status as a non-profit entity allows it tax breaks in its resident

country of Switzerland – already a low-tax jurisdiction.

And in the countries where World Cups have been hosted, FIFA

and its ‘family’ are known to enjoy full or partial tax

exemptions.

In South Africa revenue laws had to be amended to allow for

the exemptions. In response to media reports at the time that

South Africa would lose millions in income tax, the South

African Revenue Service said the event was not a profit-making

exercise.

That might be so for South Africa but certainly not for FIFA,

which made a $631 million surplus, largely generated by

television, marketing, and hospitality rights sales.

Steyn’s exposé of the exploitative underbelly of FIFA is a clear

demonstration of hegemony at work. A developing nation

received and accepted FIFA’s operations as an unquestioned

given; obedient acquiescence to its mandates. This is a typical

example of a country imbibing a cultural hegemony as if it was

a natural condition of its participation.

Geopolitical and cultural hegemony thrive in a subtly organised

arena (even when they are made visible), and when the

dominated collaborates and cooperates with the dominator.

Indeed, the absence of applied force is supplemented by the

immense influence of the global body and enables unfettered

economic hegemony to weaken the position of developing

nations.

If a global organisation is feudal-like in character and

governance, how would this affect relationships with the

African continent? Africa, it is argued, is used as a pawn in the

game of football, especially during the election of FIFA

officials, and is implicated in corrupt practices (as exemplified

by South Africa’s reported complicity in bribing FIFA officials

for the 2010 World Cup bid).

Other African countries remain pawns on a FIFA chessboard,

allegedly by being manipulated such that Sepp Blatter was

successfully elected president of FIFA on five separate

occasions. Even when an opportunity arises to shift FIFA

leadership from the European/South American stranglehold, as

was the case at the last election, the African bloc chose a

European head despite the initial availability of an African

nominee (the South African, Tokyo Sexwale) for the position.

Once again, if the allegations are proven, it will demonstrate

that the complicity and collusion of developing states are

required to maintain the status quo, support the European

candidate, and sublimate the push for transformation.


Page | 44


One could argue that this is a case of the imposition of a specific

worldview (that Europeans are superior to African candidates),

a classic example of cultural hegemony.

Under these circumstances, it becomes clear that dislodging

hegemonic practices is onerous with increased likelihood of

failure, even when the invisible is made visible, and the

inevitable is revealed as a myth.

Economic Hegemony: Political Challenges and Continental

Drift

In this section, we argue an inextricable connection between the

logic of victimhood and socio-economic hegemony. In

situations of pessimism and perceived lack of agency, victims

perpetrate and fortify negative circumstances, resulting in

subservience to those in power in the football arena.

A major contributor to the conditions that permit hegemony to

endure emerges from the socio-economic and allied problems

that continue to debilitate Africa.

Furthermore, common knowledge about socio-economic

problems and the political impasses that African countries face

negatively impacts sporting outcomes and achievements.

The notion of ‘continental drift’ has been appropriated from

tectonic theory. In this instance, it refers to hegemonic forces

that influence Africa’s deviations, meanderings and alienation

from agendas that would make it a viable continent and a

ferocious competitor in the sporting sector.

A host of alternative factors underpin the socio-economic crisis

in Africa. Among these are sponsorships for football clubs.

Unlike their counterparts in Europe, African sports associations

are financially dependent on government sponsorships (Boit,

2006).

This can be erratic as financial backing is only possible and

sustainable when national fiscal ethics are exercised. For

example, there are concerns regarding resource wastage and the

scourge of corruption in Zimbabwe (Bolt, 2014) related to

significant financial income from diamond mining being

redirected to those who wield political power.

Others, like Gilley (2010) and Mbaku (2014), argue that the

failure of the African renaissance, the state of African poverty

and many of these countries’ seeming inability to deal with it

are to blame. Furthermore, the European Union approach of

‘one size fits all’ ignores differences in country contexts (Borzel

& Hackenesch, 2013) while Landsberg (2012) avers that the

African crisis is really a crisis of the state entwined with the

struggle for development.

Thus, for any form of transformation, improvement and

progress to occur, failed states in Africa need to be rescued

(Logan, Owusu & Kalipeni, 2012). Nevertheless, some

federations (at local club level) are well organised, funded,

supported and developed, although the national level may not

be quite as supportive or well organised.

Two countries’ approaches, Egypt, in terms of lack of support

and South Africa, in terms of its organisational approaches, are

instructive. In 2015, the Cairo Court for Urgent Matters

outlawed fanatical football supporters (known as Ultras) and

declared that all Ultras are terrorist organisations (Linn, 2015,

May 05). This empty signifier provided a safe harbour from

which to create a ‘reality’ that is misleading. That Ultras were

reckless, engaged in rowdy behaviour and damaged public

property is not disputed; the terrorism-linked description is,

however, because it distorts reality. The behaviour of the

football Ultras was more akin to hooliganism than it was to

terrorism.

Mobilising the notion of terrorism strengthened the position of

the Egyptian state against charges and attempts made by

political Ultras (not associated with sport) to reinstate deposed

President Mohammed Morsi.

Socio-economic domination (depriving teams of a support base

and finance) can be as devastating to football development in a

country as is geopolitical hegemony to football development on

the continent. In this instance, football’s fate is tied to political

machination and intrigue.

South Africa is well-known for replacing coaches each year

since the dawn of democracy in 1994. Dumitru (in Strydom,

2015, December 11) aptly describes the situation thus:

A coach in SA can be hired, can be fired, rehired, refired,

promoted, demoted, can be recycled – and can be all of the

above (online).

Despite the instability this causes, the country differs from

many others in Africa as it is able to attract lucrative sponsors

for its Premier League. However, it is a prime example of messy

organisation and administrative ineptitude as attested to in a

local newspaper article:

The Premier Soccer League is still a tragic lesson in buffoonery

for all its supposed glitz, glamour, and big money sponsors.

And as long as the league (and SAFA) [South African Football

Association] lurch from one administrative bungle to the next,

it’s hard to see any spin-offs for the national team (in McKinley,

2010: 80).

Charges of in-fighting (MISA, 2010, April 05), corruption

(Digital TMG, 2016, March 15), and purchasing the rights to

stage the 2010 World Cup by bribing FIFA officials (Smyth,

2016, March 16) have tarnished South Africa’s image.

Interestingly, support for the game has not diminished,

indicating a high level of resistance by fans to the possibility of

demanding the purging of those in leadership positions accused

of unethical behaviour.


Page | 45


Hegemony, in the case of South Africa, is supported by the

complicity of unknowing collaborators with less than

sophisticated understanding of the undercurrents driving the

sport like marketization (exploiting market forces to

exorbitantly increase football revenue), neoliberal capitalism

(the pursuit of excessive profit from football to benefit a

privileged few) and politicisation (the encroachment and

invasion of sporting spaces by the state).

Local and national conditions unknowingly patronise

hegemony on the continent in various ways. To illustrate,

although good football is played in Cameroon, the facilities are

in a deplorable state (Chimtom, 2014, June 11) making the

game vulnerable to the whims of corrupt football officials.

Furthermore, the nature of governance of African football is

questionable and problematic as the former president of the

Confederation of African Football (CAF), Issa Hayatou, headed

the body without interruption from 1988 to 2017 and

suppressed African football development by replicating the

FIFA feudal model of governance (Obayiuwana, 2011a, April;

2011b, April).

Notwithstanding arguments about organisational continuity and

the expansion of CAF participation, Hayatou served 29 years as

CAF president, inspiring Obayiuwana (2013, April) to suggest

that he ‘does not look like a prince but like a king’. His long

reign over organised football in Africa increased the reach of

hegemony, as he was a tangible representative of FIFA, its

power and authority.

For 29 years, he was a constant reminder of the ‘naturalness’ of

the way in which football business is conducted. Certainly, he

could have driven and overseen major improvements in football

playing facilities; negotiated with friendly countries to train

personnel, and even pursued the diversification of incentives

offered to soccer stakeholders to improve regional development

of sport in Africa as suggested by Rintangu, Mwisuku and

Onywera (2012) and Boit (2006).

Similarly, the migration of players to more lucrative leagues in

Europe may be one of the causes of unrealised football progress

and achievement in Africa (Darby, 2007). Hayatou, who was

finally deposed in 2017 (Conn, 2017, March 16), acted as a

bulwark against radical transformation of its rules of

governance and development priorities.

Like geopolitical hegemony, cultural and economic hegemony

is dependent on co-option and collaboration from within to

maintain its relevance and supremacy. The result is a continent

that drifts in the direction that benefits those outside Africa

while simultaneously drifting away from Africa’s needs,

incapable of, or rather, reluctant to retain its star players.

To put it differently, the drifting continent is an agent serving

those who dominate the sport. Nonetheless, possibilities and

opportunities exist to change the landscape of domination of

and subservience to FIFA and its regional acolytes.

Hegemony and African Resistance

A number of debilitating worldviews have structured and

constructed the world of football for and in Africa. The first

relates to winners and losers that are always part of the sporting

arena. The dominant notion is that Africa is always a loser (not

necessarily confined to sports). To illustrate the point, the

discourse of loss is repeatedly invoked in the media:

Decade after decade, politicians and international organizations

have failed to reduce poverty. Nor have they been able to help

Africa generate growth or basic infrastructure (Poverties, 2013,

January).

… for every $1 of aid that developing countries receive, they

lose $24 in net outflows. These outflows strip developing

countries of an important source of revenue and finance for

development.

The GFI report finds that increasingly large net outflows have

caused economic growth rates in developing countries to

decline, and are directly responsible for falling living standards

(Hickel, 2017, January 14).

Former South African President Thabo Mbeki recently

described Africa’s brain drain as “frightening.” Africa has lost

20 000 academics and 10 percent of highly skilled information

technology and finance professionals, he stated (Netsianda,

2018, May 18).

The effect of these kinds of discourses is the creation of an

enduring image that is pessimistic in nature, and generalised to

all activities, including Africa’s performance in football

tournaments. Associating notions of ‘losing’ and ‘loss’ with

Africa appear to be justified as from 1930 to 2014, just two

continents produced all the winners, viz. Europe with eleven

wins and South America with nine.

If the Global North and South are compared, Western Europe

has won the cup eight and Brazil five times. The contest appears

to be between the talents of these two continents. Meanwhile,

the African continent with the most countries and a population

of almost 1.2 billion has not even made it to the semi-finals of

a World Cup tournament. Still, there is some hope for Africa,

with GDP expected to rise to 3.4% according to IMF forecasts

(IMF, 2018, April).

In other words, the economic conditions for new hegemonies to

displace existing ones are favourable. With a rise in GDP, more

money can potentially be redirected to the development of

sport, improved infrastructure and incentives for players. As

Africa becomes economically stronger, so do its opportunities

to escape the yoke of geopolitical hegemony.

Second, globalisation is believed to be inevitable and necessary,

especially in terms of human movement across borders. This

belief is fuelled by the poaching of star players from Africa by

elite European clubs.


Page | 46


Resistance to overtures by these clubs has been subverted to a

large extent by lucrative offers that included exorbitant

paycheques, high-quality amenities and coaching, fame and a

better life in Europe.

Despite these attractions and the talent that African players’

display, they are prone to abuse likened to another form of slave

trade or colonial resource (Montesh, 2011; Rowe, 2018, July

16; Darby, 2012). Among other sports such as the Olympics,

the objective of the global game of soccer may thus be

understood as a desire to dominate the African continent.

Domination takes various forms, through agendas that may be

sport-related or detrimental to African sports agendas. Recourse

for such conditions may require that African players be offered

similarly structured packages or an appeal to their loyalty to the

continent. Between the endpoints of these possible measures

lies a range of possibilities to entice players back to Africa.

However, the solution may not be as simple as might first

appear. Players that have left the continent may have acquired

western tastes and habits, making re-integration more

challenging.

The lack of proper sport amenities may hinder relocating to

Africa. In other instances, talented players may stage a come-

back when they are no longer in peak form, and home then

represents an opportunity to exploit their fame and extend their

sport shelf-life (Gray, 2010, May 18).

Third, there are unshakeable convictions that football

development in Africa depends on the generosity of non-

Africans despite evidence to the contrary about aid to Africa in

general (Acemoglu & Robinson, 2014, January 25; Moyo,

2009).

It is well-known that models of foreign-aided development

(football included) are also not the harbingers of liberation that

they implicitly claim to be (Maathai, 1995, August 30). Of

course, a few exceptions do exist. However, they can be sites of

struggle (Manzo, 2012) to dislodge the dominance of ‘business

models’, neo-liberal and post-colonial variants, especially as

some show no ‘utopic alternative’ though there are mild efforts

at development.

Furthermore, due to the lack of freedom of expression in

countries like Zimbabwe, football has been (ab)used and

relegated to political subservience, e.g. constructing political

messages for the masses (Zenenga, 2012).

Finally, many national football federations are not functioning

at optimal level regarding either funding or administration.

Ismail’s (2015) comments on the lack of numerous

administrative competencies, promotes and sustains negative

views associated with the ‘dark continent’.

His suggestions for improvement include acquiring information

technology, software support systems, andmanual information

systems, transparency of information systems, training and

education to overcome lack of knowledge, state security issues

on data, and the education of administrators and building the

trustworthiness of employees.

However, resisting hegemony will require more than the

measures proposed by Ismail. At the very least, it will call for

cognitive liberation, commitment to change, financial input and

ethical dispositions.

From an Althusserian perspective (Althusser & Balibar, 1997),

the preceding discussions can be construed as symptomatic

readings, which have revealed identifiable indicators where

hegemony operates: the selection of host countries, controlling

qualification for and participation in the World Cup, setting of

rules of the game and involvement in corruption and how it can

be eradicated.

These symptoms are features of power, a deeper, invisible force

coursing through rank (FIFA executive) and file (FIFA

membership).

A possible reason for African members’ submission to FIFA is

a distorted perception of the legitimacy and sovereignty of its

authority.

The reason for FIFA executive authority is a distorted notion

that its sovereignty is legitimate. It is based on its financial

power.

But power is impermanent; it can reverse its course and change

the dynamics of privilege: all that is required is resistance by

those in subordinate positions. It may even mean the

withdrawal of membership from FIFA.

The withdrawal of 54 countries could destabilise FIFA

sufficiently to galvanise the radical transformation of the

controlling body.

Finally, the three meta-narratives that continue to construct

Africa as a losing continent, dependent on foreign aid with

inevitable capitulation to globalisation, can be revised to

communicate and action an alternative reality.

The meta-narratives are also empty signifiers with multiple

surplus meanings (Laclau, 2000). Thus, the tactic at hand is to

insert and attach new meanings and interpretations about Africa

and thereby challenge the continent's enduring and undesirable

portrayals.

Hegemony on the African continent is precarious as it is

vulnerable to acts of resistance. Its vulnerability is the platform

from which to instigate new hegemonies that favour Africa. The

chances are that Africa may view resistance as contingent, that

is, it is possible but not necessary.


Page | 47


Conclusion

Football is a very important sport in the context of Africa. It is

a game with widespread public support despite its marginal

status compared to Europe or South America. Africa has also

been the source of gifted players (e.g. Didier Drogba, Mohamed

Salah) who talent scouts have recruited for elite football clubs

in Europe.

The loss of talent is possibly one of the reasons for Africa’s

poor track record in the World Cup competitions. Other reasons

include a lack of administrative competency, poor leadership,

erratic state support and corruption at macro and micro levels.

Furthermore, Africa, it seems, is blind to how it is manipulated,

especially when one considers its unquestioning acceptance of

the supremacy of FIFA control of the game and the very long

tenure of the now deposed Africa zone president, Issa Hayatou,

who was in charge of the Africa Cup of Nations. Interestingly,

the media has not been able to disrupt or destabilise public

perceptions of FIFA, indicating the power of hegemony to

neutralise negative perceptions.

Though voluntarily accepted, these three forms of hegemony

have created a worldview that works against Africa,

paradoxically.

As a consequence of taking ownership of the imposed

worldview, Africa is positioned as a victim: it has never won a

World Cup final, only one of its players has won a prestigious

award, none of its representatives have headed FIFA, and the

determination of how many places are available in the World

Cup tournament is neither proportionate to its population size

nor to the number of countries on the continent when compared

to the European zone.

Although the dominance of FIFA is an outcome of three forms

of hegemony, namely, geopolitical, economic and cultural, the

marginal status of Africa cannot simply be associated with an

external other like FIFA.

It is also the result of the continent’s capitulation to the status

quo, and its complicity and collusion with the world body, as

well as its internal corrupt practices and improper conduct.

Hegemony is not one-sided; it requires co-option and

collaboration, and, on both counts, Africa has seemingly ceded

its agency. Reversing the effects of hegemony on football in

Africa and the underlying sources of power may require radical

moves which could take the form of withdrawing from the

world body, resisting its rules of operation, challenging the

formulae for qualification for the World Cup finals, nominating

and voting for African candidates, and demanding ethical

conduct from players and officials.

The implications of resistance are, arguably, positive for Africa,

even if the issues raised are transformed one at a time. Perhaps,

media still has a role to play, albeit, small, in galvanising

reforms in organised football.

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Introduction

The wealth of the African continent in terms of mineral

resources is increasingly becoming a topic that politicians,

industry and science are addressing. Existing natural resources

could be a source of wealth and development in South Africa,

but instead poverty is still prevalent in those countries. Is there

therefore a "resource curse"?

In this context, the impact of natural resources in South Africa

is examined.

In the following script the resource curse with the focus on

South Africa will be discussed. First, it is important, to define

the theory as a base for the discussion. This script will first

focus on the Economic Effects, secondly on Political Effects,

thirdly on Environmental Effects and Effects for the Society in

order to define each perspective individually. After that each

effect will be discussed, to determine correlation between the

resource curse and conflicts in South Africa.

The mining sector is one of South Africa’s most important

sectors. It contributed R312 billion to the GDP (gross domestic

product) in 2017. During that year, a total of 464,667 persons

were employed and each person has up to nine indirect

dependents.

Furthermore, “the mining sector has, for many years, attracted

valuable foreign direct investment to South Africa” (Minerals

Council of South Africa: 2017). But since the mining in South

Africa started, “Gold mining has been both a boon and a

burden” (Docherty, 2016:5). The resource curse tries to explain

these two sides of the coin.

2. The Dimensions of the Resource Curse

In order to be able to understand the resource curse, it is

important to define at the beginning the natural resources that

are involved in that theory.

According to the Oxford Dictionary, natural resources are

“materials or substances occurring in nature which can be

exploited for economic gain” (OXFORD DICTIONARY).

More specifically, they are resources that occur in nature, such

as materials like minerals, gas and oil. These resources are non-

renewable, which means that one day their occurrences will be

exhausted.

Theoretically, it can be assumed that the natural and precious

resources, such as rare earths, gold, diamonds, gas or oil

deposits, can be extracted from the earth. Unlike many other

products, countries do not have to make any production inputs

to produce the "product". Natural resources are dormant in or

on the earth's crust.

According to Sachs (2007), countries with a variety of natural

resources should have three major advantages. Firstly would be,

that the income stream from resource extraction increases the

real standard of living by financing higher public and private

consumption.

Secondly, taking the resource serves as an additional cash

injection. The resources are theoretically owned by the country

and can be considered as an investment. Thirdly, the revenue of

the resources flows directly into the treasury, which drives the

development of the country enormously and benefits the public

sector. Already Adam Smith mentioned as early as in 1812, that

“natural resources have a positive role in the process of

economic development” (Badeeb 2017:3).

The question is, if natural resources come with these

advantages, how come do countries with the richest amount of

these resources belong to the poorest economies in the world?

Furthermore, “that economies with abundant natural resources

have tended to grow less rapidly than natural-resource-scarce

economies” (SACHS 2007).

Abstract: African wealth is embodied in its natural resources as many see it. Yet poverty remains prevalent in resource rich countries like

South Africa. This paper seeks to focus on its the economic effects of a wealth of resources, the political impact of the latter and knock-on

effects on the environment, and wider societal consequences. Each is defined for a clearer understanding of what ‘resource curse’ means. The

thesis that a resource rich country can be wealthy is disputed, as poverty abounds in ‘rich country’ like South Africa. A correlation between

resource curse and the generation of conflict is also identified. South Africa’s mines GDP contribution was R312 billion (2017), with over 40

million regional dependents on the sector. Gold mining has been a boon and a burden (Docherty, 2016). The paper attempts to explain both

sides of the paradox of the resource curse, for some suggestions to resolve them. These include weak policy stances, the handling of mining

population by politicians, the lack of information exchange, resentment of politician’s decisions, and for a further tightening of environmental

laws to curtail the sectors degradatory impact.

Keywords: African wealth, wealth, resources, conflict

The Paradox of Plenty: Is South Africa suffering from the Resource Curse? Juliane Janne Niemann; Kiran Odhav

Department of Sociology, Justus Liebieg University, Giesen; Department of Sociology, North West University (NWU) Emails: [email protected]; [email protected]




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This neo-extractivism theory of the resource curse is also called

“Paradox of Plenty”, based on the absurdity, that countries with

plenty of resources are suffering.

2.1. Economic Effects

There is an empirically demonstrable negative correlation

between resource richness and economic growth. One of these

economic effects is the upturn of the local currency during a

resource boom and its consequences, known as the Dutch

Disease.

The Dutch Disease "... denotes [...] the economic phenomenon

that a real appreciation of the currency can lead to a decline in

the growth of productive export sectors and thus to an

impairment of the long-term growth of the economy as a whole"

(Liebig et al. 2008:4).

The Dutch Disease is a macroeconomic model that describes

the effects of a sudden resource boom in one country. The

changes for the economy as well as the position of the country

on the world market are characterized. The eponymous name

for the phenomenon was the discovery of natural gas deposits

in the 1960’s /1970’s off the Dutch coast. A sudden commodity

boom in the Netherlands was the result.

The intensive extraction of natural gas and the associated high

export earnings significantly improved the Gulden (the Dutch

currency during that time). The enormous and sudden

appreciation of a national currency results in the relative

increase in the price of domestic products. This in turn reduces

the competitiveness of other Dutch industries on the world

market.

The secondary, tertiary and agricultural sectors suffered from

deteriorating international competitiveness. The imports

increased and the domestic production declined, which led to

closures of companies and suspensions of stuff. In the

Netherlands, this led to a macroeconomic stagnation in the

1970s. The country recovered after some time from the curse of

the resource boom. (Basedau & Lau, 2005:14; Ross 1999:306).

As the Dutch Disease shows, a sudden resource boom is

connected to the risk of deindustrialisation (the focus of the

economy is shifted to the commodities sector). The technical

progress stagnates, and the country might become enormous

dependent on the commodity, therefore it exists a high

macroeconomic vulnerability.

A further economic effect would be the connection between

public debt and resource wealth. Resource-rich countries tend

to increase government spending during a commodity boom.

This is based, for example, on increasing state wages or

investing in prestige projects. In the event of a sudden boom,

export earnings will rise sharply, but concerned countries

should be aware that the Dutch Disease may be a risk of a short-

term boom (Carbonnier, 2007:90).

The American Jeffrey Sachs realised in one of his studies a

“strong correlation between natural resource abundance and

economic growth” (Sachs, 2001).

To describe the economic growth of a country, the gross

domestic product (GDP) of the country is considered.

According to the World Bank, the “GDP is the sum of gross

value added by all resident producers in the economy plus any

product taxes and minus any subsidies not included in the value

of the products. It is calculated without making deductions for

depreciation of fabricated assets or for depletion and

degradation of natural resources.”

As the graph below shows, the annual economic growth of

South Africa shrinks. It can be recognized, that since the global

economic crisis in 2009, the country's growth has fallen rapidly.

South Africa has a high dependence on raw material revenues.

The focus of a country on exports of mostly resources leads to

high macroeconomic vulnerability. This is due to the

dependence of price developments and demands on the world

market. In addition, it should be noted that natural resources are

exhaustible. At some point, the costs are higher than the profit

and the extraction of resources is no longer profitable.

In 2018 the Mineral Council of South Africa mentioned, that

“three-quarters of SA’s gold mines are unprofitable or barely

making money” (Minerals Council, 2018). Natural resources

such as diamonds can be mined cheaper in other countries,

which is due to the amount of labour costs, the technical

equipment as well as the geographical location of the resource.

As shown by the exports of South Africa, in 2016 more than

50% of total exports are a combination of different natural

resources. In particular, the enormously high amount of gold

and coal exports suggests a possible vulnerability of the

economy. As mentioned above, already 75% of the gold mines

are in an alarming position.


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Although the price of gold on the World market is higher than

it was 10 years ago, the price of gold is constantly falling and

fluctuating (since its 2011/2012 high). It must be considered,

that the price of gold fell 8% from 2016 to 2017. “At the current

gold price more than half of the South African gold mining

industry is marginal” (Minerals Council, 2018).

In the event of a collapse of the gold and/or diamond prices on

the world market, there is a risk that the budget deficits of South

Africa could not be absorbed.

2.2. Political Effects

The resource wealth of a country also has an impact on the

political stability of a country. One of the core problems is weak

governance. The abundance of resources favours the emergence

of autocratic regimes.

This assumes, that high revenues from the resource sector will

make the state independent of tax revenues. This means that the

state does not depend on taxpayers and their tax payments

(Collier, 2008). It is based on the income from resource

pensions (Collier, 2008; Peters 2014). These generate high

income without having to provide a high performance. They are

obtained by selling the licenses for extraction or mining. The

use of these high revenues is sometimes incomprehensible.

However, it does happen that the revenues are invested in

'unproductive' projects (with a high proportion of the self-

interest of the political leaders) rather than in development-

promoting measures that benefits society. A positive example

would be the investment in infrastructure, educational institutes

and/or social institutions.

The lack of transparency of investments and ongoing

commodity transactions decreases the trust for the population.

The contracts between the state and the often external and

international commodity companies, which are extracting the

resources, are unknown for the public. There is no insight into

the contracts and financial transactions. This simplifies the

occurrence of corruption and clientelism.

Transparency International publishes since 1995 annually the

Corruption Perception Index (CPI), which specifies how

corruption is perceived in countries worldwide (see figure 3,

CPI worldwide in 2017). The CPI should be viewed with

caution, as it only looks at the perception. Nevertheless, it is a

good indicator to measure corruption in a country. How corrupt

a country or government actually is cannot be proven.

A list is created, which organizes the countries from rank 1 till

rank 1801. In 2017, South Africa was on Rank 71

(Transparency International, 2017). Its score was 43 out of 100

points, which “indicates the perceived level of public sector

corruption on a scale of 0 (highly corrupt) to 100 (very clean)”.

The value of 43 in South Africa is in the lower midfield. After

all, the countries considered to be the least corrupt are having

the double of points (compared to the countries in first places:

New Zealand: 89 points followed by Denmark with 88 points).

2.3. Environmental Effects

The third effect, which is illuminated in this work, are the

environmental effects. The extensive extraction of natural

resources, depending on the mining method, leads to enormous

environmental damage.

Depending on the extraction of the natural resource, the range

of interventions in the environment are widespread. Examples

of this are deforestation, pollution of air and water, or even the

disruption of entire ecosystems.

In South Africa, the consequences of mining are clearly visible

in the vicinity of the mines. The degradation of mineral

resources since more than 130 years have immense

consequences for the environment and the society. “The report

of the Human Rights Commission found concerns about air

quality, dust control, and blasting in many communities”

(Rall, 2018). Unfortunately, hardly none of the mines are

operated sustainably. The profit from the extractions seems to

be more important than the protection of nature and the richness

of the ecosystems.

One example in South Africa would be the high pollution of the

goldmines. Decades of gold mining in the West and Central

Rand of the country has released highly toxic pollutants in the

environment. In the affected region, both the groundwater and

surface water are heavily polluted. This was caused by the

drainage of the mines.

The water dissolves sulphides of mining and thus contains a

high concentration of heavy metals, which are partially

radioactive. The contaminated water flows back into the water

cycle and thus reaches the environment and harms it.

By using the water in agriculture, the toxic metals are being

spread. The fruits and vegetable crops, which are growing in

that area, are already contaminated.


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Furthermore, the heavy minerals from the mines have been

detected in the meat of the cattle, that drinks the water, and, in

the fish, that lives in the contaminated waters

(Docherty, 2016:4).

In order to stop this cycle of destruction, the South African

government should not only change the current situation as

quickly as possible, but also the contaminated soil should be

cleaned in order to curb the harmful spread and the associated

consequences for environment and nature (Docherty, 2016:4;

Bond: 2014).

It must be considered, that these are only the effects of the water

pollution of the gold mines. The pollution of the air and the soil

aren’t even discussed here. Furthermore, it must be recognized,

that in South Africa it is not only the gold mining that is a big

business. The environmental catastrophes caused by the mining

of coal and platinum are also extensive as well (Docherty: 2016;

Bond: 2014 and Rall:2018).

2.4. Effects for the Society

The effects on the environment are indirectly related to the

impact on society. As mentioned above, the mining and

extraction leads to environmental pollution. These

contaminants, especially air and water pollution, have an

impact on the quality of life of the residents. The already listed

consequences of the contamination of the food is only one of

these problems.

The absence of clean drinking water could lead to serious or

even fatal diseases. In the regions around the mines of South

Africa, long-term health impacts, such as cancer and organ

damage, respiratory illnesses and asthma as well as skin

diseases are documented (Rall, 2018; Docherty, 2016; Njinga

and Tshivhase, 2016).

Besides the health risks, the mining sector has devastating

consequences for the local population. On the one hand, there

are forcible relocations and expropriations of the local

population, as mining areas are being extended (Rall; 2018).

The population does not profit from the resources in their region

at all.

While governments and companies argue that the mines create

jobs, working conditions are often fatal (e.g. lack of safety and

health care, poor payment and long working hours). These

criteria lead to displeasure in society and result in general

dissatisfaction, which can be discharged into conflicts.

In addition, due to the immense differences between the

population layers the sense of community of the country is

disturbed. The gap between rich and poor is a deep division, not

only because of the different financial starting situations. The

fact that the local population looks almost perishable, watching

the rich at the expense of their society unearth resources that

make them even richer, is comparable to the metaphor of

"pouring oil into the fire".

These consequences for the population have an impact on social

cohesion and identification with the government

(Carbonnier, 2007:88; Ide, 2015:45).

If certain sections of the population are increasingly affected,

the division in society will increase. In South Africa mostly, the

population with lower income live around the mines. “The

situation has particularly affected impoverished, and frequently

black, communities” (Docherty, 2016:4).

These neighbourhoods suffer from the polluted environment

and diseases and/or they must be prepared that they might get

forcibly relocated.

An example shows the relocation of the informal settlement

Tudor Shaft in Krugersdorp, west of Johannesburg. Near the

gold mine in Tudor Shaft, an enormously high level of radiation

was detected (Njinga & Tshivhase, 2016, Docherty, 2016).

Some of the houses were forcibly relocated by the government

because the radioactive values of the dam near the settlement

were considered particularly dangerous. The paradox, however,

is that after the forced relocation the government allowed new

buildings near the original settlement.

In addition, there has been no adequate government action to

control radioactively contaminated soil, nor has industry taken

any action against pollution (Njinga & Tshivhase, 2016;

Docherty 2016).

Events such as the above-mentioned increases the insecurity of

the society and make people feel they are not taken seriously by

the government.

3. The Resource Curse and Conflicts

According to the Theory of the Resource Curse, the already

mentioned discontent in the society and the lack of

identification with the government increases the willingness to

conflict.

Added to this are social and ecological injustice as well as

unfair profit participation (Ide, 2015: 43). Coupled with

corruption, democratic deficits and fragile statehood, this

willingness can lead to riots and conflicts, including civil wars

(Collier & Hoeffler, 2005; 1998).

Examples from countries that have documented the resource

curse thesis, such as the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC),

show that revenue from resources is used to finance the rebels.

Thus, the resources are not only used as a means of warfare,

they can even influence the duration, the course, the escalation

levels and possible solutions to the conflict (Le Billon, 2008:

349; Collier & Hoeffler, 2007:7, Ross, 2003:59f.).

Fortunately, the civil war in the Democratic Republic of Congo

is an extreme example, yet in the shortest possible time South

Africa has been challenged with conflicts in the mines. An

example being the so-called "Massacre of Marikana".


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In August 2012, miners of the Lonmin platinum mine in

Marikana were striking for a better payment. The strike

escalated and 34 people were killed after the police opened a

fire. “Those miners who survived and were arrested say they

were tortured and brutalised by the police” (Tolsi, 2013).

As a result of the devastating strike, miners all around the

country started to strike. “Frustration at the lack of engagement

has led to violence, litigation, and feelings of mistrust”

(Docherty, 2016:6).

4. Discussion

Much of the case studies in South Africa confirm the thesis of

the resource curse. Although the features are not as pronounced

as in other countries, disadvantages associated with wealth are

testable in all four levels described above.

However, it should be remembered that there is no determinism.

Some framework conditions should be in place to negate the

curse of resource wealth.

As some examples show, the wealth of resources is not directly

seen as a disadvantage. Norway and Canada, which are rich in

natural resources, are classified as industrialized countries with

a high GDP not ignoring Botswana, South Africa's neighbor,

which has also escaped the resource curse.

This shows that the development of a country does not

necessarily depend on the natural resources. However, with a

poor policy stance (weak and undemocratic structures /

pensions / negative influence of external actors / neglect of the

population), the risk of slower development is higher and there

is thus the risk of suffering more from the "paradox of plenty".

For this reason, managing wealth is crucial on the political,

economic, environmental and sociological levels.

An enormous problem for society is the lack of information

exchange. Aggression against the government is based on the

fact, that the population does not feel taken seriously enough

and is not informed about dangers by the industry and / or the

government.

It is incomprehensible, how one day, forced relocations in

Tudor Shaft can be carried out and the next moment new

buildings are accepted. In addition, nothing was done against

the strong radioactive radiation.

Furthermore, it happens that people live in the contaminated

areas and may not know that their soil and water is harmful.

Occasionally, they experience contamination when it is already

too late, and when children are already suffering from cancer.

In recent years, the government has funded some new research

into the health effects of acid mine drainage (AMD) and

sedimentation. Furthermore, “the World Health Organization

(WHO) and North-West University have sponsored a study on

uranium exposure in the West and Central Rand” (Docherty,

2016:6).

However, a lot of work is still needed from the government and

the mining industry to minimize the damage to the environment

and society as well as to provide necessary education. 12

5. Conclusion

As a conclusion, it can be summarized that there is a Resource

Curse in South Africa. The effects are not the same at all levels

studied. For example, is no recognizable Dutch disease in South

Africa recognizable. Nevertheless, the economic situation of

the country is alarming, as the annual growth of the GDP shows.

Thus, the economic situation of the mines, especially the gold

mines, shows that a rethinking in the future is inevitable. The

country's dependence on commodities leaves the economy

vulnerable, and 75% of gold mines are already unprofitable.

It's hard to fathom what it means for the economy and the

country when these mines are shut down. In addition, there is a

resentment over the political decisions and the handling of the

mines in the population. The massacre of Marikana is just one

example of the unrest in the mines (albeit the most extreme).

The situation in the sociological and ecological level is also

disturbing. The environmental destruction and its effects are

partly unstoppable, as well as its consequences for society.

“South Africa should adopt a coordinated and comprehensive

program that both mitigates the effects of mining and helps the

country meet its responsibilities under domestic, international,

and regional human rights law.” (Docherty, 2016:4).

If so, it would be possible to find a way out of the resource

curse.

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List of Figures

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2017. Source: TRANSPARENCY INTERNATIONAL, 2017


Page | 57


Introduction

The impurities which chemical water purification seeks to

remove are present in water in the form of aggregately and

kinetically stable dispersions.

The prerequisite for removal of these particles is the removal of

their aggregate stability, referred to as particle destabilisation.

Particle destabilisation is achieved by addition of a

destabilisation agent such as hydrolysing aluminium or iron

salt.

With a sufficient dosage of destabilisation agent, the energy

barrier of particles is reduced to such an extent that the particles

are brought into such close proximity that the influence of

adhesion forces predominates and the particles combine into

readily settleable aggregates.

The total number of particles of every pollutant in water is the

sum of its two different particle size-fractions, namely:

The separable (sedimentable) particles which can be removed

from water by a suitable separation process such as

sedimentation, flotation, centrifugation or deep bed filtration

The non-separable particles which cannot be removed from

water by any common separation method without appropriate

chemical treatment

For the purpose of simplification of measurement, the number

of particles is expressed by the concentration of determinant.

The total number/concentration of particles on any pollutant is

expressed as follows:

Article initially published by the Water Research Commission (WRC)

where:

NO (C0) equals the total number (concentration) of particles of any

determinant

NS (CS) is the fraction of the total number (concentration) of particles

which is produced by the separable particles

NNS (CNS) is the remaining fraction of the total number (concentration)

of particles which is produced by the non-separable particles.

Due to the variety of mechanisms that may be engaged in the

transformation of particles of impurities present in water into

separable aggregates using a hydrolysing coagulant, the term

coagulation does not reflect all of the partial processes taking

place during the transformation of colloidal impurities into

readily separable flocs.

It is more precise to call this process ‘aggregation’ and to call

the flocs formed ‘aggregates’, as well as to call the hydrolysing

coagulant ‘destabilisation agent’.

For this reason the terms aggregation, aggregates and

destabilisation agent are used in this paper.

The objectives of this paper are to highlight the significance of

the non-separable particles with regard to the quality of purified

water and to provide a guide for determining the number of non-

separable particles of impurities in water.

Evidence of the impact of non-separable particles on the quality

of purified water is also documented.

The Kinetics of Formation of Separable Aggregates

Particle aggregation proceeds gradually with random collisions

between the destabilised particles producing kinetically

unstable aggregates.

Abstract: The method to determine the quantity of non-separable particles in water, together with the calculations for the determination of

the conditions of centrifugation under which the quantity of the non-separable particles can be determined, are dealt with in this paper. It is

shown that for the determination of the quantity of non-separable particles it is beneficial to replace sedimentation in a gravity field with

sedimentation in a centrifugal field. Reduction in the quantity of non-separable particles is characterised by the degree of destabilisation δ,

which is proportional to the efficiency of the purification process. The development of separable aggregates is characterised by the degree of

aggregation αA which is proportional to the aggregation and separation efficiency of the system. The degree of destabilisation δ corresponds

to the collision frequency factor αP in the Smoluchowski equation for the perikinetic coagulation. The degree of aggregation αA corresponds

to the collision frequency factor αO in the Smoluchowski equation for orthokinetic coagulation.

Keywords: non-separable particles, number of non-separable particles, degree of destabilisation, degree of aggregation, centrifugation,

collision frequency factors

Significance and Determination of Fraction of Non-Separable Particles of Impurities in

Water Purification Pavel Polasek

Water & Wastewater Treatment Consultant Email: [email protected]



Page | 58


The kinetics of the aggregation process is described by basic

relationships developed by Smoluchowski (1917, 1918) as

follows:

It follows from the above relationships that the kinetics of the

process of perikinetic coagulation, i.e., the collision frequency

factor bij, is influenced by the number of particles Ni and Nj

and diffusion coefficient Dij.

For orthokinetic coagulation bij is influenced by the number of

particles Ni and Nj, effective radius of particles Rij and velocity

gradient G. In both cases bij is also influenced by chemical

factors characterised by the collision efficiency factors αP and

αO.

The collision efficiency factor αP characterises the influence of

chemical factors on the speed of the destabilisation process. It

is defined as a ratio of the particle collisions which resulted in

the combining of particles to the total number of collisions

under the conditions of Brownian motion. Its value varies

between 0 and 1.

The collision efficiency factor αO characterises the develop-

ment of aggregates. It is defined as a ratio of particle collisions

which resulted in aggregation to the total number of collisions

owing to the differential movement of volumes of water, which

is characterised by the velocity gradient. Its value varies

between 0 and 1.

Degree of Destabilisation

The number of non-separable particles remaining in the system

characterises the efficiency of the destabilisation process. This

efficiency may be evaluated by the degree of destabilisation (δ)

(Polasek, 1980).

The degree of destabilisation (δ) is defined as the ratio of the

number of the particles which destabilised during the

purification process (ND) to the initial total number of the

aggregately-stable particles (NS) present in the system as

follows:

The degree of destabilisation δ is influenced by the state of the

system at the moment of addition of the destabilisation agent.

The state of the system is characterised by the composition of

the impurities, the reaction pH, the water temperature, the

destabilisation agent used, its dosage, and efficiency of its

dispersion and homogenisation with water.

The value of the degree of destabilisation δ varies between 0

and 1; δ = 0 corresponds to the state immediately before

addition of the destabilisation agent to the water when the

destabilisation process

has not yet commenced and when none of the non-separable

particles has been destabilised; δ = 1 corresponds to the state

when the destabilisation process is completed and all particles

of the impurity are destabilised. When δ = 0 none of the initial

aggregately-stable particles are capable of aggregation and,

therefore, are not removable from the water. When δ = 1 all of

the aggregately-stable particles are destabilised and capable of

aggregation.

In principle, the degree of destabilisation is a measure of the

attainable treatability of the water. This provides a very rapid

method, which has very good reproducibility of results.

Based on definitions of both the collision efficiency factor αP

in the Smoluchovski Eq. for perikinetic coagulation and the

degree of destabilisation δ, it is evident that the value of δ is

enumerating the factor αP.

Degree of aggregation

During the process of particle aggregation substantial changes

in the number and size of aggregates occur. These changes can

be utilised for the evaluation of performance efficiency of the

individual unit operations and the waterworks in its entirety.

The efficiency of the aggregation process can be evaluated by

the degree of aggregation αA (Hereit et al., 1977, 1980; Mutl

and Polasek, 2002).

It is defined as the ratio of the number of separable particles NA

to the total number of all particles NO present in the system as

follows:

The degree of aggregation αA is calculated from the concentra-

tion CO of the monitored determinant measured in the raw

water, from which the remaining concentration of non-

separable particles measured at the point of investigation CEF

is deducted to give the total initial concentration of determinant

CO.

The value of the degree of aggregation varies between αA = 0

(none of the particles in the system are separable) and αA = 1

(all particles in the system are separable).


Page | 59


It follows from the theory of the kinetics of the aggregation

process that the number of particles in the system decreases and

the degree of aggregation αA increases as the aggregation

process progresses. The higher the value of αA the higher is the

aggregation efficiency attained by the system.

When the initial concentration of a determinant CO is measured

in raw water, or, in the case of a destabilisation agent, after its

dispersion and homogenisation with raw water in the dosed

water, and concentration CEF is measured in the centrifuged

sample taken at the outlets of the individual unit operations of

the works, then the degree of aggregation αA characterises the

progress in the aggregation of particles achieved at such testing

point.

As with the degree of destabilisation δ, it can be inferred that

the value of the degree of aggregation αA enumerates the

collision efficiency factor αO in the Smoluchovski Eq. for

orthokinetic coagulation.

Determination of non-separable portion of Particles

The determination of the number of non-destabilised particles

presents challenges. The diameter of the colloidal particles of

impurities without an adsorbed destabilisation agent is of the

order of 10-8 m.

The particle diameter with a partly adsorbed destabilisation

agent, which does not enable sufficient destabilisation, is of the

order of 10-7 m. These particles move by perikinetic motion.

They are kinetically stable and cannot be removed by

sedimentation.

The aggregately-stable particles of impurities are of the

analytical and colloidal degree of dispersion. The size of ana-

lytical dispersions is limited to the order of dP ≤10-8 m and

colloidal dispersions 10-8 ≤ dP ≤10-6 m. The number

(concentration) of non-separable particles of impurities is

determined in a sample of water from which all separable

particles, including aggregates for which the diameter increased

to dA ≥ 1.5*10-7 m due to aggregation, are removed.

The removal of these particles by sedimentation in a gravity

field would require an extremely long time period, as their

calculated sedimentation velocity is of the order of 10-9 m∙s-1.

In addition, the sedimentation process is distorted by many

factors acting upon the particles, such as thermal and density

currents, concentration, vertical aggregation and chemical

reactions.

Therefore the actual time taken will be much longer than that

derived from the calculated sedimentation velocity, if the

smallest particles settle at all.

In view of the foregoing, it is advantageous to replace sedi-

mentation in a gravity field by sedimentation in a centrifugal

field.

The distorting factors adversely affecting sedimentation in a

gravity field are minimised under the influence of centrifugal

forces because sedimentation takes place over a short distance

and over a short time period.

Calculation of conditions of Centrifugation

The conditions of centrifugation can be derived from the rela-

tionships defining sedimentation velocity of a spherical particle

in a gravity field us:

where:

d is diameter of spherical particle,

ρP is density of particles of impurities

ρW is density of water

μ is absolute viscosity of water

By substitution of the gravity acceleration constant g with the

centrifugation acceleration constant a:

where:

ω is angular velocity

n is centrifuge speed (revolutions per second)

R is radius of centrifuge

RPM is revolutions per minute

Angular velocity is given by:

The sedimentation velocity of a spherical particle in the

centrifugal field and in laminar movement is determined by the

relationship:

The Reynolds number is calculated as follows:

where:

uC is sedimentation velocity under centrifugation

The time required for sedimentation of particles in a centrifugal

field and in laminar flow is calculated as follows (Heinrich et

al., 1970):


Page | 60


After integration and substitution of Eq. (12) the time of

centrifugation TC is calculated as follows:

Table 1 shows the times of centrifugation for three basic types

of impurities commonly found in water. These times are calcu-

lated for the removal of particles down to two sizes, namely dP

= 1E-06 m and dP =1.5E-07 m.

These times of centrifugation were calculated according to Eq.

12 for different water temperatures using Labofuge 1 laboratory

centrifuge with swinging rotor, effective glass container

capacity of 80 mℓ and rotation speed of n = 4 200 min-1.

The first particle size, dP = 1E-06 m, determines the upper size

limit of colloidal particles. Removal of these particles is

achieved within a range of shorter times of centrifugation,

between TC = 1.2 and 13.0 min, depending on the type of

impurity and water temperature.

The second particle size, dP =1.5E-07 m, is considered to be

the average size for the non-separable particles found in water.

Removal of these particles is achieved within a range of longer

times of centrifugation, between TC = 57 and 597 min,

depending on the type of impurity and water temperature.

Practical experience showed that for evaluating performance

efficiency of each unit operation the determination of non-

separable particles within the range of colloidal particles, i.e.,

the shorter time of centrifugation of about 10 min, is satis-

factory.

When evaluating the efficiency of a filtration plant the quantity

of non-separable particles remaining in the filtrate is usually

slightly lower than that determined in the centrate produced by

the shorter TC. This is because some of the particles smaller

than dP = 1E-06 m are removed by filtration.

The time of centrifugation can also be experimentally

determined for a selected type of centrifuge and speed of cen-

trifugation. The samples of water dosed with destabilisation

agent are centrifuged over different times and in the samples of

the centrifuged water the selected determinant is analysed.

Table 2 shows the time of centrifugation versus concentration

of cation of destabilisation agent (Al). The procedure for

optimisation of centrifugation time is evident from Table 2.

The lowest concentration of Al obtained in the shortest time

corresponds to the shortest time of centrifugation which is

required for the determination of non-separable particles

produced by common impurities.

The results obtained show that the shortest time of

centrifugation required to remove separable particles of these

impurities is about 140 min.

This corresponds reasonably well with the time of

centrifugation (138 min) for common impurities calculated in

Table 1. The same Labofuge 1 laboratory centrifuge with

swinging rotor and with effective glass container capacity of 80

mℓ and rotation speed of n = 4 200 min-1 was used.

Significance of the impact of non-separable particles on the

quality of purified water

The process of chemical purification of water is aimed at con-

verting the non-separable particles to separable ones and lower-

ing the degree of dispersion of the particles of impurities in the

system. The degree of dispersion is defined as the inverse value

of the linear dimension of particles. The higher the degree of

dispersion the smaller is the particle size and vice versa. Since

the kinetic stability is defined as the resistance of particles

against the influence of a force field, the particles that are not

susceptible to the influence of a force field are not removable

by sedimentation and are considered to be kinetically stable. An

objective of water purification is to attain the transformation of

kinetically stable particles to kinetically unstable aggregates.

Only those particles of impurities which are sufficiently

destabilised and have aggregated into separable aggregates can

be removed from the water. This means that the non-separable

particles are comprised of initial stable particles, destabilised

but non-aggregated particles, particles which are aggregated to

the lowest order of magnitude and particles of destabilisation

agent which did not enter into the destabilisation reactions.


Page | 61


The destabilisation of the particles takes place immediately

after adsorption of the destabilisation agent onto the surface of

the particles. It follows that the quantity of the non-separable

particles does not change much in the subsequent processes of

aggregate formation and separation provided that the

destabilisation process takes place under optimised reaction

conditions. This is because the removal of the stable particles

remaining in the system can only be effected by additional

mechanisms such as sorption to the surface of aggregates,

particle enmeshment and aggregation by forcibly overpowering

the energy barrier which has not been sufficiently reduced. The

remaining quantity of the aggregately-stable particles that were

not sufficiently destabilised, and therefore could not be

aggregated, determine the attainable treatability of the water.

Therefore, the aim of the operator should always be to operate

the waterworks under the optimised reaction conditions.

Determinants for which the concentration changes during the

purification process are used for the evaluation of the treat-

ability of water. Determinants most often used are: cation of

destabilisation agent (Al or Fe), DOC, TOC or CODMn, colour,

turbidity, alkalinity, content of suspended solids, and type and

count of micro-organisms.

The practicality and usefulness of the degree of destabilisation

δ as a tool for the evaluation of the quality of purified water and

for the comparison of waterworks performance efficiency, as

well as the identification of bottlenecks inherent in the plant

design, is illustrated in Tables 3 and 4.

The formation of separable aggregates by means of an organic

cationic polyelectrolyte (CPE) takes place by a different

mechanism. CPE, also referred to as polymeric coagulant, is

either a pure cationic polymer or a blend of a cationic polymer,

usually with aluminium chlorohydrate or polyaluminium

chloride.

The formation of aggregates by means of a cationic polymer

takes place directly by bridging of particles of impurities

without their aggregate destabilisation.

In the case of polymeric coagulant some aggregate

destabilisation of particles may occur in addition to bridging of

particles of impurities. The mechanism of formation of

aggregates is dependent on the composition of polymeric

coagulant.

As a result, the performance efficiency of CPE for the removal

of hydrophobic-type impurities such as cation of destabilisation

agent and turbidity, and especially hydrophilic-type impurities

such as organic pollution (natural organic matter – NOM), was

found to be relatively limited (Polasek and Mutl, 2002). In view

of this, CPE should only be used for the purification of raw

waters with low NOM.

However, the adverse side-effects of CPE on the performance

of filtration plants preclude the use of CPE, even for raw water

with low NOM. Therefore, the use of CPE is not considered to

be suitable for the purification of water in any circumstances

(Polasek and Mutl, 2002). This is also clearly evident from

comparison of results in Table 3.

Table 3 compares performance efficiency achieved using

hydrolysing destabilisation agent against polymeric coagulant

when purifying water of a similar quality. In both cases the

content of non-separable particles is the same, C0F = 1.8 NTU.

From this table (Polasek, 2011) the following is evident:

The capability of the polymeric coagulant used to purify water

is poor in comparison to aluminium sulphate. The concentration

of the turbidity-producing non-aggregated particles of

impurities remains high.

This is evident from comparison of CFFCPE = 0.76 NTU

against CFFAl = 0.11 NTU, and the degree of destabilisation

δCPE = 0.58 and δAl = 0.94 achieved by these respective

systems.

The filtration plant filtering the polymeric coagulant formed

suspension is evidently not working efficiently, as the filtrate

contains a high concentration of the separable suspension, Δ

CF-CPE = CF - CFF = 1.03 NTU, in comparison to ΔCF-Al

= 0.06 NTU attained in a different plant purifying similar

quality of raw water using aluminium sulphate.


Page | 62


The high concentration of the separable suspension in the

filtrate ΔCF-CPE = 1.03 NTU is the result of inefficient

backwashing, which is exacerbated by the use of polymeric

coagulant.

The results presented in Table 4 (Polasek and Van Duuren,

1981) allow for comparison of the performance efficiency of

different clarifiers installed at the same waterworks and puri-

fying the same raw water.

These clarifiers are the Pretreator, a radial flow type sludge

blanket clarifier, the Clariflocculator, a radial flow

sedimentation type clarifier and the HR (high rate) clarifier,

vertical flow type sludge blanket clarifier. All clarifiers were

operated to purify water to approximately the same total

residual turbidity as measured in the clarifier outlet.

As can be seen from the comparison of residual turbidity

produced only by the non-separable particles (CEF), the

performance efficiency of each system differs quite

considerably.

The best results were obtained with the HR clarifier system

even though it operated at more than 10 times the hydraulic

loading rate and with about one tenth of the retention time of

the other clarifiers (Polasek and Van Duuren, 1981; Polasek and

Mutl, 2005a, 2005b; Van Duuren, 1997).

The reason for this is that the HR clarifier design is based on

the principles of the high-rate clarification process. This

incorporates the inline-high-density-suspension (IHDS)

process in conjunction with the post-orthokinetic

agglomeration (POA) process using organic flocculant aid

(OFA). Under these processes the physical-chemical conditions

of aggregate formation are optimised (Polasek and Mutl, 2005b;

Van Duuren, 1997).

Both, the Pretreator and the Clariflocculator systems incor-

porated pre-flocculation which took place in a hydraulically

operated around-end-baffle type flocculation plant having a

retention time of about 20 min. Discharge from the flocculation

plant was divided to feed the Clariflocculator directly and the

pretreator via a hydraulic jump (height of about 600 mm).

The hydraulic jump together with the sludge blanket improved

the efficiency of the destabilisation process in the Pretreator

system quite significantly in comparison to that of the

Clariflocculator (CEFP = 1.5 NTU versus CEFC = 2.9 NTU and

δP = 0.972 versus δC = 0.946).

Conclusion

The quantity of any pollutant in water is a sum of its two

different particle size-fractions, namely, separable and non-

separable particles. Reduction in the quantity of the non-

separable particles is characterised by the degree of

destabilisation δ and the efficiency of the development of

aggregates is characterised by the degree of aggregation αA.

The degree of destabilisation δ is proportionate to the

purification process efficiency whereas the degree of aggre-

gation αA is proportionate to the aggregation and separation

efficiency of the system.

It was shown that the aggregation process produces separable

aggregates and leaves a residual portion of impurities in the

purified water which could not be destabilised and aggregated

under the reaction conditions applied.

The determination of the non-separable particles requires the

removal of all kinetically unstable particles from the tested

sample of water, some of which are very small (dP ≈ 10-7 m).

The removal of such small particles by plain sedimentation

requires an impractically long time. Therefore, for the

determination of the non-separable particles it is beneficial to

replace sedimentation in a gravity field with sedimentation in a

centrifugal field.

The fraction of the non-separable particles remaining in the

purified water determines the efficiency of the destabilisation

process attained by the system under the applied reaction

conditions, as well as the overall process efficiency of the

works.

Based on definitions of both the collision efficiency factor αP

in the Smoluchovski Eq. for perikinetic coagulation and the

degree of destabilisation δ, it is evident that the value of δ can

be used to enumerate the factor αP. Similarly, the value of

degree of aggregation αA can be used to enumerate factor αO in

the Smoluchovki Eq. for orthokinetic coagulation.

The degree of destabilisation δ and the degree of aggregation

αA are the criteria determining the efficiency of the partial

processes of water purification.

They are simple tools enabling evaluation and determination of

the optimised chemical-physical conditions of the purification

process, selection of the most suitable unit operations and

arrangement of the entire waterworks. Furthermore, they can be

used for the identification of bottlenecks in water purification

process.

The conditions of centrifugation can be calculated or

experimentally established for any type of centrifuge and its

speed of rotation, as shown in Table 3.

The degree of destabilisation is an indispensible tool for the

evaluation of the performance efficiency of waterworks, as is

evident from Tables 3 and 4.


Page | 63


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SA 28 (1) 69–88.

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separation processes. J. Filtration 5 (1) 33–39.

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Separation 2005: Sustainable and Innovative Technologies to

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results from the operation of high rate clarifiers at Bethlehem

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brownische bewegung und koagulation von kolloidteilchen. Z.

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Chem. 92 129–168.

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WRC Report No. TT 92/97. Water Research Commission,

Pretoria


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1. Introduction

In 2015, the Minister of Higher Education and Training,

determined the National Policy on Community Colleges

(NPPC) in terms of Section 41B (4) of the Continuing

Education and Training Act, 2006 (No. 16 of 2006).

Section 9.1 of the NPCC states that; “The Minister has in terms

of section 3 (1) (b) of the Continuing Education and Training

Act, 2006, established new Education and Training Colleges”.

Section 9.2 goes on to state that; “these institutions are known

as the Community Education and Training College

Administrative Centres (CETCACs)”; with one such centre

established in each province.

Section 9.4 of the NPPC proceed to state that “the CETCACs

are meant to play an administrative role for the management

and governance of the named Public Adult Learning Centres

(PALCs)”.

The NPCC further goes on to state that; “the establishment of

pilot Community Education and Training Colleges will be a

gradual process and will take place on phase-in basis starting

with one Community Education and Training College as a pilot

project in each province”.

In terms of the Community Education and Training (CET)

College System: National Plan for the Implementation of the

White Paper for Post-School Education and Training System

2019-2030 of the Department of Higher Education and Training

(DHET), it was envisaged that a total of 52 Community

Colleges would be established in South Africa.

The above process would entail a gradual process over different

medium term expenditure framework (MTEF) periods between

2019 till 2030.

According to the CET College System: National Plan for the

Implementation of the White Paper for Post-School Education

and Training System 2019-2030 policy document of DHET, the

following milestones have thus far been achieved by the sector:

• Erstwhile ABET Centres were transferred to DHET in

line with relevant policy and legislation.

• The new CET colleges with a number of Community

Learning Centres (CLCs) and Satellite centres, were

established and rationalised.

• The key personnel to manage these institutions is in place,

but there is still a lot to be done to get adequate staff and

train them.

• College Councils with the necessary sub-committees are

in place.

• Basic systems to manage Colleges are in place, even

though a lot of improvement is still required.

A large number of students in CET Colleges have registered for

the “Matric rewrite” programmes, because Colleges due to the

lack of proper infrastructure, offer a limited number of skills

programmes.

Colleges therefore, understandably go for the easy option of

offering the Matric rewrite programmes rather than a mix of

needs-driven programmes.

The above option is not attractive to the millions of students that

are Not in Education, Employment or Education and Training

(NEETS), who currently account to more than 3 million

members of the SA population.

Abstract: The Community Education and Training (CET) Colleges were launched in 2015 as the new institutional types in the Post-School

Education and Training (PSET) sector alongside Technical and Vocational Education and Training (TVET) colleges and Universities. These

institutions were to be known as Community Education and Training College Administrative Centres (CETCACs). They were administrative

hubs whose main purpose was to help drive the piloting of the concept of Community Education and Training and, ultimately, the establishment

of District/Metro Based Community Education and Training Colleges. At the moment, the process to implement the establishment of CET

colleges has come to a standstill. The main reason for this is that there is no funding. Since these institutions were launched in 2015, funding

from DHET has been reducing every year. This has resulted in Colleges not been able to implement a needs-driven curriculum. A few

researches done in the sector have pointed to the need to offer skills programmes. But because the sector lacks funding to improve the

infrastructure, skills programmes cannot be offered. Thus colleges are not helping in addressing the issue of the shortage of skills in the country.

These Colleges are disregarding the fact that the economy needs skills at various levels to function – at the entry, intermediate and high level.

Colleges can play a major in supplying skills, mainly. at an entry level.

Keywords: CET Colleges; Community Education and Training; Colleges; skills shortages; night schools

The Community Education and Training (CET) Sector: The Sector on a wrong Trajectory? Modise Manota

Email: [email protected]



Page | 65


It is unfortunate that the CET Colleges appear to be veering off

their mandate of assisting in dealing with the following triple

challenges currently ravaging the country – inequality, poverty

and unemployment.

Students going through the “matric rewrite” programme would

either immediately after obtaining their qualifications join the

unemployment queue that leads to poverty or proceed to other

institutions in the PSET sector; a TVET College and a

university, and still join the unemployment queue after

finishing their studies.

It is an empirical fact that employment opportunities in the

formal employment are diminishing on a daily basis. The

rationale behind the concept of CET Colleges was that these

institutions would, largely, provide a variety of programmes

that are mainly needs-driven, so as to enable students to

participate in the economy upon finishing.

There exists a perception that Community Colleges have now

become finishing schools or Matric rewrite institutions who are

unable to offer needs-driven skills programmes, mainly because

there are no funds to provide the necessary infrastructure.

Rather than concentrating on building the necessary

infrastructure in order be able to offer skills programmes, the

Colleges take the easy route of providing matric rewrite

programmes.

Most of the students in CET Colleges are in their late 20’s and

early 30’s. It is thus possible that most of the students have

commitments, which may include family commitments and

may thus not be very interested in proceeding to a TVET

College or university.

The attractive route for them could be skills and

entrepreneurship. The article would thus investigate and

explore this issue.

2. Background

The Community Education and Training (CET) Colleges were

launched in 2015 as the new institutional types in the Post-

School Education and Training (PSET) sector alongside

Technical and Vocational Education and Training (TVET)

colleges and Universities.

These institutions were to be known as “Community Education

and Training College Administrative Centres (CETCACs)”.

They were administrative Hubs whose main purpose was to

help drive the piloting of the concept of Community Education

and Training and, ultimately, the establishment of District-

Based Community Education and Training Colleges in each

province.

At the moment, the process to implement the establishment of

CET colleges has come to a standstill. The main reason for this

is that there is no funding.

Since these institutions were launched in 2015, funding from

DHET has reducing every year. This has resulted in CET

Colleges not being able to implement a needs-driven

curriculum as planned.

Several studies conducted in the CET sector have pointed to the

need to offer skills programmes but because the sector lacks

funding to improve the infrastructure, skills programmes cannot

be offered.

Thus, CET Colleges are not helping in addressing the issue of

the shortage of skills in the country. These Colleges are

disregarding the fact that the economy needs skills at various

levels to function – at the entry, intermediate and high level.

Colleges can play a major role in supplying skills, mainly at an

entry level.

3. CET Sector on a Wrong Trajectory back to “Night

Schools”

In 2015, a new institutional type called the Community

Education and Training (CET) College was established in

South Africa alongside Universities and Technical Vocational

Education and Technical (TVET) Colleges in the Post-

Education and Training Sector (PSET).

These institutions were to replace the old Adult Basic Education

and Training (ABET) centres, which were also known as “night

schools”. The new institutions were to be called “Community

Education and Training College Administrative Centres

(CETCACs)”.

The reason why CET Centres were originally referred to as

Administrative Centres is that they were meant to be offices

charged with the responsibility of driving the piloting of the

concept of Community Education and Training Colleges, and

ultimately, of the establishment of District Based Community

Education and Training Colleges.

CET Colleges were expected to be managed as actual colleges

with students and staff funded by the Department of Higher

Education and Training (DHET).

The administration of the Adult Basic Education and Training

(ABET) Act, 2000 (Act No.52 of 2000) and the Further

Education and Training (FET), 2006 (Act No. 16 of 2006) was

transferred to the Minister of Higher Education and Training

through Proclamation No.44 of 2009 published in Government

Gazette No.32367 of 1 July 2009.

To give legislative effect to the Proclamation referred to above,

the responsibility for the ABET system was transferred to the

Minister of Higher Education and Training through the Higher

Education and Training Amendment Laws Act (HETLA) Act

No.25 of 2010.

Through the HETLA, the ABET concept was changed to AET

in order to eliminate the concept “basic” from the naming of the

institutional type.


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Notwithstanding the change, the provision of adult basic

education as a programme of Government still had to be catered

for in the post-school education and training (PSET) system

established in 2009 to comply with the provisions of section

29(1) of the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa.

The FET College Act, No. 16 of 2006, was then amended

including amongst others to include the name change to

Continuing Education and Training Act, 2006, as well as

incorporating the establishment of Community Education and

Training (CET) Colleges as another institutional type within the

PSET system.

The consequence of the promulgation of the CET Act, 2006 was

the repeal of the Adult Basic Education and Training Act, 2000.

The CET Act then became the primary legislation governing

CET colleges with their Community Learning Centres (CLCs).

In 2013, Government approved the White Paper on Post-School

Education and Training, (WP-PSET) which envisioned the

transition of Adult Education and Training (AET) that was

offered through Public Adult Learning Centres (PALCs) to

CET Colleges.

To give effect to the above policy pronouncement, nine (9)

Community Education and Training Colleges (each established

per province) were established under each of the former Public

Adult Learning Centres which were incorporated as

Community Learning Centres (CLCs) in 2015.

The stated mandate of CET Colleges as an institutional type

was to contribute to the Government agenda relating to the

provision of a skilled and capable workforce to support an

inclusive growth path.

The ultimate impact that the CET Colleges is broadly

articulated in the National Development Plan (NDP) Vision

2030 and (WP-PSET) as contributing positively to:

• Reducing unemployment

• Reducing poverty

• Reducing inequality

• Improving social cohesion

• Achieving social justice

At the current juncture, the process to implement the

establishment of CET colleges has come to a standstill. The

main reason for this is that there is no adequate funding from

DHET. Since the process of establishing CET colleges was

launched in 2015, the funding from DHET has been reduced

each year resulting in Colleges unable to able to implement a

needs-driven curriculum as envisaged in the national plan.

One of the key findings of the Appraisal Research study

conducted by the Durban University of Technology (DUT) on

the Community College Pilot Project in South Africa (2018), is

the need for CET Colleges to offer a variety of skills

programmes.

To offer skills programmes, the colleges should first have

proper infrastructure and appropriately qualified personnel.

At the moment most CET Colleges share premises with primary

schools; and their classes commence in the late afternoons.

Because the premises do not belong to them, CET Colleges, in

addition to the lack of funding, are unable to invest in the proper

infrastructure for offering skills programmes.

The big issue is then that CET Colleges cannot offer skills

programmes. This is a major deviation from the main mandate

of CET Colleges in this country.

CET Colleges thus will not be able to assist in addressing the

key tenets of the NDP; namely reducing unemployment;

poverty; inequality; improving social cohesion and achieving

social justice.

CET Colleges should be playing a major role in their

communities by enabling CET students to utilize their skills to

develop their communities, while at the same time earning a

living.

A large number of students in CET colleges have registered for

the “Matric rewrite” programmes, because Colleges due to the

lack of proper infrastructure, only offer a limited number of

skills programmes. Colleges therefore, understandably go for

the easy option of offering the “Matric rewrite” programme

rather than a mix of needs-driven programmes.

This option, as the DUT study indicates, is not attractive to the

millions of students that are Not in Education, Employment or

Education and Training (NEETS), who are currently more than

3 million in the country and do not register at CET Colleges.

The CET College sector is veering off its key mandate of

assisting to resolve the notorious triple challenges currently

ravaging South Africa; namely inequality, poverty and

unemployment.

CET Colleges should be playing a role in training entrepreneurs

of all sorts to take advantage of job opportunities emerging in

the informal sector.

The original objective behind the concept of CET Colleges was

that these institutions would, largely, provide a variety of

programmes that are mainly needs-driven and aimed at serving

their communities so as to enable students to participate in the

local economy upon completing studies.

It is very unfortunate that Community Colleges have now

become “finishing schools” or “Matric rewrite” institutions

unable to offer needs-driven skills programmes, mainly because

there are no funds to provide the necessary infrastructure.

Rather than concentrating on building the necessary

infrastructure in order to be able to offer skills programmes, the

CET Colleges take the easy route of providing “Matric rewrite”

programmes.


Page | 67


4. Conclusion

There was a lot excitement at the launch of CET Colleges by

the Minister of Higher Education, Science and Technology in

2015, as the country parted ways with the old “night schools”

and assured the nation that a new institutional type would better

serve the millions of youth and adults who were outside the

schooling system.

The plan was to bring back millions of youth and adults back

into the education system by offering a variety of needs-driven

programmes that would attract them.

It is now unfortunate that due to lack of funding that the CET

College sector is reverting back to the “night schools” of old.

Bibliography

Department of Higher Education and Training. 2000. Adult

Basic Education and Training (ABET) Act, 2000 (Act No.52 of

2000).

Department of Higher Education and Training. 2019.

Community Education and Training College System: National

Plan for the Implementation of the White Paper for Post-School

Education and Training System: 2019-2030.

Department of Higher Education and Training. 2006.

Continuing Education and Training Act, 2006 (No. 16 of 2006).

Department of Higher Education and Training. 2006. Further

Education and Training (FET), 2006 (Act No. 16 of 2006).

Department of Higher Education and Training. 2010. Higher

Education and Training Laws Amendment Act, 2010.

Department of Higher Education and Training. 2011. National

Development Plan: Vision 2030, 2011.

Department of Higher Education and Training. 2013. White

Paper on Post-School Education and Training, 2013.

Republic of South Africa. 1996. Constitution of the Republic of

South Africa, 1996.

Republic of South Africa. 2009. Government Gazette No.32367

of 1 July 2009.


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1 Introduction

This article, based on biographical narratives of Black women

leaders in South Africa examines the idea of using multiple

metaphors to expand creativity in respect of leadership.

Metaphor is both a tool for shaping perspectives as well as site

for constructing meaning (through paradox and oxymoron), and

thus was particularly illuminating as a critical lens through

which to view the three African women’s leadership of hope in

the hopelessness world of schooling.

As women describe their lives and experiences, they often use

metaphors to capture their frustrations and perceived barriers,

as well as the effects that motivate them. The central question

is one of meaning: What leadership meanings do you derive

from artifacts, documents and metaphors?

How did production, understanding, and communication of

human thought and action change the women’s leadership

styles? The argument raised in this article reflects that using

multiple metaphors to understand organization and

management gives us the capacity to tap different dimensions

of a situation, showing how different qualities of leadership can

co-exist, supporting, reinforcing or contradicting each other.

The metaphors of these ordinary people are simple ways of

reflecting their understanding of their ordinary lives through

two major themes “teamwork” and “hope in hopelessness”.

Feminism is a despised word in my vocabulary. I detest it

because it has different meanings for different people. For one

group it is equated to a struggle for equal participation in social

mobility while for other groups it is a cry for recognition as

fellow human beings on this earth. How do I begin to claim and

own something that fails to promote my being?

How can such a cause begin to represent me if all it accumulates

is small victories for a few already privileged individuals? This

is a word that has been reduced to serve the needs of a few

privileged persons in our communities. This then suggests that

confining feminism to a simple definition is extremely difficult,

if not impossible.

In its true definition, feminism should be based on the principle

that women have innate worth, inalienable rights and valuable

ideas and talents to contribute to society. True feminism goes

beyond mere equity as it insists not only that women be given

equal rights with men, but that they be respected for themselves

as well.

At the heart of the woman is an individual that is a valuable,

contributing member of society. Women have been

marginalized since time immemorial and thus continue to exist

in the confines of their social conditions. As a result women

have been systematically denied the right to participate fully in

many socio-economic arenas and institutions.

Why examine feminisms? The current definition of feminism is

in itself disempowering, in the sense that it does not take

account of women of colour and African women whose

marginalization is far beyond the economic, social, and political

fields, but includes realities in the face of race, class, ethnicity,

patriarchy, geographical location and religion.

“The Paradox Of Luselo-Lufhanga Metaphors”: African Women Defining Leadership For

Social Justice” Thidziambe Sylvia Phendla


Abstract: Building empathy and building coalitions, essential to creating social change in schools, is difficult and oftentimes defeating.

Regardless, Black women in South Africa, have been shifting the paradigm and practice of schools, and have been addressing the

discrimination and limitations of mainstream/western thought. On the one hand, the lives of African women school leaders are likened to the

“Luselo1 metaphor of oppression”. Like “Luselo”, the intricacy of the constructs (institutional, political, cultural, language, social/historical,

and economic) defines black women in their work of social change and the practice of school leadership. On the other hand, using the metaphor

“Musadzi u fara lufhanga nga hu fhiraho”1, women reclaim their liberation; they find hope in the hopelessness of their environments. Holding

leadership roles in the lives of these black women can be likened to holding the sharp edges of knives, where women are cut without mercy.

As a result, women have to learn strategies of how to hold these knives without being cut, how to navigate tensions within and across the

personal, school institutions and the broader society. Black women school leaders are compelled to learn how to navigate across tensions

created by culture, language, and customary laws. These metaphors provide a powerful reflection of Black women who encounter enormous

challenges, women who strive under the multilayered and multiplied burdens of oppression. And often times they strive, they fight back

through their silent resistance; they find hope from the hopelessness and through the creation of a socially just environment. This study included

the participation of three Black women elementary school principals in South Africa from urban/township school settings in Soweto,

Johannesburg.

Keywords : Black women; School principals; Leadership; Social justice; Oppression



Page | 69


These women constitute a majority in the so-called developing

world or second economies. Given these diverse experiences

and realities, it is essential that a new definition of feminism be

constructed to include the ‘other women’ identities as well. It is

essential then that researchers who employ feminist lenses to

create theories of practice must also critique feminist theories.

Examining Current Feminist Paradigms: Liberal Feminism

Liberal feminists assume that equality for women can be

achieved by democratic reforms under current social and

political conditions. Weiner (1999) explains: “Liberal

feminism, among the first wave of feminisms, is associated with

emergence of liberal individualism and Protestantism, at the

time of the enlightenment, draws specifically on ideas about

natural rights, justice and democracy.

Access to education is fundamental to this perspective since it

claims that by providing equal education for both sexes, an

environment would be created in which an individual women’s

potential can be encouraged and developed” (1999: 54). The

assumption is that through current bureaucratic structures,

which are hierarchical in nature and that see power as exclusive,

equality can be achieved.

Additionally, the strategies for liberation assume that the

advocate is in a position, within the hierarchy, to bring about

change for social justice.

This stance poses problems in that Black women and women of

colour, many coming from lower socio-economic classes, are

rarely in these privileged positions let alone comfortable

working as an agent of domination within restrictive context

(Benham & Cooper, 1997).

Radical Feminism:

Building on the thinking and activities of liberal feminists,

radical feminists more directly, forcefully critiqued the

oppressed position of women within a society that constructed

social, cultural, economic and political policy on patriarchal

values.

The movement can be aligned with the growth of the Women’s

Liberation Movement in the 1960s, which grew out of the

momentum produced by the 1950s civil rights and was kept

alive with the increasing political crisis of the Vietnam War.

In short Weiner (1994) states the following on radical

feminism: “Radical feminist educators, as might be expected,

attribute inequalities in schooling to patriarchal forces and

male dominated power relationships in which sexuality and

hierarchy combine to create the dominant make and

subordinate female dualism. Further they assert that these are

manifested at every level of society; in the family, in the school,

in higher education and in workplace. Therefore neither the

responsibility nor solution to sexual inequality can be placed

entirely on the shoulders of the school” (Weiner, 1994: 71).

Because the school and the classroom were seen as bastion of

male-focused domination (men were seen as intelligent and

would succeed in academics), radical feminism laboured to

disrupt the norms of gender-centred traditions. Albeit, as

Weiner points out, the struggle was still fought within the

framework of traditional school setting and political arenas.

Marxist/Socialist Feminism

Given that growing distrust of policy and practice was viewed

as the poverty of the dominant, privileged classes,

Marxist/socialist ideas sought to critique the social reproduction

of unequal distribution of power/material property based on

race, class and gender lines.

Weiner (1994) writes: “Marxist and socialist feminist

educators appear to have less faith in the role of education in

social change; rather they see it as one of the terrains upon

which gender as well as class struggle is played out and in

which patterns of social domination and subordination are

reproduced and sustained”.

Therefore the solution to the educational inequality is fairly

limited because of “perceived structural nature of sexual

inequality and capitalism” (1994: 72). The limitations of

Marxist/socialist theories appear to be inherent in their

emphasis on power viewed as property that needs to be

redistributed, but fails to address the domination that comes

with this sort of action (see Wheedon, 1987, p. 28).

Neo-Maxist feminism, on the other hand, would argue that new

power, collective power that would not disadvantage or

oppress, could be constructed through new, liberatory

discourses and activities.

Black Feminist Theories

In a critical review of the literature on feminist theory, Hooks

(1984), projects a picture which shows that feminism in the US

emerged from the white middle and upper class, college-

educated women, who were not concerned with economic

survival or ethnic and racial discrimination in a capitalistic

society, but interested in resisting sexism or gender inequalities.

Most feminists of colour recognize that gender, race, class, and

sexual orientation -not gender alone -determine the allocation

of power and the nature of any individual's identity, status, and

circumstance (Collins, 1986; Hooks, 1989; and Delgado-Bernal

1998).

In other words, for these White women, feminism is about

sexism, not about class and racial issues, while for most Black

women, feminism is all of the above and more. As though these

layers are not enough, for a Black South African woman, the

burden is multiplied, that is, central to creation of a Black

woman’s identity are race, ethnicity, gender, class, mother-

tongue/language, traditional values, location, customary laws

and the other interlocking layers constructed by apartheid

policies.


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Hooks sees the plight of Black women as the problem of lack

of socialization. Black women are not socialized to assume the

role of exploiter/oppressor because they are allowed no

institutionalized "other" that they can discriminate against,

exploit or oppress (Hooks, 1984: 15).

In addition, Hooks suggests that the use of this "lived

experience of discrimination, exploitation or oppression"

directly challenges the prevailing classist, sexist, racist social

structure and its concomitant ideology and may shape Black

women's consciousness in such a way that their world view

differs from those who have a degree of privilege, "the White

Feminists" (Hooks, 1984: 15).

Hooks invites Black women to recognize the vantage point of

their marginality from the racist, classist, sexist hegemony and

to criticize it while creating a counter-hegemony through the

formation of a liberatory feminist theory and praxis as a

collective responsibility to be shared by all.

Hooks goes on to define feminism as "a struggle to eradicate

the ideology of domination that permits western culture on

various levels as well as a commitment to reorganizing society

so that the self-development of people can take precedence over

imperialism, economic expansion, and material desires”.

Feminism, defined in political terms that stress collective as

well as individual experience, challenges women to enter a new

domain, to leave behind the apolitical stance of sexism, decrees

in our lot and develop political consciousness (Hooks, 1984:

24).

Hooks believes that when feminism is defined in such a way it

calls attention to the diversity of women’s social and political

reality and centralizes the experience of all women, especially

the women whose social conditions have been least written

about, studied, or changed by political movement.

She writes: “When we cease to focus on the simplistic stance

‘men are the enemy' we are compelled to examine systems of

domination and our role in their maintenance and

perpetuation” (Hooks, 1984: 25).

Hence, women need to liberate themselves and move away

from perpetuating the situation of oppression.

From her arguments, hooks challenges and counters the

mainstream feminist hegemony that perceives feminism as an

individual identity and lifestyle choice rather than a political

commitment, which reflects the class nature of the movement

(Hooks, 1984: 27).

Her vision of a new hegemony is shared and supported by

Delgado-Bernal (1998) in her stance on Chicana Feminist

epistemology in educational research. She maintains that

Chicana’s experiences are different from those of African

American and Native Americans in the United States.

A Chicana feminist epistemology is formed by and shares

characteristics of endarkened, feminist epistemologies (e.g.

examinations of the influence of race, class, gender, and

sexuality on opportunity structures), but is different from the

"Black Feminist Thought” (1998: 561). Like Hooks, Delgado-

Bernal’s new paradigm shifts away from simplicity to include

elements of differences while recognizing the commonalties

with the “Black Feminist Thought”.

Thus, as Delgado-Bernal argues further, “endarkened" feminist

epistemologies are crucial as they speak to the failures of

traditional patriarchal and liberal educational scholarship and

examine the intersection of race, class gender, and sexuality

(1998: 561).

The epistemologies that emerged from these readings informed

my understanding and perspective of how the interlocking

categories of race, gender, class, ethnicity, language among

others, are situated in the world experience of Black African

women in South Africa.

South African Feminist Thinking

It is in light of the foregoing discussions that I make a transition

to the emerging theories of feminism in South Africa. Bonni,

Deacon, Morrell and Robinson (1998) maintain that by 1990

feminism was almost a dirty word; national liberation came first

and women’s liberation second (1998: 115). A Women’s

National Coalition emerged in 1992 to demand that the process

and product of negotiating a new constitution and the Bill of

Rights provide effective equality for women.

At the same time Black women had begun to protest strongly at

their exclusion from the white feminists’ political and

theoretical projects, raising issues of gender difference, the

fragmentation of the subject and the category ‘woman’ by race,

culture and class (Bonni, Deacon, Morrell and Robinson, 1998.

112).

Thus, as Bonni et al. put it, “ a feminist politics identity is being

asserted against phallogocentric hegemony while itself being

challenged on the ground of its racial exclusivity” (Bonni,

Deacon, Morrell and Robinson, 1998: 113)

Different experiences of gender might lead to very different

sorts of demands for change. If possibilities for the

transformation of gender relations lie in the instability of a

performed gender identity, then the direction of change in

gender order(s) also become unpredictable.

Bonni et al. assert that rather than being a site of unremitting

reinforcement of domination gender relations, everyday

performance of gender becomes the stage for the constant

possibility of disrupting and challenging these relations.

However, the postmodern challenge, and especially the post-

colonial turn, has seen feminism take on board a critique which

calls into question its own, previously unexplored, class and

racial biases (1998: 114).


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The South African feminist discourse was, and to some extent,

is still informed by white women’s thinking of sexism rather

than issues of race and class. As a result, questions of race and

location also intervened to ensure that the emerging feminist

discourse took differences as its starting point. The WNC aimed

to achieve equality under the new constitution reinforcing

unitary identity of women and their oppression.

It has been recognized that the removal of the white minority

government would not correct sexist practices which were well

entrenched within the structures of both the Congress of South

African Trade Unions (COSATU) and the African National

Congress (ANC). The WNC drew up a Women’s charter with

concentration on five key areas: women’s legal status; access to

land; violence against women; women’s health; and women’s

work (see Bonni et al., 1998: 116).

In these five areas cited above, what emerges are the similarities

and diversity of issues which affect South African women as

much as respondents speak “with one voice” in censuring the

roles and treatment they are subjected to, there is a keen

awareness of the complexities of this oppression; especially

when culture and tradition enter the frame (see Bonni et al.,

1998: 117).

For instance, the Bill of Rights provides two contradictory

clauses: first, the demand that an equality clause should enjoy

priority in the Bill of Rights in order to pave the way for gender

equal affirmative action; and that traditional and customary law

be democratized. While the first clause frees the women from

gender discrimination, the second one imposes customary and

traditional laws which disadvantage them. These events

problematize the idea that interest can be read off location.

Rural or any groups of women are at the intersection of a

number of factors which constitute their identity. They navigate

across many tensions; they wrestle with many social constructs

which form their daily existence. Bonni et al. (1998) maintain

that for rural women their experiences of customary and

traditional laws have not been empowering. Similarly, the idea

of western women’s interest is problematic and homogenizing

(1998: 117).

The implication is that custom, culture and equality can be

challenged in the public sphere but the private domain is still

private and beyond the reach of the Bill of Rights. Thus, the

drawing up of the Bill of Rights is seen as a process of different

and competing interest groups (political parties, traditional

leaders, women and others) demanding to have their needs met.

Bonni et al. (1998) argue that just as racial identity disrupts a

too easy assumption of sisterhood even in an environment

where non-racial politics was paramount in resisting apartheid,

so divisions across education, location, languages and class all

potentially disrupt any appeal to race (let alone experience) as

a primary foundation for the right to appropriately represent

others (p. 126).

The authors assert that the recognition of identities as multiple

and fragmented means that we need new models for

representing others and for building political relationships

around gender concerns. With this understanding in mind, a

first step is to think differently about opposing identities, to seek

out alternative ways of conceptualizing disabling modernist

dichotomies (self/other; male/female;

heterosexual/homosexual; white/Black; researcher/researched)

(see Bonni et al., 1998, p. 126).

Historically traditional mainstream educational scholarship has

not addressed the influence of gender, race/ ethnicity, class, and

sexuality on education policy and practice. By looking at

commonalties based on gender and omitting issues of race/

ethnicity or class, one may overlook how institutions, political,

economic and cultural structures contain and support different

groups of women differently.

By shifting the analysis onto Black South African women and

their race/ethnicity, mother-tongue/language, and class,

scholars are able to address the shortcomings of the traditional

mainstream thought and western liberal feminist scholarship

(see Phendla 2000, p.33).

Research Strategy

This study sought the participation of six Black women

elementary school principals in South Africa from

urban/township school settings in Soweto, Johannesburg1. Each

professional’s story is unique as it illuminates individual

experiences of addressing pressing issues concerning race,

gender, class, segregation, and oppression.

While each story presents lessons learned (practical tools) that

might help professional practitioners, a comparative analysis

across the narratives provides rich data and informative themes

which extend our understanding of the meaning of social justice

that is both contextually and culturally appropriate in school

settings.

The study uses the biographical narrative and

phenomenological methods to collect data from three principals

identified by their colleagues and communities as individuals

working for social justice.

Since I was interested in exploring how the six women worked

for social justice in both apartheid South Africa and the new

South Africa, it was necessary to capture the past in order to

direct one's attention towards the present, and show how they

have managed to transform it. It can be seen from Casey’s

(1995) work that narratives disclose diverse political projects,

but also demonstrate social inclusivity and reveal progressive

points of convergence.


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Thus all educators working for social change have a great deal

to learn from the care these women give to their students, the

outrage they feel towards injustice, and the way they dare to use

the limited power and resources they have.

The stories were collected through a series of three interviews

of 1-2 hours each, a one-day shadowing session, a group

dialogue and document analysis. To break down what scholars

(Griffin, 1989; Oakley, 1981) call the one-way male

hierarchical framework of traditional interviewing techniques,

my participants and I engaged in interactive and open-ended

interviews, working together to arrive at what Tesch (1994,

147) calls “the heart of the matter”.

I employed Tesch’s (1994) advice on phenomenological

methods and learned to take cues from my participants’

expressions, questions, and occasional sidetracks to take the

level of the probe further. We engaged in talk between friends

where I shared similar experiences with the women. Our

interviews were in dialogue form and both the women and I

revealed ourselves and reflected on our disclosures.

This was made possible because as a Black elementary school

principal in Soweto, I had had similar experiences at various

stages in my life as an educational leader. Because of these

mutual disclosures, the women were able to open up their hearts

to me and we developed a more intimate relationship. In their

opinion, our dialogues were non-judgmental and my body

language assured the women that I believed in their sincerity in

the telling of their true experiences.

The processes of data analysis and synthesis were conducted

through thematic analysis and coding. Naturalistic qualitative

enquiries tend to produce large quantities of data. Since I used

three interviews, shadowing, group dialogues, and

documentation to collect the data, it was likely that I would

become what Rudestam and Newton call “the victim of data

overload” (1992: 113).

Thus, the phenomenological analysis of transcribed data was

done on a continuous basis as the process of interviewing went

on. To do this, I discussed emerging themes with my

participants at different stages in our journey.

My analysis, drawing on interviews, field notes from

shadowing the women, conversations from the group dialogue,

and meaning derived from documents and artefacts revealed

that there are “tensions within and across the personal – the

school institutions – and the broader society” which are created

by power and privileges in the lives of these six Black women.

2 Meaning, “Holders of the Sharp Edges of Knives” in the Tshivenda

language. The other eight ethnic languages are: isiNdebele, isiSwati, isiXhosa,

isiZulu, sepedi, sesotho, Setswana and Xitsonga/Tshangaan.

Introducing the Women: Holders of the Sharp edges.

There is a powerful metaphor prevalent among African ethnic

groups of South Africa; it is “Musadzi u fara lufhanga nga hu

fhiraho”2. This is a Tshivenda version, which, if directly

translated, means that women are forced to hold knives by their

sharpest edge.

The meaning is derived from the multiple roles women are

expected to fulfil. In another sense a woman has to face the

challenges of life and succeed through thick and thin. This

metaphor may serve two purposes. On the one hand it may be

understood as a symbol of struggle, resistance, obduracy, and

strength. On the other hand it may be seen as a symbol of hope,

faith, courage, and words of wisdom (Phendla, 2004a, p. 51)

Metaphors are powerful reflections of Black women’s

enormous challenges while facing the multilayered and

multiplied burdens of oppression. Metaphors are so ordinary

that they need to be pulled apart to reveal their ordinariness and

highlight the invisible yet powerful features in order to give

meaning to our contemporary society (Phendla, 2004b).

Their colourfulness and resonance with the thinking of ordinary

people give them the potential to engage all of us in more

creative thinking about our role of serving others. It is with

these thoughts in mind that I present the research participants’

metaphors of social justice.

Little Star

I named the first research participant Little Star. She says “I

shine in the darkness. I give light to those in the dark”. Like a

star, she is like a magnet that attracted other stakeholders to the

cause of justice.

She demonstrated the ability to develop links beyond the

borders of South Africa – Belgium, France and Germany. Little

Star, a 62-year-old Motswana woman, a mother of two children

with 38 years of experience as an educator, particularly as

teacher and college lecturer, and who was in her ninth year as

an elementary school principal when this study was conducted

in January 2000. She lost her mother at the age of six and was

raised by her eldest sister. Her father was a garden boy all his

life, and as a result, she grew up in poverty.

Oak Tree

I named the second research participant Oak Tree. She says, I

really stood the test of time for one lifetime”. When this study

was conducted in February 2000, Oak Tree was a 47-year-old

recently widowed Mutshangana woman.


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She grew up in a Black middle class family, where her father

was the first BA graduate in the rural homeland of Gazankulu

in the early 1950s. She is the fifth of nine siblings. She was still

in her mourning clothes after losing her husband in October

1999 after many years of illness. In her 25 years as an educator,

she has been a teacher, Head of Department (HOD) and was in

her 10th year as an elementary school principal.

Footprints

I named the third research participant Footprints, a self-

projection of her role in life. Footprints, says “my life has been

like climbing a mountain of challenges, but I have probably left

some footprints on the sands of time”.

Footprints was a 47-year-old woman in her 7th year as an

elementary school principal at the time of our interviews in

February 2000. She is a Muvenda woman, the oldest of four

siblings. She was born in Alexandra Township to working class

parents; her father was a labourer and her mother a homemaker.

She lived with her paternal grandparents when she was in

elementary school. Her 18 years of experience as an educator

included teaching at her present school.

She was also a radio announcer at the South African

Broadcasting Corporation (SABC), a high school teacher, a

subject advisor for Gauteng schools, an adult night school head

teacher and a church elder.

Rain

I named the fourth research participant Rain because she uses

the metaphor of hope. Rain says “It has been like rain after a

long drought where one does not even mind about getting wet”.

She demonstrated that she is indeed the mother who puts

children first.

Rain’s story concern children and the love she had for them.

Rain was a 47-year-old Mosotho woman, born in Soweto

Township and the older of two siblings at the time of our

interview in March 2000. She was in her 10th year as an

elementary school principal when the study was conducted in

February 2000.

During her 21 years as an educator she had been a high school

teacher, head of department and deputy principal of a high

school, before attaining her present position in January 1990.

Calabash of Water

I named the fifth research participant Calabash. She says, “I

carry my calabash to the fountain of education, fill it up before

I take it back to my beloved children, parents and teachers”.

Calabash was a 49-year-old widowed UmXhosa woman at the

time of our interview in March 2000. She was born in the rural

homeland of Transkei and was the last of four sisters raised by

both her migrant labourer father and eldest sister who was a

domestic servant in Johannesburg. Death seemed to follow her

everywhere – she lost her mother in 1972, her father died in

1988, her eldest sister died mysteriously in 1990, her husband

was murdered during the political struggles in 1991, and her

mother-in-law died in 1993. She lost her 19-year-old son in July

1999. In her 27 years of experience as an educator, she taught

in the present elementary school, became a HOD and then an

assistant principal. She is in her 11th year of her principalship.

Roots

I named the sixth research participant Roots. She says: “I’m like

roots that go deep down under the soil in search of nutrients,

always searching for opportunities to feed our children.” At the

time of our interview in April 2000, Roots was a 53-year-old

Muvenda woman who had been born in Alexandra Township

in Johannesburg. Her Muvenda father and Motswana mother

were domestic servants in the white suburbs of Johannesburg.

As a result, she was forced to live with her paternal

grandparents in rural Vendaland at the age of 15. In her 31 years

of teaching experience, she taught for four years in an

elementary school before becoming a school principal. She

moved from school to school for almost 20 years before the new

government built her current school in 1997. She was in her 27th

year as a school principal and had one child.

The six women were selected by individuals or groups who

either work or live in the areas where the schools are located.

Second, the women were selected by individuals or groups who

have had some encounters with the women at some stage or

who have heard about the women’s work within the different

communities. For instance, Little Star’s name was mentioned

by at least six individuals from diverse career backgrounds and

environments. First, she was identified by one of my close

former colleagues; she was identified by the former Member of

the Provincial Executive Council (MEC) of education, Mary

Metcalfe, and other principals including some who are part of

this study. The snowball effect strategy was also used to

identify other participants. For example, Calabash was

identified by Oak Tree, who in turn was also identified by Little

Star, and so on. It was exciting to note that principals who had

agreed to participate in this study would suggest a name, just to

find that the person was already part of this study. My choice

was also influenced by the fact that I selected the townships that

I am familiar with, i.e. Meadowlands and Diepkloof. For

example, my mother grew up in Meadowlands, and I was born

in Diepkloof.

The women in this study were educated under the apartheid’s

Bantu Education system in the early 1960s. As a result, they all

received their elementary education in their mother tongue.

Little Star and Oak Tree were born and raised in the rural areas,

while the rest of the women were born in the cities, but had to

go to the rural areas for their secondary schooling.

This was in line with Verwoerd's grand plan of separate

development. It is clear that these women would have very

different childhood experiences given their diverse upbringing.


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Besides Oak Tree, whose father was the first person in their

rural area to obtain a BA degree, and Rain, whose mother was

a professional nurse, these women have a low social status.

Moreover Little Star and Calabash share some similarities in

that they lost their mothers at an early age, their fathers were

migrant labourers, and their elder sisters were forced to drop out

of school to take on the responsibility of taking care of the

younger siblings.

Their experiences support the claims of Wing and Carvalho

(1998) who argue that the nature of patriarchy and sexism was

reflected in the norms created by society, such as the different

expectations that parents had for their sons and daughters (p.

388). It is clear that Black families placed more emphasis on

education of the male children, while girls were the first

selected to leave schools to help with family responsibilities.

Thus, it was expected of both Little Star’s and Calabash’ s elder

sisters to drop out of school without a career in order to take

care of the younger children in their families. Footprints and

Roots had to go to the homeland to live with their grandparents

at some point in their lives, because their migrant parents who

were working as domestic servants in the white suburbs of

Johannesburg, were not able to take care of them.

The women were also prepared for unequal participation in the

South African economic and social life. These women grew up

on the understanding that their education should preserve the

cultural identity of their community, in particular, and their

ethnic origin in general. These are women who are responsible

for the wellbeing of other extended family members.

For example, Footprints pays for her youngest siblings' college

fees while Roots takes care of her elderly parents’ monthly

medical needs.

Since her parents live 600 km away in Limpopo Province,

which used to be the homeland of the Vhavenda people, it is her

sole responsibility to provide transport to bring them to

Johannesburg where better health care services are available.

Calabash still supports her nieces and nephews. In some

instance, these women take care of orphans and street children

from their schools and neighbourhoods.

With the exception of Oak Tree, who lost her husband to a long

period of illness three months before our meeting, and

Calabash, whose husband was killed during the political

struggle ten years ago, Little Star, Footprints, Rain and Roots

were still married to their first husbands.

From their stories, we get to learn of many experiences, and

challenges of gender, culture and ethnicity. These are women

who still uphold their ethnic origins and are appreciative of who

they are in the midst of all trials and tribulations.

From their stories it is evident that all these women's choice of

career was coerced. They either wanted to become nurses or

social workers before choosing teaching as a profession. For

example, Little Star failed her first year at the nursing college

before deciding to try teaching, Roots trained as a teacher so

that she could get a job and help support her family, Oak Tree

was influenced by her father who was a teacher.

Rain who obtained a Bachelor’s degree wanted to become a

medical doctor or pharmacist, but she was refused entrance to

the department. She was told that medicine was not for Black

women. Calabash had to choose a career that would enable her

to be home in order to support and take care of her nieces and

nephews, and Footprints would stand in front of the mirror with

a paper cape and cap pretending to be a nurse, but chose

teaching as the last resort.

It is not surprising that these women's choices of career were

limited to care-giving professions. As dictated by Verwoerd,

Blacks were assigned specific and inferior career options that

would enable them to serve their communities, to use

Verwoerd's (1955) words: " There is no place for him in the

European community above the level of certain forms of labour.

Within his own community, however, all doors are open"

(Christie, 1986: 12 & Molteno, 1986: 92). For that reason, there

was no reason for Black people to be trained in other

professions that would allow them to serve or compete with

white people.

Teaching or nursing professions allowed Black people to

remain in their communities, so that the education system could

not, “mislead him by showing him the pastures of European

society in which he was not allowed to graze. We should not

give the native an academic education, as some people are too

prone to do. If we do this we shall later be burdened with a

number of academically trained Europeans and non-

Europeans, and who is going to do the manual labour in the

country?” (Christie, 1986, p. 12 & Molteno, 1986, p. 66).

The six women became teachers during the apartheid rule in

South Africa and as a result, they have experienced both

systems of education in South Africa, the old Bantu Education

in the apartheid regime, and the new single education system

governed by the ethos of a democratic rule.

Since these school leaders became principals during the reign

of apartheid, it is likely that they were also recruited through

some of the following criteria: bilingualism, age and marital

status, teaching experience, ethnicity, religious beliefs,

knowledge of departmental hierarchy, residency, and

knowledge of rules and regulations of the department.

For example all six women are fluent in both English and

Afrikaans, became principals when they were over 30, were

married, had taught for more than 10 years before becoming a

school principal, belonged to a specific ethnic group, claimed

to belong to a Christian religion, lived within the same area of

the school where they became a principal, and had a thorough

understanding of the department's rules and regulations.


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Power And Privileges: Tensions Within And Across The

Personal - School Institutions – Broader Society

This theme is supported by an overwhelming contemporary

evidence to suggest that the lives of African women leaders is

a paradox of hope and hopeless sustained by the workings of

grand structural paradigms/ideologies and codes of behaviors,

that produce the matrix of oppression.

From the stories told by these women, it is evident that the past

history of apartheid and its oppressive nature had a great impact

in shaping and moulding their unique individual identities in

making them who they are in the present South Africa. From

the women’s life experiences, it becomes clear what it means to

be an educational leader who is challenged by various social

constructs and at the same time strives to create socially just

schools and environments in Soweto.

My analysis, drawing on interviews, field notes from

shadowing the women, conversations from the group dialogue,

and meaning derived from documents and artefacts revealed the

theme “Power and privileges: tensions within and across the

personal - school institutions – and the broader society.”

The theme of power and privilege: tensions within and across

the personal; - school institutions – and the broader society runs

across the women’s conversations. All six women reveal the

theme with passion, especially when they talk about their

experience of gender inequalities, ethnic discrimination, and

language.

This theme emerges when women talk about their roles as

women in their homes, schools, and broader society. There are

many tensions created by power and privilege on personal,

school, and societal levels.

Power and privilege: tensions within and across personal level

On personal level, these women were subjected to various

forms of oppression including traditional obligations and

cultural practices that deny women power and privilege. For

instance, widowed women are forced to mourn for at least a

year, while men may mourn for a month or less. During the

mourning period, there are some restrictions that remove and

take away some privileges.

At times, a widow may not be employed, attend specific

functions, express herself in public, attend parties and

ceremonies or even visit friends. At times, a woman in

mourning clothes is isolated by the community and is regarded

as a curse. For example, Oak Tree was compelled to wear a hat

as a symbol of respect for her deceased husband.

Even though it was in the middle of summer in South Africa at

the time of our conversations, Oak Tree would not remove her

headgear. In another example, Calabash reveals that her

opinions were not considered and her right to free speech was

violated.

Consequently, some powers and privileges were denied as

result of these women’s widowhood. Both Oak Tree and

Calabash indicate below the power and privileges that were

taken from them as a result of their being widows. In their own

words they comment:

…And of course, my husband passed away in October, three

months ago. At least in our Xitshangana culture the widow is

not forced to wear Black mourning clothes for a year or two

like it is with other ethnic cultures. I just have to cover my hair

or put on a hat for a year as a symbol of mourning. Of course

this is also not fair because most men do not mourn at all. In a

year or less men are can get married again, with no questions

asked. As a woman, if you do that, you are in trouble. It means

you killed your husband or you are glad that he is dead. What

a culture! (Oak Tree)

I experience double or rather, multiple oppression because of

being Black, woman, and widow. In general, both single and

married women tend to discriminate you when you are

widowed. The discrimination is also felt in the community. For

example, when there are community meetings the points you

raise as a widowed woman are not taken seriously. Even in the

church people say, “Whose wife is this one?” As if you have to

belong to someone for you to be able to make a valid point

(Calabash).

Even other members of the women’s extended family have

more power than they. Power is also a function of submission.

For instance, Calabash had to comply with her father-in-law’s

demands. First, at the insistence of her father-in-law, both her

husband and son were buried in the far remote Eastern Cape.

Even though her husband had died almost ten years ago, her

father-in-law was still in control.

Traditional obligations and culture define leadership in terms of

gender, that is, men are born leaders. From the women’s stories,

both men and women share this belief. Although women do not

necessarily verbalize this belief, their actions tell more stories

than their words.

From the six women’s transcripts, men’s blatant arrogance is

evident while women act in silent resistance. Moreover, even

children grow up knowing that school principals should be men.

For example whenever Rain entered various classrooms,

children would say, “Good morning/afternoon Sir,” because

they did not have a concept of a female school principal. Even

outside visitors would come in the office and ask her to call the

male school principal. It took a while for these children to get

used to the idea that she was the principal and that they should

address her as “Mam”.

Furthermore, Rain revealed the animosity experienced from

other women who were expected to be in support of other

woman as leaders. Rain says that in most cases, what was heard

was, “She thinks she is better than us.” Instead of helping each

other, women tend to be jealous and denigrate the female leader.


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. … I have never been led by a woman and as you understand

our culture, if you are a woman you are a woman”. When a boy

is born in a family, a man is born! (Rain)

I think the stereotype went further to the extent that these men

felt that “because you are a woman, then your leadership skills

were questionable!” And the English teacher, the old man, kept

on saying that the school will never became right because it was

under “a petticoat government” (Footprints).

Traditional obligations and cultural practices put these

women’s husbands in power and in control as heads of families.

These powers are also directly related to the issue of lobola. On

the one hand, lobola is defined as a symbol of honour, a

mechanism to join two unrelated families.

On the other hand, lobola is also a controlling mechanism that

removes power from women. For instance, Oak Tree’s

perception of lobola is negative, and she says, “Just because he

paid lobola, then I have no voice. In other words, lobola buys

out my voice”. Calabash’s story, however, reveals a different

grammar. She reflects tensions in power as a result of the

lobola’s dualist nature. In short, she accepts the domination

created by this so-called symbol of honour as the expected. She

says:

I’m not saying everything about our culture is or was wrong.

Take for instance, lobola. It is something honourable. Lobola

should be paid to the bride’s parents because if a man wants to

get a wife without paying anything, he cannot have the pride of

ownership (Calabash).

Domination of women by their husbands is also seen as a

cultural practice that cannot be eradicated by attainment of a

scholarly education. Rain and Roots make these comments:

On the other hand, achievement of higher education has no

great influence on our culture. At home we are still expected to

do our chores when our husbands sit and read newspapers. We

end up doing what is best to sustain a peaceful existence and in

most cases we do it at our own expense.

For example, I could have had the position of a principalship a

long time ago. But my husband kept on saying that I don’t need

the problems and challenges that come with the position. I was

just frustrated and I wanted to keep peace in my family, and for

the benefit of my children. … it is a problem that we educated

women have in our homes.

You earn more, even if you don’t mention it, you already have

a problem because your husband wants to remind you that your

money does not make you the “man of the house!” Education

has liberated us to a certain extent, but not yet fully. … When I

look at the whole picture, not only the issues in our families, but

at the whole apartheid ideology, the oppressors created the

whole thing.

The western culture/ apartheid, or rather the white man made

sure that he dominated our Black men, who in turn dominated

their Black women! It is a vicious circle (Rain).

You know, when you get married the Tshivenda culture puts you

down. There are things that you cannot do as a woman. For

example, when you have an argument or some

misunderstanding with your husband, you cannot answer or

talk back. This is so difficult for me even today. I just get angry

and keep quite. I’m considered a leader in my job not

everywhere. Someone once said, “it is just like when you are a

rubbish collector, people don’t see you as one once you leave

the place of your employment and get into your house. It should

be the same case with you, once you leave your office and enter

your husband’s house; you are no longer Roots the principal.

You became Roots the wife of so and so! (Roots)

In the past the traditional customary laws were not written; they

were flexible and yet, difficult to interpret. Thus codifications

of traditional laws were for the main purpose of oppression and

discrimination against the African people in South Africa.

These laws were especially for the reinforcement of migratory

labour where men were given more power at the expense of

women. As a result the one place where men had power was in

the family.

Power and privileges: tensions within and across school

institutions

This suggests that because schools and communities are

vehicles that carry out certain ideas and beliefs, they also serve

to perpetuate gender stereotypes, biases and racism. For

instance, schools reward students differently as a result of skin

tone/complexion, language, and ethnicity.

In general when a student has dark complexion, she/he is given

a negative identity. The general stereotype is that “Black is

ugly.” Often these students are subjected to derogative

definitions and abuse and are treated as subhuman by their

teachers, peers and communities.

Consequently schools teach students to expect different

treatment as a result of these constructs. For example, in the

case of the two women of the same Vhavenda ethnic group,

Footprints and Roots, we note very interesting dichotomies

created by their skin complexion.

Because of her dark complexion, Footprints was treated badly

by her African teacher who was a choir trainer on the other

hand, Roots received favours and superior treatment from her

teachers, especially her white female teachers as a result of her

fair and lighter complexion. Moreover, however, the two

women’s stories are full of contradictions to the extent that it is

unbelievable that the two women have so much in common.

For example, both come from lower socioeconomic

backgrounds, they were born in the black township of

Alexander in Johannesburg, they lived with their grandparents


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when they were adolescents, and they also trained at the same

college. Regardless of these similarities, however, their

experiences of power and privileges are worlds apart as a result

of the workings of schools and communities. One’s power was

taken away while the other was empowered as a result of skin

colour. In their own words they say:

Because I am dark she didn’t want me to stand in front. She said

I should hide myself between two girls who were lighter in

complexion. She told me “I just want to hear your sweet voice

and not your face!” Myself identity, well… I have a very

negative self-image, because of my colour and very dark

complexion I think I’m not good-looking. I was told by people

that I was not good-looking, in fact some said that I was

ugly…and I thought I wasn’t good for anybody, as a result, I

developed a very negative self-image. (Footprints)

As you can see, I have a lighter complexion than most Vhavenda

people. I remember one day when I was in a queue in one of the

stores in Louis Trichardt where a young white Afrikaner was in

attendance. I was way far behind, but she summoned me to

come to the front and served me before my turn! I didn’t

understand why until later at the boarding school. I think it was

because of my complexion and the fact that I could speak

Afrikaans so well. As a result my white teachers used to like me

a lot! I never experienced ethnic rivalry or rather

discrimination because I am a Muvenda woman. May be it is

because I can speak all the 11 official languages in South Africa

(Roots).

Language has the ability to assign specific power and privilege

to different speakers. For example, from Roots’s transcript

(above), it is evident that knowledge of the Afrikaans language

gave her power and certain privileges. In addition tensions

created by the command of languages are evident in

Footprints’s report.

While she acknowledges that the other languages deprived her

of the use of her native Tshivenda language, she accepts that

they had given her power to have a basic command of most of

the eleven official languages of South Africa.

Somewhere in her transcript, she commented that she was able

to get a job at the SABC radio station as a result of her command

of various languages. Mere command of a specific language

meant a sure key to other opportunities. Footprints states:

…For example, in Meadowlands High we used to have

Tshivenda, Sesotho, Setswana, IsiZulu, Xitsonga or

Xitshangana, etc. And we could not speak our Tshivenda

language in public! It was like you were a sub-human to speak

another language other than the dominant Sesotho or IsiZulu.

“And we were forced to know their languages”. Hence I can

speak Sesotho, IsiZulu and I have a good command of the other

African languages that are some of the 11 official languages of

South Africa (Footprints)

Educational institutions and society assign specific power and

privileges to women by virtue of being leaders of their various

schools and communities, but at the same time, however,

remove some of their powers. If we take a look around and

count the women in leadership positions in relation to women

in the education system, it is shocking that the statistics show

that women occupy only 20%-27% of the senior positions.

The society does not expect women to be in positions of power.

Furthermore, the educational institutions do not consider

women for positions of power. To support this claim, there is

the example of Roots who started a school under a tree and

worked hard for a long time under very adverse conditions.

She was removed to start at yet another school while the school

buildings that she had been promised were erected and a male

principal was appointed. From a number of comments below it

is clear that the problem of gender inequities predominate these

women’s experiences. They are revealed in different angles;

they interlock with a large number of other socially constructed

layers that serve to dominate and oppress women. Calabash

provides evidence in her comment:

I also believe that because I was a married woman, I could not

get a permanent post. All married women were considered

temporary teachers. First of all, I couldn’t get a teaching post in

Meadowlands, especially in IsiZulu schools… On top of that,

gender discrimination denied me a better salary in order to

support my children and extended family.

For instance, in the same position, same job, same

qualifications, when it comes to the salary part of it, women

earned less every month, and man always had all the benefits,

housing, and some rights to other privileges. I lived through

gender discrimination all my life. When you want to open an

account, any account, even a bank account to save your own

money you have earned every month, your husband is required

to countersign. In short, you need his consent to run your own

financial transactions, because you are a child! Therefore, it is

not a right but a privilege to own an account even if you are the

accountholder. We are always supposed to be subjected to our

husbands. “Always treated like children” (Calabash).

It is evident throughout these discourses that the women in this

study are among the few holding leadership positions in Soweto

schools in South Africa.

Their female colleagues constantly reminded them that leaders

are supposed to be men. In addition, male followers, the

community and the society at large tried to prove that leadership

is indeed defined in terms of male attributes, and as a result,

these women were seen as anomalies.

Schools are parallel to the bigger body, the government. In the

end, however, schools mirror the working of the bigger

philosophies and ideologies that govern the mind and thinking

of a nation.


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If women are skilful enough to cross the institutional, racial,

and other social boundaries, they therefore hold great power

and authority.

Power and privilege: tensions within and across broader society

This emerges as the interplay or relationships across various

social barriers. What inhibits these women’s movement as

school leaders, women, and mothers is revealed in the

interaction of apartheid laws, political institutions, ethnicity,

religious beliefs, societal expectations, media, language, and

unemployment which serve as barriers to their individual and

communal power.

For example institutions like culture and society assign

differentiated powers and privileges to male and female

children. Girls are seen as inferior and as a result are given less

power than boys. The women in this study demonstrated that

they directly and indirectly experienced discrimination as a

result of traditional and cultural expectations as they were

growing up. These differentiations are ingrained to the extent

that the public perception of women is very low. Oak Tree

raised a very interesting point regarding femicide in South

Africa. She demonstrated that the institutions remove power

from the women to the extent of silencing them forever. She

comments:

When a woman dies, no one is responsible, no one killed her,

and it’s just God's will! Look at what’s happening today, just

this year three incidents occurred in which a man killed his wife

for one reason or another. I mean I’m talking about 1st to 27th

January 2000! That’s scary! If the present government does not

do anything about this, God knows what will happen to us (Oak

Tree).

There are tensions in the power and privilege experienced by

some of these women because of their religious beliefs.

Christianity from one angle is seen as a power base for most

women. Three of the six women indicated that they were raised

in Christian families and followed the Christian religious rituals

at early ages. For Little Star, Footprints and Roots, Christianity

served as a pillar of strength.

At another angle, however, Christianity is seen as a vehicle that

removed most of African traditional powers. For instance,

while Footprints has been a church elder for six years, church

choir member and a highly devoted Christian, she questions the

role of the church in relation to initiation schools. Oak Tree,

although raised in a Christian family, does not mince words

when talking about Christianity. She believes that Christianity

deprived people of their origin, their identities and culture. She

gives the example of her English Christian name that was

forced on her.

She goes on to show the relationship between religion and

leadership. She sees the dichotomies created by ideologies that

subject people to believe that everything can be solved by

prayer while ignoring the real facts and evidence of life.

In addition, it is also a known fact that children could not be

enrolled in the education system if they did not have an English

or Christian name. Oak Tree comments:

As I grew up, I started questioning the Christian religion in so

many ways. Right now, I have an English name and could not

use my Xitshangana name at all. Otherwise, my parents were

going to be labelled “hedons or non-believer ” if they had tried

to use our Xitshangana names. … at least all my children do

not carry English Christian names! … I believe Christianity

destroyed our roots, our origin and culture. Although I grew up

being aware of the traditional rituals, I was not allowed to

practise them. Those were referred to as "hedonic practices”

(Oak Tree).

Apartheid policies also created social economic barriers to

accessing a better quality of life. For instance, as a result of the

Group Areas Act that forced Black people to live in specific

townships like Soweto, Little Star and her family were

compelled to live in a cramped four-roomed house for a long

time even though her husband could afford a better home in a

better environment.

As a result they did not have power to make their own decision

to choose where to live and raise their children. Power was

assigned in terms of racial division where white people lived in

better houses than Black people and with all the amenities basic

for human existence.

Even when we had money to purchase a better house, because

of segregation and the Group Areas Act, we were confined to

the four-roomed …. As Black people we saw education not for

it’s worth, not only for enlightment, but also as a vehicle to

enable us to run away from starvation, poverty, hunger, and

violence. One believes that the more one gets educated, the

better one would earn more and be able to move away from the

ghettoes, the Black townships.

Education’s aim is not necessarily to uplift the Black

communities, but to enable those who manage to escape, to

move away from them, and leave the poorer of the poor as

helpless as ever. Education reproduces poverty and starvation

in the name of enlightment (Little Star).

Apartheid laws prohibit access to basic human freedoms. For

instance, the pass laws were also used as a measure to divide,

rule and control. Pass laws were used as a tool to keep track of

and monitor Black people’s movement. Consequently, those

who did not have these documents were denied access to urban

areas and related work places.

More importantly, however, these laws subjected Black people

to living on the level of animals. From Roots’s experience it is

shocking to learn that Black people were subjected to raids in

the wee hours of the morning, where those who were regarded

as violators of the laws would be towed along as officers moved

from one house to the next.


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In her statement, Roots reveal the inhuman nature of apartheid

laws that denied them power and privileges. In her own words

she states:

The apartheid laws were really cruel. One experience that sticks

out in my memory is when I nearly got arrested in Diepkloof

where I was visiting my husband. Back then, one was not

allowed to spend a night in a different township without a

permit.

I was supposed to carry a permit in case I decided to put up in

different township. So, in this case, it was at around 2 a.m. or 3

a.m. when the police came searching for cases of illegal

residents. There I was, without a permit. I told them that I got

lost and found my way to a friend’s house. They gave me a

warning and told me to go back home first thing in the morning.

From then onwards I had to carry a temporary permit whenever

I decided to visit my husband. Or else, I was going to end up

behind bars. That was the time of influx control. The experience

was so dehumanizing. People without permits were reduced to

the level of animals. For instance, these policemen would start

their raid from one end of the street to the other, knocking at

each and every house with their batons. Every person arrested

was to tag along in the cold until the truck was full before being

taken to the police station.

In most cases these people would tag along till 6 a.m. before

they were taken to the cells. Can you imagine what happened in

the rain? What about those ice-cold winter Joburg mornings?

That was very bad, very inhuman! (Roots)

In addition apartheid laws created unemployment which is seen

as a plague to the present South African society. As a result,

although the Black parents strive to advance the education of

their children, they fail to do so as a result of lack of economic

power.

Consequently Black principals are denied the power to

resources derived from the partnerships and linkages between

schools and families, linkages between schools and

communities. Calabash comments:

I think unemployment is one of our worst enemies destroying

our society. Our schools will forever suffer lack of resources

because most parents are unemployed. Take for example, this

school is situated next to one of the largest informal settlements

in Soweto. As a result, our demand and pleas for payment of

school fees fall on deaf ears.

How do you pay school fees when your kids are hungry? Where

do you get the money if you are unemployed? Another

supporting factor is lack of knowledge. We have a very low

literacy rate. Most parents cannot read or write. When we

speak of parental involvement, to some that does not mean

anything. We invite parents to parents’ meetings and explain

some of these changes, but you are lucky if you get a 50%

attendance rate (Calabash).

Although all the women in this study echoed this concern,

Footprints however, provides a clear analysis from her

perceptions of the new government. She argues that the new

government empowered the white communities more because

it made them more aware of the need to support their own

schools. In view of the fact that the white communities are an

advantaged group with more economic power, it stands to

reason that a Black school will receive less funding or none at

all from white-owned business.

The topic of ethnicity is as complex as it is important, and most

interpretations of experiences by women suffer from gross

oversimplification of ethnic reality. At the same time, beliefs

about the role of ethnicity in South Africa affect the very nature

of the problem, and must therefore be taken into account,

though not accepted at face value. Ethnicity is seen as one of

the major obstacles to equal access to power and privileges.

Ethnicity, by its nature, functions to perpetuate the divisions

created and supported by apartheid structures to distribute

power and privileges differently to different ethnic groups.

Throughout the stories, it is evident that most of the women

were denied access to various things in their personal and

professional lives as a direct result of their ethnic origins. For

instance evidence from Oak Tree and Footprints emerges that

show ethnic discrimination. They say that:

Our present government ignores the problem of ethnicity and

concentrates on racial difference. Of course, the apartheid

system regarded me as a Third Class Citizen, maybe not even a

citizen but an "alien", but the main machinery was ethnic

separation introduced and perpetuated by the apartheid system.

Because of your ethnicity they put you down as a human

being… I believe I got the job because the then principal was a

Mutshangana old man who also knew my prominent father.

Otherwise I would have suffered like most women in the cities

… (Oak Tree).

Without even going further than racial differences, right now,

Mandela is going from school to school in the Eastern Cape,

the AmaXhosa areas, building primary schools! Just this year,

about four or five new, well built schools were officially opened

by various organizations on TV, with Mandela standing by and

smiling, while preaching the “back to school, culture of

learning and teaching sermon!” Have you ever heard of or seen

any new school from Venda, let alone the Limpopo Province?

Maybe that is our understanding of social justice. Justice in

terms of giving one ethnic group more than the others!

(Footprints)

In view of all these debates, one may think that these women

are powerless in all aspects of their leadership. However the

women demonstrate that even without certain powers, they do

fight and get the attention that they deserve.


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They show that in their own way of doing things, they do

achieve some element of order and power which enables them

to go on with their everyday fight for socially just and equitable

schools. The women in this study challenged the various

dominating structures in different ways and y using diverse

strategies. Those who belong to the African minority groups

learned the language in power to defeat the ethnic and language

domination.

In addition, the women devised means that were meaningful to

themselves to create a peaceful existence for their families. In

order to create peace, the women went to the extent of

encouraging their low-esteem husbands to study to attain a

scholarly education. These women fought and tried to stay

afloat despite these challenges. In most cases, these women

created their own unique ways of handling the challenges. Rain

and Calabash make the following comments:

For instance, I planned a trip to a Civic Theatre and Art Centre

in order to expose my children to the other side of education,

since we do not have that in our curriculum. I sent the forms

and everything. When we were due to go, I was told that the

inspector had not been in the office or was too busy to sign the

forms, or whatever, but he had not signed the forms yet. And the

forms were sent months ago. I refused and went on with the

arranged trip. I had to write a report afterwards. And I think

even with my so-called soft nature, I have written a few too

many reports challenging the system or the order of the day so

far! You have to show me what the negative impact will be on

the student, convince me, but don’t order me around. I refuse to

be ordered around especially when I know that what I’m doing

is right (Rain).

As a leader, I see myself like a fowl, like a hen, because a hen

protects her chicks. So I protect my staff against everything.

You know, so much that at times I feel scared when I realize

that I am putting my job at risk. Because at times I overlook

some of the regulations that I see as oppressive to the staff and

just pretend as if I don’t see some of the things. For example,

teachers are supposed to sign a logbook when they are late for

school.

I just call the person concerned and talk to him or her. I don’t

see why we should be confined to using all these rules and

regulations if they can’t help change the climate in the school.

As a leader, one has to create an environment of trust. People

can be late for many various reasons beyond their control

(Calabash).

Theorising Power And Privileges: The Paradox

We must recognize that current social systems (to include

schools) endow varying degrees of power and privilege (social

and political capital) to different groups of people.

In the light of Collins’s work (and others to include hooks,

Henry, Benham, Phendla and Delpit), the work for social justice

becomes complicated and messy given that the barriers, which

prevent access and equity, are defined by race, ethnicity, class,

gender, and language differences. Indeed the differences in

power and privilege constrain the ability of Black women

school leaders to connect with and engage in dialogue and

action across differences.

Racism is still a very powerful phenomenon in our

contemporary times. From these stories, racism is so obvious

and yet so invisible. For instance Oak Tree’s comment:

I'm seen as a Mutshangana woman first before I become a

person. My being a school principal of a very successful school

is secondary to my ethnicity. Our present government ignores

this problem and concentrates on racial difference. You may

not have thought about this, but race does not play a big role in

our daily lives in our schools. I mean, we do not have white

schools in Soweto, we do not interact with white people on a

constant basis and I do not witness racial oppression in my

every-day existence except based on ethnicity (Oak Tree)

It is clear from this comment that Oak Tree is looking at

ethnicity as an independent variable from racism. Oak Tree is

looking at the effects without looking at the causes.

From her transcripts, she reveals that she was expected to take

on a lower status teaching career and by acknowledging that she

grew up in Gazankulu, a homeland or rather Bantustans

assigned for the Matshangana people, is to acknowledge racism

since the Homeland Act was one of the products of the racist

apartheid government.

By acknowledging that she was compelled to further her

scholarly education while being a mother, wife and teacher is

to acknowledge that Bantu education, which was designed to

perpetuate the racist government, was based on race. Oak

Tree’s present school was built in an area assigned for the

Matshangana group and moreover, the school’s buildings look

exactly the same as most schools in Soweto. The dilapidated

building lacks basic facilities like sports fields, laboratories,

administration building and so forth. These and other

inequalities were created and founded on racial differences. So,

what is Oak Tree’s understanding of race and ethnicity?

The majority of these women do not want to verbalize their

oppression, segregation and domination in terms of race. They

choose to look at this in lighter tone.

For instance Calabash sees the lack of support and involvement

of her parent community in the running of the school as a result

of unemployment. She comments, “I think unemployment is

one of our worst enemies destroying our society. Our schools

will forever suffer lack of resources because most parents are

unemployed.” This unemployment in the real sense boils down

to the effects of the former racist government where people

were given limited education to produce semiskilled labour in

order to serve the white racist government by reducing the

intellectual capacity to challenge it.


Page | 81


From their conversations racism is reflected, portrayed and

revealed in different forms which are too subtle to see or

understand. With the exception of Rain, who grew up with the

awareness of racial inequalities as a result of her socialization

and, taking into account that her father was a political activist,

all the other women fail to see the bigger part of the iceberg that

is submerged deep down in the sea, - the bigger part of the race

dialogue. Rain seems to be the only one who really perceives

the lack of power and privileges as a direct product and outcome

of the socially contracted racial phenomenon. She comments:

Moreover, apartheid laws have really messed us up. I was born

here in South Africa, while my brother was born in Lesotho. But

he was registered as a South African and I could not get the so-

called “dompas”, the identity document. And to think I had a

birth certificate that proved that I was a full South African, it is

just amazing how the system worked. I was very efficient! I think

that strengthened me because as I told you before, I wanted to

do something and I want to show this country that I can be

something. I went on without an identity document for a very

long time. Sometime as young lady, the white officials would

even try to ask for sexual favours in return of the “dompas” I

just told myself that the time will come. But at the end, after

obtaining my B.A. it took only two hours to get it! Amazingly, it

took my young Afrikaner white female friend two hours to get

me an ID that I could not get in 10 years. So, I was 25 years

when I got my very first dompas. You can only imagine what

that meant. Colour or rather race is everything (Rain).

These women talk about apartheid laws, apartheid education

and apartheid this and that without making connections

between apartheid and race, without conceiving the constructs

as interlocking systems created by the racial apartheid laws.

After these deliberations what comes to mind are the questions:

What is the definition of ethnicity? And what is our

understanding of race? Why is racism so obvious and yet so

invisible?

Horowitz (1991) sees ethnicity as a purely divisive and negative

phenomenon, which needs to be balanced by recognition of the

positive dimension in the intellectual, political and academic

levels that will transcend to education. Horowitz (1991)

maintains that South African society is not difficult to classify

because of the following:

It is characterized, above all by what is appropriately called

ascriptive ranking. There are superordinates and subordinates,

largely defined by birth criteria. To be sure, within the ranks of

each stratum, there are also cleavages that divide, in some

variables measure, Afrikaans speakers from English speakers,

Zulu from Xhosa and Tswana, and so on. But the overall design

of the society is predicated on racial hierarchy, and the

significance of those alternative cleavages is, at least

temporarily, suppressed (p. 35).

Lopez (1994) provides a simple and yet comprehensive

definition of race. He believes that,

Races are categories of difference which exist only in society:

they are produced by myriad conflicting social forces; they

overlap and inform other social categories; they are fluid rather

than static and fixed; and they make sense only in relationship

to other racial categories, having no meaningful independent

existence. Races are thus not biological groupings, but social

constructions (Lopez, 1994: 200).

These women are discriminated against in terms of race, class,

gender, language, and ethnicity, and subjected to cultural

obligations, etc. Yet, even as the most oppressed, they fail to

see the connections between race and the other social constructs

when functioning independently.

There is overwhelming evidence of inequalities indicated by

these women as a result of language, culture, traditional

obligations, and also as a result of the position and role African

women play in the South African cultures.

It is rather difficult to define the term “culture” in such a way

that it embraces every meaning derived from different life

experiences. Culture is a social construct and should be

perceived as such.

Therefore different people will give the term different meanings

as a result of their different historical life experiences. We tend

to look at culture as if it was cemented through time. Culture,

as a tradition, impacted on who these women are as school

principals today. It may be that African traditional norms are

misunderstood; in their essence, they are not meant to

discriminate against nor oppress women. As is obvious from the

stories provided in this study it is clear that women have mixed

feelings about their roles and positions in the customary

stratification. While they believe that men dominate and

oppress them in various forms, they also agree that men have

the right to do so.

In general these women see gender discrimination as a direct

result of organizational behaviours. Moreover these women

perceive gender discrimination in terms of institutional

oppression created by the workings of apartheid.

For example factors such as salary, benefits, and access to

employment for married women were purposefully separated

from mainstream gender discrimination and were seen as the

product of apartheid rather than as a social construct created by

and supported by men. According to these stories, men’s role in

the domination of women was considered as customary

obligation and was not necessarily seen as a role created with

the approval of African men themselves.

While composition of traditional customary laws remains a

contentious issue in South Africa, the claim that colonialist

rules perpetuated the domination of African women seems to

provide more impetus to this debate.


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To be more precise, in the light of the apartheid rules of separate

development that created Bantustans while destroying the

leadership of African chiefs, the end result was that women

suffered more in the long run. After destroying the real

traditional laws, the colonialists recreated new ‘customary

laws’ with other specifications, to support the legislated

separate development.

For example we note this, if we look at the definition of

customary law as defined in the Law of Evidence Act of 1988,

“ the Black law or customs as applied by the Black tribes in the

Republic or territories which were formerly part of the

Republic” (Hoffman & Zeffertt, 1988 cited in Wing and

Carvalho, 1994, p. 389). This law defines women as perpetual

minors and lifelong wards of their fathers, husbands, brothers

or sons.

Under the customary law, women cannot engage in contractual

agreements, acquire property, inherit or marry without the

permission of a guardian, who is usually a male relative. Under

this law, a woman’s assets became the sole property of her

husband after marriage.

For instance, Oak Tree indicated that whilst she was the sole

breadwinner, providing food, education, and everything for her

children and sick husband, society was still giving the credit to

her husband who was not contributing anything at all. “When I

purchased my new car, people said that her husband had

bought her a nice car” (Oak Tree).

Women are denied ownership and do not have rights to

property. Moreover, women needed their husbands’ permission

to work. To support this statement, from the women’s stories, it

is evident that the women’s husbands expected to have the

upper hand and control. Rain revealed that she had to waive

many opportunities of leadership before accepting her current

position. In other words, she needed her husband’s permission

to become a school principal.

Apartheid laws denied women basic power and privileges in

various ways. First, Wing and Carvalho (1998) state that

women were not allowed to enter the cities and urban areas

without permits. Pass laws legally kept Black women out of

urban areas and denied them access to the skills and

opportunities that they needed to become participants in an

organized labour force.

Jobs traditionally held by Black women during apartheid were

not protected by fair labour standards in terms of minimum

wages, maximum hours, maternity benefits, paid sick leave,

disability insurance and other basic employment benefits. From

the women’s transcripts, overwhelming evidence emerges

about their professional experience which included subjection

to unequal treatment by the educational institutions – women

were paid less than men and did not enjoy benefits like housing

subsidies, medical schemes, maternity leave and others.

I highlight these considerations, not because I think that they

need to be interpreted exhaustively, but to provide some insight

into the multiple grounding from which our fragile identity as

Black women emerged.

Moreover, I provide these debates to show how the grand

apartheid plan, like “Luselo” as illustrated on page 27, made

provision for the machinery to perpetuate and support itself in

a vicious continuing cycle. On the one hand, the debates show

how these women navigated through the interlocking systems

of oppression, how they tried to untie the Gordian knot. On the

other hand, like the cutting edges of the knives, these women

are holding on and fighting back with all their might to create

better environments for their children.

Paradox of Luselo-Lufhanga Metaphors: Beginning work

on African feminist thoughts

Linguists and cultural anthropologists have used metaphorical

analysis to better understand some of the more implicit

meanings, beliefs and values of cultural groups. Johnson (1987)

identifies metaphor as an essential structure of human

understanding by means of which we symbolically comprehend

our world.

Metaphors are based in shared knowledge, experience and

conventional social usage. They express specific values, norms,

standards and collective identities (Phendla, 2004b). In essence,

they reveal knowledge that is taken for granted and they often

relate to profound meanings that a cultural group understands.

The above findings provide the basis for the metaphor "Luselo”.

Luselo is a Tshivenda name which describes an interwoven

African tray. African trays are woven with the aim to carry

heavy objects. For the tray to sustain longevity, the weaver

needs to make sure that she uses strong twine, which, while

pliable, should provide resilience at the same time.

Luselo is about the intricacy of the layers, the intertwined

threads, interwoven and minute stitches. If one stitch becomes

loose, the rest remain intact and in place to sustain the tray for

a very long time. Consequently, Black women’s life can be

likened to the African tray, “Luselo” (See diagram on page 27).

Lufhanga means knife in the Tshivenda language. I took the

word from the African metaphor, “Musadzi u fara Lufhanga

nga hu fhiraho” which translated means “the woman holds the

sharp edges of the knife". This is a metaphor which is common

among the nine African ethnic groups of South Africa. In

simple words, a woman has to face the trials and tribulations,

life’s hardship without complaining. Whilst the metaphor

projects a negative connotation, it can be understood as a

symbol of struggle, resistance, obdurance, and strength

(Phendla, 2004a). In addition, it may be seen as a symbol of

hope, faith, courage, and words of wisdom.


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These metaphors underscore how I perceive and understand

Black women in general and Black South African women in

particular. As a Black South African woman who lived and

worked through the apartheid era as I do now in the post-

apartheid times, I derive meaning both from my personal and

professional experiences and the literature and findings

provided in this study.

Various scholars suggest that the form of our understanding

depends upon the genre in which our experiences are created.

Thus, the South African discourse may fail the Western

mainstream feminist yardstick which uses the or/and view of

race and gender rather than the and/both view. Black women’s

lives can only be understood through the interlocking categories

of various constructs including race, ethnicity, gender, class,

language, culture, and traditional norms. These interlocking

systems can be presented as a model; like the African tray, they

work to create a circle and matrix of domination (See diagram

on page 27).

A Conceptual Model: Luselo metaphor - Matrix of oppression

Matrix Of Oppression: Socially Constructed Oppressive

Systems

These circles, layers and systems are created over time to work

and systemically dominate women.

Inner Circle - Black woman: This is an area in which young

girls, as human beings, have a choice, dreams dreams, have

hopes and visions. They are governed by emotions, motives and

values. She has experiences and expectations of social mobility.

They desire to do well, to hold powerful positions and reach

self-actualised existence. This is where all the dreams end, and

she wakes up to the realities created by various social constructs

created over time.

Second Circle - Family Systems: Women are dominated by

their fathers, who determine and control the brides’ price, by

their brothers and sons who have the right to inheritance and

succession, by their husbands who control their movements –

the right to work, right to own a bank account, they are

controlled by their mothers and in-laws who remind them to be

a good wife is to be subservient and obey your husband, they

are dominated by other women in the society who do not want

to see them in better positions, who do not support and give

them the opportunity to prove their worth.

Third Circle - Socio-Historical Systems: Race and gender -

Blacks experience multiple oppression, they are neither Blacks

nor women first since both these constructs work

simultaneously to reduce women to subservient levels; history

serves to perpetuate and maintain the vicious cycles of

domination; language plays a vital role in that a women takes

on the ethnic identity of her husband when she gets married, she

loses her mother-tongue, her children adopt her husband’s

name, culture and customary laws; education (formal and

informal schools) perpetuate the power difference, where the

woman is taught from childhood that a man is the ultimate

power in the house; he is the head of the family regardless of

the financial contribution to the household or the amount of

money he brings to the house; he makes all the important

decisions; traditional expectations bind women to respect their

heritage; religion perpetuates the belief that power rests in the

man’s hand (so says the Bible!); culture is used to reinforce and

maintain the power structure and inequalities which were

created by the society; class continues to create poverty circles

when a majority of women are unemployed, illiterate and hold

service-oriented careers/positions; ethnicity seeks to separate

people and provides different levels of power to different ethnic

groups in South Africa; society continues to determine what

women can or cannot do and reinforce the stereotypes and

generalisation that women cannot lead as effectively as men.

Fourth Circle - Political -Economical (Apartheid) Systems:

These oppressive systems were created by the apartheid regime

in order to meets its ideology of separateness. Separate

development policies created different strategies to maintain

and perpetuate domination where one race group received all

the social benefits at the expense of the other races, women as

caregivers suffered more than men; pass laws and influx control

prevented women from the right to work, live in the townships,

and movements, Black women were banished from the cities

and were expected to remain in the poverty-stricken rural areas

without access to health amenities, running water, education

and other social benefits; Group Areas Act worked to separate

people in terms of race and ethnic group (and it continues to do

so in the new democratic South Africa, given that the statistics

show that out of 30 cabinet ministers 12 are Xhosa-speaking,

and of the 18 deputy ministers, 7 are Xhosa-speaking as well);

this represents a rather disturbing ratio given that the Xhosa

population at most is 20% of the entire population in RSA but

represents at least 40% in the government leadership; the

terrorism act restricted people, put fear in all the activities in its


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effort to rule and govern the apartheid regime with coercive

measures; the immorality act declared and prevented interracial

relationship where intermarriages were illegal; women in

particular were denied the right to husbands of their choice (the

status quo is still the same in the RSA where of the few Black

people who dared to date out of their racial lines, the most were

men); the land act continues to keep women in poverty circles

as a result of the apartheid laws that denied women to have the

right to ownership of land; without land women continue to be

marginalised, unable to create their own employment and

remain in poverty; the Bantu Education Act provided inferior

education which ill prepared Black people in general and Black

women in particular since they were denied access to secondary

education and where access was given, they were subjected to

service-oriented careers; the homeland act forced women to

remain in the barren homelands, where people are separated and

divided in terms of their ethnic origins and at the same time,

power was allotted to different ethnic groups especially in the

major cities in terms of these divisions.

Fifth Circle - Institutional-Social Justice Systems

These systems are created to protect the groups in power, all

measures are taken to maintain the status quo, pass laws,

terrorist acts and other judiciary laws were used to sustain and

maintain the government of the day; health systems in

democratic existence are basic rights where proper health care

is provided, as a result, in the RSA, Black women were denied

this right and they continue to suffer the consequences of the

previous regime; judiciary systems were supposed to protect

and uphold human rights, but not in the then RSA; schools and

education systems were used as vehicles to perpetuate

segregation, maintain divisive laws, create subservient workers

with inferior intellectual capacity; communications systems

and the media were used to push forward the agenda on the

apartheid government, where issues of separate development

could not be addressed in public, as a vehicle of the apartheid

philosophy, these served the interests of the few in power;

welfare systems were not adequate, and women were bearers of

the heavy load suffered more and continue to do so under the

new government; labour systems were measures to ensure that

adequate manpower would continue to be available to serve the

interests of the few; today women continue to be unemployed

with lower literacy rates, endure poverty and poor health;

church and religious groups continue to marginalise women,

where women are perpetually subjected to discrimination in

terms of leadership positions in the church, where men continue

to use the Bible to justify their oppressive behaviours.

“Luselo metaphor” as matrix of oppression provides a

powerful reflection of Black women whose lives are socially

constructed, whose lives encounter enormous challenges,

women who strive under the multilayered and multiplied

burdens of oppression.

While these defeating metaphors work to suppress and

dominate women, they also provide pauses, women can choose

to strive and fight back through their silent resistance.

They can use the “Lufhanga metaphor” to liberate themselves;

they derive hope from the hopelessness and through the creation

of a socially just environment.

Through their caring nature they create environments of hope,

and succeed in linking families, schools and communities of

underserved children and youth in South Africa. Holding

leadership roles in the lives of these Black women can be

likened to holding the sharp edges of knives, where women are

cut without mercy.

As a result, women have to learn strategies on how to hold these

knives without being cut, how to navigate tensions within and

across the personal, school institutions and the broader society

(Phendla, 2000).

Black women school leaders are compelled to learn how to

navigate across tensions created by culture, language, and

customary laws.

What gives me pause is not the women being cut by the sharp

blades, but how the woman learns to handle the knife in such a

way that she cuts back. A woman being cut by blades is an

action of defeat. If she succumbs and gives up, she dies a

passive victim.

But that passive death sadly misrepresents both the real nature

of women in the world at large, and the real dangers that death

might warn of. In the real world, women resist oppression,

although at times in silence, but they do have a choice to resist.

It is in this choice and resistance that encourage me to learn

more. On the informal and unofficial level, my identity was

created through metaphoric language rooted in my experiences

and upbringing.

Consequently, this work is a piece of developmental research

on the metaphorical relationship between two fields written by

someone who is a participant and observer in both fields.

Because I have spent time learning about, and being involved

in both endeavours, I can write as someone who has not only

knowledge of, but a "feel" for what it is to manage and to do

weaving.

However, because I am still a neophyte researcher, and because

my career has been more in teaching and management than

actually doing research, I also bring a certain sense of

detachment to this study.

I am both an insider and an outsider, a stance that is sometimes

considered ideal for a qualitative researcher (Taylor & Bogdan,

1998).


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Summary Statement

Social science argues that every society prepares its youth to

take part in the political, economic, social and cultural

responsibilities of adult society through formal and informal

processes of socialization which is its “educational system”

(Keto, 1990, p. 25).

Given this, the Bantu education system, as a product of the

racial apartheid ideology in South Africa, can be seen to have

served to perpetuate the ideals of separate development by

providing inferior education in order to develop specific and

appropriate behaviour patterns to limit knowledge and produce

a semiskilled workforce on the level of “hewers of wood and

drawers of water.”

Indeed, the women in this study proved beyond doubt that theirs

was a struggle from oppression, domination and isolation as a

result of the interlocking of the various socially constructed

layers that served to silence them.

Throughout the women’s personal and professional reflections,

we see how they uplift and liberate themselves - and others,

through the attainment of a scholarly education. Their histories

demonstrate that “the oppressed can overcome the contradiction

in which they are caught only when this perception enlists them

in the struggle to free themselves” (Freire, 1997, p. 33).

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1 Introduction

The significance of employee morale cannot be underestimated.

Morale affects the well-being of employees, influencing the

quality of employee workplace performance, labour

productivity of employees, quality of work life and eventually

profitability of the business.

Empirical studies on the importance of employee morale have

also indicated that organisations with high morale generate

higher profits; are more stable; have improved labour

productivity and have generally happy employees (Masilela,

2018:3).

2. Background

The Corporation is a state-owned entity wholly owned by the

South African government located at Phelindaba in the North

West province.

Since 2014, the corporation has been experiencing acute

operational and performance problems due to financial distress,

underperformance and questionable governance issues after the

extended closure of its medical nuclear production facility in

November 2017, on safety grounds.

This has triggered serious internal governance challenges and

power struggles resulting in governance problems and extended

production shutdowns, adversely affecting the Corporation’s

medical production business unit, which accounted for fifty

percent (50%) of the Corporation’s revenue (SABC Digital

News, 2020).

As a result of the above mentioned, the internal workplace

environment worsened due to persistent rumours that the

Corporation might not be able to pay employee salaries.

Failure to meet organisational performance targets as stipulated

by the shareholder (State) on a continuous basis was flagged as

a concern. Government grants to assist the corporation in the

execution of the mandate has greatly reduced, forcing the

Corporation to revisit their business model. One of the

proposals considered was to lay off employee’s thus triggering

workplace disputes with employee representative stakeholders

(SABC Digital News, 2020).

Since the 2014 financial year, the Corporation’s income has

been dwindling and has diminished at a higher rate than its

income. This led to fixed costs increasing at a higher rate than

the Corporation’s commercial income (Financial Report,

2018/19).

During the abovementioned period, a bailout request from the

State was unfortunately unsuccessful.

The prolonged shutdown of the Corporation’s’ manufacturing

plant based on regulatory concerns has had adverse

consequences on the Corporation’s financial sustainability as a

key source of internal income remained the Corporation’s

manufacturing plant. All other commercial activities at the

corporation have unfortunately not yielded any positive

income.

Abstract: Morale affects the well-being of employees, influencing quality of workplace performance, labour productivity of employees,

quality of work life and eventually profitability of business enterprises. The Corporation whose workplace is reviewed in this study is a State

Owned Entity that experienced acute operational and performance problems due to financial distress, underperformance and governance

challenges after the extended closure of its medical production facility. Failure to meet organisational performance targets on a continual basis,

reduction in government grants and high staff turnover due to layoffs and triggered workplace disputes. This study aims to explore factors that

influence or contribute to low employee morale at the corporation. A qualitative research approach was followed using purposive random

sampling across the Corporation’s workplace targeting employee Respondents across various business units, job levels, gender, race and level

of experience. Data collection took place through structured, standardised and open-ended interviews with thematic and content analysis

methodology utilised for data analysis. From the findings of study it becomes clear that inconsistencies in leadership styles, poor or lack of

management communication of organisational objectives, poor communication between employees and management, poor treatment of

employees, adverse remuneration practices as well as economic and social factors influence and contribute to low employee morale. The study

recommends the implementation of employee value proposition, best-fit employee recruitment, fair and equitable reward systems, the

recreation of management communication channels, introduction of leadership development programs and the creation of better workplace

conditions to improve employee morale, employee job satisfaction and ultimately employee labour productivity.

Keywords: Morale, Employee Satisfaction; Job Satisfaction; Labour Productivity

Factors Contributing To Low Employee Morale at a South African State Owned Entity in

Financial Distress Tina Jean Mabindisa; Reginald Legoabe

Email: [email protected]; [email protected]




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As consequence to these problems, the Corporation

experienced a high number of terminations. During the period

between June 2019 and January 2020, 29 employees terminated

their employment with the Corporation (HR Report, January

2020).

3. Problem Statement

The study investigated factors that contribute to employee’s

low morale at the Corporation.

Empirical studies within the domain of human resource

management (HRM) such as Shaban, Zubi, Ali & Alqotaish,

(2017:1-7) state that the outcomes of low morale sometimes

lead to further undesired workplace symptoms such as low

productivity, absenteeism, poor job security, uncertain business

conditions and many other undesired workplace phenomena.

Hertzberg’s theory state that there are two sets of factors

responsible for satisfaction and prevent dissatisfaction. The first

set relates to pay, job security and working conditions. These

are known as hygiene factors. The second set is known as

motivating factors. These include recognition, increased

responsibility, and feelings of achievement.

The premise of the Hertzberg theory is that by having more of

the two factors, an employee will have higher job satisfaction,

which relates to high employee morale. The opposite in the case

of employee dissatisfaction shall apply (De Vito et al., 2016:

20-32).

3.1 Aim and Objectives of Study

The aim of the study is to investigate factors that contribute to

employee’s low morale at the corporation. The objectives of the

study were-

• To identify factors that contribute to low morale at the

Corporation.

• To describe conditions that influence low morale.

• To propose a course of action/recommendations to remedy

the situation.

Participants in the study were all permanent employees of the

Corporation employed in various divisions, occupying different

positions with different ranks or bands.

Based on Herzberg’s two-factor theory, Kalpana (2018:2)

identifies hygiene or extrinsic aspects to job satisfaction or

dissatisfaction, and intrinsic or motivational features

responsible for job satisfaction or job dissatisfaction.

Badubi (2017: 44-51) emphasizes that if organisations perceive

employees to be their biggest assets, motivation must be a

priority.

3.2 Morale

Within the domain of military sciences, morale is defined as

enthusiasm to accomplish the assigned task. (Van Wout,

2015:128).

Within the domain of sports sciences, morale is referred to as

esprit-de-corps, which means self-confidence of a team. In

education, morale it is referred to as the eagerness to learn by

students. In the business management context, morale is

associated with the desire to achieve organisational goals.

Tiwari (2015:8-24) refers to the term employee morale as

emotions, attitudes, satisfaction and overall outlook of

employee towards the workplace.

Mallik et al., (2019:328) define morale as positive group

feelings towards their organisation, special feelings they share

with each other, like trust, self-worth, purpose, pride in one’s

achievement, the faith they have towards leadership and success

of their organisation.

Ishmail (2015:314) define morale as the synthesis of a worker’s

diverse reactions to the working conditions and relationship

with fellow workers and superiors. However, Raja & Kumar

(2015:264) argue that morale is that which affect the

willingness and attitude to work in line with the company

objectives.

Morale becomes the state of motivation drive in which groups

or individuals experience confidence in their ability to attain

goals and cope with future (Singh, 2018:307).

3.3 Employee Motivation

Robbins and Judge (cited in Lukman et al., 2015:1144) refer to

employee motivation as a process that explains the intensity,

direction, and persistence of an individual to achieve a goal.

Similarly, according to Osabiya (2015:63), worker motivation

is a process that describes the persistence, direction, and

intensity of a person to attain goals.

According to Elliot et al. (2019:18), motivation encompasses

the appetite, energy and direction of behaviour concerning

effectiveness, ability and success.

Motivation has an influence on emotion and well-being and is

deeply applicable to psychological functioning of everyday life.

(Elliot et al., 2019:18).

3.4 Job Satisfaction

Soomro et al. (2017:8-42) define job satisfaction as an

enjoyable state, and a predictor of organisational citizenship

behaviour.


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Iqbal et al. (2018:3) on the other hand, define job satisfaction as

an individual’s cognitive, affective, and evaluative reactions

towards his or her job.

3.5 Theories of Morale

Hetzberg’s Two (2) Factor Theory identifies factors influencing

individual morale in the form of exogenous and endogenous

factors which further identifies hygiene or extrinsic aspects to

job satisfaction or dissatisfaction, and intrinsic or motivational

features responsible for job satisfaction or job dissatisfaction.

(Kalpana, 2018:2). According to Badubi (2017:44-51), if

organisations perceive employees to be their biggest assets,

motivation must be a priority.

External / Hygiene factors relates to pay, job security and

working conditions. According to Aybas et al. (2015:195), job

insecurity is “the perception of potential loss of continuity in a

work situation that can range from perpetual loss of the

occupation itself to loss of valued employment facets”.

Similarly, according to Ishmail (2015:311), job insecurity is

“an employee’s awareness of a possible threat to continuity in

his or her occupation”. Therefore, employees feel insecure that

they might lose their jobs or reassigned to undesirable duties

(Choudhary, 2017:2).

The consequences of job insecurity can affect the behaviour,

attitude, or health of a worker in a negative way thus causing

low morale (Ishmail, 2015:323).

Ishmail (2015:314) asserts that job security is the assurance in

an employee’s job continuity due to the general economic

conditions in the country. Job security is concerned with the

possibility or probability of an individual keeping their job and

gives assurance of job continuity, thus bringing satisfaction that

continued employment results in self-efficacy, social contacts,

and economic stability (Ishmail, 2015:323).

Intrinsic factors include recognition, increased responsibility,

and feelings of achievement. ence the morale of employees.

Shaban et al. (2017:3) contends that “Organisational factors

leading to low staff morale are founded upon the perception of

the level of respect that employees receive from the

organisation in which they work”.

In addition, low morale is an outcome of managerial behaviour

where managers address their employees from a top-down

command and refuse to communicate directly on workplace

issues.

Mallik et al. (2019:3291), found that leaders influence morale

as they interact with subordinates and that where there are

communication gaps, this leads to employee distrust,

disrespect, and reduction of morale and workforce motivation

(Mallik et al., 2019:3292).

Exogenous factors are made of individual’s personality,

psychological make-up, level of intelligence, family

background, physical health, relations with friends and social

groups. These factors have an influence on attitudes,

perceptions, which in turn affect employee morale.

Endogenous factors refer to those elements under the control of

management such as organisational goals, organisation

structure, nature of work, working conditions, management

philosophies and compensation.

Herzberg concludes that hygiene factors give encouragement to

employees. Their absence in a work environment leads to

dissatisfaction (Skripak et al., 2016:233). Hygiene factors are

not strong contributors to satisfaction but must be available to

attain an employees’ expectation, thus prevent job

dissatisfaction. Hygiene factors can prevent the occurrence of

motivation but lack of motivators does not lead to

dissatisfaction.

3.6 Factors and Conditions Contributing to Low

Morale

Employee morale is an exceptional determinant of

organisational health because its performance and efficiency

depend on it (Gagnon et al., 2018:1).

Engaged employees are driven, committed and love what they

do and think about what happens to their organisation.

According to Kanimozhi and Vinothkumar (2018:510), “to

understand how to retain the best employees and how to attract

top performers, employers need to understand what people

want and need from their employer”. Thompson (2015:54)

further sets out that top performer wants to be challenged, they

want to earn a competitive salary and most of all they want to

develop their careers”.

There will be cooperation, loyalty, good leadership, good

relationships, high worker interest (Mallik et al., 2019:3290).

Employees will not be involved in corruption; turnover

becomes low and conflict and grievances becomes minimal

(Cheema & Asrar-ul-Haq, 2017:691).

Initial research findings were that employee morale was a

culture of group solidarity and internalising management goals.

However, it became apparent that employee morale was more

than group solidarity. For organisations to achieve high morale,

certain working conditions must be met (Gordon 2016:14).

Low morale is attributed to many factors such as unequal

treatment, job insecurity, uncertain business conditions, unfair

compensation, lack of growth opportunities and excessive

outsourcing practices. The effects of low morale on an

organisation can be disastrous, from diminishing income,

productivity, financial competitiveness and not meeting

organisational objectives (Tiwari, 2015:8-14).


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In addition, low morale leads to employee burnout which is

described as a “condition of emotional exhaustion,

depersonalisation and reduced personal accomplishment that

can occur among individuals who work with people in some

capacity”. (Ishmail, 2015:311)

Aybas, Elmas & Dundar (2015:196) further warn that, “once

burnout has been reached, it can influence the psychological

health of staff which will increase the costs associated with low

morale”. In light of the overload and burnout challenges,

employees will end up unwilling to subordinate themselves to

the company goals leading to low or no performance at all

(Osabiya, 2015:64).

Rewards and recognition are indeed a motivating factor to high

morale since workers expect to receive enough wages for their

effort (Ismail and Ahmed, 2015:202).

The traditional assumptions were that individuals primarily act

based on self-interest, and employees were believed to be

motivated only by wages (Choudhary, 2017:3). However,

Maulidin (2018:24) argues that the provision of benefits

programs is not based on the performance of employees, but on

the status of a person as an employee or member of the

organisation.

In contrast, Munap (2018:1) argues, that the rewards system

serves as the most contingent factor in keeping employees’ self-

esteem high and passionate. Empirical findings by Barron, Li

& Zator (2019:1-53) correlated with above findings which

found a correlation between employee morale, wages,

productivity and career growth prospects.

Aybas et al., (2015:196), attributes high morale to supportive

managers and management feedback.. Choudhary (2017:6)

contends, “the immediacy of feedback has a strong impact on

the effect the feedback may provide”. As a general rule, the

sooner the feedback is given, the better the outcome will be”

Opportunities and recognition similarly play a role in

influencing morale. Morale can also decrease if employees feel

that the organisation does not recognise hard work, loyalty, and

dedication, and offers no advancement in their career path


The spirit of ‘esprit de corps’ results a sense of unity and forms

common purpose within individuals and groups.

Ishmail (2015:314) When employees are made to feel special,

it influences their morale levels (Aybas et al., 2015:199).

Employees further expect a contingent reward or benefit against

their efforts. Intrinsic rewards make workers motivated to act

good because they are already aligned to act in this manner


According to Cheema and Asrar-ul-Haq (2017:681) “people

who feel good about themselves are the ones who produce good

results and good results are an outcome of people’

performance”.

Devi and Vijayakumar (2016:177) emphasise that organisations

play a major role to either increase or dampen the morale of

their employees. Employees spend most of their time at the

workplace, thus necessitating the need for employees to be

happy and motivated. According to Singh (2018:306), happy

employees have high morale, satisfied with their job, and can

cope with the workload.

High morale employees are often creative in executing their

duties, takes initiative and have a focus in organisation goal

attainment (Shaban et al., 2017:4). Employees who find

meaning at work are happier, more productive, and more

engaged (Singh, 2018:311).

This leads to job satisfaction being attained which Mallik et al.

(2019:3291) described as “an enjoyable state, and a predictor

of organisational citizenship behaviour, leading to high morale

employees who are in a healthier state than low morale

employees”. Vetrivel (2016:14) describes job satisfaction as a

positive emotional state from an employee’s job experience.

In the non-profit organisations sector, Burkey (2019:1) found

that factors contributing high turnover were:-

• Lack of trust. Motives from supervisors were questioned,

and bottom line was more important than employees were.

• Lack of energy. Employees were placed in areas that are

not their strengths. They were drained and disillusioned.

• Lack of positive attitude. Leaders displayed negative

attitudes during challenging times that resulted in

employees becoming discouraged.

• Lack of mobility. Employees felt not invested and stuck

with no ability to expand their careers.

3.7 Motivating Factors

The study of morale was investigated in many parts of the

world. Ismail and Ahmed (2015:200-207) investigated the

effect of reward and recognition programs as a motivating

factor in Malaysia and the United Arab Emirates (UAE).

The findings of this study revealed that rewards and recognition

are indeed a motivating factor. Based on the responses,

employees ranked wages, followed by good working conditions

as the best two motivating factors.

Mathafena (2018:1-2), identified inclusion, communication,

trust, recognition and living by example as key factors that

contributed to employee well-being and their ability to provide

work of quality.


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Noor & Ampornstira (2019:1-4) explored and investigated the

effects of leadership on employee morale using a descriptive

approach and semi-structured interviews for the collection of

the research data. The results of the study showed that there are

direct relations between leadership and the morale of the staff

such that this relationship can determine the level of

productivity and performance of the staff.

Financial constraints can make it more difficult for companies

to motivate their employees thus resulting in low employee

morale. (Barron, Li & Zator, 2019:1-53) explored how a firm’s

limited financial resources negatively relates to various

measures of employee morale, wages and productivity.

Findings revealed that if the firm fails to commit to output-

contingent repayments, managers are less willing to follow

through on promised employee rewards, leading to low worker

morale.

These results confirm a relationship between the company’s

negative financial performance and low employee morale.

Gordon (2016:1-20) found that employee morale is a crucial

issue that organisations need to take seriously, because if left

unchecked, can lead to increased turnover, poor performance,

general dissatisfaction, and financial drain.

An employee in an environment with conditions that promote

high morale often invests higher commitment and tends to stay

with the organisation and loyalty increases (Noor &

Ampornstira, 2019:1-4).

In her study on conditions influencing morale, Masilela

(2018:79) investigated conditions that influence morale on

ESKOM employees based in its Call Centre. The study was

implemented due high absenteeism rate, high labour turnover

and threats to leave by several Call Centre employees.

Statistical methods such as descriptive statistics, multiple

regression, logistic regression, and factor analysis were used to

analyse the data. Findings revealed that factors influencing job

satisfaction were acceptable pay, employee recognition,

reasonable work and responsibilities, positive role of

supervisor, work pressures, tension and frustration work

responsibility and work overload and low service level.

In his study on employee morale and its impact on employee

efficiency, Tiwari (2015:8-14), states that the most important

factors contributing to morale are relationships with fellow

workers, team spirit in direct work environment, working

conditions of working place, leave and holidays, management

and freedom of expression.

Kanimozhi and Vinothkumar (2018:507) found that low morale

is caused by the lack of communication, absence of professional

growth prospects, lack of fairness, lack of employee

recognition, rumours and gossip, worker-supervisor

relationship dilapidation, lack of team spirit, and a lack of

consistence.

3.8 Hygiene Factors

Ismail & Ahmed (2015:200-207) investigated the effect of

reward and recognition programs as a motivating factor in

Malaysia and the United Arab Emirates (UAE). The findings

of this study revealed that rewards and recognition are indeed a

motivating factor.

Chukwudumebi and Kifordu (2018:78-92) undertook a study to

investigate the significance of fringe benefits on employee

morale and productivity in oil companies using Shell Petroleum

and Development Company in Southern Nigeria as case studies.

The findings of the study revealed that fringe benefits have a

significant effect on employee morale and productivity.

Tiwari (2015:8) undertook a study to determine the impact of

morale on employee efficiency at a cement factory in India.

Findings of this study showed a combination of both motivation

and hygiene as contributing to low morale.

The most important factors contributing to employee morale

are: relationship with fellow workers, team spirit in direct work

environment, working conditions of work place, leave and

holidays provided and lastly, management and employees are

allowed to talk freely. Tiwari’s study is in line with Hertzberg’s

theory.

Empirical findings revealed that most important intrinsic

factors, which influences job satisfaction, were acceptable pay

level and employee recognition while the extrinsic factors

include: reasonable work and responsibilities, positive role of

supervisor, work pressures, work tension, job frustration, low

service level, customer time management, high responsibility,

work overload and heavy call overload.

The findings of study also revealed that factors associated with

low morale included insufficient staffing levels, verbal abuse,

and lack of opportunity to voice opinions and risk of violence.

3.9 Labour Productivity and Morale

Shaban et al. (2017:1-7) emphasise that low productivity and

loss in competitiveness are outcomes of low morale. Gordon

(2016:1) and Hee et al. (2018) echoed the sentiment that

turnover and low productivity badly affects organisations in

their attainment of its strategic goals and can be the result of

dampened employee morale.

Indicators of low morale can manifest through behaviours or

events such as labour turnover, increased absenteeism, work

stoppages or strikes and wastage, missing deadlines, conflicts

with co-workers, insubordination complains about insignificant


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work-related issues and increased customer complaints

(Blankenship, 2015:1 and Shaban et al.,2017:1-7).

According to Maulidin (2018:28), job performance is achieved

when the entire employee’s conduct is involved to give an

output in terms of quantity and quality expected. However,

Kanimozhi and Vinothkumar (2018:190) contends that job

demands include those organisational, social, psychological, or

physical job aspects that need a sustained emotional or mental

skill or effort.

3.10 Labour Turnover

Abbasi & Hollman (2000:1) cited in Kwame et al. (2017:116-

122) refer to employee turnover as the rotation of employees

around the labour market, between firms, jobs and occupations

and between the states of employment and unemployment.

They define it as the rate of people leaving the organisation.

In their study to seek to find the impact of labour turnover on

performance in a company in Ghana, the study found that

labour turnover resulted in the following:

• Reduction in work productivity

• High cost of training and recruiting new employees

• Decline in service quality

• Lack of co-operation and co-ordination among employees

• Reduction in profitability

• Inability to meet deadlines.

To illustrate the link between employee morale and labour

productivity a study was carried out to investigate labour

productivity trends for the South African construction industry.

The construction industry plays a major role in the development

of a national economy and contributes immensely to

employment and growth.

The study revealed the following factors as contributing

significantly to labour productivity:

• Management related factors such as poor communication

and lack of incentive programmes.

• Material related factors, which include unavailability of

material and inefficient equipment.

• Labour related factors include shortage of work force and

experience.

• Technical related factors, which include poor organisation

and complexity of projects (Moswane, Aigbavboa &

Mewomo, 2018:2).

3.11 Absenteeism

Fink (2015:1) emphasizes that low morale comes at a high cost

in the form of high absenteeism, illness and other problems that

contribute to unhappiness at work.

Tiwari (2015:8-14) alludes to the effects of low moral e on a

company as disastrous, leading to industrial action, strikes,

diminishes income, productivity, financial competitiveness and

not meeting organisational objectives.

Shaban et al. (2017) recommend that organisations should

focus on increasing productivity by increasing employee’s

satisfaction through various processes such as reengineering

systems and processes, provide incentives and train their

employees.

3.12 Work Performance and Morale

According to Cable and Vermeulen (2018:1), employees who

find meaning at work are happier, more productive, and more

engaged. Such employees stretch themselves by taking on

challenging tasks and collaborate effectively when they feel

that they are part of something larger rather than pursuing a

salary.

A business survey was conducted in 30 (thirty) countries

globally to evaluate the effectiveness of performance

management strategies in pursuit of enhanced performance.

Findings of the study revealed that labour productivity was

generally low because employees are not enthusiastic about

their work. Lack of motivation is considered the main instigator

of poor performance.

Performance and morale correlate when the desired outcomes

are not achieved (Mupa & Chinooneka, 2015:1-9). Empirical

findings by Mupa & Chinooneka (2015:1-9) found that

Zimbabwe experienced a high failure rate of pupils at Grade

seven (7) since teachers did not employ a variety of teaching

methods; instructional material textbooks were limited whilst

the syllabus went beyond; learning conditions are harsh, and the

teaching environments not conducive.

This resulted in low morale among Zimbabwean teachers

ultimately resulting in a poor pass rate for Grade 7 learners

affecting the quality of education for the country.

According to Shaban et al., (2017:1) missing of deadlines is a

sign of decreased morale that could result in decreased team

productivity and performance.

.

Withing the domain of management sciences and specifically

operations management, Researchers and economists alike

have highlighted the costs incurred to hire and train a new

employee, and how many hours of productivity are lost because

of employee’s low morale, energy or simply because an

experienced employee has left the workplace.

When an experienced employee leaves the workplace due to

resignations, dismissals or abscondments due to poor morale,

the employee leaves with their expertise, skills, workmanship

and general internalised workplace body of knowledge.


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During the training of a new replacement employee,

productivity slows down until the new employee is well trained,

makes less production (or service) errors resulting in wastages

and operates at the expected and desired workplace

performance levels and is up to the task with organisational

activities at a set quality level. Scheduled slips and possible loss

of revenue are experienced, until the new employee adapts to

the new role (Kwame et al., 2017:116-122).

Employers are thus best advised to keep their employees happy

and ensure high morale since this ultimately result in less

resignations, lesser absenteeism, lesser labour turnover and

lesser wastages in productions environments and possibly lesser

industrial actions and strikes.

The second area affected by low morale is customer

satisfaction. Employee attitudes towards customers, missed

deadlines are some of the outcomes that lead to loss of

customers. If companies lose customers, they lose profit. Profit

is a function of employee satisfaction and sustains profit.

Working conditions are a third contributor to dampened

employee morale. If employees experience unconducive

workplace environments, they are likely to make derogatory

comments about the organisation. This can affect customer

base, thereby influencing customer loyalty, which in turn lead

to loss in revenue and competitiveness (Shaban et al., 2017:1-

7).

As stated by Osabiya (2015:67) “people will be less likely to

make improvements to work processes because they are

uninspired”. In addition, Choundhary (2017:5) argues that

employees cannot do their best when they are fearful and

frustrated, or when they feel little or no respect between

themselves and their supervisors.

Several studies on the importance of employee morale have

indicated that organisations with high morale generate higher

profits; are more stable; have improved labour productivity and

have generally happy employees (Masilela 2018:3).

Factors encouraging motivation namely hygiene factors are

poor or lack of top down communication, poor and toxic

leadership qualities, lack of trust for managers, poor relations

between managers, insufficient staffing levels, verbal abuse,

lack of opportunity to voice opinions and risk of violence.

Lack of communication can lead to confusion between

management and employees throughout the organisation,

which might incur frustration and resentment. Employers are

encouraged to support and commit to policies and activities that

promote job satisfaction in order to stimulate employee

satisfaction such as improved working conditions, job training,

leadership development and other relevant interventions.

Interventions to move teams toward positive organisational

growth need to be implemented.

4. Research Methodology

The study utilized an exploratory, explanatory, and descriptive

designs. A qualitative subjectivist approach focusing on

employee experiences, their perceptions, and views on factors

they perceive and believe are contributing to low morale was

utilized.

Purposeful random sampling was utilised to select Respondents

comprising from the total population of 1300 employees of the

Corporation purposefully selected from different levels and / or

salary bands.

4.1 Data Collection & Analysis

Standardised, open-ended interview was used for data

collection. Thematic and content analysis was used for data

analysis. Thematic analysis is a process that involves looking

for common themes that exist in data. A latent deductive

approach was applied to allow the Researcher to read into the

subtext and to make assumptions underlying supplied data as

well as identified themes and sub-themes.

5. Findings of The Study

5.1 How Do You Perceive Morale at the Corporation?

When Respondents were interviewed on how they perceive the

morale the Corporation, a majority of Respondents alluded to

the existence of low morale at the Corporation. A majority of

Respondents held the view that low morale is due to pay

disparities, unfair treatment, inconsistency in employee

treatment, lack of discipline for problem employees, lack of

effective communication, not providing good tools or unclear

clear processes to do the job well and constantly changing

expectations or priorities. A few Respondents believed however

that low morale is due to lack of feedback and instability in the

Corporation. From the outcomes of interviews, Respondents in

the lower level positions are the worst affected by poor morale

than employee Respondents’ in higher-level positions.

According to Kanimozhi and Vinothkumar (2018:507)

employee morale is defined as emotions, attitudes, satisfaction,

and overall outlook of employee towards the workplace.

Whereas, Mallik et al., (2019:3289) referred to morale as

positive group feelings towards their organisation, special

feelings they share with each other, like trust, self-worth,

purpose, pride in one’s achievement, the faith they have

towards leadership and success of their organization.

Literature also supports the view that low morale is associated

with the extent of how staff is motivated. According to Osabiya

(2015:63) worker motivation is a process that describes the

persistence, direction, and intensity of a person to attain goals.


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Similarly, Raja and Kumar (2015:265) argue that motivation

includes the direction, energy, and appetite of conduct

regarding success, ability, and effectiveness.

Therefore, when faced with low morale, it is motivation that can

influence the wellbeing and emotion of employees, which is

significant to employees’ everyday life and psychological

functioning. It is under these conditions that factors influencing

low morale are investigated as evidenced in the following

sections.

5.2 Are You Able to Manage Your Workload

Effectively?

Lower level employee Respondents viewed their inability to

handle increasing workload as the key reason for their low

morale. One Respondent elaborated that the lack of staff

replacement when an employee leaves due to resignation or

other reasons is the reason for work overload for those

remaining in the organisation.

Low-level employees are overwhelmed with additional work,

thus failing to prioritise their work. Respondents are of the view

that management are not giving enough support to their

subordinates resulting in work burnout.

Ishmail (2015:311) describes burnout as a “condition of

emotional exhaustion, depersonalisation and reduced personal

accomplishment that can occur among individuals who work

with people in some capacity”.

As argued by Aybas, Elmas & Dundar (2015:196) is that once

burnout has been reached, it influences the psychological health

of staff, which then increases the costs associated with low

morale. In light of the overload and burnout challenges,

employees will end up unwilling to subordinate themselves to

the company goals leading to low or no performance at all

(Osabiya 2015:64).

Inability to handle workload will directly affects morale levels

and subsequently worker output, productivity, and overall

workplace performance.

Respondents from the professional and management levels,

however, revealed their ability to handle their workload. This is

evidence of employees with high morale showing their ability

to be productive.

According to Singh (2018:306), happy employees have high

morale, satisfied with their job, and can cope with the workload.

High morale employees are often creative in executing their

duties, take initiative and have a focus in organisation goal

attainment (Shaban et al., 2017:4).

In this study, low-level employees showed lesser levels of

productivity, less engagement and less happiness due to work

overload whereas, high-level employees reflected high morale

meaning more engagement, more productivity, and more job

satisfaction.

5.3 Do You Feel Respected in the Workplace

When Respondents were asked if they feel respected in the

workplace, Respondents in lower level jobs felt a lack of respect

and stated that respect is not for everyone in the organisation.

The above-mentioned feedback indicate that underlying

conditions triggers low morale. This affirms Ishmail (2015:314)

that morale is the synthesis of a worker’s diverse reactions to

the working conditions and relationship with fellow workers

and superiors. This indicates that respect is a factor that affects

morale.

Respondents from the professional and management ranks,

however, felt they enjoyed the requisite respect within the

workplace. While, lower level employees felt less respected,

professionals and managers have a positive state of mind and

emotions, which emanate from the respect they have earned

within the organisation.

This is what Raja & Kumar (2015:264) regard as morale that

affect the willingness and attitude to work in line with the

company objectives. Therefore, receiving or not receiving

respect is the underlying effect prompting morale levels.

As argued by Singh (2018:307) morale becomes the state of

motivation drive in which groups or individuals experience

confidence in their ability to attain goals and cope with future.

In addition, Shaban et al., (2017:3) contends, “the

organisational factors leading to low staff morale are founded

upon the perception of the level of respect that employees

receive from the organisation in which they work”.

5.4 Describe Quality of your Working Relationship

with Your Supervisor

When Respondents were asked to describe the quality of their

working relationship with their supervisor, it became clear that

there is an unhealthy relationship between supervisors and

workers evidenced through perceived top down dictatorship

relationships, conflict and passive relationships in the

workplace.

A healthy work relationship with supervisors or managers is a

sign on high morale whilst the opposite holds true.

According to Mallik et al. (2019:3291), leaders influence

morale as they interact with subordinates. Shaban et al.

(2017:3) contends that low morale is an outcome of managerial

behaviour where managers address their employees from a top-


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down command and refuse to communicate directly on

workplace issues.

The above type of communication results in a gap between

employees and managers, which in turn leads to employee

distrust, disrespect, and reduction of morale and workforce

motivation (Mallik et al., 2019:3292).

Researchers such as Kanimozhi and Vinothkumar (2018:507)

have found that low morale is caused by the lack of

communication, absence of professional growth prospects, lack

of fairness, lack of employee recognition, rumours and gossip,

worker-supervisor relationship dilapidation, lack of team spirit,

and a lack of consistence.

5.5 Do You Feel the Organisation Cares about You?

When Respondents were asked to describe whether they feel

that the organisation cares about them, majority of Respondents

felt that the organisation does not care much about employees.

The majority of Respondent felt that the company does not have

equity policies but instead uses favouritism in showing

gratitude to workers.

Respondents occupying managerial positions increasingly held

the view that the Corporation cared for its worker corps. It thus

became clear that managers because of the care they feel

towards the organisation have a supportive and positive feeling

toward the organisation and assume that this view is held across

all workplace levels and ranks. Managers operated with pride,

purpose, self-worth and faith that the company is succeeding.

When employees are neglected, it affects their individual

feelings about their company and about their work (Choudhary

2017:4). High morale is desirable towards improvement of

individual effort. (Ishmail, 2015:323)

5.6 Do you feel Secure in your Job?


secure in their jobs, the majority of Respondents expressed that

the current financial challenges of the Corporation is

threatening good morale.

In addition, the economic outlook coupled by the COVID 19

pandemic, and the shakeup within State Owned Enterprises

(SOEs) in the country is traumatising employees about the

future of the organisation.

In addition, some workers felt insecure because of Senior

Managers’ conduct towards them. There is a lack of flow of

information about changes in the Corporation, making workers

feel insecure. Respondent managers and professionals however

felt secure because of their high skills and work experience as

compared to low-level employees.

According to Aybas et al. (2015:195), job insecurity is “the

perception of potential loss of continuity in a work situation that

can range from perpetual loss of the occupation itself to loss of

valued employment facets”.

Similarly, according to Ishmail (2015:311) job insecurity is “an

employee’s awareness of a possible threat to continuity in his

or her occupation”. Therefore, employees feel insecure that

they might lose their jobs or reassigned to undesirable duties.

(Choudhary, 2017:2).

The consequences of job insecurity can affect the behaviour,

attitude, or health of a worker in a negative way thus causing

low morale (Ishmail 2015:323). Job security is the assurance

from the organisation that employees will remain with them for

a reasonable period without being wrongly dismissed (Aybas et

al., 2015: 201).

Ishmail (2015:312) argues that job security is concerned with

the possibility or probability of an individual keeping their job.

Hence when employees feel secure, it influences their morale

level positively and conversely, when employees feel insure,

they are bound to have low morale.

Job security gives assurance of job continuity. It brings

satisfaction that continued employment result in self-efficacy,

social contacts, and economic stability (Ishmail, 2015:323).

Job security is however guaranteed by skills, experience, and

economic conditions (Aybas et al, 2015:198) hence Respondent

managers and professionals felt secure because of their high

skills and work experience as compared to their lesser skilled

employee counterparts.

5.7 Are You Satisfied with Compensation and Benefits

Offered?


satisfied with compensation and benefits offered. The majority

of Respondents held adverse views with Respondents from the

ranks of management largely satisfied withtheir current

remuneration and benefits.

Employees regard salaries as the way they are rewarded for

their efforts. Hence, the issue of salary disparities amongst

employees doing the same jobs was raised as a concern.

Employee Respondents feel that some salary deductions are

made without mutual consent. In addition, medical

contributions were regarded as too much which the company

should be contributing for employees as a benefit.

Some Respondents held the view that the compensation

approach of the organisation is not in line to drive the

development agenda and the much-needed growth. Other

Respondents were of the opinion that support staff tend to be

paid at extremely competitive rates versus core staff.


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Thus, Kanimozhi and Vinothkumar (2018:510) argue that, if

employers want to know how to retain their best employees and

how to attract top talent, they must know, learn to understand

what people want and need from their employer.

Thompson (2015:54) further sets out that top performers want

to be challenged, want to earn a competitive salary and want to

develop their careers. Thus, when there is high morale, it

reflects in employee devotion, confidence, pride, dependability,

and strength in the worker.

There will resultantly thus be cooperation, loyalty, good

leadership, good relationships, high worker interest (Mallik et

al., 2019:3290) and employees will not be involved in

corruption; turnover becomes minimised and conflict and

grievances becomes minimal (Cheema & Asrar-ul-Haq, 2017:

691).

The findings of Ismail & Ahmed (2015:202) study revealed that

rewards and recognition are indeed a motivating factor to high

morale. Workers expect to receive enough wages for their

effort.

Giving good remuneration positively influence their morale as

it keeps their confidence high. As argued by Mallik et al.

(2019:3291), salary disparities and the way grievances are

addressed affect employees’ morale. Hence, the issues of

reward equity are realistic in influencing morale levels.

However, Maulidin (2018:24) argues that the provision of

benefits programs is not based on the performance of

employees, but on the status of a person as an employee or

member of the organization.

5.8 In The Last 6 Months, Has Someone Spoken To

You About Your Performance Management?

When Respondents were asked to describe whether someone

has spoken to them about their performance management

progress over the last 6 months, it becomes clear that there are

no regular performance feedback between employees and their

managers.

Performance appraisals are only conducted at the end of the

performance cycle when enforced by Human Resources.

Choudhary (2017:2) stated in his study that employee morale

can be highlighted by appreciating good work though superior

which makes employee productivity high. Hence, according to

Aybas et al. (2015:196), high employee morale relates to

supportive managers who influence employee morale through

feedback.

However, Maulidin (2018:40) warns, “even though the

outcome of feedback might be very individual depending on the

culture, personality and life experiences of the feedback

received, the overall thought of getting feedback is strongly

valuable”.

Feedback needs to be soon and regular, (Choudhary, 2017:6)

Feedback given immediately has a strong impact on the effect

of the feedback provided. “As a general rule, the sooner the

feedback is given, the better the outcome will be” (Aybas et al.,

2015:201). Furthermore, by giving immediate and intense

feedback, the manager provides a larger amount of feedback in

comparison to delayed feedback.

“People who feel good about themselves are the ones who

produce good results and good results are an outcome of

people’ performance”, Cheema and Asrar-ul-Haq (2017:681).

Feedback is the “breakfast of champions” relevant in today’s

changing world (Maulidin, 2018:32).

It is not just performance feedback that is needed but goals and

good performance must be communicated. It is necessary to

review the goals each day and look at them to make sure the

employee is working in the right direction when the manager

encourages him or her to do so (Mallik et al., 2019:3292).

5.9 How do you View Prospects for Growth

When Respondents were asked how they view prospects for

career growth, it becomes clear that the majority of Respondent

held opposing views.

Junior employees’ views indicate that there are no growth

prospects regardless of assurances from management.

5.10 Do You Think your Opinion Matters in your

Team?

When Respondents were asked whether they think that their

opinions matter in their own teams, it becomes clear that the

majority of Respondent held an adverse view. From the

Respondent responses, junior or rather lower-level ‘s feedback

is not taken as important in the organisation.

The professional and managerial Respondents on the other hand

however alluded that they provide special services and offer

advice of varying proportions to the organisation individuals or

groups. According to Respondents in the management and

professional ranks, they always give and receive feedback due

to the nature of their job.

The lack of employee feedback suggests the leadership styles

in use at the Corporation, has an influence on employee

wellbeing. This supports Mathafena’s (2018:1) findings on the

effects of leadership style on employee morale. Similarly, Noor

and Amporstira (2019:1-4) found leadership to have an effect

on employee relationship.


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5.11 How Often Do You Receive Recognition or Praise?

When Respondents were asked how often they receive

recognition or praises in their own teams, it becomes clear that

the majority of Respondent held an adverse view. Some junior

employees professed to never receiving praises from their

superiors. Others received praises periodically such as once a

year, once after two years, or a service award after 5 years.

However, some junior workers acknowledged to receiving

praises from customers only.

The professional and managerial employees gave a different

view, and confessed to receiving good and adequate recognition

and praises rom their superiors. The professional and

managerial Respondents believe they receive adequate

recognition and praise from their superiors.

Choudhary’s (2017:4) view is that employee morale is

influenced by the opportunities and recognition that the

company offers. Therefore, by neglecting recognition and

praise of employees, the organisation is triggering low morale.

Conversely, morale can be decreased if employees feel that the

organisation does not recognise hard work, loyalty, and

dedication, and offers no advancement in their career path

(Cheema & Asrar-ul-Haq 2017:4).

6. Recommendations of Study

6.1 Create an Employee Value Proposition

The first recommendation is for the company to revisit their

Talent Management Strategy, specifically their Employee

Value Proposition (EVP) in order to create a positive

employment experience.

In the increasingly competitive employment market where

skilled workers have a choice in where they work, developing

plans to become an employer of choice can provide a

competitive advantage, not only to attract but also to retain the

best talent. It encompasses the essential reasons that employees

are proud and motivated to work for the company, such as the

inspiring vision or distinctive culture. When integrated into all

aspects of a business, it helps to retain top performers and attract

the best external talent.

The Corporation’s leadership should use this tool as a method

to boost employee morale and bring out best workers, instead

of viewing it just as a two-way transaction. Results of a strong

EVP manifest in financial rewards, employee benefits, career

growth and development, a positive work environment and a

great company culture.

6.2 Recruit Best Fit for Purpose

Human Resources Executives need to consider new strategies

for recruiting and retaining best-fit talents for the organisation.

This will ensure recruited employees fit the Corporation’s

mandate and culture.

A best-fit employee candidate is one with the right experience,

cultural fit and skills set. The advantage of this strategy is that

new employees will remain motivated and in high a state of

high morale for a long time. Recruiting a best fit for purpose

leads to faster, better, and more productive work patterns.

Employing employees who resonate with the company culture

lead to job satisfaction and high performance.

Employees that work in an atmosphere that meets their

emotional needs, can bring in quality work and remain fully

invested in their job.

The inclusion of organisational goals and vision in the culture

and recruiting individuals, who believe in it, means the people

hired are already intrinsically motivated to work for goal

attainment. The disadvantage of not hiring a best fit is that

employees lose interest sooner, a recipe for low morale,

possible wastage and unproductivity.

6.3 Implement a Fair & Equitable Total Reward

System

Salaries and compensation benefits may seem the most likely

way to attract employees and hence these should be within

market levels and equitably structured. Employees with the

same experience and qualification, and doing the same job must

be equally rewarded.

The benefits package should be revised and be structured to

cater for different generation requirements and needs. The

Corporation must conduct salary-benchmarking exercises on a

yearly basis to ensure salaries are in line with the market to

avoid good employees from leaving to competitors.

As argued by Armstrong (2009), reward system should be

founded and rooted on consistency, equitableness, and fairness

if it is to be effective and achieve its goal. In that way the

organisation, beliefs and values are reinforced to foster integrity

and fairness into the culture.

This also improves working relationships of managers and

subordinates as rewards are perceived to indicate the

performance delivered.

5.4 Recreate Communication Channels

Management should open channels of communication; help

employees to receive feedback, receive instruction and

understand where the organisation is going. They also provide


Page | 98


an opportunity and a platform for employees to voice out their

opinions and for management to listen. This gives assurance to

employees that they are valuable to the organisation.

When communication is open, it helps employees understand

management decisions better even if the management decisions

are not to the best of their advantage. When employees are kept

in the dark, it keeps them in the dark on what is happening in

the organisation and can result in grapevine and backbiting.

Communication helps employee carry out their duties better.

This can be one on one meetings, group meetings, telephone

calls, office visits, emails, workshop, conference and staff

training at regular intervals. The Corporation is currently

experiencing operational and financial difficulties. It is

therefore important for leadership to take a stand and share

adequate information with employees to help them manage and

cope with the effects of uncertainty.

Managers must keep an open door to their subordinates by

helping, holding regular performance reviews and support those

employees in need. Top Management should see employees as

their internal customers, whom they need to delight if the

organisation is to flourish.

Hence, communication should resonate with the expectations

of employees to keep them motivated with the desire to keep

working at their best and remain motivated not to leave.

6.4 Implement Effective Leadership Development

Programs

Great and effective leaders move and inspire workers to do their

best. They empower and influence people to achieve business

and team goals. It is therefore important that effective tailor

made leadership programmes be introduced. Benefit realisation

of these programmes will be in the following forms:

6.4.1 Increase Productivity

Consistent leadership can increase the productivity of

employees. Good leaders have a good understanding of

emotional intelligence, an essential ingredient for driving

success. Leadership training that encompasses emotional

intelligence can hone emotional skills in employees, their

managers and organisational leaders.

6.4.2 Retain Best Talent

Research studies have shown that a majority of employees who

leave, quit their bosses. Employees leave ineffective leaders.

By investing in leadership training, the Corporation can retain

its best talent, thus reducing costly recruitment expenses.

6.4.3 Nurture Quality Leaders

Succession planning is key to developing and nurturing quality

leaders. It is therefore important for NECSA to invest in

developing aspiring and talented employees who portray

behaviours aligned to the culture and values of the organisation.

Nurturing future leaders offers clear career pathways to

employees, thus increase retention.

6.4.4 Enhanced Communication

Educated leaders understand the significance of all forms of

communication. Giving constructive and receiving feedback is

a skill that is learned. Through leadership training, leaders can

learn how to give effective feedback, how to motivate

employees, which in turn increases trust, respect and

productivity.

6.4.5 Effective Leadership Style

There are several leadership styles, all with their own

advantages and disadvantages. Leadership training can

however assist in applying the most appropriate leadership style

that fits the Corporation’s culture and values. Groomed leaders

are ultimately able to make better decisions for both the

organisation and employees – thus help to boost morale.

6.4.6 Create Conducive environment

Managers should ensure they create an environment of

confidence amongst the workers that the company is a going

concern. They should strive to give open and direct assurances

that the company will survive from the external factors such as

COVID19 and economic conditions.

Managers must encourage bringing willingness and discipline

of employees to perform for the success of the company, which

in turn brings job security the employees are yearning for

through initiatives such team building programs.

To deal with work overload, a restructuring exercise can be

done to ensure every employee’s duties are aligned to the

organisation goals. Where employees require training, they

should be sent for training so that they perform better and

promote a drive to excellence.

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1. Introduction

Undoubtedly, social media has become a symbolic part of the

protest movement (Jensen et al., 2021). For example, in 2011,

the people of Tunisia took to the streets to protest the low

standard of living and call for the democratisation of

government institutions.

These protests rapidly spread to five other Arab countries:

Libya, Egypt, Syria, Bahrain, and Yemen. These uprisings

became known collectively as The Arab Spring (Cottle, 2011).

However, what was most surprising and exciting about these

protests was not that they occurred (it is almost a truism to say

that where there are social-discontent demonstrations against

the government will, sooner or later, take place), but the

unprecedented rapidity with which they spread.

This spread can be ascribed to the use of social media (de

Moraes et al., 2020). The protests caught the Arab countries by

surprise. Never before in history had protests spread so fast, not

only within a country but most surprising; to five different

countries (although these were neighbouring countries, it was

still unprecedented), (Cottle, 2011).

Since the rapid spreading of these protests could not be

attributed to the publicity they received from the traditional

media (newspapers, radio, and television) only, the role played

by the social media should not be ignored.

Social media usage was primarily responsible for “an

acceleration of processes that normally occur much slowly”

(McGarty et al., 2013: 726).

This assertion is supported by Jost et al. (2018: 3), who argue

that “the sudden emergence of social media upends models of

collective action that have relied on traditional assumptions

about the pace and modes of human communication”.

Since the Arab Spring, social media has played a significant

role in inciting several protests worldwide. Subsequently, the

communicative functions of social media platforms such as

Twitter and hashtags came to the fore during the period of major

social protests (Recuero et al., 2015), such as the

#HongKongProtests, #TheYellowVestsPROTESTS, #Metoo

movement, #BlackLivesMatter, and #FeesMustFall.

For Jost et al. (2018:4-5), these communication platforms

provide an effective medium for the rapid transmission of

information about upcoming events and political changes,

making protest planning easier.

Furthermore, social media platforms are mainly utilised to

develop collective narratives and share movement information

instead of mobilising offline protest activities. It has also been

commended for its democratising effects. For instance, in 2020,

the Free Youth hashtag burst on Thailand’s social media arena,

becoming the second most popular hashtag.

What began as a grassroots effort led by two young activists to

boost youth political engagement has grown into Thailand’s

most famous political initiative. Along with the many other

hashtags used by anti-government demonstrators to mobilise

offline activities, # FreeYouth’s success stands out. According

to this study, Twitter was mainly used to voice dissatisfaction

with the government and urge democratic reforms (Sinpeng,

2021).

Against this background, our paper assesses the role of social

media in influencing the #Feesmustfall Movement in South

Africa. This was a student-led protest movement that began in

mid-October 2015 in South Africa. The goals of the movement

were to stop increases in student tuition fees (Booysen, 2016).

Social media played a central role in fuelling these protests

across tertiary institutions in the country, hence the focus of the

review article.

The influence of Social Media on Protests: The Case of the #Feesmustfall Movement Donald Moepeng; Sethulego Matebesi

Department of Sociology, North-West University; Department of Sociology, University of Free State Email: [email protected]; [email protected]

Abstract: This article explores the influence of social media on protests using a systematic and integrative review. It sets out to examine how

social media served as an enabler or a barrier in the student protests of 2015 and later in South Africa under the banner of the #Feesmustfall

Movement. Several studies have been conducted on the role of social media in fomenting protests. However, our review focus on the lessons

learned by providing answers to fundamental questions about the impact of these protests on institutions of higher learning and students, in

particular. We argue that while we acknowledge the significance of historical and social contexts in South Africa, several opportunities have

been missed by both institutions of higher learning and the government in finding lasting solutions to student protests. We conclude that despite

the overwhelming evidence that student demands – centred mainly on financial aid and academic exclusion – are genuine, finding real solutions

seems elusive.

Keywords: Social media, protests, #feesmustfall, South Africa




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Literature Review – The Communicative Power of Social

Media

Social medial platforms and use came into prominence in the

early 2000s. Myspace was the first social media site to reach

one million active monthly users – it achieved this milestone in

2004. This was probably the beginning of social media as it is

known today (Ortiz-Ospina, 2019).

Before then, the internet was mainly used by academics and

business elites to share information. But through the

establishment of social media, the wider public could also form

interactive online communities. Since Myspace reached a

milestone of a million users in 2004, many more users have

joined social media, and the number of social media platforms

has increased.

According to Ortiz-Ospina (2019), of the 7.7 billion people

globally, at least 3.5 billion were online. South Africa had over

30.81 million internet users, meaning that 54% of the total

population had access to the internet (Mathebula and Calitz,

2019).

And the available data suggested that this number was only

likely to increase. The most notable social media platform to

emerge since the trailblazing achievement of Myspace was

Facebook. Facebook was the largest social media platform with

at least 2.4 billion users worldwide. Other social media

platforms like YouTube and WhatsApp have also reached over

a billion users worldwide (Ortiz-Ospina, 2019).

The #feesMustFall protests began in mid-October 2015 across

South African universities. They were sparked by the anger at

fee increases in South African universities and the sheer

frustration of students being unable to pay registration and

tuition fees at the beginning of every academic year (Mathebula

and Calitz, 2019).

The movement further demanded that higher education be made

free for all and that the curriculum be decolonised. The

movement was a huge success, and the then president of South

Africa, Jacob Zuma, announced that there would be no fee

increases in 2016 (Arent, 2016). The movement also brought

the issues of fee-free higher education and decolonised

education to the fore as topics of public discourse and debate.

By 2018, the government had a new national free higher

education policy for poor and working-class students. The

Vice-Chancellor of WITS University at the time said of the

#FeesMustFall movement that it had “achieved in seven days

what we vice-chancellors had been talking about for decades”.

Another Lecturer, also from WITS University, further stated

that the movement had initiated “a conversation [that] the

university should have had the integrity to have before the

students had to be the ones to push it” (Ismail, 2016, 114).

This research presumed that social media played a significant

role in the success of the #FeesMustFall movement. Social

media played a significant role in amplifying the messages of

protests like the #Metoo movement, the Hong Kong Umbrella

Revolution, the Black Lives Matter movement and so on

(Granillo, 2020).

According to Satgar (2016), the use of social media in the

#FeesMustFall movement heralded three new developments in

mass politics in post-apartheid South Africa accord. For

starters, it combined social media with mainstream politics,

which did not exist in 1976.

This allowed for a more focused, quick, and cross-campus

mobilisation. Students spoke with one another using Twitter,

Facebook, WhatsApp groups, and even webpages. They also

linked localised mass practices (such as rallies, occupations,

and sit-ins). For South Africa, this was a first. Secondly, save

for instances of media representation that put “leaders” in the

spotlight, this political matrix was amorphous.

In the academic setting, however, this was not the case. Thirdly,

#FeesMustFall was about mimetic politics or replicating trends

from different campuses. As a result, if students protested and

marched on one college, others did the same.

Alternatively, if students occupied specific locations at one

university, this was replicated on other campuses, embracing

the uprising. It was a rip-off that took on a life of its own,

reinforcing the importance of social media and

“leaderlessness.”

However, if #FeesMustFall had moved sooner to elect a

collective leadership on campuses democratically and

nationally, this broad dynamic could have been given more

coherence. That did not happen, but the mimetic dynamic gave

# a critical mass despite its flaws (Satgar, 2016).

The communicative power of social media for the

#FeesMustFall movement is demonstrated by how students, as

they were documenting their own stories about the protests,

managed to turn public sentiment in their favour.

Since the students were controlling the narrative, they received

public support worldwide for the alleged bad treatment they

received from institutions of higher learning and the police.

For example, an American Twitter user twitted: “As Black

American students in the US what we *can* do is social media

support for #FeesMustFall #NationalShutDown.” Another

Twitter wrote: “So the revolution will only be televised when

it’s convenient? Not at 2am when students are being arrested

and tear gassed? #feeswillfall” (Rawlins, 2015).


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Besides promoting international socilidarity for the

#FeesMustFall movement, the social media posts also led to

financial donations. This is not surprising as by November

2016, there were 59 000 posts on Instagram and 47 000 videos

on YouTube about the #FeesMustFall movement (Davison,

2016).

Theoretical Insights on the Influence of Social Media on

Protests

In the case of the #FeesMustFall movement, it was the first time

– since the 1976 student protests - that the general public of

South Africa seriously concerned itself with matters that would

have previously only concerned students, their parents, and

academia.

This solidarity was mainly brought about by the use of social

media, which “bridged geographical and social distances” by

giving the general public the chance to be directly involved by

commenting and voicing their opinions on the matter, to debate

the issue, and to share the content with other users.

Jordan and Taylor (2004) identified the following seven core

logic for the use of social media by protest movements:

1. To organise internally, recruit and network,

2. To mobilise for and coordinate direct action,

3. To disseminate movement frames independently of

the mainstream,

4. To discuss/ debate/ deliberate/ decide,

5. To attack ideological enemies,

6. To surveil the surveillers, and

7. To preserve protest artefacts.

Because communications could be shared faster and to many

people through social media, this makes e internal organisation

easier. And because the use of social media lowered the

transaction costs of participation, it also became economically

ideal.

The economic viability of social media was a crucial factor for

the success of the #FeesMustFall movement because it meant

the broader – economically challenged – public of South Africa

could also participate. And further, because a large public could

participate, it also made social media ideal for recruitment.

Another feature that made the use of social media ideal was its

ability to organise across borders on a transnational level, to

link up organisations that had the same goals and build large

networks that transcended time/space constraints, potentially

leading to movement spill-over (Jordan and Taylor, 2004).

Due to social media posts, the #FeesMustFall movement

sparked solidarity protests in cities like New York and London,

this could also be attributed to social media.

Interestingly, in non-democratic countries, the ability of social

media to bypass the controls of the state and the mainstream

media is very crucial and was often the deciding factor in the

success of the movement.

The Arab Spring uprisings, for example, would not have been

able to spread so quickly and would have probably failed had it

not been for social media’s ability to overcome the controls of

state and mainstream media. Spurred by a perceived lack of

media coverage by traditional Turkish media, protesters were

forced to turn to Twitter and Facebook in droves to spread and

receive information about the events unfolding in Istanbul.

The result was a remarkable demonstration of information

diffusion and recruitment using social networks (Jost et al.,

2018). Also, the use of social media-enabled social protests

movements to meet all the four requirements of the Gerlach and

Hines’ SPIN model (Bennet, 2003) for self-reflective,

democratic, and deliberate movements.

The four characteristics of the SPIN model are as follows:

1. Segmentation – fluid and diverse in demands and

aims.

2. Polycentric – leaderless and containing a multiplicity

of identities.

3. Integration – horizontal structures and the building

chains of equivalence.

4. Networks – non-hierarchical, complex

interconnections and flows of information.

Bennet (2003) elaborated that in this model, weak ties turned

into strong ties if (online) interaction and mobilisation turned

into offline collective actions - potentially creating bonds,

collective identities and a common sense of purpose or mission.

It can be argued that the #FeesMustFall movement met all these

four characteristics, and it was able to achieve this through the

employment of social media. The #FeesMustFall movement

was segmented. It morphed from the #RhodesMustFall

movement demanding the removal of colonial statues in

campuses to demanding fee-free higher education and

decolonised education.

Although it had some recognisable faces, the #FeesMustFall

movement cannot be said to have had leaders per se, and it

could be viewed as a movement that grew spontaneously.

Methods

This paper is based on an online desktop study of published

information on the FeesMustFall movement and the role of

social media in protests. Generally, desktop research has three

main advantages.

Firstly, it allows the researcher easy access to information.

Secondly, the data is relatively cheap to acquire. Thirdly, the

research may answer the research questions.


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However, the disadvantages of this approach include the

possibility of the inappropriateness of data, lack of specificity

to the needs of the researcher, and the possibility of incomplete

information (Aghazadeh, 1999).

This research used documents, records, and studies concerned

with social media and its influence in protest movements to

acquire the necessary secondary data for the work. Due to the

restrictions brought about by covid-19 (namely, the inability to

access the library), most of the sources that are used were

internet-based.

Furthermore, the Internet sites from which these sources were

retrieved were scholarly and reputable to ensure quality and

academic standards. The researcher was also aware of the fact

that the data collected must be organised for analysis and kept

a log with the source of the data and collection date.

Primarily the sources were consulted to answer three questions.

Firstly, what did social media play the organising role in the

#FEESMUSTFALL protests?

Secondly, how effective was social media as a tool for

spreading information in the #FEESMUSTFALL?

Finally, what were the shortcomings of social media in the

#FEESMUSTFALL protests?

Data analysis is known as cleaning, manipulating, and

modeling data to identify relevant information for decision-

making or drawing conclusions. A comprehensive data analysis

strategy was applied in this study. First, a transparent

categorising method demonstrates thorough data analysis. Data

on social media and its impact on protest movements was

gathered from journals, newspapers, and books published on

the internet for this study (Tracy, 2013).

In particular, the sources about the #FeesMustFall movement

was categorised according to relevance and importance to the

topic and rigorously analysed.

Thematic analysis was used to analyse the data. In this regard,

Braun and Clarke (2006) explain the procedure to be followed

in thematic analysis: (1) familiarising myself with the data; (2)

generating initial codes; (3) searching for themes; (4) reviewing

themes; (5) defining and naming themes; and (6) producing the

report.

Findings and Discussion

5.1 The three roles of social media in the Fees Must Fall

protests

The Literature Review above has illuminated our understanding

with regards to the first objective of this research.

We have discovered that social media helped the

#FeesMustFall student council representatives across campuses

to communicate to each other and directly to students, to recruit

the general public to join the protests, it allowed students to

document (through pictures and videos) the protests in real-time

and share personal anecdotes, to document police behaviour,

and to show support and solidarity through liking the posts or

posting the messages of supporting themselves.

We have further learned from the literature that these social

media campaigns led to tangible results. So as far as the first

objective is concerned, we can positively state that social media

played an essential role as a tool for organising the

#FeesMustFall movement.

But other forms of communication like flyers, radio and

television interviews, etc., also played a role, and although the

role played by social media was more significant, its influence

cannot be calculated apart from these other forms of

communication.

Regarding the second objective – how effective social media

was as a source of information in the #FeesMustFall protests –

the data strongly suggests that it was very effective. For one

thing, social media allowed students to communicate faster than

they would have had they only used traditional media to

publicise their message.

Through the real-time documentation that social media enabled

students to have, the general public knew what was happening

when it was happening. The powerful images and videos that

students posted communicated more powerfully than words

could have the message that the students were trying to pass.

Again, as the social media-enabled users to interact with one

another and have discussions, it put the activists in the position

to win over sceptics to their side through persuasion. All this

could not have been possible had the students relied solely on

traditional media. This is proof that social media was very

effective as a source of communication (Jensen et al., 2021.

Regarding the third objective - to uncover the weaknesses (if

any) of social media/ or how it could have negatively affected

#FeesMustFall protests - the most legitimate criticism that can

be made against social media as a source of information is that

since it allows everyone to have a say, the messages

communicated at times lacked coherence, and at other times

were contradictory.

This democratising effect of social media can hurt political

campaigns in terms of effective communication - the message

should be one and clear to be effectively communicated. Others

have also pointed to the “leaderlessness” situation created by

social media as a shortcoming. They argue that hierarchical

structures are the very essence of effectiveness and quick

decision making.


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Others (including this researcher) reject this evaluation, and

view the “leaderlessness” of the #FeesMustFall movement as a

strength for the movement.

Generally, the spontaneity of action shows that the general

sentiment regarding the issue of free higher education was an

authentic one, and came about organically; and was not

manufactured or generated as a result of some propaganda

campaign.

It also denies the authorities the advantage of having targets;

because it wouldn’t matter who they went after – the movement

would still go on. Above all, the argument for the

#FeesMustFall needing leaders is weak, since the same

technology used to gather data needed for decision-making by

a small group of people can also be used by a larger group to

make the same decisions.

Some point to the fact that students were also vulnerable to the

same social media tactics that they used against opponents; for

example, students used videos and pictures to expose violent-

illegal behaviour by the police, but students were also

documented being involved in illegal activities like looting,

burning buildings, throwing projectiles at police, and

intimidating other students. Some students and public members

– who would have otherwise been supportive - were put off by

these actions by students, which negatively affected the

#FeesMustFall movement.

But since these were isolated incidents, and the protests were

generally peaceful, the image of the #FeesMustFall movement

was not much affected. According to a significant body of

research, gaining such legitimacy in the mainstream news

cycle, where protest is predominantly reported from a

‘episodic’ perspective, disregarding wider protest themes, is

challenging (Poell, 2018, Jensen et al., 2021).

5.2 The Critique Against the Mobilisation Power of

Social Media

The rise of social media has had a significant impact on 21st-

century student activism. Therefore, the functioning of social

media as a method of information sharing and a tool for protest

organisations has been the focus of past studies (Jensen, 2021).

Some scholars dismiss social media as a mere tool for

perpetuating noncommittal, feel-good politics, or “slacktivism”

- where users circulate information and resources through likes,

shares, and retweets without physically taking part (Granillo,

2020).

Slacktivism is regarded as a self-aggrandising, politically

unproductive kind of activity carried out online (Cabrera et al.,

2017). Other scholars argue that this slacktivism hardly leads to

people participating in movements and that this makes social

media inadequate as a tool for recruitment.

For example, Jost et al. (2018) point out that protest movements

that heavily depend on social media for mobilisation have a

“free rider” problem - those who receive benefits without

contributing towards the cost of its production. They further

ask: “Why would anyone ever choose to protest if the success

of the movement is unaffected by the presence or absence of any

single protester?”

This is especially so in cases where others know that the success

of the movement would still benefit them even if they don’t

participate. A paradox then ensues if everyone thinks in this

self-interested manner, and the protest might never take place

(Jost et al., 2018: 816).

Even in the #FeesMustFall movement, there were some

students who never participated but are the beneficiaries of the

benefits brought about by the movement. Some believe that

interest in political and social questions is not sparked by social

media but has to have existed in the individual user before their

social media use.

One difficulty is reaching beyond those who are already active

politically or at least interested in politics. The internet (and

social media) is a pull medium as citizens need to be informed

and interested enough to seek information about activists and

their aims.

Lower prices do not always imply higher levels of total political

engagement. Furthermore, the necessity of face-to-face

communication to create confidence and keep information safe

from state security services must be emphasised (Cammaerts,

2015).

Mathebula and Calitz (2019) also point to the inferior quality of

the news: “So the drawbacks are clear; online news platforms

do not offer scholarly accounts, and there is often a lack of

bibliographic data; also, as researchers, we were not able to

exercise any control over how the information and data we used

was collected”.

Although the authors admit that online news (news users share

with friends through social media) have shortcomings as

secondary data sources and do not always meet academic

standards, they also argue that this online news is still valuable

for research.

Protests against fees by students are not uncommon in post-

apartheid South Africa, particularly at historically black

universities. However, the mainstream media unnoticed many

of these protests, as they were not violent (and therefore, did not

warrant coverage).

Besides the call to freeze fee increases, students also demanded

that the educational system be decolonised, that colleges be

transformed to address racial, and gender inequities in staff

composition, and that general employees be insourced. Protests


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began peacefully on numerous campuses, with professors and

other concerned stakeholders supporting them.

However, it is evident that the widespread support the

#FeesMustFall movement received dwindled when protests

became violent (Langa, 2017).

Conclusion

This paper asserted that the #FeesMustFall movement had used

social media in the same way these other socio-political

movements had done. Taking various protest movements that

used social media as case studies, there was a consensus in the

literature that social media does influence protest movements.

Still, there was no agreement on just how influential a role it

played. It is evident that social media played a significant role

in organising the #FEESMUSTFALL protests. We learned how

social media was used to bring support and recruit new

members, used for internal and external communication, and

used it for real-time reporting.

We also found out that the use of social media might have

harmed the #FeesMustFall movement. Social media allowed

opponents to use the same undermining tactics that the

#FeesMustFall activists used against the police and others

perceive enemies.

The result was that some activists were documented engaging

in illegal activities on social media, which turned some would-

be supporters of the movement against it.

Despite widespread agreement that student demands, which are

primarily focused on financial aid and academic exclusion, are

valid, meaningful answers appear elusive. Putting historical and

social conditions aside, the protests that led to the statewide

shutdown of universities in 2015 wasted an opportunity to find

a long-term solution to student demands.

Commentators have made claims concerning the missed

opportunity, such as the university administration’s and the

government’s failure to fulfil their responsibilities. In general,

the rise of universities as a focal point for student protests had

far-reaching ramifications for the higher education industry.

Despite the overwhelming evidence that student demands are

centred mainly on financial aid and academic exclusion, the

higher education sector still has to find lasting solutions to these

genuine concerns.

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1. Introduction and Background

Since the dawn of the new South African democratic

dispensation in 1994, the South African government has

focused its budgets on the rollout and delivery of new municipal

infrastructure and infrastructure services to previously unserved

and /or underserved communities (DBSA, 2009).

The unintended consequence has seen the widening of

infrastructure maintenance backlogs where the poorest

municipalities have, proportionate to their capacity for

infrastructure asset management acquired a higher volume of

new infrastructure with the least resources and readiness to

adequately maintain both new and existing municipal

infrastructure (CoGTA, 2011).

Infrastructure breakdowns in water, sanitation, housing and

roads due to inadequate operations and maintenance remains

the main cause of community municipal service delivery

protests. (CoGTA, 2012:4 & Municipal IQ Hotspot Monitor,

2012). South Africa has a well-developed municipal

infrastructure with an estimated total national asset value in

excess of R1000 Billion of which about 40% is municipal

infrastructure (National Treasury & GiZ, 2015).

Poor municipal service delivery and more specifically the

inadequate operations and maintenance of municipal

infrastructure poses potential for disasters; compromises public

health, environmental integrity, and financial sustainability of

municipalities (Public Works/ CSIR National Infrastructure

Maintenance Study, 2006).

This objective behind this paper is to proposes a sector capacity

development plan to professionalise the municipal

infrastructure space to improve municipal service delivery.

2. Rationale

Lawless (2005; 2016) highlights the migration patterns of older

more experienced municipal Technical Directors out of the

South African local government sector and how municipal

infrastructure departments find themselves staffed by more

younger but relatively inexperienced engineering professionals;

have vacancy rates ranging from 35% -50% and highlights how

municipal infrastructure service delivery workloads have

increased whilst staffing levels have been steadily declining

over the years.

There has been several state interventions aimed at

professionalizing the local government sector to improve

municipal service delivery.

Whilst most of the abovementioned interventions have been

focused on the qualifications and skills of Municipal Managers;

municipal Chief Financial Officers (CFO) and Supply Chain

Managers in terms of the Municipal Finance Management Act

(MFMA), the specific role and qualifications of municipal

Technical Directors / Infrastructure Directors deserves equal

emphasis if not more since municipal infrastructure Technical

Directors are indispensable to municipal infrastructure service

delivery.

Over the years, the overall qualifications and experience levels

of Municipal Managers, Chief Financial Officers and Supply

Chain Management (SCM) officials have received state policy

attention through various policy initiatives such as the

amendments to the Local Government Municipal Systems Act

32 of 2000, introduction of the Local Government Regulations

on Appointment and Conditions of Employment of Senior

Managers (Gazette No 37245) of the 7th January 2014 as well

as Regulations on Minimum Competency Levels introduced in

A Sector Capacity Development Plan To Professionalize Municipal Infrastructure &

Improve Service Delivery Reginald Legoabe


Abstract: This paper proposes a Marshall Plan type of sector capacity development plan to professionalise the municipal infrastructure space

to improve municipal service delivery. The paper discusses the challenges facing the municipal infrastructure space, the qualifications and

experience levels of municipal Technical Directors High as well as the benefits of professionalization namely improvement of quality standards

of service delivery; compliance with statutory infrastructure service quality standards; ringfenced entry into municipal infrastructure; work

reservation in favour of municipal infrastructure professionals; uniform municipal infrastructure skills requirements for various municipal

categories; minimum recruitment and selection criteria for infrastructure professionals employed within the SA local government sector;

enforcement of statutory provisions by statutory bodies; professional liability by professionals for professional work done; protection of South

African consumers of municipal infrastructure and technical services; safe, dependable, quality standards and good value infrastructure

provisioning for communities; protection of health, safety and other interests of the public in relation to technical service delivery activities

undertaken by municipalities ; prohibition of unqualified, inexperienced and unregistered persons from performing technical functions in the

local government sector; greater accountability by registered professionals.

Keywords: Local Municipalities, Built environment; Civil engineering, Municipal Service Delivery, Municipal Infrastructure: Capacity Development;

Professionalisation



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terms of the Local Government Municipal Finance

Management Act 56 of 2003.

The abovementioned state policy initiatives were largely

spearheaded by National Treasury and the Department of

Cooperative Governance and Traditional Affairs (COGTA).

The Local Government Municipal Systems Act 32 of 2000

states that for appointments for the Municipal Manager,

municipalities must report to the MEC for Local Government

on each senior management appointment made, and the MEC

of Local Government who must in turn, approve such

appointments and pass the report on to the Minister of Local

Government.

According to the Local Government Municipal Systems Act, if

no suitable Candidate can be found through the recruitment

process, the municipality may ask the MEC for Local

Government to second a qualified official. If the MEC is unable

to second someone, the municipality may ask the Minister

responsible for Local Government to do so.

If any person is appointed in contravention of the competence

model to be contained in the regulations, the MEC must enforce

compliance by municipalities by applying to Court for a

declaratory order on the validity of the appointment or by taking

any other legal action against the municipality. If the MEC fails

to enforce compliance with the competence model, the Minister

responsible for local government may have to step in.

In terms of Section 4 Par 6 (1) of the MFMA Minimum

Competency Regulations, a Senior Manager of a municipality

must generally have the skills, experience and capacity to

assume and fulfil the responsibilities and exercise the functions

and powers assigned in terms of the Act to that Senior Manager.

For municipalities and municipal entities with an annual

budgets below R1 billion, the Senior Manager need to possess

no less than 5 years working experience with a relevant

Bachelor’s degree in the relevant functional area at NQF Level

7 with a minimum of 360 credits.

For municipalities and municipal entities with an annual

budgets above R1 billion, the Senior Manager need to possess

no less than 7 years working experience with a relevant Post

Graduate degree in the relevant functional area at NQF Level 8.

3. Policy Ambiguities on Minimum Competency

Requirements of the municipal Technical Director

There exists valid criticism of the MFMA Minimum

Competency Regulations that it focuses a lot on the

qualifications, experience and skills of the Municipal Manager,

Chief Financial Officer and Supply Chain Manager (SCM) and

whilst focus is also made on the municipal Senior Manager in

general, no specific set requirements are set in stone for the

municipal Infrastructure Manager / Technical Director.

Pillar 4 of the CoGTA Back to Basics strategy (2014) states that

municipalities (through the municipal Technical Director) will

be assessed and supported on the planning, implementation and

maintenance of basic infrastructure critical for sustaining basic

standards of living and economic activity through the

development of service delivery standards and delivery plans

for the following basic infrastructure service delivery activities:

• The development fundable consolidated infrastructure

plans.

• Implementation of proper infrastructure development

maintenance

• The reductions of losses with respect to water; sanitation;

housing; electricity; waste management; roads and public

transport.

• The provision of free basic services and the maintenance

of an indigent register

There is an urgent need to professionalize the municipal

infrastructure space and more specifically the capacities of

municipal Technical Directors. This is indeed the case since

municipalities hold a wide range of infrastructure asset

portfolios including electricity networks, water and sanitation

systems, roads, bridges, stormwater, solid waste infrastructure

and social amenities such as parks, cemeteries, community halls

/ centres, and sports / recreation centres with an estimated

replacement cost of R1.261 trillions (National Treasury & GIZ,

2015).

An ideal municipal Technical Director is envisaged to be a well-

rounded experienced built environment professional with at

least no less than 5 years post-graduation experience from the

civil engineering profession whose skills set is expected to

cover amongst others the energy; water; sanitation; roads and

solid waste sub-functional areas including knowledge and skills

in amongst others, construction management and other related

built environment professions.

It has always been assumed that since the duties of the

municipal Technical Director largely entails civil engineering

work that the ranks of municipal Technical Directors will be

swelled by qualified and experienced civil engineers or other

related professionals from the built environment.

This is in reality not the case.

Municipal Technical Directors within the municipal

infrastructure space form part of the statutorily regulated

professions regulated by respective statutory built environment

professional Councils falling within the domain of amongst

others the Council for Built Environment in terms of the

Council for the Built Environment Act 43 of 2000.

This includes amongst others:-

• Engineers (as per statutory regulations of the Engineering

Professions Act No 46 of 2000 establishing the Engineering

Council of South Africa (ECSA)


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• Construction Project Managers (as regulated by the Project

and Construction Project Management Professions Act 48 of

2000 through the SA Council for the Project and Construction

Management Professions (SACPCMP)

• Quantity Surveyors (as regulated by the Quantity Surveying

Professions Act No 49 of 2000 establishing the SA Council for the

Quantity Surveying Profession (SACQSP)

• Property Valuers (regulated by the Property Valuers

Professions Act No 47 of 2007 through the SA Council for

Property Valuers Professions (SACPVP)

• Architects (as regulated by the Architectural Professions Act 44

of 2000 through the South African Council for the Architects

Profession (SACAP)

The same applies to other related professions such as:-

• Water and Wastewater practitioners (as regulated by the

National Water Services Act 36 of 1998 and Regulation 2834 of

the Department of Water Affairs (DWA)

• Town Planners (as regulated by the Planning Profession Act No

36 of 2002 establishing the South African Council of Planners

(SACPLAN)

As indicated before, the municipal infrastructure space

straddles amongst others the energy; water; sanitation; roads

and solid waste sub-functional areas including knowledge and

skills in amongst others, construction management and other

related built environment professions.

In reference to critical infrastructure management skills critical

for service delivery, the National Planning Commission (2011)

highlights how amongst others, poor municipal service

delivery, technical skills insufficiency and poor operations and

maintenance of municipal infrastructure constrained the

capacity of the South African economy to grow.

The capacity of the municipal Infrastructure Director cannot be

underestimated. The Public Works / CSIR National

Infrastructure Maintenance Study (2006) highlighted the

following key facts that:-

• The most common causes of poor water quality standards

from water treatment works is a breakdown of plant and /

or the length of time that it takes to have the same plant

repaired satisfactorily for it to resume working correctly.

• The most common problem experienced with water

reticulation systems is leakage of water with the usage of

incorrect procedures at the time of laying the pipes, damage

due to excavations, usage of inappropriate pipe materials

(and consequent corrosion), inappropriate repair

procedures, the ageing of the pipes and illegal connections

as the key contributors.

• Municipalities are usually responsible for maintaining the

waterborne sanitation piped network and pumping

facilities with the most common problems being sanitation

spills from system overloading, blockages by roots of trees,

foreign objects, breakages and network deterioration.

• The most common causes of the electricity reticulation

systems failures are faulty operating procedures, lack of

planned maintenance, damage to underground cables,

overloading, and equipment ageing exacerbated by cable

theft and illegal connections.

• The most common cause of the failure of roads is neglect

of routine maintenance, neglect to repair damage without

delay and vehicle overloading

Lawless notes that inefficiencies in municipal infrastructure

grant (MIG) expenditure generally coincided with the absence

of skilled technical staff and/ or the lowering age profiles of

civil engineering professionals employed at the particular

municipality.

Further studies by Van Veelen (2012: 5) indicates that another

key constraint affecting South Africa (and its municipalities) is

the lack of civil engineers trained to design, construct and

manage infrastructure; proper operational systems to maintain

infrastructure and the lack of general capacities for planning,

financial management (ensuring proper costing, budgeting and

management) and governance (including the procurement of

the right capabilities).

3.1 High Vacancy Rates in Municipal Infrastructure

Departments

A plethora of studies most notably the SA Institute of Civil

Engineers (SAICE) and Municipal Demarcation Board (MDB)

found that the scarcity of relevant infrastructure management

skills and experience has led to municipal vacancy rates as high

as 40% in some local municipalities and how as a result of

chronic understaffing and lack of internal staff and management

capacity, municipal infrastructure departments:-

− Suffer from high vacancy rates as high as 35% - 40%

− Are unable to spend their Municipal Infrastructure Grant

(MIG) allocations

− Are unable to cope with the demands of municipal

operations and maintenance, resulting in sewage spills,

water quality problems and refuse non-removal

− Do not have asset registers or maintenance plans in place

− Suffer from very high losses in water and electricity supply

due to poor metering management

− Suffer from significant turnover and retrenchments of older

qualified and experienced staff

The scarcity of requisitely qualified and experienced municipal

Technical Directors is directly linked with poor municipal

infrastructure asset management, tendering irregularities,


Page | 112


collapsing municipal infrastructure, lack of operations and

maintenance as well as its related public health and safety

problems leading to community service delivery community

protests that infrastructure collapses typically elicits.

It is clear that the scarcity of requisite qualified and experienced

municipal officials in the water; sanitation; electricity (energy);

construction (housing); roads; town planning; waste

management and engineering (civil & electrical) professions is

directly linked with poor municipal infrastructure asset

management, tendering irregularities, collapsing infrastructure

and its related public health and safety problems leading to

community service delivery protests.

The Municipal Demarcation Board (2012:13) found that the

overall percentage of filled posts stands at 72% with an overall

28% vacancy rate amongst Category B4 and C2 municipalities

with Limpopo, Eastern Cape, North West, Kwazulu-Natal and

Mpumalanga provinces with the highest municipal vacancies.

Figure 1: Municipal Vacancy Rates by Province (Courtesy of MDB, 2012)

The Municipal Demarcation Board study further found that a

significant proportion of vacant funded posts remained vacant

in Category B4 and C2 municipalities namely rural-based local

municipalities with poor revenue base and district

municipalities which have additional responsibilities as to

provide water to its communities (Water Service Authorities).

According to the MDB (2012) municipalities in the Western

Cape province remained with the least number of vacancies

(14%) in overall. High vacancy rates adversely affect the

institutional capacity of municipalities to deliver services and

function efficiently.

3.2 High Staff and Management Exits / Turnover

In terms of the number of staff and management exits from the

municipal infrastructure workplace, the Demarcation Board

found that the turnover rate in municipalities stands at 7% with

municipalities in the Limpopo (11%), Eastern Cape (7.2%),

Free State (7%) and North West (7.1%) having the highest staff

turnover rate.

Upon analysis of the underlying reasons for staff exits /

turnover, the MDB (2012: 19) found that resignations from

rural-based local municipalities (Category B3 and B4)

constituted the highest percentage of staff leaving municipal

workplaces (40%) followed by retirement, contract end and

dismissals. Metropolitan municipalities tended to have higher

staff turnover due to contract end, retirement and dismissals and

are least affected by staff resignations whilst on the other hand,

Category B4 municipalities (local municipalities located in

rural areas without a town) tended to have the highest number

of resignations (50%) with district municipalities to a lesser

extent affected by staff resignations (40%).

The provinces most affected by staff resignations remain

Limpopo and Eastern Cape followed by Kwa-Zulu-Natal and

Northern Cape municipalities which have the highest number

of rural –based municipalities.

Turnover of staff from a municipal workplace adversely affects

the organisational stability and the retention of management

experience and knowledge (knowledge management).

3.3 Academic Qualifications of Municipal

Infrastructure Technical Directors

In comparing the qualifications of Infrastructure / Technical

Directors with the qualifications of Municipal Managers and

Chief Financial Officers, the Municipal Demarcation Board

capacity study (2012:5) found that 85% of Municipal Managers

held degrees with over 50% of Municipal Managers holding

post-graduate degrees as opposed to Technical / Infrastructure

Directors whom 50% were identified as not possessing an

undergraduate degree but holding qualifications ranging from

Diplomas to Certificates.

Figure 2: Comparison of Municipal Management Function by Level of Qualifications (Courtesy of MDB, 2012)

In terms of the qualification levels of Infrastructure / Technical

Directors on the other hand, 39% held Bachelor’s degrees

whilst a further 13% held Masters and doctoral degrees. A total


Page | 113


of 48% of municipal Technical Directors only held a post-

matric diploma or less. When comparing the qualifications levels of Infrastructure/

Technical Directors by municipal type, it was found that

metropolitan municipalities (Category A) had the most highest

qualified infrastructure Directors followed by Category B1 and

B2 local municipalities (municipalities that have secondary

towns within their areas of jurisdiction).

The majority of local and district municipalities (Category B3,

B4, C1 and C2) that do not have secondary towns within their

areas of jurisdiction as well as rural based municipalities tended

to attract Technical Directors without any university

qualifications and typically held a Diploma, TVET College

qualification, Matric supplemented by a Certificate course or

Matric only.

Figure 3: Qualifications of municipal Infrastructure/ Technical Directors by

Municipal Type (Courtesy of MDB, 2012)

In terms of the breakdown of Technical / Infrastructure

Directors by province, the study found that the Limpopo,

Eastern Cape, North West and Northern Cape province held the

highest number of municipalities with underqualified officials.

The Northern Cape, Mpumalanga and Free State provinces held

the highest number of municipalities with Technical Directors

holding Matric only at 5%, 3% and 10% respectively.

The above-mentioned is a major point of concern since the civil

engineering profession is a statutorily regulated profession with

stipulated minimum qualifications and experience set by the

Engineering Council of South Africa (ECSA) in terms of the

Engineering Professions Act 46 of 2000.

Notwithstanding the regulated nature of the profession, there is

a significant cohort of engineers who are in most cases junior,

inexperienced non-registered engineering persons but

sometimes unregistrable persons such as teachers, university

dropouts and matriculants who are appointed in senior

management roles outside the regulatory provisions of the

Engineering Professions Act of 2000.

Figure 3: Qualifications of municipal Infrastructure/ Technical Directors by

Province (Courtesy of MDB, 2012)

3.4 Technical Directors Number of Years’ Experience

In terms of the number of years’ professional experience held

by Technical Directors, the study further found that municipal

Technical Directors located in category B3 and B4

municipalities (rural municipalities) have the least working

experience with municipalities located in the Free State, North

West and Limpopo provinces having the least experienced

Technical / Infrastructure Directors.

In terms of the number of years holding the post of Technical /

Infrastructure Director, the MDB found that 64% of municipal

Technical Directors have on average been in their current posts

for less than 5 years with municipalities in Free State, North

West and Mpumalanga having employed Technical /

Infrastructure Directors for less than 3 years in their posts with

the majority not professionally registered as engineers with the

Engineering Council of South Africa (ECSA) in line with the

Engineering Professions Act 46 of 2000.

Figure 4: Provincial Breakdown of Technical Directors by Number of Years

Holding


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The MDB (2012) capacity assessments found that Technical

Directors in the Free State municipalities have on average 1

years and 9 months experience in their current posts and that

Western Cape municipalities had their Technical Directors in

place for average 4 years and 6 months.

Ity was also found that municipal Technical Directors are

generally underqualified and under-experienced when

compared to other municipal functional areas such as Municipal

Managers and Chief Financial Officers.

In terms of the institutional capacity of municipalities in the

municipal infrastructure space, Technical Directors of

municipalities based in the Limpopo, Eastern Cape, North West

and Northern Cape provinces are the most inexperienced with

the Northern Cape, Mpumalanga and Free State being the worst

affected provinces in terms of Technical Directors holding

matric only and with the same provinces having their Technical

Directors holding their posts for less than 3 years on average.

From the abovementioned, it becomes clear that local and

district municipalities without secondary towns and those

located in rural areas (Category B3, B4, C1 and C2) fail to

attract suitably qualified and experienced personnel.

Proper municipal service delivery in the form of access to clean

safe water, access to energy and quality reliable housing and

roads remains a Constitutional right and is not a privilege.

3.5 Regulatory Challenges in the Municipal Infrastructure

Space

Due to lack of or poor regulation by CoGTA and the statutory

professional bodies tasked with regulating the built

environment professions, municipalities have been allowed to

abrogate the respective built environment regulatory statutes

through the employment of inexperienced Technical Directors,

PMU Managers, matriculants, dropouts and incompetents

became the norm.

In many municipalities, the duties of municipal engineers

relating to forward planning on infrastructure planning (PMU)

and infrastructure asset management have been structurally

diluted, subsumed and /or removed often through internal

restructuring processes to the Municipal Managers.

Due to the non-standardized structure of municipal

infrastructure functions, the PMU roles and duties which

correctly belong to the municipal Technical Director have in

some municipalities, been subsumed by the Municipal Manager

who makes final determinations regarding future infrastructure

planning in the absence of the Technical Director who is

expected to respond to the daily operational challenges of

service delivery.

It is important that the independent decision-making relating to

the prioritization of municipal infrastructure projects, timing,

location of infrastructure projects, contracting, supply chain

management as well as the appointment of Consultants has

remain with the municipal Technical Director.

When the PMU functions of municipal Technical Directors are

exercised by the Municipal Manager to the exclusion of the

Technical Directors, often the quality of decision making

favours the provision of new infrastructure to the detriment of

operations and maintenance planning including infrastructure

asset management and ringfenced budget relating to the

maintenance of infrastructure are routinely redirected to other

lesser important budget items.

As a result, municipalities have lost their internal Value

Engineering Assessment Teams and their internal infrastructure

delivery quality assurance and review mechanisms to oversee

and regulate the services provided by contracted Consultants

and Contractors.

Many municipalities today remain price-takers at the mercy of

litigious Contractors and Consultants some of whom are known

to undertake shoddy workmanship such as selling the same

infrastructure designs to municipalities; undertaking work

without procuring any professional indemnity insurance.

Many municipalities across the country currently do not have

any asset registers in place especially relating to critical bulk

infrastructure asset components such as underground pipes and

accordingly no infrastructure maintenance plans are in place.

Funds meant for infrastructure maintenance are routinely

siphoned due to corruption, budgetary virements and

reprioritizations. Infrastructure operations and maintenance is

systematically neglected through the frequent unilateral cutting

and reallocation of infrastructure budgets which are reallocated

to other mandates not directly linked to service delivery.

Councillors often interfere through amongst others influencing

incorrect classification of indigent registers and the incorrect

classifications of households which can afford to pay for rates

as indigents. Due to the above-mentioned as well as the

resultant poor income collection rates, many municipal

infrastructure projects are either delayed until additional

funding is available or the scope of work of infrastructure

projects is reduced.

In certain cases, Ward Councillors also influence the timing and

location of infrastructure projects by demanding the

appointment of local Contractors and /or the employment of

local communities by influencing communities to invade

construction sites and driving off Contractors in cases of non-

compliance with their demands.


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3.6 The Professionalization Effects of Statutory

Regulation

Through promoting the professionalization of the municipal

infrastructure space the following will be attained-

a) High quality standards of service delivery provisions

through compliance with statutory Technical service

quality standards

b) Ringfenced entry into municipal infrastructure professions

for service delivery

c) Professional work reservation in favour of municipal

infrastructure professionals

d) Establishment of uniform municipal infrastructure skills

requirements for various municipal categories

e) Establishment of minimum recruitment and selection

criteria for infrastructure professionals employed within

the SA local government sector

f) Enforcement of statutory provisions by statutory bodies

g) Professional liability by professionals for professional

work done

h) Protection of South African consumers of municipal

infrastructure and technical services

i) Safe, dependable, quality standards and good value

infrastructure provisioning for communities

j) Protection of health, safety and other interests of the public

in relation to technical service delivery activities

undertaken by municipalities

k) Prohibition of unqualified, inexperienced and unregistered

persons from performing technical functions in the local

government sector

l) Greater accountability by registered professionals

m) Recourse measures for municipalities against technical

officials in case of unprofessional conduct.

4. A Sector Capacity Development Plan for Municipal

Infrastructure

There is a need to enforce stronger regulations within the

municipal infrastructure space.

It is critical that municipal Technical Directors and other built

environment professionals employed in the local government

sector be regulated similarly to their private sector counterparts

through statutory regulatory interventions, inspections and

enforcement by statutory professional bodies supported by

government to ultimately attain:-

• High quality standards of service delivery provisions

through compliance with statutory service quality

standards;

• Professional work reservation in favour of qualified and

experienced graduate staff

• Implementation of uniform skills requirements

• Uniform recruitment and selection criteria for

infrastructure professionals employed within the sector

• Professional liability by professionals for professional

work done

• Protection of consumers of municipal infrastructure and

services

• Protection of health, safety and other interests of the public

in relation to technical service delivery activities

undertaken by municipalities

• Prohibition of unqualified, inexperienced and unregistered

persons from performing regulated functions in the local

government sector

• Greater recourse measures for municipalities against

infrastructure officials in case of professional misconduct.

• Greater avenues to protect municipalities from

unscrupulous Contractors and Consultants

No municipality and/or municipal entity/ utility should be

allowed to employ a municipal infrastructure official to hold a

designated post at operational, tactical and/or strategic

management level within the municipal infrastructure space

without the requisite: -

• Professional registration with the relevant statutory

professional Council

• Minimum academic qualifications in line with the statutory

requirements for the profession and /or successfully

completing a compulsory Certificate Programme in

Infrastructure Management

• Five (5) years of relevant working experience and adequate

exposure in line with the approved work exposure criteria

set by the professional registration body

4.1 Subsidised Continuing Professional Development

(CPD) of Municipal Infrastructure Officials

Compliance with CPD and professional membership fees

remains a key barrier to the professional development and

registration of municipal infrastructure officials. This is the case

because a lot of municipalities do not subsidise the membership

and /or CPD activities of their infrastructure officials.

The expensive nature of CPD activities as well as the additional

costs of travel and accommodation for CPD compliance which

are not subsidized by municipalities causes officials to lapse

their annual membership fees.

Municipalities should be encouraged to provide financial

subsidies to all their professionally registered civil engineering/

Constructions management professionals to assist

infrastructure officials to maintain their professional

registration with their professional Councils.

Financial support to also support the annual professional

membership fees as well as registration fees of registered civil

engineers is also proposed.


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4.2 Increase the Qualification Levels of Technical

Directors

The shortage of Technical skills at local municipalities makes

operations and management (O&M) of infrastructure and

service delivery very difficult.

The increase in demand for basic services and the pressure on

current infrastructure is growing steadily. The inability of local

government, especially low capacity municipalities to secure

and retain skilled municipal infrastructure staff makes the

management of resources very difficult.

The subsequent outsourcing of operations and maintenance

activities to the private sector has increased municipal operating

costs leading to the absence of proper skills, control

mechanisms and quality management systems to ensure that

appointed contractors deliver municipal outsourced work of a

high standard and quality.

This has subsequently resulted in municipalities delivering

services of substandard quality and depending on contractors to

complete tasks that municipalities should be able to undertake

internally if technically skilled staff were available.

The qualification levels of municipal Infrastructure / Technical

Directors need to be increased through concerted statutory

interventions similar to the approach followed by the National

Treasury in enforcing the development of municipal Chief

Financial Officers (CFO’s) through the statutory avenues such

as the Municipal Finance Management Act (MFMA) since

municipal Infrastructure / Technical Directors play a very

critical service delivery role in municipalities and are

responsible for public health and safety of millions of citizens.

The municipal infrastructure space is regulated by the relevant

built environment professions.

Those Infrastructure / Technical Directors who currently do not

have the minimum academic qualifications and experience

requirements to comply with the relevant statutory regulatory

requirements of their built environment profession need to be

assisted to comply through the implementation of secondment

programmes to the private sector for additional exposure or

additional study programmes to plug the academic knowledge

gap within set compliance timeframes.

Municipal Technical Directors who currently do not comply

and are not prepared to study further or obtain the requisite

experience required in terms of the relevant built environment

professions should leave the sector or be retired or given more

junior alternative roles by municipalities due to non-compliance

with statutory provisions governing their profession which is

regulated by statute

The above-mentioned measures should apply also to

unregistrable persons such as teachers, other professionals,

matriculants, university dropouts and other “political

deployees” who were appointed to infrastructure roles outside

the regulatory provisions of the statutorily regulated profession.

For current municipal infrastructure who wish to comply but do

not have the minimum qualifications, a Certificate Programme

in Infrastructure Management course designed for current and

newly appointed municipal built environment practitioners in

the form of Technical Directors/ PMU Managers, junior

managers in water, sanitation, roads, electricity and housing is

proposed in order to give municipal infrastructure officials a

broader perspective on municipal operations, maintenance and

management.

It is proposed that the programme be delivered with a common

curriculum content by various universities of technology to be

become mandatory for all new and current Senior Managers and

their reportees in the municipal infrastructure space who have

not yet attained statutory professional registration; do not have

the requisite minimum academic qualifications and experience

in compliance with the applicable statutory professional

regulations.

Whilst cadre deployment is an accepted international norm

globally, the deployment of unqualified, inexperienced or

“pseudo-engineering” professionals such as teachers, priests

and matriculants is not only unlawful in terms of the

Engineering Professions Act 46 of 2000 but also compromises

public health and safety, causes proliferation of diseases,

degrades the environment, undermines the institutional and

management capacity of the state at local government level and

further causes collapsing public infrastructure and related

services thus sparking community service delivery protests.

Until authorities accept that municipal engineers fulfill the

same life and death critical societal roles in the same vein as

medical doctors who are also regulated by statute in terms of

the Health Professions Act 29 of 2007 and that political

deployments in these regulated professions is not only unlawful

but a recipe for further disaster, then the deployment of

unqualified inexperienced municipal infrastructure officials

will proceed unabated.

4.3 Bursary Funding To Create Pipeline of New

Professionals for Local Government

More bursary funding is needed to fund new students and

graduates who wish to study civil engineering and work in the

municipal infrastructure space in order to create a pipeline of

graduates into the local government sector to stem the attrition

rate of retiring civil engineers leaving the sector.

Bursary holders who complete their studies must be given

Experiential learning placement in municipalities and can also

be placed to complete their professional Candidacy with

municipalities.


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4.4 Support Municipal Officials Through Provision of

Mentoring

Those municipal Infrastructure / Technical Directors who

currently do not meet the minimum experience and full career

exposure requirements to comply with the relevant statutory

professional body need to be assisted to comply through the

implementation of secondment programmes to the private

sector for additional exposure as well as structured mentoring

support to municipal officials to ensure the professional

registration with professional registering bodies.

4.5 Ring-Fence the Recruitment Processes of new

Municipal Technical Directors

It a known fact that municipalities are battling with the

challenge to appoint and retain suitably qualified Technical

Directors as well as junior officials in the municipal

infrastructure space.

The challenge becomes compounded as qualified and

experienced Technical Directors and municipal staff leave the

local government sector for the private sector and thus

contribute to high labour turnover rate and resultant loss of

institutional capacity.

There are a lot of municipal built environment practitioners who

are not registered with their relevant statutory bodies and who

need capacitation to at least commence on the road to candidacy

in line with the registration criteria of their professional

statutory body.

There is a need to ringfence and centralise the recruitment,

selection and appointment processes of new municipal

Technical Directors to ensure that the correct quality of

qualified, experienced and professionally registered

infrastructure officials are recruited, interviewed and selected

by municipalities.

It is proposed that a provincial recruitment panel be convened

by municipalities under the banner of the employing

municipality, provincial departments of CoGTA and SALGA

including the recognized unions to vet all newly appointed

municipal Infrastructure Directors before they are employed by

municipalities to strengthen the management capacity of

Technical Directors.

4.6 Stronger Compliance Monitoring & Enforcement

by Statutory Professional Councils

There exists a widespread perception of lack of “power” by

statutory professional Council over unregistered engineers and

other built environment professionals in municipalities. This

fuels a lack of interest by registered persons in professional

registration due to a perceived lack of benefits to the registered

professional.

Municipalities in turn choose to flout statutory regulatory

provisions of the built environment professional Councils by

employing unregistered / unregistrable persons.

It is recommended that the Council for Built Environment as

well as all built environment professional Councils with the

support of municipalities, SALGA, the unions and all relevant

roleplayers such as the Department of Labour (DoL) amongst

others, embark on a public active compliance verification and

enforcement process in the local government sector involving

site visits, workplace compliance reviews as well as workplace

inspections to monitor and enforce the provisions of the

statutory professional Councils regulating the municipal

infrastructure space.

This is in order to address perceptions of lack of regulatory

powers as well as to reinforce the mandate of professional

Councils.

Those who have chosen to flout the law and employ

unregistered/ unregistrable persons outside the regulatory

requirements of the relevant professional Council should be

exposed, fined and given compliance notices with set timelines.

Municipalities also need to ensure focused compliance

enforcement process through the Municipal Systems Act of

2000 Regulations for the Appointment of Section 56 Managers

Whilst political deployment is an accepted universal

phenomenon, it must be underpinned by the deployment of

qualified, experienced and committed civil servants.

4.7 Centralization of Municipal Infrastructure Asset

Registers

Probably the greatest challenge facing municipalities in South

Africa is that of infrastructure asset management namely the

effective and methodical recording of all accumulated

infrastructure assets with a view to managing such assets and

their associated components and maintaining them for the

future in the most cost-effective manner possible.

The problem is characterized by inexistent / historic master

plans, non-compliance with existing infrastructure plans,

ageing infrastructure not maintained, non-compliance with

GRAP 17 MFMA requirements and resultant lack of

infrastructure maintenance leading to infrastructure breakdown

and asset loss.

Currently municipalities are utilizing diverse GIS packages,

sometimes critical data located in private service provider

servers at behest of Consultants. GRAP 17 compliance is a

common cause of audit disclaimers by the Auditor-General to

municipalities.

A common asset management systems platform is thus needed

to be provided for the sector to ensure systems standardization

and information integrity.


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A common asset management platform will enable an

innovative and comprehensive asset management methodology

that will not only help municipalities to ensure GRAP 17

compliance but to apply long-term municipal asset management

and maintenance planning.

By standardising asset management data collection, the system

will provide municipalities with a means to monitor

infrastructure assets (immovable) and movable assets and to

generate a GRAP 17 asset register through asset location;

componentization; asset impairment based on the condition of

each asset; determine remaining useful life; adress maintenance

backlogs and maintenance costs and cash flow for the next five

years; plan for future asset replacement cash flow and

replacement requirements as well as asset lifecycle replacement

costs.

Municipalities will have at their fingertips standardised records

of the condition of their infrastructure, enabling them to

determine on an ongoing basis the impairment and maintenance

needs of the infrastructure, thus providing opportunities for

informed infrastructure planning.

This Marshall Plan will require strong political will and support

on the part of the State President, the ruling party and all

stakeholders in the local government sector to succeed.

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African Journal of Education & Transformation (AJET)

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