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Achievement goals in aïkido and judo: A comparative study amongbeginner and experienced practitionersChristophe Gernigon ab; Hervé le Bars ab

a Institut National du Sport et de l'Education Physique, Paris, France b Christophe Gernigon and Hervéle Bars, Laboratoire de Psychologie du Sport, Institut National du Sport et de l'Education Physique,Paris, France

To cite this Article Gernigon, Christophe and Bars, Hervé le(2000) 'Achievement goals in aïkido and judo: A comparativestudy among beginner and experienced practitioners', Journal of Applied Sport Psychology, 12: 2, 168 — 179To link to this Article: DOI: 10.1080/10413200008404221URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10413200008404221

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JOURNAL OF APPLIED SPORT PSYCHOLOGY 12, 168-179 (2000)

Achievement Goals in Aikido and Judo: A Comparative Study among Beginner and Experienced Practitioners

CHRISTOPHE GERNIGON AND HERVE LE BARS

Instifur National dic Sport el de I’Educarion Physique, Paris, France

The purpose of this study was to determine whether achievement goal orientations {task and ego) vary as a function of the type of fighting sport that is practiced (competitive: judo vs. non-competitive: aikido), of the level of experience (begin- ner vs. experienced). and of gender. Children and adult practitioners of these sports were asked to respond to a French version of the Perception of Success Ques- tionnaire (Robens & Balague, 1991). MANOVAs and follow-up ANOVAs re- vealed that in the children’s group, ailcidokas proved to be generally more task- oriented than judokas, experienced aikidokas were less ego-oriented than beginner aikidokas and experienced judokas, and experienced judokas were more ego-ori- ented than beginner judokas. In the adult group, experienced aikidokas were cu- riously both less task- and ego-oriented than beginner aikidokas and experienced judokas. No effects involving gender reached significance. These findings stress the compatibility of a competitive context and task orientation.

Nicholls’ (1984, 1989) achievement goal theory has been used exten- sively by sport psychologists to explain motivational dynamics in sports (e.g., Duda, 1992, 1993, 1996; Roberts, 1992, 1993; Roberts & Treasure, 1995). Nicholls’ theory emphasizes the critical role of goal involvement (i.e., states of task or ego involvement) in determining adaptive or mal- adaptive behaviors in achievement contexts. When individuals are task- involved, they use self-referenced criteria such as effort investment and personal progress, to assess their success. Task involvement is assumed to lead to adaptive achievement patterns such as challenging task choices, greater effort and persistence leading to high performance, regardless of the perceived ability. When they are ego-involved, individuals use a pro- cess of social comparison where perceived success depends on how much more competent they are compared to others. While ego-involvement can

Christophe Gemigon and Herve le Bars, Laboratoire de Psychologie du Sport, Institut National du Sport et de I’Education Physique, 11 avenue du Tremblay, 75012, Paris, France. E-mail: gemigonau-pans I0.fr

We are grateful to Darren C. Treasure, Glyn C. Roberts, and Jean-Claude Pineau for their assistance in the preparation of this article.

168 104 I -3200mo1n I 6s-n179$ I .m/n Cop>right Z o o 0 by Association for Advancement of Applied Sport Psychology

All rights of reproduction in any form reserved.

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GOAL ORIENTATIONS IN AIKIDO AND JUDO 169

lead to adaptive achievement patterns for those who are confident in their abilities to perform better than others, it becomes detrimental for those who realize that their ability is not likely to be demonstrated. In this case, ego-involvement will lead to avoiding challenging tasks, and reducing effort and persistence in the face of difficulty.

The probability of adopting a particular goal in an achievement situa- tion occurs as a result of both situational factors and individual proneness (Dweck & Leggett, 1988; Nicholls, 1989). The latter, labelled “goal ori- entation” by Nicholls (1989), reflects the dispositional tendency to be task- or ego-involved in this situation. Individual differences in goal per- spective are seen as a result of socialization experiences (Nicholls, 1989; Nicholls, Patashnick, & Nolen, 1985). According to White and Duda ( 1994), “socialization or differential experience with social environments which reinforce the demonstration of superior ability or learning and per- sonal mastery would impact a person’s degree of ego and task orientation, respectively” (p. 13). Particularly, the importance of competition for a given sport can be considered an ego-orienting characteristic of the social environment. When they compared the orientations of people practicing sport at different levels of competitive involvement (i.e., from recreational sport to intercollegiate sport), White and Duda found that athletes who practiced at the highest competitive level appeared to be the most ego- oriented. The development of task or ego orientation also depends on the length and the intensity of practice in a particular sport context (Ames, 1992). In a previous study, where the relationship between goal orienta- tions and these dimensions was examined, Duda (1988) showed that task orientation was related to maximal investment in the leisure activity of recreational sport. That is, the participants who appeared to be most task- oriented were most likely to have practiced the sport the longest and for the greatest number of hours per week. However, because no longitudinal studies pertaining to the evolution of achievement goals while practicing sport in specific contexts have yet been conducted, development and changes of goal orientations could not have been assessed. To date, the causality of the relationships between goal orientations and involvement in a given context of practice cannot be established. The context of prac- tice could play a socializing role by fostering specific goals while at the same time it could be responsible for a selecting process. This selecting process would lead to persistence only in people whose goal orientations match the values emphasized in that particular context.

Another interesting finding revealed by Duda’s (1988) study was that the participants who practiced for the greatest number of years were among those who emphasized both task- and ego-oriented goals. The fact that a person can be high in both ego and task orientations agrees with Nicholls’ (1989, 1992) assumption of orthogonality of these two orien- tations. The orthogonality relation of goals has since been confirmed by several studies conducted in sport settings (e.g., Duda, 1989b; Roberts, Treasure, & Kavussanu, 1996), and has even been used to constitute goal profile designs combining different levels of task and ego orientations

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170 GERNIGON AND LE BARS

(e.g., Duda, 1988; Fox, Goudas, Biddle, Duda, & Armstrong, 1994). Thus, the competitive context of sport practice assumed to solicit ego Orientation should not be considered as incompatible with task orientation. Consequently, according to Roberts et al. (1996), attempting to replace ego by task orientation would be vain and irrelevant. Moreover, Duda (1988) argued that pursuing the two kinds of goals increases the possi- bility of perceiving oneself as successful by providing two sources of success. Recently, Hardy (1997) has emphasized that ego-oriented goals should not be seen as negative for sport performance, because they could be adaptive when combined with high task-oriented goals.

As in many sports, there are multiple ways of perceiving oneself as successful in judo. Judo may therefore emphasize both ego and task ori- entations. On the one hand, it must be stressed that competition and social comparison within this sport are strong in France. While these character- istics appeared to be extremely pronounced for elite (d’ Arripe-Longue- ville, Fournier, & Dubois, 1998), they are also encountered whatever the level of practice, even among young people. Each training session regu- larly includes actual fights, called rundori. On the other hand, besides this orientation toward competition, training also emphasizes learning new techniques and improving already acquired skills. This learning dimension is assessed by belt ranks.

Although competition and, consequently, social comparison, are present in sport everywhere and form the most striking characteristic of most sport activities, some disciplines develop in the absence of organised com- petition and contain no notion of winning or losing in their practice. Such is the case in aikido, which despite its status as a fighting sport, tends to promote a philosophy of practice focused only on mastery, learning self- defense techniques, and personal progress through a climate of coopera- tion. In aikido, training denies the notion of actual fighting against an opponent. Virtual opponents only simulate the attacks which will generate the exercise of defense.

The process of socialization in terms of the development of goal ori- entations is also influenced by gender. In a series of studies conducted in sport and physical activity settings, Gill and her colleagues (e.g.. Gill, 1986; Gill & Dzewaltowski, 1988) showed that females generally place a greater emphasis on achieving personal goals than do males, the latter being more oriented toward competitiveness. While the tendency to achieve personal goals seemed to be a construct rather similar to task orientation, Gill’s construct of competitiveness did not prove to be com- parable to ego orientation (Marsh, 1994). However, Gill and colleagues also demonstrated that males tend to be more concerned about winning, this last construct being closer to ego orientation (Marsh, 1994). Other investigations conducted in the domain of sport and physical activities and based on Nicholls’ (1984) achievement goal theory confirmed these gender differences in more specific terms of task and ego orientations. Thus, males were clearly found to be more ego-oriented than females,

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GOAL ORIENTATIONS IN AIKIDO AND JUDO 171

while the latter most often appeared to be more task-oriented (Duda, 1988, 1989b; Kavussanu & Roberts, 1996; White & Duda, 1994).

The aim of the present study is to examine whether achievement goal orientations (task and ego) vary as a function of the type of fighting sport that is practiced (competitive: judo vs. non-competitive: aikido), of the level of experience (beginner vs. experienced), and of gender. Despite the differences between judo and aikido, both are considered to be achieve- ment contexts because they demand striving for competence (Heckhausen, 1967), albeit in different ways (Nicholls, 1984). Thus, in aikido, as in academic situations, competence may be referenced to personal standards placing heavy importance on learning, and progress toward the highest levels of skill represented by belt ranks. In judo, competence may be mainly referenced to social comparison standards although learning and progress goals may also be pursued.

Because people appear to be more ego-oriented in competitive sports than in non-competitive ones (White & Duda, 1994), it is predicted that judokas would be more ego-oriented than aikidokas. Moreover, experi- enced judokas should be more ego-oriented than their beginning coun- terparts. Since both judo and aikido include a learning dimension, no prediction is made with regard to a possible difference between task ori- entations of participants in these two activities. However, insofar as task orientation is related to the length of time a sport has been practiced (Duda, 1988), experienced participants are expected to be more task-ori- ented than beginners, whatever their sport. According to the results pre- viously observed in sports contexts (e.g., Duda, 1988, 1989b; Kavussanu & Roberts, 1996; White & Duda, 1994), it is expected that males tend to be more ego-oriented than females, whereas the latter are expected to be more task-oriented than the former.

Method Participants and Design

Because the condition “experienced practitioner” embodies non-equiv- alent definitions of length and level of practice between child and adult samples, a group of 80 children (M age = 12.1, SD = 1.43) and a group of 84 adults (M age = 28.5, SD = 8.30) were studied separately. All the participants were volunteer and were recruited from a score of clubs. In each of the two populations, the selected participants were characterized according to their activity (judo vs. aikido), level of experience (beginner vs. experienced), and gender. Concerning the levels of expertise, “begin- ners” in both the child and the adult groups had practiced their sport for less than three months and had not gone beyond the level of a white belt. Children were considered “experienced” participants if they had prac- ticed their sport for at least three years (M = 4.8 years) and had reached the green belt level (third kyu). Adults were considered “experienced” participants if they had practiced their sport for at least seven years (M = 14.5 years) and had reached the level of first dan black belt. None of

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172 GERNIGON AND LE BARS

Table 1 Means and standard deviations of task and ego scores recorded in

child and adult groups, according to the different conditions of activity, level of experience, and gender

Children (n = 80) Adults (n = 84)

Task Ego Task Ego Independent variables M SD M SD M SD M SD

Aikido (n, = 38: n,, = 43) Beginners (n , = 18; n, = 20)

Males (n; = 12; n, = 11) Females (n, = 6; n, = 9)

Experienced (n, = 20: n, = 23) Males (nL = 12; n, = 13) Females (n , = 8; n, = 10)

Judo (n, = 42; ln, = 41) Beginners (n, = 18; n, = 15)

Males (tic = 11: n, = 9 ) Females (n , = 7; n, = 6)

Experienced (n, = 24; n, = 26) Males (n, = 12; n, = 15) Females (n, = 12; na = 11)

4.63 .38 2.69 .70 4.26 .48 2.01 4.62 .40 2.99 .I5 4.46 .39 2.40 4.51 .46 2.86 .72 4.57 .34 2.60 4.13 2 7 3.25 .81 4.33 .43 2.16

4.64 .37 2.42 .55 4.08 .49 1.66 4.62 .36 2.51 .61 4.12 .51 1.62 4.66 .41 2.29 .44 4.04 .49 1.71

4.31 S O 3.20 .81 4.41 .42 3.10 4.29 .58 2.91 .73 4.39 .42 2.80 4.32 .65 3.13 .I5 4.40 .40 2.65 4.25 .48 2.51 .58 4.37 .50 3.02

4.33 .45 3.42 .81 4.43 .42 3.28 4.33 .53 3.15 .71 4.46 .41 3.34 4.32 .37 3.10 .80 4.31 .46 3.20

.88 1 .oo 1 .oo 1.01

.58

.58

.62

.I5

.8 1

.90

.67

.67

.83

.38

Note. n, = number of children; n, = number of adults.

the participants selected for the study had ever practiced both judo and ailcido either simultaneously or separately. Likewise, they were practicing no other sport than judo or ailcido.

It should be noted that certain types of participants related to specific conditions required by the study proved more difficult to find among aikidokas or judokas. The number of participants in each category is indicated Table 1 .

Procedure During the first two months of the sports season, the participants were

solicited on site, just before exercise sessions. After being assured of the anonymity of their responses, they filled in the French version (Durand, Cury, Sarrazin, & Famose, 1996) of the Perception of Success Question- naire (POSQ) of Roberts and Balague (1991). This questionnaire mea- sures goal orientations (task and ego) in sports. It contains 12 items, half of which deal with task involvement tendencies, while half correspond to ego orientations. After reading the phrase: “I feel most successful in sport when . . .”, the participants responded to situations characterized by one or the other of the two orientations. They rated each item on a 5-point Likert-type scale ranging from 1 (strongly disagree) to 5 (strongly agree).

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GOAL ORIENTATIONS IN AIKIDO AND JUDO 173

Each goal orientation was measured by calculating the mean of the scores of its corresponding items.

In the present study, for each of the scales (task and ego, respectively), the alpha coefficients were .66 and .78 for children, .75 and .91 for adults, demonstrating acceptable levels of internal consistency (Cronbach, 195 1). The intercorrelation between the task and ego scales was quite low (chil- dren: r = -.09; adults: r = .29), and confirmed the assumed independence of the two goal orientations (Nicholls, 1989, 1992).

Results The means and standard deviations of the scores obtained for each

category of participants for task and ego orientations are presented in Table 1.

To check whether the observed variables are normally distributed, the skewness of task and ego orientations scores were examined for each condition of the study. For children, skewness ranged from - 1.20 to - .20 (task), and from -1.14 to 1.15 (ego). For adults, skewness ranged from -2.03 to .47 (task), and from -.23 to 1.11 (ego). Because only one condition (i.e., male beginner ailcidokas in the adult group) just reached the limit of ? 2, the data were considered as marginally supporting the assumed normality of the distributions.

Two separate 2 X 2 X 2 (activity X level of experience X gender) MANOVAs, one for the children and one for the adults, were conducted on the ego orientation and task orientation scores. A significant activity effect appeared in both the children, Wilks’ Lambda = .81, F(2, 71) = 8.16, p < .001, and the adults, Wilks’ Lambda = .68, F(2, 75) = 17.36, p < .001. No other main effects were observed. An activity X level of experience interaction effect was found for the two populations: for chil- dren, Wilks’s Lambda = .83, F(2, 71) = 7.21, p < .01; for the adults, Wilks’s Lambda = 35, F(2, 75) = 6.55, p < .01. The only effect in- volving gender was an activity X gender interaction effect which did not reach significance (p = .09).

Since no multivariate effects could be considered for gender, the data were pooled for subsequent analyses. Follow-up 2 X 2 (activity X level of experience) ANOVAs were then conducted and effect sizes (ES) were calculated using pooled standard deviations (Hedges & Olkin, 1985). In the children’s group as in the adult group, ANOVAs showed main effects for activity on ego scores, where judokas were found to be more ego- oriented than aikidokas: for the children, F(1, 76) = 8.14, p < .01; for the adults: F(1, 80) = 34.90, p < .001. However, these effects were superseded by activity X level of experience interaction effects observed in the two populations (Figures 1 and 2). These interaction effects oc- curred on ego scores for both children, F(1, 76) = 11.07, p < .01, and adults, F(1, SO) = 12.93, p < .001. Planned comparisons indicated that experienced ailcidokas were less ego oriented than beginner ailcidokas (children: p < .01, large ES = 37; adults: p < .01, large ES = .91), and

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174

3.5 -

3 -

2 . 5 -

GERNIGON AND LE BARS

- - -0. - - ,+ Egoailcido

-2- Egojudo

Task judo

5 -

4 -

3 -

Beginners Experienced

Figure 1. dren.

Task and ego orientations according to activity and level of experience for chil-

experienced judokas (children: p < .001, large ES = 1.45; adults: p < .001, large ES = 2.59). Furthermore, experienced judokas were more ego oriented than beginner judokas @ < .05, moderate ES = .66) for the children. The same effect did not reach significance @ = .09) for the adults.

Regarding task scores, a large effect (ES = .72) for activity appeared only in the chldren’s group, judokas being less task-oriented than aiki- dokas, F(1, 76) = 9.90, p < .01. Discriminant analysis confirmed this difference between the two activities (discriminant function coefficient = -.65). No interaction effects were shown for task scores in the children’s

- -.- - - Task aikido

- - -0- - - Task judo

+ Egoaikido

Beginners Experienced

Figure 2. Task and ego orientations according to activity and level of experience for adults.

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GOAL ORIENTATIONS IN AIKIDO AND JUDO 175

group. In the adult group, an activity X level of experience interaction effect was found, F(1, 80) = 4.45, p < .05: Curiously, experienced ail- idokas appeared less task oriented than beginner aikidokas (p < .01, large ES = .84), and experienced judokas (p < .01, large ES = .74).

Discussion Contrary to the hypotheses and to previous literature addressing gender

differences in goal orientations (e.g., Duda, 1988, 1989b; Kavussanu & Roberts, 1996; White & Duda, 1994), no gender effects for task and ego orientations reached significance. It might be hypothesized that the very nature of the activities investigated in the present study could have lev- elled gender differences. Gill (1 992) underlined that gender differences in achievement cognitions may be influenced by the gender-linked nature of an activity. Aikido and judo are both fighting sports and could be considered as reflecting masculine values. Therefore, these activities could have fostered masculine goal orientations (i.e., low task and high ego orientations) or could have been more attractive for persons with such characteristics, thus resulting in more homogeneity in males and females’ goal orientations. This assumption could explain why it proved more dif- ficult to recruit sufficiently sized female samples pertaining to certain conditions (see Table 1). Nevertheless, the masculine nature of the fight- ing sports remains speculative. Further research comparing achievement cognitions between this particular sports domain and others should be undertaken to test such an assumption.

Consistent with White and Duda’s (1994) finding of an association between ego orientation and competitive involvement, levels of ego ori- entation in aikido and judo seemed to be quite different. However, the main activity effect was due to an activity by level of experience inter- action effect. For both children and adults, there was no difference be- tween the ego scores in the two activities at the beginner level, but only at the experienced level. Thus, the fact that ego orientation differs across sport only among experienced participants suggests that the level of ego orientation did not determine the initial choice of one or the other sport.

Two processes may be invoked to explain the differences observed at the experienced level. First, as suggested by Ames (1992), the context of practice could produce modifications and shape motivational patterns as a function of the length of time one is engaged in a particular environ- ment. Aikidokas might thus have lost interest in ego-oriented goals the longer they have practiced and the more they have progressed in their sport, while judokas have become more and more ego-oriented. Such an explanation would be suggested by the fact that experienced judokas ac- tually appeared more ego-oriented than beginners (although this did not approach significance for adults) and that experienced aikidokas were less ego-oriented than beginners. But, because only independent groups of participants were compared in the present study, the “shaping” assump- tion cannot be asserted and warrants further research. Specifically, lon-

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176 GERNIGON AND LE BARS

gitudinal studies would help to show whether the context of practice ac- tually had a transformation effect on achevement orientations. Second, the differences observed at the experienced level could result from an effect of selection. This alternative explanation would suggest that more ego-oriented individuals would be more likely to participate in judo than ailudo and to persist in their sport. In other words, people would decide to give up a sport in which they do not find a climate in tune with their personal tendencies. As the previous one, this process also results in more homogeneity in individuals’ goal orientation as the level of experience increases. However, the action of this selecting effect cannot be asserted. Previous research on achievement goals and dropping out in sport has not yet investigated different levels of experience in sports that differ in their level of competitive involvement (e.g., Duda, 1989a; Whitehead, 1995). Studies focusing mainly on the motivation of athletes who have given up judo or ailudo could be undertaken to evaluate this hypothesis.

A main activity effect was found for children, judokas being less task- oriented than ailcidokas, whereas only an activity by level of experience interaction effect was revealed for adults. While adult task scores did not differ between beginners and experienced judokas, they strongly de- creased from beginner to experienced ailcidokas, with experienced al%- dokas appearing less task-oriented than their judo counterparts. This result contrasts with Duda’s (1988) finding that a positive relation exists be- tween task orientation and the length of time a sport has been practiced. Taking into account the adult ego and task scores, it appears that expe- rienced ai’kidokas are the least task- and ego-oriented. This would seem either that adult ailcidokas became less and less task- and ego-oriented or that those who were high in one or both goal orientations have dropped out. It may be asked whether, in the case of experienced adult ailcidokas, an absence of competition might have created a lack of objectives, and consequently a lack of an emphasis on task-oriented goals. Such could be the case insofar as competitive objectives might foster new mastery and progress goals. Furthermore, one can suspect that in aikido, a poten- tial status of a mastery climate would disappear as participants reach a level of expertise, as they have fewer techniques to learn. Such a situation cannot occur for the experienced children who still have a lot of progress to make. Therefore, because of the deficit of both competition and mas- tery goals for experienced ailudokas, it may be suggested that aikido simply offers an achievement context less and less. It would be interesting to investigate why, other than for achievement, expert aikidokas continue practicing this sport.

Furthermore, the fact that people can be low in both task and ego orientations appears to be in contradiction with Dweck’s (1986) hypoth- eses but confirms those of Nicholls (1989). According to Dweck, learning goals and performance goals (equivalent to task- and ego-oriented goals, respectively) represent the two opposite bipoles of a single dimension. However, for a number of authors (Duda, 1989b; Nicholls, 1989, 1992; Roberts et al., 1996; Roberts, Treasure, & Balague, 1998), they are or-

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GOAL ORIENTATIONS IN AIKIDO AND JUDO 177

thogonal factors and consequently non-conflicting. In the present study, the quite low intercorrelation found between the two scales of the POSQ lends support to the independence hypothesis.

Implications for coaches and sports practitioners are in agreement with Hardy and his colleagues’ standpoint (Hardy, 1997; Hardy, Jones, & Gould, 1996). The different types of achievement goals should be solic- ited in a complementary way. On one hand, emphasizing task orientation proves to be necessary to the adoption of adaptive achievement patterns in sports (e.g.. Duda, 1992, 1993, 1996; Roberts & Treasure, 1995). On the other hand, although ego-oriented achievement goals can be naturally fostered by competition, sport practitioners also need to clearly set this kind of goals in the form of outcome goals that could represent their ultimate aims (Hardy et al., 1996). Emphasizing the different types of goals and establishing their links in terms of “means-end” can contribute to the maintenance of an achievement context in which different ways of perceiving oneself as successful can be used by practitioners.

In conclusion, it may be argued that a competitive sport context, which obviously favors social comparison, does not conflict with a climate em- phasizing task-oriented criteria of success. The former might even be necessary for the latter. This would be all the more so at the highest levels of expertise. According to a number of authors (Nicholls, 1992; Roberts, 1992; Roberts et al., 1996), a competitive sport can also be compatible with task orientation provided that coaches emphasize the characteristics which will regularly generate task involvement for athletes. Such seems to be the case in judo which matches both ego orientation, by competition and actual fighting, and task orientation, by learning and progress in belt ranks. Further work needs to be undertaken in order to clarify the nature of the relationship between achievement goals and the contexts of judo and aikido. In particular, longitudinal surveys and studies of ‘drop outs’ should might reveal whether these influences stem from a selecting or a shaping process or both.

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