HIST303 Witch Hunting, 1400-1700, Tri 1, 2014

Account for the rise of witch-hunting inSalzburg, Austria, in the late seventeenth

century.

1

Abstract:

Late in the seventeenth century the prince-bishopric of Salzburg, Austria,

bore witness to one of the last witch-trials in Early Modern Europe. The

trials were significant in that the victims were almost all vagrants or

beggars, predominantly male and many of them young teenagers and

children. Austria, close to the heartland of the most ferocious witch-hunts

and trials in Germany, had not experienced anything on this scale, and to

do so in the waning years of the witch-hunts bears closer examination.

This paper will examine the possible reasons behind the Salzburg trials,

focusing on the Pied Piper-like figure of Zauberer-Jackl, a mythical figure

imbued by both the authorities and the victims themselves with powers of

sorcery, invisibility and flight. The social, political and economic

circumstances of the region need to be taken into consideration, as well -

the changing nature of begging, alms-giving, the Counter-Reformation

and social crises, amongst other causes. The stereotype of the older

female witch did not apply in these trials, as it did not in many trials of the

periphery of Europe, but the high number of children involved certainly

warrants further investigation.

2

The prince-bishopric of Salzburg experienced a

ferocious witch-hunt in the late seventeenth century,

in a country that had not previously been known for

large numbers of executions, and certainly not in that

century. The trials, from 1675 to 1690, claimed

approximately 200 lives but were distinguished by the

characteristics of the victims, which differed greatly

from the Early Modern European stereotype of the older

female witch, so common a feature of many trials. The

victims were almost all beggars and vagrants,

predominantly male and the large majority were

teenagers and children. Austria, unlike its neighbour

Germany, had not previously been known for its witch-

hunts, but as part of the Holy Roman Empire, had

certainly felt the impact in the sixteenth century of

the witch-craze. These trials therefore, need to be

considered in the context of the social, economic and

political circumstances of the last half of the

seventeenth century in order to comprehend its causes

3

and effects. The Counter-Reformation, in what was a

predominantly Catholic region, the changing nature of

begging and alms-giving, social and economic crises and

the growing recognition of childhood in society all

impacted upon the Salzburg trials. Most important

however, was the emergence of the almost mythical

figure, Zauberer-Jackl, or ‘Sorcerer Jack’, which both the

authorities and the victims themselves fantasized into

a cult figure leading the youth of Salzburg towards

demonic behaviour, and ultimately, their own deaths.

To begin, one needs to examine who the victims were and

the numbers accused and executed. It is generally

agreed that between 1675 and 1690, 200 people were

executed for the crime of witchcraft.1 However Wolfgang1 William. E. Burns, Witch Hunts in Europe and America: An Encyclopedia, (Connecticut: Greenwood Publishing Group, 2003), p. 116. NorbertSchindler, in ‘The origins of heartlessness: the culture and wayof life of beggars in late seventeenth century Salzburg,’ Rebellion, Community and Custom in Early Modern Germany, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002), p.236 concurs with this figure, however Wolfgang Behringer, Witchcraft Persecutions in Bavaria: Popular Magic, Religious Zealotry and Reason of State in Early Modern Europe, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002.), p 336 and

4

Behringer2 and Nordian Nifl Heim3 put the figure lower

at 140 lives as they examined a shorter period, between

1677 and 1681, when the witch-hunting was at its’

height. Likewise, Sabine Seidel estimates that 139

people died as she examines to 1681 only4, so the

figure of 200 seems reasonable under the circumstances.

Although the number may not appear large in contrast to

some of the trials elsewhere in Europe, the number is

distinctive for the short period the trials covered.

Moreover, it is the statistics of the victims that are

the most distinctive. In early modern Europe as a

whole, it has been claimed that men constituted 20-25

per cent of all victims of the witch-hunts.5Yet in the

Salzburg trials, Behringer estimates that over 70 per Nordian Nifl Heim, ‘Flights of (in) fancy: The Child-witches of Salzburg’, Diss. 2010. Retrieved from http://scidok.sulb.uni-saarland.de/volltexte/2012/4884/, last accessed 19 May 2014, p. 11 put the figure lower at 140 lives, as they examined a shorter period, between 1677 and 1681.

2 Behringer, Witchcraft Persecutions in Bavaria, p. 336.3 Nifl Heim, ‘Flights of (in) fancy: The Child-witches of Salzburg’, p.11.4 Sabine Seidel,‘The mouths (not always) the truth made known: Consideration to

the role of children in European witch trials (südosteuropäiscner considering magic performances),’Diploma thesis at the Faculty of Humanities of the Karl-Franzens-University of Graz.2003. Retrieved from http://www.historicum.net/themen/hexenforschung/thementexte/magisterarbeiten/art/Kindermund_tut/html/ca/b3d2705b48/, last accessed 19 May 2014. P. 5.2.4.1

5 Alison Rowlands, Witchcraft and Masculinities in Early Modern Europe. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009. P. 2.

5

cent of those arrested were male, with the same

percentage of those executed being under the age of

twenty two.6 Norbert Schindler states that of the 133

persons executed between 1675 and 1681, two-thirds were

aged under twenty-one, with more than one-third under

fifteen, and over two-thirds of the victims’ male.7 It

is not only the high proportion of males but the ages

of the victims that make these trials so different from

many within Europe. Siedel states that 39 of the

accused were aged between 10 and 14, and an astonishing

15 aged under 10, with the two youngest being just 2

and 3 years old.8 While some women and young girls were

arrested and executed, they were in the minority, and

this in itself forms part of the reason for why the

trials occurred.

For it is important to note that the Salzburg trials

were an anomaly, not just for Austria but for Europe as

6 Behringer, Witchcraft Persecutions in Bavaria, p. 337.7 Schindler, Community and Custom in Early Modern Germany, p. 238.8 Siedel, ‘The mouths (not always) the truth made known’, p. 5.2.4.1.

6

a whole. Richard Golden argues that the Austrian trials

followed a similar pattern to elsewhere in Europe,

peaking in the late sixteenth century, but being on the

periphery, intensifying in the late seventeenth

century.9This is supported not only by the numbers

executed but by Behringer, who argues that witchcraft

persecutions peaked in Austria and the Alpine regions

between 1675 and 1695.10 It is generally agreed that

the Zauberer Jackl trials, as they became known, were far

harsher than any previous trials in Austria, which had

until then, been relatively moderate.11 Indeed, witch

persecution was not seen as a common occurrence in

Salzburg but ultimately was a ‘strangely lasting

one’.12The trials are initially notable for the large

number of male victims, and one needs to examine why

this was so.

9 Richard. M. Golden, Encyclopaedia of Witchcraft: The Western Tradition, ABC-CLIO, 2006, Retrieved from http://www.eblib.com, last accessed 19 May 2014, p. 73.

10 Behringer, Witchcraft Persecutions in Bavaria, p. 343.11 Golden, Encyclopaedia of Witchcraft, p. 70, and Robin Briggs, Witches &

Neighbours: The Social and Cultural Context of European Witchcraft, (New York: Viking, 1996), p. 352.

12 “Witch Tower at Salzburg”: http://www.visit-salzburg.net/sights/hexenturm-witch-tower.htm , last accessed 19 May 2014.

7

Although the stereotype of a witch in early modern

Europe tended to be old, female and poor, this was

certainly not the case in every region or every trial

and Salzburg was no different. Erik Midelfort argues

that more and more men were accused later in the

seventeenth century as the stereotype of a female witch

broke down.13 That is to say, once people other than

old and poor women began to be accused, the threat to

all social orders intensified and widened. He argues

that as more and more non stereotypical witches were

accused, and being as they were from the nobility, the

clergy and children, communities suffered a ‘crisis of

confidence’ as the balance of society increasingly

became disrupted as a result.14 As can clearly be seen

in the Salzburg trials, the community began to look

elsewhere for its scapegoats and targeted those from

the lower strata of society. Behringer agrees with

13 Erik, H.C. Midelfort, quoted in Rowlands, Witchcraft and Masculinities in Early Modern Europe, p. 6.

14 Ibid.

8

this, arguing that those accused ‘lacked influential

patrons, rich relations or access to other networks of

social support’ and with no one to protect them, their

persecutions were practically guaranteed.15

It is important however, to also examine what was

occurring in Austria, and even the rest of Europe, in

the latter half of the seventeenth century. Rolf

Schulte argues that long term economic depression

reached Austria and the Alpine regions later than other

parts of Europe, but that its effects were strongly

felt with ‘increased pauperization and marginalization’

of the lower classes in Austria.16 He states that the

population of Austria doubled from 1527 to 1754 and

that correspondingly, the unemployed poor also

15 Behringer, Witchcraft Persecutions in Bavaria, p. 336.16 Rolf Schulte, ‘Men as Accused Witches in the Holy Roman Empire’, in Rowlands, Witchcraft and Masculinities in Early Modern Europe, p.59.

9

increased by twenty percent.17Behringer agrees that the

resumption of witch-hunting in the late seventeenth

century was due in part to a series of hunger crises, a

rising population and the increase in the number of

beggars.18It is not difficult to draw the conclusion

that in times of want and scarcity, the easiest targets

are the most defenceless, and as the vagrant group grew

it would quickly have drawn attention to itself.

Schulte also argues that Austria lost less of its

population than other parts of Europe after the Thirty

Years War, and could not support its surplus

population.19 Schindler agrees that this was a major

factor, as the Alpine regions generally produced ‘more

people than it could feed’, pushing the poor into the

urban areas and creating an itinerant

class.20Compassion seems to have evaporated as quickly

as resources did.

17 Schulte, ‘Men as Accused Witches in the Holy Roman Empire’, p. 59.18 Behringer, Witchcraft Persecutions in Bavaria, p. 415.19 Rolf Schulte & Linda Froome-Döring, Man as Witch: Male Witches in Central Europe, (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009), pp. 233-3420 Schindler, Rebellion, Community and Custom in Early Modern Germany, p. 259.

10

Even more so than gender or age, therefore, it is the

social position of the victims that is most telling, as

the majority of those accused and executed were beggars

or vagrants. This in itself was not unusual for early

modern Europe. Anne Barstow argues that most witches

were ‘the poorest of the poor’ and gives the example of

the Pappenheimer family, Bavarian vagrants cruelly

tortured and executed in Germany in 1600 as an example

of how the less fortunate in society were persecuted,

although she does tend to rely too heavily on figures

to support her claim that witch-hunting was gender

based.21 Golden supports her argument however, arguing

that most of the victims of any of the Austrian trials

were ‘socially marginalised individuals’ such as

shepherds or ‘vagabonds.’22 Schindler too, having

examined the trial records, states that the victims

were ‘almost exclusively beggars and vagrants’,

21 Anne Llewellyn Barstow, Witchcraze: A New history of the European Witch Hunts, (New York: Harper One, 1994), p. 26 and p.106.

22 Golden, Encyclopaedia of Witchcraft, p. 71.

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homeless and unemployed, and essentially itinerant.23

Although the beggar was a common target throughout all

the witch trials, this seems to have intensified in the

Salzburg trials, and the reasons for this need to be

analysed.

Certainly, groups of young men were not uncommon in the

sixteenth and seventeenth centuries in Europe.

Behringer states that ‘youth bands’ were common amongst

youth aged fifteen to twenty-five24and it is not

unreasonable to

assume that these groups could easily be labelled as

delinquents or troublemakers. In fact Hans Sebald

argues that the social crises of the period led to

‘hordes of homeless youth’, who were involved in crime

at all levels as well as merely ‘disturbing the

peace’.25The members of these groups were typically 23 Schindler, Rebellion, Community and Custom in Early Modern Germany, p. 237.

24 Behringer, Witchcraft Persecutions in Bavaria, p. 342.25 Sebald, Witch-Children, p. 41.

12

beggars with itinerants joining them seasonally,

blowing out their numbers during times of high

unemployment.26Schulte gives the example of a group of

beggars in Carinthia, rural Austria, shortly before the

Zauberer Jackl trials, which also had a high component of

children and adolescents as well as men, and also

featured victims with disabilities or deformities.27

Marginalised youth then, were already being recognised

in communities as markedly different from those around

them, and the traditional nature of begging was also

beginning to change. Sebald argues that by the

seventeenth century, the nature of begging was a mix of

harmlessness and ‘carnival-type’ tricks and

performances alongside delinquency, crime, ‘sorcery and

witchcraft’.28 It is this difference that one can argue

brought the behaviour of the beggar children to the

attention of the Austrian authorities.

26 Robin Briggs, Witches & Neighbours: The Social and Cultural Context of European Witchcraft, (New York: Viking, 1996), p. 353.

27 Schulte & Froome-Döring, Man as Witch, p. 232.28 Sebald, Witch-Children, p. 195.

13

As a series of economic and social crises began to

emerge in communities, the nature of begging became

more aggressive, and less the humble requesting of

charity from strangers. Begging became more aggressive

and the beggars began to

use the Jackl as a threat, an invisible avenger for their

wrongs – one woman allegedly told those who refused her

alms that ‘Jaggl’ would ‘teach them to be generous’.29

The malice inherent in their behaviour became more

visible, and the resentment against those who had

marginalised them increased. As they became

increasingly victimised, the beggars began to react

with more hostility, and Briggs argues that this

‘harsh, unfriendly treatment from society’ is clear

from the victims’ testimonies.30Revenge fantasies form

a major part of the testimonies. It is clear that the

authorities recognised the increasing aggressiveness

and nature of begging in the seventeenth century and

their actions from above must certainly have influenced29 Briggs, Witches & Neighbours, p. 352.30 Ibid., p.353.

14

the communities they held sway over. Sebarg states that

ecclesiastical edicts were passed in late sixteenth

century Bamberg in Germany to attempt to control the

vagrant class, resulting in banishment, poorhouses,

public floggings, brandings and workhouses.31Briggs

expands on this, stating that the authorities became

more concerned about the difference between the

deserving and undeserving poor, about who could request

alms, and as a result, this ‘drove a wedge’ between the

beggars and the rest of their community.32

Marginalising a group already weakened by poverty was

not so hard a step.

Furthermore, the prevailing law in the Holy Roman

Empire, of which Austria was a part, was the Carolina 31 Sebald, Witch-Children, p. 194.32 Briggs, Witches & Neighbours, pp. 352-53.

15

code, which explicitly stated that sorcery was a

capital offence, and that those found guilty of this

were to be executed by fire.33 In Austria however,

local courts could only make arrests and conduct an

initial investigation, before cases were referred to

the Aulic Court in Salzburg. Interestingly, Golden

states that the local records do not mention Sabbats,

demonic cults or Host defamation (another feature of

these trials) but they are ‘elaborately recorded in

aulic court interrogations’.34 Nifl Heim has analysed

the hearings of the Zauberer Jackl trials, where the

victims were accused of sorcery, in particular the

interrogations at the Grand Aulic Court at Salzburg,

and it is clear that many of the confessions were

‘guided’.35 That is to say, the authorities took

advantage of the fantasies of the children and the

victims, and Nifl Heim concludes that as a result, the

figure of Jackl the Sorcerer was ultimately a ‘virtual

construct’ that the authorities helped the victims

33 Golden, Encyclopaedia of Witchcraft, p. 72.34 Ibid., p. 1000.35 Nifl Heim, Flights of (in) fancy, p. 326.

16

build.36 In addition to this, the inquisitorial method

used in Europe listed prescribed questions for the

accused to answer in order for the magistrate to

‘diagnose witchcraft.’37It can then be argued that

sorcery, and questions by the inquisitors designed to

lead the accused towards answers about sorcery and

demonic pacts, was used as a weapon against the most

vulnerable in the community as a means of removing them

from society altogether.

In fact, the inconsistency of the laws applied to

witch-trials in the Holy Roman Empire certainly seems

to have been a factor in the Salzburg trials. Brian

Levack argues that there was little legal unity in the

Empire, aside from the Carolina code, which was never

effectively enforced in Austria, leading to unchecked

36 Nifl Heim, Flights of (in) fancy. P. 327.37 Golden, Encyclopaedia of Witchcraft, p. 73.

17

witch-hunting.38The decentralization of judicial power

in the prince-bishoprics meant unlimited freedom for

the authorities to hunt whom they wished, and again,

the marginalised poor were an easy target.39Salzburg

was an ecclesiastical state and not governed by the

Hapsburgs and as such, had not experienced major witch-

hunts until the Zauberer Jackl trials. One could argue

that as all the social, political and economic forces

aligned, the conditions were ripe for the ensuing

witch-craze that followed.

The result of the social and economic crises was an

increase in begging, which had been an accepted part of

early modern European society for many years. However,

the changing attitude and behaviour of the vagrants

themselves may have contributed to them becoming

targets. Sebald argues that the ‘delinquency,

pranksterism and the general nuisance’ caused by these

38 Brian Levack, The Witch-Hunt in Early Modern Europe, (London: Pearson Longman, Third ed. 2006), p. 212.

39 Ibid., p. 101.

18

‘juvenile gangs’ ultimately became too much of a

societal concern for the authorities to ignore.40 Not

only was their behaviour highly visible but the rise in

the number of children begging must also have been of

concern to a society preaching Christian charity.

Midelfort states that after 1600, more and more

children appeared in witch-trials in the Alpine

regions.41This would certainly not have fit the image

of ‘childhood innocence’ that would have been a

community ideal, and eradicating this threat to the

social order must have played a part in the decision to

arrest these vagrants, a blight on their society.

Indeed, the Christian practice of charity and alms-

giving seems to have altered for the worse in Austria

during this period. The Counter-Reformation was felt

strongly in Austria, which was predominantly Catholic,

and it could be argued that a marginalized highly

40 Sebald, Witch-Children, p. 106.41 Erik. H.C.Midelfort, Witch-hunting in Southwest Germany, (Stanford: Stanford University, 1972), p. 179.

19

visible group was not seemly for a country trying to

‘promote their own image as the true defenders of

Christian values.’42 Schindler states that the

tradition of alms-giving had been a donor prepared to

‘perform good works’ but likewise with a ‘grateful and

humble’ recipient.43 Gratitude and humility decreased

as conditions worsened and this was reflected in the

beggars’ general behaviour. The beggars’ ‘heresy’, or

unrepentant and irreverent attitude towards

Christianity, was also a factor. Schindler argues that

the beggars often

claimed to be from a good Christian family to try and

improve the chances of being given alms, as well as

appropriating Christian rituals and symbolism for their

own needs, including ‘host desecration’, featured

prominently in the trial records.44Seidel claims that

children under 10 were not executed, but placed in

42 Levack, The Witch-Hunt in Early Modern Europe, p. 120. 43 Schindler, Rebellion, Community and Custom in Early Modern Germany, p. 244.44 Ibid., p. 278 .

20

foster care and given an ‘ecclesiastical

education.’45Behringer supports this argument, claiming

some children were returned to their family home, but

with ‘strict instructions’ on their upbringing, so that

Christian values and morality were effectively given as

a punishment.46 The same authorities however, also

burned children found guilty of witchcraft between the

ages of 10 and 14, but did strangle or behead them

first in an extraordinary display of Christian

charity.47

It was in fact, the actions of one family of vagrants

that appear to have set the events in motion. Barbara

Koller was a beggar women who ‘demanded alms’ from an

innkeeper; upon their refusal she was heard to curse

the innkeeper and when their young son fell

45 Seidel, ‘The mouths (not always) the truth made known’, p. 5.2.4.1.46 Behringer, Witchcraft Persecutions in Bavaria, p. 342.47 Seidel, ‘The mouths (not always) the truth made known’, p. 5.2.4.1.

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‘inexplicably’ ill, she was accused of witchcraft.48She

eventually confessed to witchcraft in 1675 and was

executed. It was her son Jakob Koller, who would later

become known as ‘Sorcerer Jack’, who would become the

almost Pied Piper-like figure leading the homeless

youth of Salzburg into

demonic pacts.49Ultimately, it was the behaviour of the

beggars and their association with Koller that would

determine their outcomes, not purely their poverty.

And so the figure of the malevolent individual, child

or not, was created and assumed a role as an easy

target of the authorities. This ‘aura of malevolence’,

the itinerant beggar, easily morphed into a figure with

a ‘dangerous reputation.’50 Their threats were labelled

as sorcery and their behaviour seen as a threat to

society. It was alleged that Koller collected around 48 Schindler, Rebellion, Community and Custom in Early Modern Germany, pp. 250-51.49 Golden, Encyclopaedia of Witchcraft, p. 1000.50 Briggs, Witches & Neighbours, p. 238.

22

himself a group of young beggars and ‘apprenticed them

to the Devil.’51The ‘aggressive stance’ of the male

beggars, their ‘threats and mumblings’ and ‘malevolent

curses’ made them increasingly vulnerable to

accusations of witchcraft.52Once arrested however, it

was the beggars testimonies that seemed to incriminate

themselves and the myth of the ‘Zauberer Jackl’ grew into

fantastical proportions, creating a demonic threat

where one did not actually exist. The testimonies of

the victims, full of ‘inconsistency and lies’ and

‘fanciful adolescent thoughts’ of flight, Sabbats,

demonic pacts and the like, condemned them with their

own words.53

Confessions, either through torture but sometimes

without, can be construed as a way of the victims

fantasizing about power that they just did not have.

51 Golden, Encyclopaedia of Witchcraft, p. 1000.52 Rowlands, Witchcraft and Masculinities in Early Modern Europe, p. 17.53 Briggs, Witches & Neighbours, p. 354.

23

Briggs argues that by victims attesting to ‘weather

magic’ during Sabbats, in order to wreak revenge upon

those who had mistreated or ignored them, it was a way

for them to express ‘their real powerlessness and

poverty’.54In other words, they called upon their own

saviour, Sorcerer Jack, to avenge wrongs done to them

that they could not possibly have had the resources to

do themselves. Keith Thomas argues that curses were

taken extremely seriously in early modern Europe,

mainly because people believed that ‘curses worked only

if the party who uttered them had been unjustly

treated.’55 Christian guilt must have been an important

factor, reflecting as it did the injustices within a

community. As Behringer argues, unsolicited confessions

to sorcery and witchcraft condemned an uneducated group

of people because they possibly did not realise the

consequences of their actions.56That so many were young

children, without family or anyone to protect them, who

54 Briggs, Witches & Neighbours, p. 353.55 Keith Thomas, Religion and the Decline of Magic: Studies in Popular Beliefs in Sixteenth and Seventeenth-Century England, (London: Penguin Books, 1971), p. 604.56 Behringer, Witchcraft Persecutions in Bavaria, p. 398.

24

were arrested and executed upon these fantastical

confessions, seems ‘unusually horrible’57 and casts an

unforgiving eye upon the Salzburg authorities.

In the case of the Salzburg witch-trials, it can

certainly be argued that the conditions were conducive

to the events that occurred. Behringer argues that all

witchcraft persecutions happened when the interests and

concerns of the authorities matched those of the

community.58 The community with the support of the

authorities targeted a group who could not fight back.

The economic crises of the early seventeenth century

had a later effect in Austria, where the population had

not dwindled through wars, and where the population was

fast outgrowing its resources. The resultant begging 57 Briggs, Witches & Neighbours, p. 354.58 Behringer, Witchcraft Persecutions in Bavaria, p.389.

25

became more aggressive than it had been previously in

its societal role, and as more and more families

suffered and broke down, the number of children on the

streets increased. That this did not concur with the

Christian rhetoric of caring for its poor becomes all

too apparent. The highly visible beggars, mostly male,

mostly aggressive and more often than not teenagers or

children, were seen as a blight on their society and an

obstacle to be removed. That they were already

marginalised by their poverty made it all the easier to

accuse them of sorcery and magic, creating the mythical

Zauberer Jackl to lead them astray and into demonic

behaviour. This scapegoating differed from the previous

stereotype of the old, poor, female witch but was no

less devastating on its society. The innocence of the

children accused more than likely accounts for the

brevity of the trials, and the fact that this was one

of the last major trials in Europe.

26

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Barstow, Anne Llewellyn. Witchcraze: A New history of the

European Witch Hunts. New York: Harper One, 1994.

Behringer, Wolfgang. Witchcraft Persecutions in Bavaria: Popular

Magic, Religious Zealotry and Reason of State in Early Modern Europe.

Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002.

Briggs, Robin. Witches & Neighbours: The Social and Cultural

Context of European Witchcraft, New York: Viking, 1996.

Burns, William.E. Witch Hunts in Europe and America: An

Encyclopedia. Connecticut: Greenwood Publishing Group,

2003.

Golden, Richard.M. Encyclopaedia of Witchcraft: The Western

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http://www.eblib.com, last accessed 19 May 2014.

Levack, Brian. The Witch-Hunt in Early Modern Europe. London:

Pearson Longman, Third ed. 2006.

27

Midelfort, HC Erik. Witch-hunting in Southwest Germany.

Stanford: Stanford University, 1972.

Nifl Heim, Nordian. Flights of (in) fancy: The Child-witches of

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http://scidok.sulb.uni-saarland.de/volltexte/2012/4884/

, last accessed 19 May 2014.

Rowlands, Alison. Witchcraft and Masculinities in Early Modern

Europe. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009.

Sebald, Hans. Witch-Children: From Salem Witch-Hunts to Modern

Courtrooms, New York: Prometheus Books, 1995.

Schindler, Norbert. Rebellion, Community and Custom in Early

Modern Germany. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,

2002.

Schulte, Rolf & Froome-Döring, Linda. Man as Witch: Male

Witches in Central Europe. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan,

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Seidel, Sabine, ‘The mouths (not always) the truth made known" 

28

Consideration to the role of children in European witch trials

(südosteuropäiscner considering magic performances),’Diploma

thesis at the Faculty of Humanities of the Karl-

Franzens-University of Graz.2003. Retrieved from

http://www.historicum.net/themen/hexenforschung/thement

exte/magisterarbeiten/art/Kindermund_tut/html/ca/

b3d2705b48/, last accessed 19 May 2014.

Thomas, Keith. Religion and the Decline of Magic: Studies in Popular

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Websites

Witch Tower at Salzburg: http://www.visit-

salzburg.net/sights/hexenturm-witch-tower.htm

29