HIST303 Witch Hunting, 1400-1700, Tri 1, 2014
Account for the rise of witch-hunting inSalzburg, Austria, in the late seventeenth
century.
1
Abstract:
Late in the seventeenth century the prince-bishopric of Salzburg, Austria,
bore witness to one of the last witch-trials in Early Modern Europe. The
trials were significant in that the victims were almost all vagrants or
beggars, predominantly male and many of them young teenagers and
children. Austria, close to the heartland of the most ferocious witch-hunts
and trials in Germany, had not experienced anything on this scale, and to
do so in the waning years of the witch-hunts bears closer examination.
This paper will examine the possible reasons behind the Salzburg trials,
focusing on the Pied Piper-like figure of Zauberer-Jackl, a mythical figure
imbued by both the authorities and the victims themselves with powers of
sorcery, invisibility and flight. The social, political and economic
circumstances of the region need to be taken into consideration, as well -
the changing nature of begging, alms-giving, the Counter-Reformation
and social crises, amongst other causes. The stereotype of the older
female witch did not apply in these trials, as it did not in many trials of the
periphery of Europe, but the high number of children involved certainly
warrants further investigation.
2
The prince-bishopric of Salzburg experienced a
ferocious witch-hunt in the late seventeenth century,
in a country that had not previously been known for
large numbers of executions, and certainly not in that
century. The trials, from 1675 to 1690, claimed
approximately 200 lives but were distinguished by the
characteristics of the victims, which differed greatly
from the Early Modern European stereotype of the older
female witch, so common a feature of many trials. The
victims were almost all beggars and vagrants,
predominantly male and the large majority were
teenagers and children. Austria, unlike its neighbour
Germany, had not previously been known for its witch-
hunts, but as part of the Holy Roman Empire, had
certainly felt the impact in the sixteenth century of
the witch-craze. These trials therefore, need to be
considered in the context of the social, economic and
political circumstances of the last half of the
seventeenth century in order to comprehend its causes
3
and effects. The Counter-Reformation, in what was a
predominantly Catholic region, the changing nature of
begging and alms-giving, social and economic crises and
the growing recognition of childhood in society all
impacted upon the Salzburg trials. Most important
however, was the emergence of the almost mythical
figure, Zauberer-Jackl, or ‘Sorcerer Jack’, which both the
authorities and the victims themselves fantasized into
a cult figure leading the youth of Salzburg towards
demonic behaviour, and ultimately, their own deaths.
To begin, one needs to examine who the victims were and
the numbers accused and executed. It is generally
agreed that between 1675 and 1690, 200 people were
executed for the crime of witchcraft.1 However Wolfgang1 William. E. Burns, Witch Hunts in Europe and America: An Encyclopedia, (Connecticut: Greenwood Publishing Group, 2003), p. 116. NorbertSchindler, in ‘The origins of heartlessness: the culture and wayof life of beggars in late seventeenth century Salzburg,’ Rebellion, Community and Custom in Early Modern Germany, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002), p.236 concurs with this figure, however Wolfgang Behringer, Witchcraft Persecutions in Bavaria: Popular Magic, Religious Zealotry and Reason of State in Early Modern Europe, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002.), p 336 and
4
Behringer2 and Nordian Nifl Heim3 put the figure lower
at 140 lives as they examined a shorter period, between
1677 and 1681, when the witch-hunting was at its’
height. Likewise, Sabine Seidel estimates that 139
people died as she examines to 1681 only4, so the
figure of 200 seems reasonable under the circumstances.
Although the number may not appear large in contrast to
some of the trials elsewhere in Europe, the number is
distinctive for the short period the trials covered.
Moreover, it is the statistics of the victims that are
the most distinctive. In early modern Europe as a
whole, it has been claimed that men constituted 20-25
per cent of all victims of the witch-hunts.5Yet in the
Salzburg trials, Behringer estimates that over 70 per Nordian Nifl Heim, ‘Flights of (in) fancy: The Child-witches of Salzburg’, Diss. 2010. Retrieved from http://scidok.sulb.uni-saarland.de/volltexte/2012/4884/, last accessed 19 May 2014, p. 11 put the figure lower at 140 lives, as they examined a shorter period, between 1677 and 1681.
2 Behringer, Witchcraft Persecutions in Bavaria, p. 336.3 Nifl Heim, ‘Flights of (in) fancy: The Child-witches of Salzburg’, p.11.4 Sabine Seidel,‘The mouths (not always) the truth made known: Consideration to
the role of children in European witch trials (südosteuropäiscner considering magic performances),’Diploma thesis at the Faculty of Humanities of the Karl-Franzens-University of Graz.2003. Retrieved from http://www.historicum.net/themen/hexenforschung/thementexte/magisterarbeiten/art/Kindermund_tut/html/ca/b3d2705b48/, last accessed 19 May 2014. P. 5.2.4.1
5 Alison Rowlands, Witchcraft and Masculinities in Early Modern Europe. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009. P. 2.
5
cent of those arrested were male, with the same
percentage of those executed being under the age of
twenty two.6 Norbert Schindler states that of the 133
persons executed between 1675 and 1681, two-thirds were
aged under twenty-one, with more than one-third under
fifteen, and over two-thirds of the victims’ male.7 It
is not only the high proportion of males but the ages
of the victims that make these trials so different from
many within Europe. Siedel states that 39 of the
accused were aged between 10 and 14, and an astonishing
15 aged under 10, with the two youngest being just 2
and 3 years old.8 While some women and young girls were
arrested and executed, they were in the minority, and
this in itself forms part of the reason for why the
trials occurred.
For it is important to note that the Salzburg trials
were an anomaly, not just for Austria but for Europe as
6 Behringer, Witchcraft Persecutions in Bavaria, p. 337.7 Schindler, Community and Custom in Early Modern Germany, p. 238.8 Siedel, ‘The mouths (not always) the truth made known’, p. 5.2.4.1.
6
a whole. Richard Golden argues that the Austrian trials
followed a similar pattern to elsewhere in Europe,
peaking in the late sixteenth century, but being on the
periphery, intensifying in the late seventeenth
century.9This is supported not only by the numbers
executed but by Behringer, who argues that witchcraft
persecutions peaked in Austria and the Alpine regions
between 1675 and 1695.10 It is generally agreed that
the Zauberer Jackl trials, as they became known, were far
harsher than any previous trials in Austria, which had
until then, been relatively moderate.11 Indeed, witch
persecution was not seen as a common occurrence in
Salzburg but ultimately was a ‘strangely lasting
one’.12The trials are initially notable for the large
number of male victims, and one needs to examine why
this was so.
9 Richard. M. Golden, Encyclopaedia of Witchcraft: The Western Tradition, ABC-CLIO, 2006, Retrieved from http://www.eblib.com, last accessed 19 May 2014, p. 73.
10 Behringer, Witchcraft Persecutions in Bavaria, p. 343.11 Golden, Encyclopaedia of Witchcraft, p. 70, and Robin Briggs, Witches &
Neighbours: The Social and Cultural Context of European Witchcraft, (New York: Viking, 1996), p. 352.
12 “Witch Tower at Salzburg”: http://www.visit-salzburg.net/sights/hexenturm-witch-tower.htm , last accessed 19 May 2014.
7
Although the stereotype of a witch in early modern
Europe tended to be old, female and poor, this was
certainly not the case in every region or every trial
and Salzburg was no different. Erik Midelfort argues
that more and more men were accused later in the
seventeenth century as the stereotype of a female witch
broke down.13 That is to say, once people other than
old and poor women began to be accused, the threat to
all social orders intensified and widened. He argues
that as more and more non stereotypical witches were
accused, and being as they were from the nobility, the
clergy and children, communities suffered a ‘crisis of
confidence’ as the balance of society increasingly
became disrupted as a result.14 As can clearly be seen
in the Salzburg trials, the community began to look
elsewhere for its scapegoats and targeted those from
the lower strata of society. Behringer agrees with
13 Erik, H.C. Midelfort, quoted in Rowlands, Witchcraft and Masculinities in Early Modern Europe, p. 6.
14 Ibid.
8
this, arguing that those accused ‘lacked influential
patrons, rich relations or access to other networks of
social support’ and with no one to protect them, their
persecutions were practically guaranteed.15
It is important however, to also examine what was
occurring in Austria, and even the rest of Europe, in
the latter half of the seventeenth century. Rolf
Schulte argues that long term economic depression
reached Austria and the Alpine regions later than other
parts of Europe, but that its effects were strongly
felt with ‘increased pauperization and marginalization’
of the lower classes in Austria.16 He states that the
population of Austria doubled from 1527 to 1754 and
that correspondingly, the unemployed poor also
15 Behringer, Witchcraft Persecutions in Bavaria, p. 336.16 Rolf Schulte, ‘Men as Accused Witches in the Holy Roman Empire’, in Rowlands, Witchcraft and Masculinities in Early Modern Europe, p.59.
9
increased by twenty percent.17Behringer agrees that the
resumption of witch-hunting in the late seventeenth
century was due in part to a series of hunger crises, a
rising population and the increase in the number of
beggars.18It is not difficult to draw the conclusion
that in times of want and scarcity, the easiest targets
are the most defenceless, and as the vagrant group grew
it would quickly have drawn attention to itself.
Schulte also argues that Austria lost less of its
population than other parts of Europe after the Thirty
Years War, and could not support its surplus
population.19 Schindler agrees that this was a major
factor, as the Alpine regions generally produced ‘more
people than it could feed’, pushing the poor into the
urban areas and creating an itinerant
class.20Compassion seems to have evaporated as quickly
as resources did.
17 Schulte, ‘Men as Accused Witches in the Holy Roman Empire’, p. 59.18 Behringer, Witchcraft Persecutions in Bavaria, p. 415.19 Rolf Schulte & Linda Froome-Döring, Man as Witch: Male Witches in Central Europe, (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009), pp. 233-3420 Schindler, Rebellion, Community and Custom in Early Modern Germany, p. 259.
10
Even more so than gender or age, therefore, it is the
social position of the victims that is most telling, as
the majority of those accused and executed were beggars
or vagrants. This in itself was not unusual for early
modern Europe. Anne Barstow argues that most witches
were ‘the poorest of the poor’ and gives the example of
the Pappenheimer family, Bavarian vagrants cruelly
tortured and executed in Germany in 1600 as an example
of how the less fortunate in society were persecuted,
although she does tend to rely too heavily on figures
to support her claim that witch-hunting was gender
based.21 Golden supports her argument however, arguing
that most of the victims of any of the Austrian trials
were ‘socially marginalised individuals’ such as
shepherds or ‘vagabonds.’22 Schindler too, having
examined the trial records, states that the victims
were ‘almost exclusively beggars and vagrants’,
21 Anne Llewellyn Barstow, Witchcraze: A New history of the European Witch Hunts, (New York: Harper One, 1994), p. 26 and p.106.
22 Golden, Encyclopaedia of Witchcraft, p. 71.
11
homeless and unemployed, and essentially itinerant.23
Although the beggar was a common target throughout all
the witch trials, this seems to have intensified in the
Salzburg trials, and the reasons for this need to be
analysed.
Certainly, groups of young men were not uncommon in the
sixteenth and seventeenth centuries in Europe.
Behringer states that ‘youth bands’ were common amongst
youth aged fifteen to twenty-five24and it is not
unreasonable to
assume that these groups could easily be labelled as
delinquents or troublemakers. In fact Hans Sebald
argues that the social crises of the period led to
‘hordes of homeless youth’, who were involved in crime
at all levels as well as merely ‘disturbing the
peace’.25The members of these groups were typically 23 Schindler, Rebellion, Community and Custom in Early Modern Germany, p. 237.
24 Behringer, Witchcraft Persecutions in Bavaria, p. 342.25 Sebald, Witch-Children, p. 41.
12
beggars with itinerants joining them seasonally,
blowing out their numbers during times of high
unemployment.26Schulte gives the example of a group of
beggars in Carinthia, rural Austria, shortly before the
Zauberer Jackl trials, which also had a high component of
children and adolescents as well as men, and also
featured victims with disabilities or deformities.27
Marginalised youth then, were already being recognised
in communities as markedly different from those around
them, and the traditional nature of begging was also
beginning to change. Sebald argues that by the
seventeenth century, the nature of begging was a mix of
harmlessness and ‘carnival-type’ tricks and
performances alongside delinquency, crime, ‘sorcery and
witchcraft’.28 It is this difference that one can argue
brought the behaviour of the beggar children to the
attention of the Austrian authorities.
26 Robin Briggs, Witches & Neighbours: The Social and Cultural Context of European Witchcraft, (New York: Viking, 1996), p. 353.
27 Schulte & Froome-Döring, Man as Witch, p. 232.28 Sebald, Witch-Children, p. 195.
13
As a series of economic and social crises began to
emerge in communities, the nature of begging became
more aggressive, and less the humble requesting of
charity from strangers. Begging became more aggressive
and the beggars began to
use the Jackl as a threat, an invisible avenger for their
wrongs – one woman allegedly told those who refused her
alms that ‘Jaggl’ would ‘teach them to be generous’.29
The malice inherent in their behaviour became more
visible, and the resentment against those who had
marginalised them increased. As they became
increasingly victimised, the beggars began to react
with more hostility, and Briggs argues that this
‘harsh, unfriendly treatment from society’ is clear
from the victims’ testimonies.30Revenge fantasies form
a major part of the testimonies. It is clear that the
authorities recognised the increasing aggressiveness
and nature of begging in the seventeenth century and
their actions from above must certainly have influenced29 Briggs, Witches & Neighbours, p. 352.30 Ibid., p.353.
14
the communities they held sway over. Sebarg states that
ecclesiastical edicts were passed in late sixteenth
century Bamberg in Germany to attempt to control the
vagrant class, resulting in banishment, poorhouses,
public floggings, brandings and workhouses.31Briggs
expands on this, stating that the authorities became
more concerned about the difference between the
deserving and undeserving poor, about who could request
alms, and as a result, this ‘drove a wedge’ between the
beggars and the rest of their community.32
Marginalising a group already weakened by poverty was
not so hard a step.
Furthermore, the prevailing law in the Holy Roman
Empire, of which Austria was a part, was the Carolina 31 Sebald, Witch-Children, p. 194.32 Briggs, Witches & Neighbours, pp. 352-53.
15
code, which explicitly stated that sorcery was a
capital offence, and that those found guilty of this
were to be executed by fire.33 In Austria however,
local courts could only make arrests and conduct an
initial investigation, before cases were referred to
the Aulic Court in Salzburg. Interestingly, Golden
states that the local records do not mention Sabbats,
demonic cults or Host defamation (another feature of
these trials) but they are ‘elaborately recorded in
aulic court interrogations’.34 Nifl Heim has analysed
the hearings of the Zauberer Jackl trials, where the
victims were accused of sorcery, in particular the
interrogations at the Grand Aulic Court at Salzburg,
and it is clear that many of the confessions were
‘guided’.35 That is to say, the authorities took
advantage of the fantasies of the children and the
victims, and Nifl Heim concludes that as a result, the
figure of Jackl the Sorcerer was ultimately a ‘virtual
construct’ that the authorities helped the victims
33 Golden, Encyclopaedia of Witchcraft, p. 72.34 Ibid., p. 1000.35 Nifl Heim, Flights of (in) fancy, p. 326.
16
build.36 In addition to this, the inquisitorial method
used in Europe listed prescribed questions for the
accused to answer in order for the magistrate to
‘diagnose witchcraft.’37It can then be argued that
sorcery, and questions by the inquisitors designed to
lead the accused towards answers about sorcery and
demonic pacts, was used as a weapon against the most
vulnerable in the community as a means of removing them
from society altogether.
In fact, the inconsistency of the laws applied to
witch-trials in the Holy Roman Empire certainly seems
to have been a factor in the Salzburg trials. Brian
Levack argues that there was little legal unity in the
Empire, aside from the Carolina code, which was never
effectively enforced in Austria, leading to unchecked
36 Nifl Heim, Flights of (in) fancy. P. 327.37 Golden, Encyclopaedia of Witchcraft, p. 73.
17
witch-hunting.38The decentralization of judicial power
in the prince-bishoprics meant unlimited freedom for
the authorities to hunt whom they wished, and again,
the marginalised poor were an easy target.39Salzburg
was an ecclesiastical state and not governed by the
Hapsburgs and as such, had not experienced major witch-
hunts until the Zauberer Jackl trials. One could argue
that as all the social, political and economic forces
aligned, the conditions were ripe for the ensuing
witch-craze that followed.
The result of the social and economic crises was an
increase in begging, which had been an accepted part of
early modern European society for many years. However,
the changing attitude and behaviour of the vagrants
themselves may have contributed to them becoming
targets. Sebald argues that the ‘delinquency,
pranksterism and the general nuisance’ caused by these
38 Brian Levack, The Witch-Hunt in Early Modern Europe, (London: Pearson Longman, Third ed. 2006), p. 212.
39 Ibid., p. 101.
18
‘juvenile gangs’ ultimately became too much of a
societal concern for the authorities to ignore.40 Not
only was their behaviour highly visible but the rise in
the number of children begging must also have been of
concern to a society preaching Christian charity.
Midelfort states that after 1600, more and more
children appeared in witch-trials in the Alpine
regions.41This would certainly not have fit the image
of ‘childhood innocence’ that would have been a
community ideal, and eradicating this threat to the
social order must have played a part in the decision to
arrest these vagrants, a blight on their society.
Indeed, the Christian practice of charity and alms-
giving seems to have altered for the worse in Austria
during this period. The Counter-Reformation was felt
strongly in Austria, which was predominantly Catholic,
and it could be argued that a marginalized highly
40 Sebald, Witch-Children, p. 106.41 Erik. H.C.Midelfort, Witch-hunting in Southwest Germany, (Stanford: Stanford University, 1972), p. 179.
19
visible group was not seemly for a country trying to
‘promote their own image as the true defenders of
Christian values.’42 Schindler states that the
tradition of alms-giving had been a donor prepared to
‘perform good works’ but likewise with a ‘grateful and
humble’ recipient.43 Gratitude and humility decreased
as conditions worsened and this was reflected in the
beggars’ general behaviour. The beggars’ ‘heresy’, or
unrepentant and irreverent attitude towards
Christianity, was also a factor. Schindler argues that
the beggars often
claimed to be from a good Christian family to try and
improve the chances of being given alms, as well as
appropriating Christian rituals and symbolism for their
own needs, including ‘host desecration’, featured
prominently in the trial records.44Seidel claims that
children under 10 were not executed, but placed in
42 Levack, The Witch-Hunt in Early Modern Europe, p. 120. 43 Schindler, Rebellion, Community and Custom in Early Modern Germany, p. 244.44 Ibid., p. 278 .
20
foster care and given an ‘ecclesiastical
education.’45Behringer supports this argument, claiming
some children were returned to their family home, but
with ‘strict instructions’ on their upbringing, so that
Christian values and morality were effectively given as
a punishment.46 The same authorities however, also
burned children found guilty of witchcraft between the
ages of 10 and 14, but did strangle or behead them
first in an extraordinary display of Christian
charity.47
It was in fact, the actions of one family of vagrants
that appear to have set the events in motion. Barbara
Koller was a beggar women who ‘demanded alms’ from an
innkeeper; upon their refusal she was heard to curse
the innkeeper and when their young son fell
45 Seidel, ‘The mouths (not always) the truth made known’, p. 5.2.4.1.46 Behringer, Witchcraft Persecutions in Bavaria, p. 342.47 Seidel, ‘The mouths (not always) the truth made known’, p. 5.2.4.1.
21
‘inexplicably’ ill, she was accused of witchcraft.48She
eventually confessed to witchcraft in 1675 and was
executed. It was her son Jakob Koller, who would later
become known as ‘Sorcerer Jack’, who would become the
almost Pied Piper-like figure leading the homeless
youth of Salzburg into
demonic pacts.49Ultimately, it was the behaviour of the
beggars and their association with Koller that would
determine their outcomes, not purely their poverty.
And so the figure of the malevolent individual, child
or not, was created and assumed a role as an easy
target of the authorities. This ‘aura of malevolence’,
the itinerant beggar, easily morphed into a figure with
a ‘dangerous reputation.’50 Their threats were labelled
as sorcery and their behaviour seen as a threat to
society. It was alleged that Koller collected around 48 Schindler, Rebellion, Community and Custom in Early Modern Germany, pp. 250-51.49 Golden, Encyclopaedia of Witchcraft, p. 1000.50 Briggs, Witches & Neighbours, p. 238.
22
himself a group of young beggars and ‘apprenticed them
to the Devil.’51The ‘aggressive stance’ of the male
beggars, their ‘threats and mumblings’ and ‘malevolent
curses’ made them increasingly vulnerable to
accusations of witchcraft.52Once arrested however, it
was the beggars testimonies that seemed to incriminate
themselves and the myth of the ‘Zauberer Jackl’ grew into
fantastical proportions, creating a demonic threat
where one did not actually exist. The testimonies of
the victims, full of ‘inconsistency and lies’ and
‘fanciful adolescent thoughts’ of flight, Sabbats,
demonic pacts and the like, condemned them with their
own words.53
Confessions, either through torture but sometimes
without, can be construed as a way of the victims
fantasizing about power that they just did not have.
51 Golden, Encyclopaedia of Witchcraft, p. 1000.52 Rowlands, Witchcraft and Masculinities in Early Modern Europe, p. 17.53 Briggs, Witches & Neighbours, p. 354.
23
Briggs argues that by victims attesting to ‘weather
magic’ during Sabbats, in order to wreak revenge upon
those who had mistreated or ignored them, it was a way
for them to express ‘their real powerlessness and
poverty’.54In other words, they called upon their own
saviour, Sorcerer Jack, to avenge wrongs done to them
that they could not possibly have had the resources to
do themselves. Keith Thomas argues that curses were
taken extremely seriously in early modern Europe,
mainly because people believed that ‘curses worked only
if the party who uttered them had been unjustly
treated.’55 Christian guilt must have been an important
factor, reflecting as it did the injustices within a
community. As Behringer argues, unsolicited confessions
to sorcery and witchcraft condemned an uneducated group
of people because they possibly did not realise the
consequences of their actions.56That so many were young
children, without family or anyone to protect them, who
54 Briggs, Witches & Neighbours, p. 353.55 Keith Thomas, Religion and the Decline of Magic: Studies in Popular Beliefs in Sixteenth and Seventeenth-Century England, (London: Penguin Books, 1971), p. 604.56 Behringer, Witchcraft Persecutions in Bavaria, p. 398.
24
were arrested and executed upon these fantastical
confessions, seems ‘unusually horrible’57 and casts an
unforgiving eye upon the Salzburg authorities.
In the case of the Salzburg witch-trials, it can
certainly be argued that the conditions were conducive
to the events that occurred. Behringer argues that all
witchcraft persecutions happened when the interests and
concerns of the authorities matched those of the
community.58 The community with the support of the
authorities targeted a group who could not fight back.
The economic crises of the early seventeenth century
had a later effect in Austria, where the population had
not dwindled through wars, and where the population was
fast outgrowing its resources. The resultant begging 57 Briggs, Witches & Neighbours, p. 354.58 Behringer, Witchcraft Persecutions in Bavaria, p.389.
25
became more aggressive than it had been previously in
its societal role, and as more and more families
suffered and broke down, the number of children on the
streets increased. That this did not concur with the
Christian rhetoric of caring for its poor becomes all
too apparent. The highly visible beggars, mostly male,
mostly aggressive and more often than not teenagers or
children, were seen as a blight on their society and an
obstacle to be removed. That they were already
marginalised by their poverty made it all the easier to
accuse them of sorcery and magic, creating the mythical
Zauberer Jackl to lead them astray and into demonic
behaviour. This scapegoating differed from the previous
stereotype of the old, poor, female witch but was no
less devastating on its society. The innocence of the
children accused more than likely accounts for the
brevity of the trials, and the fact that this was one
of the last major trials in Europe.
26
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Barstow, Anne Llewellyn. Witchcraze: A New history of the
European Witch Hunts. New York: Harper One, 1994.
Behringer, Wolfgang. Witchcraft Persecutions in Bavaria: Popular
Magic, Religious Zealotry and Reason of State in Early Modern Europe.
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002.
Briggs, Robin. Witches & Neighbours: The Social and Cultural
Context of European Witchcraft, New York: Viking, 1996.
Burns, William.E. Witch Hunts in Europe and America: An
Encyclopedia. Connecticut: Greenwood Publishing Group,
2003.
Golden, Richard.M. Encyclopaedia of Witchcraft: The Western
Tradition. ABC-CLIO, 2006, Retrieved from
http://www.eblib.com, last accessed 19 May 2014.
Levack, Brian. The Witch-Hunt in Early Modern Europe. London:
Pearson Longman, Third ed. 2006.
27
Midelfort, HC Erik. Witch-hunting in Southwest Germany.
Stanford: Stanford University, 1972.
Nifl Heim, Nordian. Flights of (in) fancy: The Child-witches of
Salzburg. Diss. 2010. Retrieved from
http://scidok.sulb.uni-saarland.de/volltexte/2012/4884/
, last accessed 19 May 2014.
Rowlands, Alison. Witchcraft and Masculinities in Early Modern
Europe. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009.
Sebald, Hans. Witch-Children: From Salem Witch-Hunts to Modern
Courtrooms, New York: Prometheus Books, 1995.
Schindler, Norbert. Rebellion, Community and Custom in Early
Modern Germany. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,
2002.
Schulte, Rolf & Froome-Döring, Linda. Man as Witch: Male
Witches in Central Europe. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan,
2009.
Seidel, Sabine, ‘The mouths (not always) the truth made known"
28
Consideration to the role of children in European witch trials
(südosteuropäiscner considering magic performances),’Diploma
thesis at the Faculty of Humanities of the Karl-
Franzens-University of Graz.2003. Retrieved from
http://www.historicum.net/themen/hexenforschung/thement
exte/magisterarbeiten/art/Kindermund_tut/html/ca/
b3d2705b48/, last accessed 19 May 2014.
Thomas, Keith. Religion and the Decline of Magic: Studies in Popular
Beliefs in Sixteenth and Seventeenth-Century England. London:
Penguin Books, 1971.
Websites
Witch Tower at Salzburg: http://www.visit-
salzburg.net/sights/hexenturm-witch-tower.htm
29
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