(2003) On Religion, Gender, and Performing: Female Performers and Repentance in Egypt

MUSIC AND GENDER.

PERSPECT VES FROM THE MEDITERRANEAN

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Edited by Tullia Magrini

The University of Chicago PressChicago and London

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On Religion, Gender, and Performing:Female Performers and Repentance in Egypt

Karin van Nieuwkerk

In Mediterranean cultures, as in many other cultures, women, symbolize and demarcate the boundaries of social or ethnicgroups. Their sexuality and bodies have therefore been undersocial control for long time. In the 1960s, the concepts of honorand shame were created to investigate the issues of gender andsexuality in Mediterranean societies (see Peristiany 1965; Pitt-Rivers 1965; Abou Zeid 1965). Although the early researchesof the Oxford school have been highly criticized (see Magrini'sintroduction to this volume; Brandes 1987; Herzfeld 1980,1987;Gilmore 1987; Abu-Lughod 1986; Wikan 1984; Meneley1996), and nowadays concepts such as honor and shame can beconsidered obsolete in many Mediterranean countries, a con-cern with controlling women's sexual behavior can be discernedm the Islamic world. As a result of the growing influence of Is-lamic fundamentalist movements, the symbolic function of thefemale body has regained vigor in many Muslim countries (Sab-bah 1984; Ahmed 1992; Nieuwkerk 1995). Fundamentalists ap-pear to have an "obsession with women" (Mernissi 1987).

267

268 Karin van Nieuwkerk

It is no wonder, then, that Muslim women who transgress gender rolespertaining to sexual behavior are highly stigmatized. Egyptian singers, danc-ers, and actresses are a case in point. Belly dancers in particular are emblem-atic of all behaviors that women should avoid. The female body is the em-bodiment of seductive power, and its open expression is therefore strongly 'condemned in moral-religious discourses. Since the bodily dimension is b-cal in entertainment, it is an extremely sensitive field for women to work mDancers are symbols of cormption and immorality because they exhibit their 'sexual bodies in public to earn money. This is almost equivalent to prostitu-tion in the eyes of many, and particularly in the eyes of the devout believers l

Given the growing influence of Islamic fundamentalism in the Muslim 'world, several forms of art, including music and dance, are under attack(Tadros 1999; Ramzi 1999; Abu Sahdi 1999). Belly dancers are not only thetarget of Egyptian Muslim fundamentalists: the ultraorthodox rabbis also usetheir growing influence to curb this profession in Israel (NRC Handelsblad.9 November 1988; Brooks 1998, 247). Since the late eighties, the religiousbattle against art has begun to affect the performers. Several famous femaleperformers have repented and adopted the hijab, the new form of veihng.They have strongly condemned their former practices and publicly confessedtheir former sins. Their conversion has been capitalized upon by Islamic fun-damentalists and the artists' repentance has become a symbol of the rightnessof their Islamic path. The former artists are thus used in the Islamist struggleagainst art.

In the discourse on the "repentant artists," that is, the "born-agam ac-tresses" and "converted belly dancers" (Nasif and Khodayr 1991; Abu-Lughod1995; Brooks 1998; Times [Cairo], 17 June 1989), an interesting and widely ~.shared set of assumptions is discernible. It consists of the following logical 'deductions. The Islamic religion is all about morality. Singing, dancing, and .acting is immoral. So singers and dancers are not only immoral but also irre- .ligious. Being a devout Muslim and a practicing performer is a contradiction,particularly for women. The veiled woman and the belly dancer are antitheti- ,cal symbols of the devout and the pagan person. The trend of the "born-again" Muslim performers confirms this opposition between devotion andperforming. One first needs to be born again or to be converted in order tobecome a religious person.

In this chapter, my aim is to deconstruct this seemingly logical discourseon the contradictory nature between believing and performing. I intend tounravel the Islamist discourse on religion, gender, and performing by usingthe repentant artists as a case study. I compare their discourse with views of"non-star" performers in Egypt. During fieldwork on common female singers

On Religion, Gender, and Performing 269

and dancers in Cairo, I discussed their opinion on being an artist and devo-tion. Do they perceive a contradiction between believing and performing?

The Islamic discourse on morality is highly gendered" The weight of theaccusation of immorality with regard to the entertainment trade Fs leveledagainst women (Nieuwkerk 1995). Gender theories stress that in order to in-vestigate gender one has to distinguish between three different, albeit inter-secdng, levels (Harding 1986,18; Moore 1988,12-42). First, it is importantto analyze the symbolic level, that is, the ideological construction ofmascu-Imity and femininity. Second, the structural levefand the differences betweenand within the sexes with regard to class, ethnicity, marital status, and ageshould be investigated. Third, it is important to analyze the individual levelat which the multilayered and complex formation of identities is taking place.In this chapter, I tackle the symbolic level in particular by investigating theideology on music, gender, and Islam. I also deal with the difference betweenDeing a star pertormer or a non-star performer, which is strongly related toclass background. In the last section, I focus on the individual level. By con-centrating on the religious identity of lower-class female performers,'! ana-lyze the ambivalent relation between religion, morality, and performing.

In the first section, I analyze the discourse on music and singing in Is-lam. I examine a few texts that are informative for the present Islamic"funda-mentalist objections against music and art. Why does "the Islamist discourse; "paganize" art? In the second section, I describe the recent trend of convertedartists in Egypt. How are they perceived and how do they present their con-version? What does this express about the contradictory nature of devotionand being an artist? Third, I go into the religious feelings of a group of femaleentertainers still practicing their profession, and analyze their sense of the(incompatibility of performing and believing.

Music, Gender, and Islam

I am currently engaged in research on Dutch female converts to Islam. Forthis reason, I visited the Tawheed mosque in Amsterdam. In this mosque-re-puted to be very strict, scriptural, and fundamentalist-a Dutch Muslim gave^lecture on music. Speaking about music in front ofaheavily-veiled audience,Mf of whom were Dutch converts and the other half second-generation Mo-roccan and Turkish women who had mastered the Dutch language, she re-iated the following precepts. The general rule on music, singing, and listen-uig to music is that it is haram, forbidden. It is a grave sin and just as bad asdrmkmg, gambling, or adultery. We know in the West, she explained, that we

270 Karin van Njeuwkerk

forget everything when we listen to music. We forget ourselves, but more un.ponant, we forget Allah. We hang photos of our favorite pop star oiuhewaHand adore hun as a god. We all know how bad and immoral peopTe"beha^in a disco.^The Quran and music cannot go together in one heart1 It iTdan^gerous and onerf the greatest works of the Devil. Keep away from theradwand recite the Quran instead was her advice to the audience. Several" <tionsrame up after the lecture, for example, "Is singing with children'al-lowed?" She answered that you are allowed to sing with children butshouldavoid clapping hands because clapping hands is similar to a rhythnucahnstro"mentThe Dutch women silently nodded' realizing that the first song Dutchmothers teach their children, "Clap Your Hands," was haram. I was somewhat^!n^h.e? to_hear such a strict mterpretation of music, singing, and dancing?The Dutch woman's view reminded me of fundamentalist int'erpretations0!had occasionally heard in Egypt during my fieldwork on female angere and .dancers. A few weeks later, I interviewed her and discussed, amcmg'ottethings, her sources for the lecture on music. She said that besides-the°Quranand the Hadith, an important source was her Egyptian husband.

1 usedlis Tawheed _lecturc' Published in part 'in the organization's news-letter (El-Tawheed 8 [90] 1999: 1-8), as an example of recent Island funda- -mentalist thinking on music, singing, and dancing. The second source I delvemto,isthe book Halaland Hamm by the Islamist'thinker Yusuf al-Qaradawi(1984). Third, I use the research papers on religious fundamentalism from-.the Legal Research and Resource Center for Human Rights (LRRC)7n which'the views of several sheikhs, dominating the official and unofficial media, areanalyzed.2 These three sources provide insights into the different strands of ~.present Islamist thinking from unknown individuals such as the Egyptianhusband to an acknowledged Islamist thinker, and from a range" ofpopular^heikhs producing cassettes to official sheikhs who voice their opinions onTV These analyses will reveal that there is no single Islamist voice, let alone "one Islamic voice.3

In the Taweed lecture, the audience was told that Islam forbids every-thing that is useless. Performing innocent songs on religious feast days or atweddings ishalal (permissible). Also songs on the unity of God, expressmglove for the Prophet, or praising the benefits of Islam are halal. TheduJ(tam-,bourine) is the only instmment that is allowed. Clapping hands andsmgmgin the presence of the other sex are forbidden. Contemporary music "andsinging at weddings and parties as well as on TV and on the radio propagatesex relations by describing bodily excitement. It diverts the attention oftheyouth and will lead them to commit zina' (adultery). Not only do performersgive bad habits to people; they also collect money from poor people in order


to buy cars and villas in the West. Actors and actresses do the same by sell-ing obscene films. They destroy the youth. Dancing is in all circumstances for-bidden, even among women, since the female body is °awra (taboo, shame-ful) and should be concealed and protected.4

The analysis of why music and singing are so harmful is instructive inorder to understand the strong link between music and infidelity. Musicand songs may appear innocent, the audience is informed, but they bringmuch damage. Sheikh al-Islam ibn Taymiyah is quoted to this effect. Musicis the wine of souls, and when the soul becomes like a drunkard, polytheism(shirk), sex, and crime will creep into the soul. Shirk, murder, and zina arewell-known crimes of musicians and their audience. Singing is perceivedas an introduction to adultery. When innocent men and women start listen-

ing to music and songs, their souls will become cormpt, and finally they willcommit zina'. The Devil is taking control over these people. Another author-ity, Ibn al-Qayyim, is also quoted in the lecture in order to stress the incom-patibility of devotion and music. He states that one cannot love songs and theQuran at the same time. The one chases the other. The Quran is a burden forperformers and for those who listen to songs. People who love songs do not

' care about their prayers, and they are indifferent and lazy when they visit amosque.

The relationship between infidelity, sex, and music reveals the assumedincompatibility of performing and devotion. The audience is incited to forgettheir religion by listening to music. Performers themselves are not only ac-cused of infidelity but even of polytheism, that is, apostasy. Whereas the in-

terpretation of the Dutch convert and her sources, including her Egyptianhusband, is very strict, this link between performance and nonbelief is alsofound in less strict interpretations.

The Islamist writer Yusuf al-Qaradawi, in his book Halal and Haram, alsodeals with music and forbidden things in Islam. He explains in the introduc-

r tion that Azhar University asked him to write this book. According to his view,current writers on Islam appear to belong to two different categories. The firstgroup adores the West and imitates Western habits and practices. They for-get what is halal and haram in Islam. The other group is very strict and hasfixed ideas about haram and halal. When this group is asked about music,singing, chess, and women showing their hands and faces, they will proba-bly declare it haram. According to al-Qaradawi, then, the Tawheed mosquein the Netherlands would belong to this second category. Al-Qaradawi statesthat he himself tries not to belong to either of these groups. He intends tocombine religious tmth and current scientific knowledge (al-Qaradawi 1984,

.part 1,8-10).


Al-Qaradawi starts his explanation by stating that singing is one of thepleasant things that satisfies the soul, entertains the heart, and caresses the;ear. Islam permits singing under the condition that it is not obscene or harm-ful for Islamic morality. Furthermore, it is not harmful if it is accompaniedby music as long as the music is not exciting. However, there are a few limi-tations. First, the content of the song should not contradict Islam. If. for m-stance, it praises wine and incites people to drink, listening to or singing thesong is haram. Second, even if the content is not against Islam, the way ofsinging might be haram, as it would be, for instance, if accompanied by sug-gestive sexual movements. Third, Islam combats extravagance even m devo*tion, so surely in entertainment. It is not permissible to devote too much tuneto entertainment, as this does not leave enough time for meritonous deedsand religious obligations. Fourth, if a certain song or type of music arousesthe senses and weakens spirituality, one must avoid them in order to closethe door to seduction. Last, if singing goes hand in hand with activities thatare haram in Islam, such as drinking, obscenity, and sin, that singing is alsoharam.

Al-Qaradawi does not deal with private dancing by nonprofessiomk,but the status of professional dancers only needs a short exposition (1984,part 2, 162-63). Islam forbids professions that are harmful for the religion,morality, and good manners of society. Prostitution is for that reason forbid-den, and by extension sexual expression in dance and other erotic activities,such as suggestive or obscene songs, provocative plays, and "any other rub-bish which some people nowadays call 'art' or 'progressive.'"

Al-Qaradawi's tone is more liberal than that of the Dutch convert. Yet itshould be recalled that the Islamic discourse on morality is a highly gendereddiscourse. If al-Qaradawi's view on the proper place of women in society isanalyzed, it becomes clear that there is no space for female performers In thesection on marriage and family life, al-Qaradawi explains that Islam torbids .khulwa (privacy) between men and women who are not related by marriageor close consanguinity. The reason for this is to protect them from wrongthoughts and sexual feelings that are naturally supposed to occur between aman and a woman in the absence of a third person. All religions forbid rapeand adultery, but Islam, as the last revelation, is very strict in its interdictionon zina'. Adultery leads to uncertainty of genealogy, maltreatment of chil-dren, breaking-up of family life, bitterness in relations,diseases, a general attitude of moral laxity, and an abundanceglorification. Everything that creates passion and leads toward indecency, ob-scenity, and sexual relations is haram. Looking with lust at the other sex is


also prohibited, because the eye is "the key of the heart" (al-Qaradawi 1984,2, 26). Looking at another person's 'awra, the parts of the body that

should be covered, should also be avoided, either when it pertains to the op-sex or the same sex, with lust or without lust. According to most reli-

)us scholars, the male °awra includes the parts between the knee and the na-vel, whereas for women it includes everything except the hands and the face.Al-Qaradawl concludes that an innocent gaze at the part of the body that doesnot belong to the 'awra is permitted if the gaze does not become obtrusive andis not repeated out of pleasure or lust. Watching female performers clearlydoes not belong to the category of "the innocent gaze."

Al-Qaradawi constmcts an opposition between Muslim women and non-Muslim women. Muslim women are chaste, honorable, and modest. They hidetheir beauty in several ways. They cast their eyes down and do not minglewith men. Their clothes meet several conditions, such as covering the wholebody except the hands and the face, while the material is not transparent andthe clothes do not fit tightly. Last, Muslim women walk and talk in an hon-arable way, avoiding any gestures that look like flirtation. Female performersdo not fit this category of Muslim women. They are antithetical to proper Mus-hm women. They do not hide their beauty but show their awra to unrelated; men. They capitalize on beauty and attraction and their awra is their mainproductive asset. Female performers thus belong to the category of'in&dels.'

Our last source, the project by the Legal Research and Resource Centerfor Human Rights in Cairo provides another view on the Islamist discourseon gender and performing. An analysis of the LRRC research papers revealsthe influence of religious fundamentalism on art, journalism, and on officialgovernmental censorship. Marilyn Tadros describes the recent official andunofficial religious discourse concerning women and art. She describes thediscourse by individuals who are given media space, such as the late SheikhMetwali Shaarawi and Sheikh al-Ghazali. Furthermore, the views of some

sheikhs whose tapes are spread all over Egypt or whose books are sold on themarket but have not been given space in the media, such as Sheikh Abd el-Hamid Keshk and Sheikh Omar Abdel Kafi, are analyzed. She concludes thatboth discourses are similar with regard to their views on women, arts, and the' media (Tadros 1999, part 3, 5).

Sheikh Shaarawi was one of the most influential authorities calling forthe repentance of actresses and artists. He was particularly renowned forbringing about the repentance of the famous singer and actress Shadia. Hestrongly voiced the opinion that singing, dancing, and acting are harambecause they excite the sexual instincts. "Then also God made the sexual


ms!lnct,A.eonly instmct that itches-Do not excite it more!" Gn Tadros 1999.part,3'2)'shelkh Al-Ghazali was known as a -moderate" but has mo~ved to'l^,moderate opinions recently. He has expressed the following opmiorTor^

The artistic field today in the Arab World is on very vile and im- 'balanced soil. It is strange that it is being supported by writers who .have made pacts with the devil to fight Islam and forget God,'against everything pure and new, because under the title of secular-'ismdiey are conspiring to ill this nation that seeks life under the urn.brella of faith and steadfastness, away from all atheism and pro~st tion. (In Tadros 1999, part 3, 3)

Also Ae following statement (written in 1992) clearly expresses his equationsecularism or atheism: ' ' " --i-"-

In Russia where there is no religion, the arts partially took the placeof religion, and tried to fill in the emotional space that was emptied .by atheism. It tried to keep the hearts busy, those hearts that were"'emptied of God, busy with the different types of feelings that are 'made by music, songs, and shows. ... But the Arab and Islamic .-nation is the complete opposite. . . . It is a nation where religion fills .. 'its emotion and mind with so much . . . that makes it give little time 'to madness and theaters. (In Tadros 1999, part 3, 3).

Abdel Kafi is a fervent student of Sheikh Shaarawi and Sheikh Ghazah and .works as a media consultant for the Islamic World Alliance.'He'consTders'art ,a neretical practice and calls the cinemas "Devil homes" (Ramzi 1999,1) He ''Tgtysupports theveiling of actresses and made the'following'comment:on the Egyptian reaction toward the repentant artists: "When A°e'actresses 'wore the swimming suits, we clapped until our palms reddened"BuTwhen -

. wore the veil we fought against her with the worst of methods'WeaU^that those who pay, usually pay for nakedness andnoTforvalmgand

obedience of God" (Tadros 1999, part 3, 5). ..,^Tadro^concludes that women are the Primary focus of the religious

discourses on art. Indeed, as I have indicated^ Tadros stres~ses"thaTth7s1xualdiscourse is central to the religious discourse. Women~exisTt7pro7oke"thesexual.mstmct and should therefore be hidden away fromsig^.'Art'exists^provoke sexuality and thus art is an evil that requires repen°tance"(Tadros

), part 3, 6).


Converted Female Performers

Since the 1980s, the growing influence of Islamic fundamentalism has beendiscernible in the Egyptian entertainment field. The government follows amultiple strategy with regard to Islamism. The extremists are being repressedand imprisoned, while the moderates are given the opportunity to voice theiropinions. The government is partly Islamicizing its policy in order to weakenthe Islamist case. The Egyptian media policy is accordingly unclear and un-systematic. The government attempts to prove that it is more "religious" thanthe fundamentalists and fights against the religious fundamentalists at thesame time (Tadros 1999, part 1,4). Consequently, the growing religious pres-sure from both sides is affecting the field of art and entertainment. The theaterand media have come under stricter religious censorship (see also Abu Sahdi1999). Religious programming has increased and some of the most funda-mentalist sheikhs or Islamic thinkers are now presented on the screen. Bellydancing has been banned from TV, and it is very difficult for new dancersto obtain an official license (Nieuwkerk 1995, 63). In 1994, the religious in-fluence was further strengthened when, in January, the State's Council an-nounced the right of the Azhar institution to censor arts and object to broad-cast views contradictory to Islamic principles and teachings (Tadros 1999,part 1, 7).

From the 1970s onward, women started to adopt the hijab, the new Is-lamic dress. At first it was mainly the female students at universities whostarted to wear the hijab, but now this practice has also spread among thewomen of the lower middle classes. At present, many working women areadopting the veil (see MacLeod 1991; Zuhur 1992). Abu-Lughod argues thatworking women are generally criticized for challenging the domestic model(1995, 57). Female performers do what an increasing number of Egyptianwomen have done; that is, they take on the hijab. Female stars are visible,public examples of working women. Besides, they work in disreputable fieldsand are accordingly under more religious pressure. Because they are so wellknown, their transformation has received much attention.

Islamists have capitalized on these "born-agam" stars in order to supportthe trend toward women's veiling, particularly in their struggle against art.According to Kamal Ramzi, the extremist groups wage war against the arts atthree levels. First, they attack the arts in print, publishing interviews withand booklets on repentant artists. Second, they attack cinemas and theatersas well as artists. Third, they strongly influence media and art through therules and bylaws of censorship that are enforced by Saudi companies (Ramzi


^9n?^Herelwlconslder attacks in Print- A booklet ^h the confes-rôfzny.acTises_anibelly^^^^^^\tlh"^published/nordert^ro^^^^^^^^.^ i^ book^vircm^^^l^S-îmbyAeIslaImc Preacherzeu-b al-Gha^: Ma^:o,^^ZldJ werTed to shelkh shaar^P°P""!ar^g;amutZdiTcc.edlhemsehresfromtheir form; PêsZnZTeSTe £from Shaarawi who blessed them (Brooks' 1998^242^^Jh.Tlal:Barudi wasdle first_actress who7repemed." In 1977, she re-''S^z^t^^5^^^^^^-ellto.êrttofundamentallsm" m 19^-She;^M^^2t^;S^d^^r^cms^^tot^^=^^^Âa^hlusedtodance'NOWPenitent'shehasbu^^;tfo^^^r£",d; i I989jMro;1^^ rs°o^s"s:^^simsCT:ôppedactinglnl9931nthemiddl:^^.^ô^^r^foriapilgnlMg;toMecc:-:;CBa^^^'^TOthatactrcsses have nothln8to r£Pent and'that'-th;^^ .^J^15^gto^no!esênt;h::^^ckuZZ^ '^^^W8W^WW;^^^^^ .^rZ^T;gas,wellj"that tlme; topmodel G^nBa^h^Z^y^pted± veu[andseveralEgyPârt;ts'Âaâna;^ .^. ^ s^y WEa5' r-»^^""^SZtV St^msts ^Tn.expressing the megltlma^ of art and the nec^- .

^^h! ^toGO^Religlous grouP^-ted theirlcZ^^^"::êmp!aryto,oth£r:sexstars"The v^sanZcteofd^re: -pnenTlTLWerlapplauded whlle those Performer. "siilTwoTking wereZdemnelaspagans:Accordlng to ^m-." had become thevvnuZlêc -lp^mt.aclrelelto_announce that colleagues m11 soon7ointhe:conwyof^21s^toningnam£s ofartists^° had^^K;^^mg1SllaSf^^Âmi^ngAeôit:;;;;IJ-^S.Tl"ThITlothers who have already t:ken\hTde&cisi;n1;ouretTre]CTndso^°l SemaTem£rely roundinguP ^ woêspedaUy^hose1^^ê^^lmdlom"(Ram2i 199^)"^tHW^re;sure on the active female performers to defend themselveF

^<,AnnotheZampkofreliglous pressurc on Performers the refusal by the^^;;t^g"^^danceK^~n£^p^^^;ims^to.ûn^ ^s^dp£r^-^^^S^^.S'âkenaway from perior^^^;h^p^"sinful practices- This again emphasizes î^^^^Z^^


tithetical to religious observance. Furthermore, the controversy over whetherthe money of artists can be used for religious purposes, such as distributingfood to the poor during Ramadan, indicates the "paganization" of everythingconnected to the artists' lives.

The public reaction to the converted artists is complex, as shown, for in-stance, by Abu-Lughod (1995). Joy, jokes, envy, and revulsion are the artists'portion. Most intellectuals and former colleagues still working in the field ofart criticized the repentant artists (Brooks 1998, 242; Abu-Lughod 1995,64). Cynical jokes like the following are told among the Egyptian populace:"Who are the second best paid women in Egypt? Belly dancers, of course, be-cause Saudi tourists throw hundred-dollar banknotes on their feet while theyare dancing. Who are the best-paid women in Egypt? The converted bellydancers, of course, because Saudi sheikhs transfer thousand-dollar bank-notes to their accounts if they stop dancing."6 The repentant artists are ac-cused of being only interested in money, before and after conversion. It isadded that the converted stars were becoming older anyhow, and that con-version is a way of making a last big haul (Brooks 1998, 242-43; Middle EastTimes, 10 May 1997; Tadros 1999, part 4, 2). Fear of extremist attacks is saidto be another reason for their conversion. A number of intellectuals andjour-nalists have been attacked, and artists could be the next targets. Indeed FaridaSeifel-Nasr-who had retired but later decided to return to show business-

was attacked. Hala al-Safy recounted a dream in which she was passing amosque and was frightened because she was not properly dressed. Suddenlya man appeared in her dream who took of his coat and covered her with it.The psychiatrist, novelist, and feminist Nawaal al-Saadawi concluded that oneneeds not be a psychiatrist to interpret this dream as a reaction against pres-sure by religious extremists (Brooks 1998,244).

How do the stars themselves narrate their repentance? Hala al-Safi's con-fession is published in Repentant Artists;

I confess . . . that I left my life in the hands of the Devil to play withand to do what he wanted without my feeling the sins of what I did,until God willed and desired to remove me from this swamp. . . . Justas I acknowledge and confess that I... regret every moment that Ilived far from God in the world of nights and art and parties . . . len-trust God to accept my remorse and my repentance. (In Abu-Lughod1995,54).

In her confession, we see again this association of art and the Devil. Theof the actress Shams al-Barudi received much attention as well. Her


a revelatory experience: ~ ">"--* K"siuuage,

^lghllfelt_a.constnctlng ofm^chest as ifa11 the mountains in the^Zrc ontop.ofme'.Myfather asked m-hyIcouldn7;leepLue-Ltoidhlm-ITted to go the Grand Mosclue- Hewas7urp;;seTbcupt :p^h^;drcquested thls- when-^to'the.^1^ :S^d^nlbeTtocircumambulate- ôdybe^Z^. .^Tê^tânxemed to beJumP^my^Tand I felt at that moment as if there was a pers^Tnside't^nfemlThm helwent out-%s-the D-lwentourandZ^ .^£JhatwaTau the mountalns ofthe -ridweighznôn^"" :s^^z^^^1^^^^ 'forth with prayers for my chUdren and rpyhusba"ndand;6be^-rng^so hard that it was as tf a volcano had burst and no oneZkT" .stop it.

^ As I reached the shrine of the Prophet Ibrahim, I stood up to ''pray and recited the opening verse of the Koran as if fo7the fiTst"tune: i started recognizingits beauty and meaning as if God h'as^graced me-l felt there was a new world £>r°""d me"Yes,Twa7re-,bom,..!feltlwasa bride and that the ^gd^werewalkmg in°m7wedding march. Everythmg around me brought meha^ness17

She concludes her confession thus:

runever goback to actmg-l worit e0 ba^ ^° the Devil who stoleeverything from me. I've tasted the sweetness of faith'and dosenessSS . . . J"st as I tasted the Devil's life. (In Abu-L^ghodwT

S^)^.^^Te!.T!n^theconnectlonbetw- -t and the^^^l^^p^ssionis lm^d'^l^^:^^t^;ÂlDeêxpeued:she ls bornândth^pe^^^^^^fe!s!mrf_falth-aresald'^f:I^^^g ^powerful way of expressing that she is beconung'aMus^^ngZ5^


not a Muslim before. Her story underlines the idea that leaving art is a way ofmoving from nonbelievlng into believing.

Muhammad Ali Street Performers and Devotion

It is clear from the discussion above how the repentance of several star per-formers has influenced the field of art. The discourse of the repentant artistshas largely converged with the Islamist paganization of art. Now we turn tohow a specific group of non-star performers, the singers and dancers of Mu-hammad Alt Street, perceive their profession. Do they consider their profes-sion haram? Do they experience an incompatibility between being a Muslimand being a performer? Do they feel outsiders to the community of believers?

There are three main contexts of Egyptian entertainment: first, the cir-cuit of weddings and saint's day celebrations; second, the nightclub circuit,

' aimed mainly at Arab and European tourists; and finally, the performing artscircuit, the performances in concert halls, theaters, on radio and television,and so on. Whereas star performers operate within the context of art and the

: higher echelons of the nightclubs, the performers of Muhammad All Streetperform at the weddings of the lower- and lower-middle classes . Many womenof Muhammad All Street also work at saint's day celebrations but rarely workin nightclubs. The street for which this group of performers is named used tobe abundant in coffeehouses and music shops, and people arranged their

? weddings there. Muhammad All Street is still the place where many perform-ers reside, and on a Thursday evening, the evening when many weddings arecelebrated, the street is crowded with taxis and minibuses that transport theperformers to wedding parties all over Cairo and nearby villages.

The performers of Muhammad All Street and their audience belong to a. different social stratum than that of the star performers, who are often ofmiddle-dass extraction. Although artists from different contexts do not min-gle much, the converted stars, as prominent public figures, could influence

the performers of Muhammad Ali Street. However, at the time I conducted::: the interviews, between September 1988 and Febmary 1990, the theme of

converted artists was not yet very prominent. It was occasionally touchedupon in the inter vi.ews with Muhammad All Street performers, but more of-ten an example in their own community-a dancer's daughter who had be-come a muhaggaba, a veiled girl-was mentioned to demonstrate that despitetheir profession they give their children a good upbringing. Nevertheless, Ihave two case studies of female performers who tried to stop performing and


tihzird^ms life'.From these examples'I S0 morc generaUy into femaleperfo[mers'_ideas.on theanfulness of their profession. nnalfy"! ^ryutocZe!ritheextent/ofAelr religious observance ^°êr'todraw°la7concUoân

. perceived (incompatibility of religion and performing. --"~""" "'^TNadla.ina cairene hotelwhere weddings w^re celebrated and

where she hoped to be allowed to perform. She had just arnvedTomêxZ> and for that reason she did not yet have the required papers"SmTeZ

was not asked to perform, we had time to talk together. I had lomehowbeTnintroduced as a psychiatrist, so she poured out aU the troubles~sh7ha7e^Td^llfe;Later.1 vlsited her againm the sma11 dlrtyroom^ chTapTo-'êlr.Muhammad Ali street thatshe occupied wlthanotheTperfo^r

the countryside trying her luck in the capital. Nadiawas 'thmy^years old and had been born in Alexandria into a poor family. Her father ha'clplayeithe accordlon but died yo"ng. In order to Help the~family"sh"e7tarteadto perform at weddings and saint's day celebrations ^^^ôld. She married a soldier and hoped to quit the profession" buThTs";was not enough for their four children. He also insisted that she keep work-mg because, recording to Nadia, he was addicted to alcohoTandhas^sh'She

ried. After the second marriage, st,wlySC"home'put onthe veil-started prayin§' and was ver°yhappy"Shegave birth to two more children and was forced again by their'financTaI situ^ .-^to. startperforming' Her.second h^band did not like her to performbuthad toadmit that he could not earn Tghfor the famityHis ^va" ..

ace about her work and probably his hurt pnde madehim'vioTent"he^"- .' -casionally beat her up and threw her in the Street. She divorceTagam'and .cominuedto perform because she was responsible for six children°and "he^ -

^ When she was traveling and performing, her mother wouTd"take~care /(^children, and when Nadia had money sh^ would visTtthemTnIiexa^ ' -dna.^ She was strongly convinced that her profession was haram.";Weare"not

: the foreigners," she explained. "We have to cover ourselves. ThTywear -shOT!.sandsuch things-we have prayers and fasting and e'verything.?mgmg- .'-^nd dancing are haram. Even Warda's smging is haranÎ doritUkeThiswS -.bmlhavejbc children and my mother to'care for7l~have"n7rn^, n7onelto -

^Their father left them like this and the oldest is onlythirteen^ThetwoMessed y£ars in whlch she was muhag^ba and prayed were^recurringmotifm_her story as a paradise lost that she hoped to'regain.'ShThadhearl

ligious people were helping artists to leave the trade, but she was hesi-tant about whether this would solve her ongoing financial'troubles."

.,AnothCTdancer whotried to st°P Performing and to live a religious life isKooka.Kooka is originally from MuhammadAUUStreet-and has wobrkedmost


of her career in Cairo. After her second marriage, four years before the inter-view, she stayed with her husband in Mansoera, a small town in the Delta. Ivisited Kooka and her husband, a musician, at home, joined them at a wed-ding party in a small village, and met them again at the saint's day celebrationin Dessuq. She related that as a child she loved singing and dancing. She wasonce sent to mn an errand and came across a neighborhood wedding. Sheliked it a lot, used the money as a tip for the performers and even climbed onstage to dance. After her parents' divorce, she started performing at a youngage Although in the beginning she liked her work very much-the beauti-ful clothing she was wearing, the people applauding her, the good money shewas earning-after twenty-five years she has had enough of it. In the begin-

ning she worked as a dancer and singer, but now she only sings. She is con-vinced that dancing with its revealing costumes is haram. Singing is a lesserevil, since she is properly dressed. She went twice to Mecca to do the umra,the lesser pilgrimage. "I went twice to do the 'umra in order to stop perform-ing, but I did not find another source of income and I had to work again.I wanted to veil and to stay at home, but the circumstances did not allow meto. I went to do the 'urnra, but it was useless because I had to work again.I wait until God will reward me with a source of income that is halal. Thenmy husband and I will leave the trade; we will go on hagg and leave it all.Everything God commands will happen.'

The idea that both Nadia and Kooka express is that their profession is. haram. This is also clear from an expression that most former performers use

to indicate that they retired from working. "Tobt lilaah," they often said, "I re-pented." Moreover, people who were still working in the profession but hopedto quit often sighed, "Rabbina yitob 'alena," that is, "May God relieve us." An-other former performer related: "There were days when I was working whenI would cry and say: 'Rabbina yitob 'alayya, ya rabb' [May God relieve me, QLord]. But it was my only salt and bread until [I repented and] God relievedme." Another retired performer stated: "I am glad I repented. I knew it washaram. but there were circumstances. I had to raise the children. But if you

. walk Straight, God will bless you at any time. When my son started to workin the trade I was angry and sad. I ask for repentance day and night for myson." Most performers declared that their activities were sinful.

What does this conviction of their own sinfulness mean for their reli-gious devotion? Many performers tried to observe Ramadan as faithful Mus-lims do. The month of Ramadan is also a month in which there is not muchwork. One performer explicitly said that in this month she refuses to workbecause Ramadan is the month for God. Several performers distributed food10 the poor during Ramadan. With regard to praying, the matter was more


3pl^d' ^^Sityacnvity- k TOSentan^dw.th the. "suAl" -Z^.somldance];Ldecided that theirwoA^M&ated"thleprcaye^dîp:Tg'dam!ngthatassoonastheystoppedperf^^^^^^::um!Snione ofthem said: "Iusedyto p^^±^^^d.pe;t^kTOW alotaboM rel^n^7sa^^s^wohôp^yowhousKfTom lt and spend on ^'^"But'stm^Z'fSZ^tIamlfault.I_stoppedpraândifGodr^^^^&^^T"cau"thelvoice^âwraandlth::^^li^P^ ~^TtT. Lhe^Tfguiltmake;m" .lndlne/OTTerperformer was renowned for even P"7ingTtLwourku S^^rnt^deê^:e^^^^^t^mCTlT.la;dA!y-occaTonallyPrayedPe^^^^^^^^^ ^ ;xp;ssedd"strongcmtr:s;'be;;;;enl:;01^^^^ ^!nlmurn.h"ne' ! lmmedlate^ -hmyseând^^Zger'Ser case praylng constltuted a dally ri^^°^n"fyl^he:seTf ,

.êralfom.er:performers ofMuhTci Ah Street tried to make up for'^msbyleadmg a rcllglous ^ repentance: Son^^^ :êÔTe^scarforhijab and P^dreârtyMost'^n;^ ;.CZ:mldlbouithe afterilfe;ThaLdores"no;-T^^^^^^^^s"sesmjudgment D^- As a sing-ex?essedJl:;scMuZ: -^t^rc^ôd^wedol"tllowô^^:hê::'ltoheliMaybladancer does a good deed ^ch&vesher aWu^rThe' , l^lv!!t!"dla^heiractlvlties arc haram does not mea"Aat tlâgreed wA ;^^w!rh^/el!glous fundamentalÂforme;P^;^^Zi -f^mg^T: "The. soennlyyin do ^^^n^ alSo^ \ 'PZto!^Lthey are nght' th£rcare vulg^ties,butnotbyfo^P^pk '. .^ <^^^l^d^ls easyfor ^tO^heâveS- .;-.terjobs-May God makethings ^sy for them, but I am oneoTthos'e wh^hê ":'ê.alrLmon^from,dancing" Another Performer vehemently ded^d.Z^damentauTaythat weare doinS thln8s against owr'^n'b^^^t ..!^lT!mych!ldrcn from !t- Let th-?-ckLus^^;^: .;*lJ&fol Ihe scho°'and an Mher»p-'^"^-"'

.^T^GOdm his omnlscie"ce will judge them on their inners"ndwluforglve their outer activities-These S^'we^c^ ^êmlylconom!c necessity- They faced Â7tT;7he7^reufocruceudFby1lTJ?n.celthatthey couldnot^ TheTh;ddlt;calreT^Zal2^!^ldând hadno other source °^cozueuulf:ld^d:n^tl^my daughter will have to dance,- expresses the unavoidabm;yo"f AeTsâ"


tion. They have no choice but to work as performers. By stressing their cir-cumstances as the reason for entering the trade, by underlining the straightpath they have walked during their careers, and by living a meritorious lifeafter repentance, they hope for God's mercy.

Are the views of Muhammad Ali Street performers on the "sinfulness" of thetrade the same as the religious discourse of the fundamentalists and theavowals of the repentant stars? They all agree that the trade is haram. Theyall perceive an incongruity between performing and religious devotion. Inthe Islamist discourse, devotion and art cannot go together. Artists are non-believers who belong to the pagan world-if not to the Devil's realm. Thestars' confessions reinforce the Islamist discourse, as they represent repen-tance as a passage from dark to light, as.a journey from nonbelieving into be-lieving. The Muhammad Ali Street performers are also ambivalent about theirreligious devotion. They are concerned about their religious "sins" and the in-validation of their religious merits by their profession. Yet they do not ex-penence a complete incompatibility between the two. Muhammad All Streetperformers do not consider themselves outside the community of believers.They do not perceive themselves as nonbelievers. On the contrary, they feelvery much part of the community of believers. Precisely because they definethemselves as believers, they are concerned about their afterlife. Precisely be-cause they identify themselves as Muslims, they try to compensate for sinsand to reconcile their religious practices and their livelihood.

The divergence between the religious discourse of the Islamists and theviews of Muhammad Ah Street performers is perhaps not surprising. The dif-ference between the discourse of the repentant stars and the Muhammad All

; Street performers requires an explanation. Two fundamental factors can ac-count for the differences. First, there is a difference in class position. As ex-

,; plained above, Muhammad All Street performers are from a low-class back-ground and remain relatively deprived. The economic circumstances of thestar performers are totally different; they were usually from wealthier families; and were not forced to perform. They earned a lot of money and are still well.off after their repentance. That means that the argument of sinning throughzuruf does not hold for the star performers. They "committed sins" in orderto earn a lot of money, which is perceived as a greater sin than being forced, by sheer necessity. The second factor is related to the way the discourse of therepentant artist is produced. Islamists exerted great influence on the repen-tance and capitalized on the converted artists. They encapsulated it in theirda'wa strategy. The discourse on and of the repentant artists is part and par-cd of the Islamist stmggle against art.


>iJ.h! Iis;amlst.d!scourse produces a rupture between the Evil's world and"^^1^ between nonbelieylng artist and devoted believers1. TôZ0^lbetwe.enperforming and believingis also scribed mêlifeZS^PTT^:andpToduces the d-f a pagan Ufe bS;^dewut!!fe after rePentance. Thus we cannot hold the d?c"ou;sleoufZtreZaârT^repr£Ttthe "true rellgious feelin§s" ofrepentant'amsts'We^S^ltheu accounts aftmthful -°unt^fonne;(^gio;^^^^1^^: ^hermore:weô^knowZ^nperformers defined themselves as Muslims at the time'ofperformmTZt^^ mtheir hyes as repentant -rs:they;oc;uc;th;^£^ê^;n^l;feôf^t:;hatz=tc^s:^lâ^^Sôwardgood' mora^ndGo^fea^'l3^; :^vd^ lndm?^convert but ^^^^'^^2Zô?^rfalthful_performer versus a devout ex-perfbrn^^f^ .

in the battle against pagan art.

t^-^-

Notes

and Ac ^ZS thlstrong connectlon between the female body a"d sexuahty,^8tell;908abl-religious dlscourse on gender and wwa^^^^^^^5,Freed2omnlfeFT2ê.ctcaued_"Rellgious Fundament^- The Danger Confronung^^^S^gy^^^s^^^dKh^Â^lSSIlB^^.S:'/S'^,°sm' Kh>u<^^<"=^/"aup=,/.

3. For a more general account of music in Islam, see Nieuwkerk 1998a..4\A-sboth noun and adjective-the term aw^ has several layers of meanines. refer-

Z^;::^^^Ttecêaled(the^;lsT^^1^'^1"more generally to women's bodies and voices (see AhmedT992~,~n6r

IeT°Ld£^bylaws- see ln particular the part entitled KTbwards v1^ and^SSS^T Mcto »'^^...» "..-s ..^ *.References

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