1600? The rise of the Terramara system (Northern Italy)

landesmuseum für vorgeschichteLandesamt für Denkmalpflege und Archäologie Sachsen-Anhalt

16oo – Kultureller Umbruch im Schatten des Thera-Ausbruchs?

16oo – Cultural change in the shadow of the Thera-Eruption?4. Mitteldeutscher Archäologentag vom 14. bis 16. Oktober 2o11 in Halle (Saale)

4th Archaeological Conference of Central GermanyOctober 14–16, 2o11 in Halle (Saale)

Tagungen desLandesmuseums für Vorgeschichte HalleBand 9 | 2013

herausgegeben von Harald Meller, François Bertemes, Hans-Rudolf Bork und Roberto Risch Halle (Saale) 2o13

Die Beiträge dieses Bandes wurden einem Peer-Review-Verfahren unterzogen. Die Gutachtertätigkeit übernahmen folgende Fachkollegen: Prof. Dr. François Bertemes, Prof. Dr. Olaf Bubenzer, Prof. Dr. Helga Bumke, Prof. Dr. Robert Chapman, Prof. Dr. Raf- faello Cioni, Prof. Dr. Janusz Czebreszuk, Dr. Stefan Dreibrodt, Prof. Dr. Peter Ettel, Prof. Dr. Andreas Furtwängler, Prof. Dr. Svend Hansen, Dr. Karl-Uwe Heußner, Dr. Reinhard Jung, Dr. Flemming Kaul, Dr. Mechthild Klamm, Prof. Dr. Margarita Primas, Prof. Dr. Hans Ulrich Schmincke, Dr. Ralf Schwarz, Prof. Dr. Frank Sirocko, Prof. Dr. Ingmar Unkel, Prof. Dr. Dietrich Wildung, Dr. Bernd Zich.

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Inhalt / Contents

9 Vorwort der Herausgeber / Preface of the editors

Sektion Naturwissenschaften/Section sciences

19 Hans-Rudolf Bork und Stefan Dreibrodt Vulkanische Extremereignisse in der Nacheiszeit und ihre Folgen für den Menschen und seine

Umwelt in Mitteleuropa

23 Hartmut Leser Paläo-Umweltgeschichte und Geomorphologie: Möglichkeiten eines geowissenschaftlichen

Forschungsansatzes

37 Walter L. Friedrich The Minoan Eruption of Santorini around 1613 B. C. and its consequences

49 Clive Oppenheimer Nature and impacts of the Minoan Eruption of Santorini

59 Walter Kutschera Dating of the Thera/Santorini volcanic eruption

65 Mike Baillie Radical thinking on the Thera debate

77 Christoph Siart and Bernhard Eitel Santorini tephra on Crete: a mineralogical record of Bronze Age environmental change

89 André Billamboz Der Standpunkt der Dendroarchäologie zu den Auswirkungen der Thera-Eruption nördlich

der Alpen

101 Gernot Patzelt Bergstürze im 2. Jahrtausend v. Chr. im Ostalpenraum

109 Leo Rothacker and Frank Sirocko Evaluation of flood events in three Eifel maar sediment records during the 16th century B. C.

117 Giovanni Orsi, Raffaello Cioni and Valeria Di Renzo The Campanian Plain during the Bronze Age: development of volcanism and impact of the

Vesuvius Avellino eruption in a densely populated area

Sektion Archäologie/Section archaeology

137 Anna Michailidou The final settlement at Akrotiri on Thera: the buildings, the people, and the eruption

149 Annette Højen Sørensen, Walter L. Friedrich, Samson Katsipis and Kirsten Molly Søholm Miniatures of meaning – interdisciplinary approaches to the miniature frescos from the west

house at Akrotiri on Thera

163 Tobias Neuser Willkommen sei die Ordnung, denn das Chaos hat versagt. Die Auswirkungen des Vulkanaus-

bruchs von Akrotiri auf das Selbstverständnis ägäischer Eliten

177 Wolf-Dietrich Niemeier Die Auswirkungen der Thera-Eruption im ägäischen Raum

191 François Bertemes Tavs̨an Adası. Das Thera-Event und seine Auswirkung auf das minoische Kommunikations-

netzwerk

211 Katharina Pruckner The so-called »Middle Helladic Tradition« in Aegean pottery production of 16oo B. C.

221 Joachim Friedrich Quack Gibt es in Ägypten schriftliche Quellen zum Thera-Ausbruch?

235 Reinhard Jung The time around 16oo B. C. in Southern Italy: new powers, new contacts and new conflicts

253 Halinka Di Lorenzo, Mauro Antonio Di Vito, Pierfrancesco Talamo, Jim Bishop, Nicola Castaldo, Sandro de Vita, Rosella Nave and Marco Pacciarelli

The impact of the Pomici di Avellino Plinian eruption of Vesuvius on Early and Middle Bronze Age human settlement in Campania (Southern Italy)

267 Alessandro Vanzetti 16oo? The rise of the Terramara system (Northern Italy)

283 Vicente Lull, Rafael Micó, Cristina Rihuete Herrada and Roberto Risch Political collapse and social change at the end of El Argar

303 Mauro S. Hernández Pérez, Francisco Javier Jover Maestre and Juan Antonio López Padilla The social and political situation between 175o and 15oo cal. B. C. in the central Spanish

Mediterranean: an archaeological overview

315 Francisco Javier Abarquero Moras, Antonio Blanco-González, Ángel Esparza Arroyo and José A. Rodríguez Marcos

The Central Iberian Meseta at the time of the Thera-Eruption: an overview

327 Carola Metzner-Nebelsick Gedanken zur Frage des kulturellen Wandels in der Zeit um 16oo v. Chr.

in Nordwest-Rumänien und Nordost-Ungarn

355 Klára P. Fischl, Viktória Kiss, Gabriella Kulcsár and Vajk Szeverényi Transformations in the Carpathian Basin around 16oo B. C.

373 Jozef Bátora The settlement structure problem and the end of fortified settlements from the final period

of Early Bronze Age in Slovakia

387 Jaroslav Peška Das Besiedlungsbild in der Blütezeit der Frühbronzezeit im Gebiet des mittleren Donauraumes

411 Alexandra Krenn-Leeb Sozialer Wandel um 16oo v. Chr. in Österreich

435 Margarita Primas Settlement and interregional connections in the Central and Eastern Alps

443 Florian Innerhofer Von der frühen zur mittleren Bronzezeit in Süddeutschland – Wandel oder Zäsur?

453 Michal Ernée Bernstein und der Zusammenbruch der klassischen Aunjetitzer Kultur in Böhmen

469 Bernd Zich Aunjetitz – Nebra – Sögel. Die Zeit um 16oo v. Chr. im westlichen Mitteldeutschland

493 Harald Meller Der Hortfund von Nebra im Spiegel frühbronzezeitlicher Deponierungssitten

527 Johannes Müller 16oo B. C. – Social topographies and the development of Early Bronze Age societies in

Central Europe

539 Anna Swieder Carpathian Basin, Oder, Baltic Sea. The role of the Oder River as communication corridor

at the end of the Early and the beginning of the Middle Bronze Age

551 Juliane Filipp Southern Scandinavia around 16oo B. C. Signs of mobility, trade, and communication –

the scimitars from Rørby (Denmark)

567 José Gomez de Soto The Bronze Age in Atlantic France around 16oo B. C.

577 Timothy Darvill Dark sides of the moon: life, death, ritual, and regional identity in Britain ca. 16oo B. C.

Abschlussdiskussion/Final discussion

597 Roberto Risch und Harald Meller Wandel und Kontinuität in Europa und im Mittelmeerraum um 16oo v. Chr.

Tagungen des L andesmuseums für VorgeschichTe haLLe • Band 9 • 2013

1600? The rise of the Terramara system (northern italy) alessandro Vanzetti

Summary

After the end of the local Early Bronze Age, central-eastern northern Italy saw the rapid expansion, steep growth and sudden fall of the so-called Terramara settlement model, and the development of a specific archaeological facies. Some of the aspects of the settlement package (raised floor huts, thickly built enclosed settlements, water management facili-ties) and the basic material culture traits are rooted in the preceding and surrounding traditions. It has been proposed that the quick spread of the new package took the form of a pioneer settling, deeply affecting the landscape. All these aspects can be taken as part of a major socio-economic restructuring, affecting northern Italy, the Apennines, and possibly some wider areas; a Danubian contribution to the process has been considered, without conclusive evidence.

The timing of this process has been harshly debated between scholars calling for a higher or lower chronology, locat-ing the transition from northern Italian Early Bronze Age to Middle Bronze Age between 17oo and 16oo cal. B. C.; presently, the positions are slightly converging. This discussion is related to the Thera debate, as cross-dating locates the transition from Middle Helladic to Late Helladic to around the start of southern Italian Middle Bronze Age. Anyhow, a relationship between the disruption caused by the Theran event and Ital-ian transformations has never been called for, and such a dimension could eventually be identified only on a wider European scale.

Zusammenfassung

Nach dem Ende der lokalen Frühbronzezeit war das zent-ralöstliche Norditalien geprägt durch eine rapide Expansion, durch einen starken Anstieg und eine plötzliche Abnahme des sogenannten Terramara-Siedlungsmodels, was einher-ging mit der Entwicklung einer spezifischen archäologischen Kulturgruppe. Einige Aspekte dieser Siedlungserscheinung (Häuser mit Doppelboden, dicht bebaute und von Erdwerken umfasste Siedlungen, Wasserwirtschaftseinrichtungen) und die grundlegende materielle Kultur haben ihre Wurzeln in den zeitlich vorangehenden und geografisch benachbarten Traditionen. Es ist vorgeschlagen worden, dass die rasche Ausbreitung dieser archäologischen Kulturgruppe eine Art von Pioniercharakter aufweise, die große Auswirkungen auf die Landschaft gehabt habe. Alle diese Aspekte können als Teil einer großen sozio-ökonomischen Umstrukturierung angesehen werden, die Norditalien, die Apenninen und mög-licherweise weitere Regionen betraf. Einflüsse aus dem Donauraum sind erwägt worden, jedoch ohne schlüssige Beweise.

Die chronologische Einordnung dieses Prozesses ist von der Wissenschaft kontrovers diskutiert worden, mit Vor-schlägen für eine früherer oder späterer Datierung, die den Übergang von der norditalischen Frühbronzezeit in die mitt-lere Bronzezeit zwischen 17oo cal. B. C. und 16oo cal. B. C. verlegen. Die Diskussion hängt mit der Thera-Debatte zusam-men, da Gegenda tierungen die Überleitung von der mittel- zur späthelladischen Periode um den Beginn der südita-lischen Mittelbronzezeit platzieren. Gleichwohl ist eine Verbindung zwischen den Auswirkungen der Katastrophe von Thera und den italischen Umbrüchen nie vorgeschlagen worden. Allerdings könnten solch weitreichende Ausmaße auch nur in einem größeren europäischen Umfang identifi-ziert werden.

The Bronze Age of Italy is marked by crucial transformations at the transition between local Early Bronze Age (EBA) and Middle Bronze Age (MBA), leading in a short time to the affirmation of the Terramara settlement model (Chapter 1). It collapsed after about four centuries at the end of the Italian Recent Bronze Age (RBA). An impressive demographic concentration took place in the centraleastern Po Plain, associated with a remarkable capacity in water and land management, with welldefined and specific types of settlements and with an apparently scarcely hierarchi cal social structure (which has been defined as »tribal«, or »territorybased« – instead of »kinbased«; Peroni 1989, 2o2–2o3).

The situation is clear in its major trajectories, but some debate has affected the chronology of the transitions and transformations (Chapter 2): should the transition from EBA to MBA be dated close to 16oo B. C., or how much earlier? And should therefore the rapid growth of the Terramara system, during MBA 2, be located shortly after 16oo B. C. or almost one century later? Would there be any possible connection with the date indicated by the Conference theme, 16oo, and the Theran disaster?

Summing up: the process is rather clear; its precise absolute chronology is not fully agreed (but the chronological gap is narrowing, as we shall see in Chapter 2.2); finally, even if a high date for the Theran eruption is compatible


268 Ales sAndro VAnze t t i

1 In the following, I generally refer to the relative chronology first proposed by Bernabò Brea/Cardarelli 1997, with three MBA periods (cf. Chapter 2).

2 As A. Guidi (2oo8) reports, the misunderstandings brought by G. Säflund's work largely hindered the research progress; furthermore, the scholars in charge of research after

the WWII were not so accurate (e.g.: Scarani), or anyway did not publish thoroughly their own research (e.g. Malavolti); cf. Peroni 1992, 66.

with the spread of social rearrangement in Europe and Italy, it seems that processes in Italy were already ongoing, and none of the authors has proposed an even remote relationship with the Theran event.

1 The Terramara system1

The area where we can isolate the Terramara phenomenon (Cardarelli 2oo9) encompasses the centraleastern Po Plain, from a western border located at the Arda River to the eastern Reno River; from the Apennines to the south, up to a looser border around the low/middle plain north of the Po River (Fig. 1). Its definition is substantially clear, even if many of the single aspects (infrastructural solutions, ceramic and bronze complexes, ritual behaviours) occurring in the area are shared with the surrounding archaeological groupings.

The process of definition of the Terramara settlement system has been explored by various authors in the last years, and a general consensus about its development has been gained, with minor differences, while some divisive posi

tions are recorded mostly about its absolute chronology. This last point will be discussed later (Chapter 2).

The turning point for the definition of this new frame has been the exhibition held in Modena in 1997 (Bernabò Brea et al. 1997), when a massive set of old and freshly excavated data were presented in a systematic outline.

In fact, the subject had been almost completely removed from the Italian protohistory after the exhaustion of the L. Pigorini's model (Peroni 1996), an end that we can locate around his death, in 1925, but that was finally sanctioned by the impressive book by G. Säflund (1939)2. L. Pigorini (1876–1877; 1895) had put the extraordinary and massive evidence of the Terramara world – brought to light by relevant scholars like G. Chierici, P. Strobel, and himself in the last 4o years of the 19th century century century – as the origin of the Italic people and of Rome, ultimately deriving from the transalpine Danubian tells. The reaction to this Europecentred model, and to its implications in terms of the noble origins of Rome, came to an apogee in the work by G. Patroni during the Fascist period, with some astonishing pages reporting of the Terramara world as a communistic and disordered social milieu, incompatible with the high spirit of Rome (Patroni 1937, 848).

Po Po

Mincio

Tartaro

Arda

Reno

Oglio

A p e n n i n e

Secc

hia

Panàro

40 km

Fig. 1 The area of the Terramara settlements (dots).


269160 0? The r ise of The Terr amar a sysTem (norThern iTaLy )

3 E.g. S. Rosa di Poviglio, Montale and Casinalbo: Bernabò Brea/Cremaschi 2oo4; Cardarelli 2oo4; Cardarelli et al. 2oo6.

It is since the second half of the 197os (De Marinis 1975; Tirabassi 1979) that we can record the first steps of reappraisal of the research, which took the form of the systematic publications of sites' gazetteer and of a renewed series of excavations, both as specific research projects3 and due to the increasing rescue and preventive archaeology activities (e.g. Bernabò Brea/Valloni 2oo8). The actual perspective on the Terramara sites includes a renewed consideration of the models of the early researchers of the Positivist age, as far as the structure of sites is concerned. On the contrary, the transalpine origin of the Terramara system is no more remarked, but some relevant connections in the same direction have anyway been sometimes reported, leaving some room for a transalpine contribution (Peroni 1989, 129–13o; 332–334). In the end, even if the model applied is now different, as we shall see, the interpretation of the phenomenon as some kind of »colonisation« (probably better: pioneer settling) is still applied by most of the authors.

1.1 The Terramara settlement package

It is wellknown that the term Terramara is not of scholarly origin: it was a local expression of the 18th century A. D.,

defining the accumulations of organic sediments of the Bronze Age, being quarried as manure (Bernabò Brea/Mutti 1994). Anyway, such accumulations were effectively the result of peculiar formation processes, taking place mainly inside the constricted environment of the embanked settlements that we now recognize as the Terramara type. Sites attributed to this archaeological grouping (facies) also occur on the bordering lower Apennine hills, but the typical ones are on the plain.

Here I consider as part of this settlement package: the ditchandbank structure of settlements; their regular and thick built environment; their frequent, superimposed reconstruction; their relevant use of raised floor huts; the intense water management of the surrounding plain.

1.1.1 Ditch and bank

The excavation of the ditch is the quarry for the bank, which is therefore built up with local sediments (locally spanning from gravel to sand or clay), without the addition of stone. The use of an earthfilled wooden structure is generally assumed, both on the basis of the wooden »Blockbau« structures found at Castione dei Marchesi near Fidenza in the 19th century excavations, and on the frequent record of

250 m

Fig. 2 Castello del Tartaro, Cerea (Verona). Bronze Age settlement and field system, as derived from aerial photographs, partially verified through excavation trenches. White tributary channel and ditch; solid black lines main and minor banks; black dashed lines possible Bronze Age raised trackroads; black thin lines gullies enclosing the fields.



4 E.g. MontaleCastelnuovo Rangone: Cardarelli 2oo4, 26–29; S. RosaPoviglio: Bernabò Brea/Cremaschi 2oo4, 31–35.

wooden traces inside or under the bank; moreover, the generally loose materials require some supporting structure (Bernabò Brea/Cremaschi 1997). Ditch and bank appear since the start of MBA (MBA 1), both north and south of the Po River, as testified for example at Camponi near Nogarole Rocca (Verona) and at Gaggio near Castelfranco Emilia (Modena) (Salzani/Chelidonio 1992; Balista et al. 2oo8). It is reported that incipient sites can take some time before being enclosed (e.g. CamponiNogarole Rocca: Salzani/Chelidonio 1992), as well as that they can be for some time enclosed inside a wooden palisade, like the first phase village at S.Rosa near Povi

glio (Reggio Emilia; Bernabò Brea/Cremaschi 2oo4), where the palisade is anyway soon replaced by the ditch and bank.

The developed shape of the ditch and bank system (since MBA 2) often corresponds to a rectangular plan, with rounded angles (Fig. 2); ditches are up to 3o–4o m wide, up to 2,5 mdeep, and banks 1o–2o m wide, up to 3 m high4. Subsequent events may distort our perception: both ditches and banks are often transformed by renovation works (recutting of the ditch or raising of the bank); ditches could be reworked by later fluvial insertions and banks lose their stability profile because of the decay of their wooden structures.

Fig. 3 a S. Rosa, Poviglio (Reggio Emilia). Settlement with the postholes and the proposed outline of some of the houses. Gullies and wells in the area of the bank and ditch of the second phase settlement are marked in grey (light grey: MBA 3/RBA 1; dark grey: RBA 2). b Beneceto, Parma (Parma). Wooden buildings, discovered as an offas an offas an off site of the Terramara settlement, tentatively interpreted as haybarns.

10 m

10 ma

b



5 The size of the ditches, wide and often shallow, has been proposed as functional both in terms of water management and of defence

from throwing weapons, as bone arrowheads are widely used in the Terramara world, causing at least one casualty in the Nogara

cemetery record (A. Canci, unpublished communication at the Conference »The Death Toll«, Rome 2oo9).

Ditches are strictly connected to the water management systems activated in the surrounding landscape (cf. Chap ter 1.1.3)5.

1.1.2 Settlement structure

The settlement structure has proved to be similar to what proposed by the 19th century scholars: extremely regular, wooddemanding, frequently employing raised floor huts, often filling nearly the entire inner space of the site.

Narrow perpendicular roads define blocks filled with houses, either with raised or groundlevel floors. They are rectangular in shape, the raised ones probably with a lateral and frontal porch, and generally range from 45 m2 to more than 1oo m2 (e.g. Fig. 3a: S. RosaPoviglio: Fig. 4: MontaleCastelnuovo Rangone). This wooden architecture reflects the typical layout of northern Italian houses in the Bronze and the Iron Ages, bound to »Blockbau« or framing techniques. The tight organisation recalls palafitta (»Pfahlbau«) sites, with houses possibly bigger than – for instance – at MBA palafitta of Fiavé, where they probably ranged from 4o–6o m2 (Perini 1984, 13o and Fig. 1o1; 1o4).

Isolated cases of (smaller) apsidal huts with ground floor have been indicated as of southern influence (Balista et al.

2oo8; Cardarelli 2oo9), as they have similar plans to those of the Italian peninsula.

Accumulation of refuse and superimposed rebuilding of the site structures, contained and constrained by the enclosing banks, is reflected in the thick sedimentation, having a good rate of organic preservation. At Montale, a single hut was apparently rebuilt, with negligible displacements, four times in less than 15o years, that is every 35 years or so (Fig. 4). This timing is possibly a bit longer than what has been seen, thanks to dendrochronology, in Swiss sites, but still appears to be plausible.

The overall coherence of the settlement structure indicates the coordinate design of the site plan, and of its renewals through time.

1.1.3 Water management facilities and fields

In northern Italy, even if the use of the plough is certain since at least the early 3rd millennium B. C. (Copper Age), the first data about agrarian water management structures date to the late EBA or MBA 1, and the first complex field systems to the Terramara settlements. Obviously, the preservation of agrarian fields depends widely on local sedimentation rates, isolating former landforms under a protective

phase I

PHASE II

PHASE III

PHASE IV

excavation limit

1 m

Fig. 4 Montale, Castelnuovo Rangone (Modena), outline of a raised floor hut, rebuilt, with substantial overlappings and negligible displacements, four times in less than 15o years (MBA 2–3).



6 OxA 5494: 35o5 ± 55 B. P.; OxA 5495: 343o ± 55 B. P. The sum of probabilities for the two dates provides the following results, cal. 2 σ: 1948–162o B. C.; cal. 1 σ: 1882–1733 B. C. [o,8828 prob.]; 1716–1693 B. C. [o,1172 prob.].

7 The existence of structured offsites, with even huge buildings, tentatively interpreted as haybarns (Fig. 3b), has been proven at

Beneceto near Parma (Bernabò Brea et al. 2oo8); alternatively, at Cortile S. Martino near Parma we could be facing the ploughed remains of a small site.

8 Aerial photographs and field checks have brought to light a couple of further interesting structures, two enclosures adjacent to the ditch and the tributary channel, de

fined by a shallow bank and by the first encircling ring of gullies; their function is not clear, but they have been nicknamed »corrals«.

9 The purity of the water is enhanced by the total absence of metal items inside its fill.

1o Site size trends, largely hypothetical, are receiving confirmations as research goes on.

blanket; this is a situation easily obtained in an alluvial plain, and in the case of a settlement system, like the Terramara one, undergoing a major abandonment period at its very end. Anyway, the evidence for the Terramara investment in water management facilities well matches the image of a stabilizing productive society.

In the Verona lowlands (Valli Grandi Veronesi), at Canàr – a palafitta site dating from the start of EBA 2 to the very end of the period – a couple of shallow »ditches« bordering the palisade enclosing the site are interpreted as mainly draining features (Balista 1998). In the same region, a set of clustered parallel water gullies and pits has been identified near the Stanghelle site (De Guio et al. 1994), dating to the MBA 1–2. The surrounding landscape indicates the presence of small dispersed EBA settlements (Balista et al. 1998). One of the gullies was observed as running straight for more than 1oo m; two radiocarbon dates (Whitehouse 1997) put the gullies’ context inside the advanced EBA, or at the very beginning of MBA (cf. Chapter 2)6.

At Cortile S. Martino, near Parma, during MBA 1 (according to pottery), a system of narrow gullies, apparently recovering water from watertable wells, joined in a major discharge channel. They possibly limited part of a field system. The site occurs remotely from known settlements, but it is connected to an offsite or small site, testified by postholes defining rectangular structures and pits (Bernabò Brea/Cremaschi 2oo9, 34 ff.)7.

The later (MBA 3/LBA) field system outlined at Castello del Tartaro near Cerea (cf. Fig. 2; Balista et al. 1998) gives us an idea of the comprehensive structure of a Terramara developed field system: one radial and one intersecting concentrical system of gullies (enclosing fields) surround the site ditch8. The gullies directly receive water from the ditch itself and from the tributary channel (a former stream) driving water into and out of the ditch. At a distance of few hundreds meters from the site, gullies become straight, and fields elongated. Possible roads have been identified.

The most relevant point is the connection between the ditch (and its tributary channel) and the gullies: their flow of water is regulated by the ditch, acting as the real buffer of the system.

This significant network, with its nice geometry and de fined solutions, is matched by a multiplicity of cases, that are being discovered in almost any location where offsite research takes place, and when the ancient surface is preserved enough: S. Rosa near Poviglio, Redù, Case del Lago, Case Cocconi, and so on (Bernabò Brea/Cremaschi 2oo9; 34 ff.; Cremaschi et al. 2oo6).

Situations differ from site to site, exploiting the water level through pits, resurgence springs, natural or artificial channels; relevant is the intentional accuracy in taking direct control of water since the foundation of sites, as shown

for example at Gaggio, or at Casale Zaffanella, but also in the expansion of the site of S. Rosa from a small to a large village (Balista 2oo6; Cremaschi et al. 2oo6).

The most impressive water management facility is probably the recently discovered wooden rectangular water tank (12 m x 7 m in plan and possibly >4 m deep) found at Noceto (Parma); data characterize the tank as a sort of artificial pond filled mainly by rainwater, producing a quiet depositional context. The ritual interpretation of the context has been widely stressed, but here I refer to its perfect working as a decanting device in the heavily anthropized Terramara environment9. It is a testimony of the technological ability involved (Bernabò Brea/Cremaschi 2oo9).

1.1.4 Settlement and social dynamics

The authors (e.g. Cardarelli 2oo9) recognize that the system spread from rather small sites at the start of MBA, only partially structured and dispersed over a wide territory, to a developed shape of the ditch and bank system, and to a thicker settlement system, in MBA 2. Later, wide sites, a fully structured system and a maximum density is gained during MBA 3; the system faces a sort of stagnation during RBA, with the widest sites ever and scarce renewal, and nearly the whole system collapses at the end of the period. In fact, in the early stages (MBA 1–2) sites are rarely wider than 2 ha; since MBA 3 onwards, the maximum size recorded is about 1o times higher (2o ha), but many sites remained pretty small. During RBA, wide sites increasingly contribute to the settlement balance, the average size getting even larger, exceeding 3 ha at the start and almost doubling in the final crisis phase10. It is interesting to remark that, during the enlargement process between MBA 2 and MBA 3, at Santa Rosa near Poviglio the earlier, smaller site, apparently kept its embanked structure, de facto creating an embedded site: this structure clearly resembles an acropolis/lower town situation (Bernabò Brea/Cremaschi 2oo4).

An analysis of the settlement pattern employing the xtent model (Di Renzoni 2oo6) has shown how different its evolution has been from area to area inside the Terramara complex: even if emerging differences between site sizes suggest that some distinction between central and peripheral sites was present, and in some areas hierarchical distribution of sites is reached, in other zones we cannot recognize a regular sequence of site sizes, and major settlements often occur grouped closeby. The general pattern corresponds to a pack ing system (Binford 1983, 21o–211), where limitations oc curred in the management of power: the system displays an increasing defensive attitude, with a reduction of minor sites, but collapsed without having adopted a generalised stepwise hierarchy. Anyway, it is wellknown that packed environments easily become a source of internal conflict (Fig. 5).



ND

0,1–0,9 ha

0,9–1,35 ha

1,35–2,15 ha

2,15–4 ha

4–10,1 ha

10,1–14 ha

>14 ha

Site size

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200198

193

192

189

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hia

Panà

ro

Panà

ro

Reno

301

219

214213

191

206

267

203

201

197

193192

189188

185

178

175173

171

170

199

195

168

203

201

199 197

195

193192

189

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181

176

170

168

191

302

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216

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214213

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275

206

204

243

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206205

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MBA1 MBA1

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10 km

Fig. 5 Settlement dynamics in two contiguous areas (selected phases: MBA 1, MBA 2, RBA). Area near Modena (left), displaying a packed system, with limited hierarchical structure; area near Bologna (right), displaying a more hierarchical structure.



11 Montata, Casinalbo, Beneceto: Cardarelli et al. 2oo3; Cardarelli et al. 2oo6; Bernabò Brea et al. 2oo8.

12 The apsidal huts with ground floor from Gaggio (MBA 1–2) have also been interpreted as a proof of southern demic contribution (Cardarelli 2oo9), later absorbed by the Terramara mainstream (MBA 3).

13 Anyway, this patchy situation has been used by some authors to challenge the »colonisation«/pioneer settling model (Cattani/Marchesini 2o1o).

14 Critics to the »colonisation«/pioneer settling model have argued that MBA is a period of generalized expansion of settlement, as seen also in palafitta contexts (Magny et al. 2oo9; data in Guidi/Bellintani 1996), a fact not sup

porting the availability of people for relocation. Indeed, we can observe that palafitta sites are flourishing mostly in MBA 1; furthermore, some of the listed palafitta sites occur directly inside the terramare area, as a component of the settlement’s early expansion. It also needs to be stressed that pala-fitta are on average smaller than Terramara sites.

The unconstrained search for similar resources (resurgence springs) and the sharing of water management facilities can have acted as limiting factors.

The cremation funerary evidence of the Terramara world south of the Po River has always been presented as a levelling image of society, being characterized by the homogeneity of the urnfields and the scarcity of grave goods (Pacciarelli et al. 1996). The discovery of significant cemeteries, with the ancient surface preserved11, has brought some complexity in the picture, as grave goods are proven to have been involved in rituals until they burnt on the pyre; afterwards, they were segregated and received proper disposal. The spatial distribution of funerary groupings is not indicative of relevant differences. Furthermore, north of the Po River, biritualism shows that weapons and parure were present in inhumation graves, but that in RBA, cremation and more uniformitarian rituals prevailed (Povegliano, Nogara: Cupitò 2oo6; Salzani 2oo5). It has been suggested that this change could be connected with growing intrasocietal competition (Cupitò/Leonardi 2oo5; Bietti Sestieri 2o1o, 52–59), but evidence is not conclusive. On the whole, the Terramara funerary image remains dominated by the egalitarian appearance.

1.1.5 Pioneer settling model and pottery

The sudden development of the Terramara system has always suggested the demographic contribution by communities outside the Po Plain, since the Pigorini model of a Danubian migration (Pigorini 1876–1877; Pigorini 1895). If we assume the settlement extension as a proxy of the population growth, we would have to calculate a rate of +1,2 %/year, in order to warrant an internal growth from 1o ha of the EBA 2 to 42 of MBA 1, to 136 of MBA 2 and 354 ha of MBA 3. This rate is theoretically possible, as R. Pinhasi et al. (2oo5) – resting upon ethnographic data on pioneer communities (Birdsell 1957) – assume an almost triple rate for their model of Neolithic advance, but proves remarkably high. In any case, data suggest that the highest rate was at the start of the process (MBA 1 and MBA 2), in accordance with a contribution of immigrant people (Fig. 6 a–b).

The proposal for the origin of the communities contributing to the pioneer occupation of the Po Plain uses pottery as the main cultural marker12. Three different fluxes would be recognized in the genesis of the Terramara pottery set: one (dominant) northern palafitta (postPolada) set; another (secondary) southern, i.e. from the Apennines, defined as Grotta NuovaFarneto; one further western (tertiary), of PolleraMercurago type. The resulting pattern is rather patchy, a fact that can well correspond to a convergence of cultural traditions (and people)13.

The idea of some eastern contribution, in the end de riving from the Danube Plains, is often resurgent, and the arguments are many, but less specific ones: shared bronze products (e.g. swords), horse bit cheekpieces and their decoration, general affinities of the luministic effect of fine decorated pottery (socalled bucchero terramaricolo), and last – more interpretative but possibly more fascinating – the set tlement pattern and the (pseudo) egalitarian social structure (Peroni 1989; Peroni 1997). Some support to such a connection has been proposed in the longlasting affinities between the Danubian area (e.g. Brotlaibidole: Piccoli/Laffranchini 2o11) – or more specifically Lower Austria/West Hungary, mainly the GataWieselburg tradition – and northwestern Italian EBA tradition (Bellintani 1987, Maritan et al. 2oo9).

The result is the quick filling of an almost empty space, ending in a packed landscape, where after pioneer occupation consisting of small sites (1–2 ha), settlements become stable, probably in connection with water infrastructures, and start to grow in size. This process, with its patchy cultural aspect, and the resulting hybridized repertoire, fits well with a society where social ties have been substantially reset (the freemen effect). If the model sounds correct, we should expect major external contribution at the start being substituted by increasing internal demographic buildup (during MBA 2)14.

1.2 Local environment around 1600 cal. B. C.

It is difficult to separate natural and human influx on the environment during the late Holocene (Magny et al. 2oo9), and recent research has been switching from one pole to the other; anyway, climatic factors have been more often stressed for the collapse phase (Cremaschi et al. 2oo6; Cardarelli 2oo9).

1.2.1 Human impact

Where pollen diagrams have been obtained, the impact at the start of any Terramara settlement is noteworthy: S. Rosa near Poviglio (Ravazzi et al. 2oo4), Montale (Mercuri et al. 2oo6), Parma (Valsecchi 2oo4–2oo5, quoted in Cremaschi et al. 2oo6), S. Agata Bolognese (Marchesini et al. 2o1o) are only some of the relevant cases. At Montale, at the site foundation, arborean pollen (AP) falls from 7o % to less than 37 %; at other sites, AP falls generally between 25 % and 3o %, and the percentage declines through time, down to 19 % at RBA S. Rosa, or even lower, at S. Agata.

A similar foundation effect can be detected at other sites, like at the palafitta site of Lavagnone (De Marinis et al.



15 Starting from MBA 2, but getting full evidence in MBA 3, a trend of change from raised palafitta to groundbased »Packwerk«

settlements and the displacement of sites from valley bottoms to alluvial ridges (Balista/Leonardi 2oo3) is reported.

2oo5), in the Garda morainic amphitheatre, with AP falling from about 8o % to around 4o % at the foundation, during EBA, and progressively slightly further decreasing; but at other morainic palafitta sites, like Lucone, the effect is definitely less sharp (Valsecchi et al. 2oo6).

What is impressive is the constant evidence of deforestation connected to Terramara sites, which could even cause some concern for timber acquisition.

Human impact on the environment has also consisted of other elements of infrastructures, like fields, channels, gullies or tracks and their management activities.

The authors have therefore highlighted the risks of overexploitation of the system, as a possible combined cause for the settlement crisis (Cremaschi et al. 1991–1992, 18o–182).

1.2.2 General climatic trend

The lake record from Switzerland registers a notorious rise in level around ca. 155o B. C., apparently forcing the abandonment of lakedwellings dated to the local final EBA/early MBA. This change is parallel to Löbben glacier Advance Period (LAP) 2 and has been connected to a vast series of climate indicators possibly reflecting a global event, affecting both hemispheres (Magny et al. 2oo9a) and possibly ultimately deriving from solar activity; volcanic contribution is generally neglected (Magny 2oo4). If we look south of the Alps, the same effects appear slightly lessened, and shortly delayed (Magny et al. 2oo9); as the authors recognize, this cold period seemingly had a scarce, if any, effect in inhibiting human settlement in northern Italy, as lakeshore sites continued, and data point to a general expansion15. C.Balista (2oo9) has remarked that the earlier LAP 1 (ca. 18oo cal. B.C.)

Fig. 6 Quantitative parameters of Terramara settlements, through time. a black line, left axis: cumulative size of settlement areas, in ha; grey line, right axis: average size of settlements, in ha. b Settlement Transformation Index (STI): number of abandoned sites of the former period + number of new settlements of the present period / 1 + number of sites continuously occupied from the former period to the present one.

0,50,50,50,5

101042

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could have been the trigger for some disruption of the resurgence water regime, stimulating a peak in alluvial activity in the lowlands north of the Po River, between the end of EBA and the start of MBA, as it was seen at Canàr near S. Pietro Polesine, which locally preceded the Terramara spread. The period between LAP 1 and LAP 2 is indeed marked by a low water level at Lake Ledro (Magny et al. 2o12) in the southern Alps.

The highlighted climatic events could have some connections with the settlement expansion, as the interval between LAP 1 and LAP 2 could correspond to a drier period followed by a wetter phase around 15oo B. C.; the main problem is to define the correct absolute chronological frame for the Terramara expansion (cf. Chapter 2.2).

2 Relative and absolute chronologies

So far, I presented data referring to the tripartite MBA relative chronology, and I left out the absolute chronology. The tripartite scheme, which would include even further partitions (1A, 1B, 2A, 2B, 3A, 3B), has been proposed by M. Bernabò Brea and A. Cardarelli (1997); R. C. De Marinis has instead proposed a bipartite relative scheme, with further subdivisions (I, IIA, IIB, IIC)16. De Marinis17 attributes to RBA some of the contexts that Bernabò Brea and Cardarelli date to MBA 3B. Anyway, both correlate the end of the Ital ian MBA to the European transition Bz C–Bz D of the (post) Reinecke system.

This demonstrates that it is not simply a fact of terminology, as crossdating and absolute chronology come to differ as well. In fact, Bernabò Brea and Cardarelli, partly fol

Tab. 1 Dataset of radiocarbon dates used in Fig. 7. The first date, considered as an outlier, occurs only in the general graph and not in the MBA1 graph in Fig. 7.

MBA1 = 1 outlier + 3 dates Lab Code Date BP SD

chiaravalle arc-1651 3430 ± 40

gaggio ia LTL-5171a 3361 ± 40

m.castellaccio liv. inf. (mc9) gX-21870 3340 ± 50

Baggiovara 1 LTL-5165a 3328 ± 45

MBA2 = 13 dates

s.rosa vill. piccolo 87n us15 gX-14030 3305 ± 30

Baggiovara 2 LTL-5167a 3300 ± 45

s.rosa vill. piccolo 92n us10-12 gX-22526 ams 3290 ± 60

montale us 3538 oxa-12415 3282 ± 30

montale us 3042 oxa-12414 3272 ± 31

m.castellaccio liv. sup. (mc4) gX-21871 3265 ± 75

montale us2314 oxa-12413 3250 ± 30

monte Leoni layer 133 (middle) grn-7595 3245 ± 55

motta s.Bartolomeo PoZ-18916 ams 3235 ± 35

s.rosa vill. piccolo 92n us7 gX-24063 ams 3230 ± 50

montale us 9 gX-22500 3220 ± 60

s.rosa vill. piccolo 87n us10 gX-14033 3210 ± 40

Parma Poz-12160 ams 3205 ± 30

MBA3 = 7 dates

monte Leoni house wall a grn-9277 3185 ± 55

monte Leoni Tm deposit, spit iii grn-7594 3165 ± 25

montale us 633 oxa-12411 3157 ± 29

montale us 677 oxa-12412 3141 ± 31

montale us3 gX-22496 3140 ± 60

montale us 548 oxa-12564 3130 ± 30

montale us 513 oxa-12409 3103 ± 29



16 R. C. De Marinis and L. Salzani (2oo5) adopted a tripartite scheme, naming the former De Marinis (1999) MBA IIC as MBA III.

17 R. C. De Marinis (1999, 91–92) presents his comparison scheme between the two chronologies.

18 »These bronze objects make us wonder [...] if in Northern Italy [MBA] began more reasonably before the end of Central European A2b phase« (De Marinis 1999, 48); it has to be remarked that the Author doesn't isolate an A2c phase: the quoted statement means

therefore »before the end of Bz A«. In this paper, the table at p. 33 keeps to the 16oo B. C. limit; the one at p. 83 leaves it open back to 1625 B. C.

lowing R. Peroni (1994), support a generally higher absolute chronology than R. C. De Marinis. As already said, all the contexts of their MBA 3B would precede Bz D, and the transition occurs before 13oo B. C., while R. C. De Marinis correlates some of them with Bz D, which would start at 13oo B. C. at the earliest.

2.1 Relative and absolute chronology of the start of the Italian MBA

As for the beginning of MBA, the situation is a bit more complicated. It has been suggested by some other authors and by myself (Vanzetti 1998), that the Italian MBA 1 (tripartite) corresponds with central European Bz A2c; R. C. De Marinis compares instead his MBA I to central European Bz B1, but admits that some earlier start could be proposed18.

As for the absolute chronology, the discussion is mainly based on Swiss dendrodates and on Italian floating, wigglematched, dendrosequences. R. C. De Marinis locates the start of Bz B1 to 16oo cal. B. C., substantially on the basis of two arguments:

1. He relates the earliest MBA I Italian contexts to a date with an earliest parallel to be found in BodmanSchachen IC layer (Köninger 2oo6), whose dendrodates span 1611–1591 B. C., and after (terminus post quem) the underlying BodmanSchachen IB layer (1644–164o B. C.) or MeilenSchellen (1647–1641 B. C.: Ruoff 1987, Conscience 2oo5);

2. He assumes that the Italian dendrosequences from the three palafitta sites at Fiavéarea 4, Laghetto del Frassino and La Quercia support a dating of his EBA II »to the 18th

and 17th century B. C.« (De Marinis 1999, 12). Moreover,

1700 1650 1600 1550 1500 1450

MBA tot

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GISP2 Volcanic Sulfatescaled to Hulu truncated 75kaafter CalPal2007

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130014001500160017001800

130014001500160017001800

130014001500160017001800

130014001500160017001800

1500160017001800

1900 [cal BC] 1200

Fig. 7 Radiocarbon calibration graph showing the probability of the calibrated radiocarbon data from Terramara site contexts with a welldefined relative chronological position: general graph and single graphs for each period of the tripartite chronological scheme (MBA1–MBA3). Bottom:

GISP2 volcanic sulphate spikes. Performed with CalPal2oo7 (Weninger et al. 2o12). Small inlaid graph: 1σ smoothed graph as for MBA1 – MBA2 (A. Vanzetti).



19 ConciseSous Colachoz 1, RapperswilJona SGTechnikum, ZürichBauschanze, BodmanSchachen IB and MeilenSchellen: Wolf et al. 1999; Winiger 2oo8; Schmidheiny

2o1o; Suter 1984; Seifert 1993; Köninger 2oo6; Ruoff 1987; Conscience 2oo5.

2o WädenswilVorder Au, BodmanSchachen IC: Conscience 2oo5; Köninger 2oo6.

21 Gallay/Gallay 1972–1973; Corboud/Pugin 1992; Corboud 1992; Corboud/Pugin 2oo8; Wolf et al. 1999; Hochuli 1991; Hochuli 1994.

the data referring to a low chronology of the central European Bz B2 and Bz C are assumed as supporting elements (De Marinis 1999, 82–84).

My position (Vanzetti 1998) has been that, like R. C. De Marinis says, a start of Bz B earlier than the latest 17th/earliest 16th century B. C. is not probable, but I proposed that the general evidence fits instead rather well with a start of the Italian MBA 1 during the 17th century B. C., in parallel with the final phase of Bz A (Bz A2c) in central Europe.

A. As reported by N. Martinelli and B. Kromer (Martinelli/Kromer 1999; Martinelli 2oo5), the five dendrochronological (wigglematched) woodcutting phases for the palafitta site at Laghetto del Frassino span from 17o9 to 1632 ± 12 B. C.; R. C. De Marinis ascribes at least 1/3 of the pottery to MBA; therefore – rather abstractly speaking – the start of the phase should be set approx. around (if not earlier than) 1655 B. C. (midpoint of the sequence = 167o,5 ± 12 B. C.).

B. As recognized by R. C. De Marinis, some bronze items from northern Italian MBA, like the pins with obliquely and transversely perforated globular head, have been found in Swiss contexts around 16oo B. C., like BodmanSchachen IC layer (1611–1591 B. C.), but possibly even earlier, as they also occur as unstratified finds at Rappers wilJona SGTechnikum, whose presently published dendrodates show a cutting phase of around 165o B. C. (Schmidheiny 2o1o). The pottery from this last site can be matched to BodmanSchachen IB (1644–164o B. C.) and other sites, like MeilenSchellen (1647–1641 B. C.), while it precedes the »highly decorated« style (cf. further on), well represented at BodmanSchachen IC (1611–1591 B. C.: Köninger 2oo6), ArbonBleiche (Hochuli 1994) and WädenswilVorder Au (1615–1598 B. C.: Conscience 2oo5).

C. According to N. Martinelli (2oo1; 2oo5) at the Terramara site of Castellaro del Vhò, a wigglematched dendrodate, considering the uncertainty due to the absence of the cambial ring, MBA 2 would have been already ongoing at 1571/1561 ± 35 B. C. This is not a great precision reference, but it suggests a higher probability for a date earlier than 155o, while R. C. De Marinis’ proposal oscillated between 1525 and 151o B. C. As a consequence, a date of 16oo B. C. for the start of the whole Italian MBA would look rather late.

D. If we look at radiocarbon dates (Tab. 1; Fig. 7) from Terramara sites with a welldefined relative chronological position inside the tripartite scheme for MBA, we obtain a clear sequence of the periods. The first period (MBA 1) is anyway represented by three contexts which the authors refer to an advanced MBA 1 period (mainly MBA 1B); the only safe MBA 1A context (Chiaravalle della ColombaAlseno) released the earliest date – which we must anyway consider as an outlier. Using 1 σ normalized probability, the period MBA 1 (or better MBA 1B?) spans

approximately from 167o/165o to around 158o B. C.; MBA 2 from around 158o to 148o/146o B. C.

2.2 Chronological implications

The gap of (at least) about 5o years between R. C. De Marinis’ and the higher chronology is evident. In absolute terms, the higher chronology would mean that the whole late EBA Swiss lake occupation phase would be contemporary to the start of the Italian MBA, including both the period characterized, as for the pottery, by undecorated winding carinated cup shapes and complex cordoned jars19, as well as the »highly decorated« style, which we can put in parallel with the start of the Italian MBA hatched triangles style20. The sites of MorgesLes Roseaux, Préverenges Est and ArbonBleiche should also correspond to the period21; the problematic site of ZürichMozartstrasse partially overlaps, too (Schmidheiny 2o11). As for the bronze objects implied, from these sites we simply quote, in nonexhaustive way: Langquaidtype and related axes, daggers generally referred to the Broc t.2 type (this grave included a Langquaid II axe close to the Meilen Schellen find; cf. DavidElbiali/David 2oo9), »Flügelnadeln« of Spindler's »südfranzösische Variante« (Spindler 1972–1973), globularheaded pins with oblique perforation or partially hollow head, the earliest sickle blades.

Until recent times, partly due to the misinterpretation of the ZürichMozartstrasse sequence, partly to the general crossdating frame – still more or less explicitly implying a derivation of the Tumulus Culture from the Mycenean world – the start of central European Bronze Age phase B1 was still set after 15oo B. C. (e.g. Krause 1996). A recent paper by two of the most expert scholars about the Alpine and central European Early Bronze Age, M. DavidElbiali and W. David (2oo9), clearly shows the present reassessment of the debate, even if keeping a definite orientation in the sense of an east ern prevailing influence toward west, sometimes resulting in a »lag-effect«. This paper assumes the synchronism (similar to the one here proposed) be tween central European BzA2c and the start of the Italian MBA 1, while adopting the De Marinis scheme for Italy. Bz A2c is set to start shortly after 165o B. C., and to end around 1575 B. C.; such an early start of Bz B is in apparent agreement with the recent proposal by J. Müller and B. Lohrke (2oo9) – Bz B: 155o–145o B. C. –, but we have to consider that all the contexts radiocarbon dated in this last paper only refer to the Bz B récent period by W. David and M. DavidElbiali; in fact, their Bz B ancien should start even earlier than 155o.

Summarizing, a reduced gap between the lower (De Marinis, DavidElbiali and David) and the higher (Vanzetti, Cardarelli and Bernabò Brea) chronologies still exists, but interpretations are getting closer, and possibly converging, indicating a rather high age for the start of the Italian MBA 1.



The problem, as for the correlation with the Theran proposed date, is that it is generally assumed, through rather coherent, mostly southern Italian crossdatings, that the relative chronological correlation between the start of the Italian MBA and the Mycenean/Minoan sequence occurs around the end of MH/MM (Peroni 1994, 2o4–2o7; Jung 2oo6, 216). There is a certain agreement between the higher chronology proposed here and the absolute chronology proposed by S. Manning (1995), where the duration of LM IA is suggested from around 1675/165o B. C. to 16oo/155o B. C.; it is anyway clear that, in this context, only a high date for the start of the Italian MBA can permit to maintain the rather robust relative chronological scheme.

3 Conclusions

There is some debate about the beginning of the Italian MBA, but a general agreement is arising for its start before the date proposed in the Conference title, i.e. 16oo B. C.

Northern Italian communities underwent new developments, of which the most remarkable is the rapid formation and growth of the Terramara system, which brought a consistent environmental transformation, and a significant packing of the landscape. This development started from the beginning of MBA, but its major impulse, or probably its effective manifestation, is generally assumed to have taken place during MBA 2 (Cardarelli 2oo9: since 16oo/155o B. C.; De Marinis 1999: since 1525/15oo B. C.), i.e. some time after the proposed high date for the Theran eruption.

The driving factors for such a transformation can be seen, as by now, in three different factors:

•aclimaticdrierphase,albeitinsertedinaperiodofalternating wet/dry events, connected to the LAP glacial events; it is not generally remarked that such transformations could ultimately depend on eruptive events;

•thedefinitionofasettlingstrategyhighlysuitedtothealluvial plain management, by employing ditches and

water channels, in connection with embanked settlements;

•important social transformations, through which communities were organized, aggregating people converging inside the plain from different areas: pioneer settling would have resulted in a freemen effect, corresponding to the egalitarian image given by cemeteries.

Anyway, even if a pioneertype settling is implied, the main knowledge was a local one, rooted in the palafitta tradition of EBA, which was anyway characterized by repeated minor dislocations and by some instability of the settlement pattern. The contribution of Danubian communities to the settling activity is generally minimized in recent studies, even if connections in the social model implied have been re ported. As for the Theran eruption in some way affecting the local history, only cumulative effects, acting at a wider, and locally almost unperceivable scale, could be taken into account. In fact, a much closer highimpact event, such as the Vesuvian Avellino eruption, presently dated to around 19oo cal. B. C. (355o ± 2o b. p: Passariello et al. 2oo9), which devastated the fertile and densely inhabited Campanian Plain and surrounding hills, seems to have been absorbed without a major transformation influx over the Ital ian societies located at some distance.

Acknowledgement

I have to thank G. Leonardi, R. Risch and A. Swieder for persuading me to write this paper and for helping me with the timings and deadlines; A. Cardarelli for the debate, mainly on chronology; M. Bernabò Brea for kindly sending me the correct references of some 14C dates; A. Di Renzoni, M. Gallinaro, N. Ialongo for their critical comments and their help in preparing the figures.

abbreviations

EBA Early Bronze Age MBA Middle Bronze Age LBA Late Bronze Age RBA Recent Bronze Age MH Middle Helladic LH Late Helladic

MM Middle Minoan LM Late Minoan AP arborean pollen LAP Löbben glacier Advance Period GISP Greenland Ice Sheet Project



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1600? The rise of the Terramara system (Northern Italy)

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