215

Notes

1 Introduction and methodology

1. Throughout this book, I refrain from using the terms ‘immigration’ and ‘immi-grants’. I will instead refer to ‘migration’ and ‘migrants’. I define the latter as the large and diversified group of people entering their destination or transit country with or without the required permits. It is also important to stress at this point that, unless otherwise specified, I do not intend to consider the issue of refugees.

2. Not all observers, however, agree that migration is on the rise. A recent World Bank report on migration, for example, contends that current migration flows, relative to population, are weaker than those of the last decades of the nine-teenth century (Ratha and Xu, 2008).

3. The linkage between remittance and development remains contested, however. Some, such as Athukorala (1993), demonstrate that remittances benefit local households across the developing world. Others, for example, a report by the IMF in 2003, found that remittances may have a negative effect on economic growth (Chami et al., 2003) and may sustain conflicts (Van Hear, 2000). For more on this debate, see Massey et al., (1998).

4. In this text, I follow the definition provided by Giddens (2002). 5. Throughout the book, when I use the term borders I refer to their ‘territorial’

dimension unless otherwise stated. For a detailed account of different concep-tions of borders see Geddes (2005a).

6. The terms ‘foreigners’, ‘migrants’, ‘foreign workers’ and ‘foreign nationals’ will be used with the same meaning, as will the terms ‘undocumented’, ‘irregular’, ‘unauthorised’ and ‘unwanted’.

7. Throughout the book, I will use the following acronyms: ‘EU’ for European Union, ‘EC’ for the European Commission, ‘EP’ for the European Parliament and ‘Council’ for the Council of the European Union. The latter should not be confused with the Council of Europe.

8. I cannot hope to do justice to the entire debate on this field. This brief discus-sion simply reviews some of the ideas that are pertinent to the present pur-poses. Some works dealing with the notion of borders from the perspective of political science are Anderson (1996), Mathias (2001) and Wilson and Donnann (1998).

9. Without doubt, the debate on state and border goes beyond the sketchy analy-sis that I have presented. For example, there is a large body of literature from a normative angle, where it is argued that internal and external exclusionary practices exercised by the state should be regarded as fundamentally undemo-cratic (Walzer, 1983). On this reasoning, the restrictive narrative underpinning the very conception of border is not justifiable. The state cannot claim a right to exclude would-be immigrants, because democratic principles may apply with equal force to the very people against whom the state claims this right (Fine, 2007; Gibney, 2004a).

10. In this book I use the terms ‘cooperation’, ‘coordination’ and ‘dialogue’ to refer to situations where states seek to identify generalised principles of conduct to

216 Notes

reduce transaction costs (Ruggie, 1992). It is noteworthy, however, that some scholars have drawn a distinction between the two concepts (Stein, 1995).

11. I define the concept of North~South in section 2.3 in Chapter 2.12. The concept of ‘burden-sharing’ and ‘burden-shifting’ with reference to asylum

is discussed by, for example, Betts and Milner (2006); Chimni (2001); and Rodier (2006).

13. The terms ‘third countries’ and ‘neighbouring countries’ are treated as synonymous.

14. Throughout the text I will aslo refer to Libya as a Northern African country and as the Jamahirya. In addition, Qaddafi will be called ‘the Libyan Leader’, the ‘Leader of the Revolution’ or ‘the Colonel’.

15. Throughout the book I define the terms ‘agreement’, ‘accord’ and ‘treaty’ as the generic bargaining process from the initial negotiation to enforcement and man-agement. This understanding is based on the vast literature on complex interde-pendence to be examined below.

16. Anonymous interview on 23 January 2008.17. As such I will not rely on statistical and numerical analysis and I will privilege a

constructivist methodology (Moses and Knutsen, 2007).18. For more on this, see Blommaert (2005) and Gee (2005).19. Hereafter, rhetorical or official or political discourse. When I refer to pub-

lic discourse, I mean the sum of public opinion, media and statements from politicians.

20. For example, a former Italian prime minister could not recall that when he signed the Joint Communication an accompanying document was also agreed by both parties, also known as ‘Verbal Process’.

21. I follow Wengraf’s definition, according to which semi-structured interviews have a number of interviewer questions prepared in advance, but these are designed to be sufficiently open that the subsequent questions of the interviewer must be improvised in a careful and theorised way (Wengraf, 2001: 5).

22. The Italian authorities based in Libya were certainly more willing to share information.

23. Throughout the book, I will not mention the centre that I visited. While I pro-vide extracts from the interview with the director of the centre, I will not com-ment on the conditions of the building or of the migrants detained. Since I was not given access to the internal rooms where migrants were detained and the visit lasted no more than 15 minutes, I cannot make a fair assessment on the overall quality of the centre, nor I can generalise on detention conditions in Libya.

24. However, the reliability of the information provided in such documents is highly questionable. Occasionally, the documents had been written by my interlocutors in response to my specific questions. Most of the time, they were in Arabic, and the level of information that they presented varied significantly. Yet again, the gaps and inconsistencies that I identified when comparing diverse sources of information helped me further appreciate the complexity of Italian and Libyan policies.

25. It must be clarified that all the quotations from Italian and Libyan sources have been translated by myself, unless otherwise stated.

26. Among the most prominent are Fabrizio Gatti and Stefano Mencherini.27. This approach has been inspired by Carling (2005). At this point, it must be

stressed that the employment of media sources in the study on migration in Italy is not new. A major past example is Sciortino and Colombo (2004).

Notes 217

28. Inter alia, media sources and documents provided by European institutions and Human Rights Watch.

2 Theoretical framework

1. Keohane and Nye do not use the term ‘interdependence theory’, and refer instead to ‘complex interdependence’, which they see as ‘an ideal type of world politics that is opposite to realism’ (Keohane and Nye, 1977: 23). In this book, however, I self-consciously employ the expression ‘interdependence theory’. This stems from the definition by Katzenstein, Keohane and Krasner of ‘general theoreti-cal orientations’ that ‘suggest relevant variable and causal patterns that provide guidelines for developing specific research programs’ (Katzenstein et al., 1998: 646). As it is approached in this text, ‘interdependence theory’ offers relevant variables, and suggests how they interrelate. Another qualification is in order here. The concept of regime was originally conceived within a multilateral frame-work to study negotiating patterns between more than two countries. However, I depart from this framework and apply the concept of interdependence, and the analytical tools thereof, to bilateral cooperative arrangements. As I will empha-sise throughout the book, I employ the analytical tools exposed by realism, as well as interdependence theory, with a significant degree of flexibility. The exer-cise of adapting and combining different concepts and analytical frameworks is intended to facilitate the answering of my initial questions.

2. It could be argued that another potential analytical tool for assessing how states cooperate is game theory, which is concerned with analysis of the behaviour of decision-makers whose choices affect each another. One of its better-known problems is the so-called Prisoner’s Dilemma. However, for the sake of coher-ence I will not elaborate on these approaches. For a discussion on how they have been applied to IR, see, for example, Snidal (1985). The concepts that I borrow from interdependence theory and from the work of Barnet and Duvall suffice to answer my initial questions.

3. The reference to the realist strand of interdependence highlights the diver-sity within this school of thought. Therefore, we ought to keep in mind that a number of different perspectives can be identified under the general heading of interdependence. For more on this, see Krasner (1995).

4. In the chapters to come, I will not use the concept of regime which has been mainly applied to multilateral fora. For the purposes of coherence, I will focus instead on other selected aspects, such as the notion of issue-linkages.

5. See also Sebenius (1983). 6. In broad terms, it is possible to associate neo-liberal institutionalism with ration-

alism, since the latter ‘places particular emphasis on the high-level order which states can achieve in the context of anarchy’ (Linklater, 1990: 9), and neo-Marx-ism with revolutionism, which ‘contends that a “cosmopolis” [ ... ] will realise the moral potential of the species if already “immanent” within the international system of states’ (Linklater, 1990: 9).

7. Hereafter the terms ‘realist tradition’, ‘realist doctrine’, ‘mainstream realism’ and ‘realpolitik’ are employed with the same meaning that I now define.

8. In this book I focus on the realist conception of power. Accordingly, it is not part of the purpose of this book to assess the validity of other aspects of realist think-ing, such as balance of power.

9. Waltz is considered to be the most prominent neo-realist (or structural realist) scholar. His ideas have to be differentiated from realism. As Waltz reminds us,

218 Notes

‘neorealism retains the main tenets of realpolitik, but means and ends are viewed differently, as are causes and effects’ (1988: 616). Waltz’s neo-realism suits our purposes, since it challenges and transcends the Hobbesian claim that the life of man is ‘nasty, brutish and short’, which is not relevant for this study. As Waltz puts it, ‘neorealism rejects the assumption that man’s innate lust for power con-stitutes a sufficient cause of war in the absence of any other’ (Waltz, 1988: 617). Significantly, the neo-realist conception of power and the realist one build upon the same assumption. As Waltz clarifies, ‘realist theory, old and new alike, draws attention to the crucial role of military technology and strategy among the forces that fix the fate of states and their systems’ (Waltz, 1988: 624–5). These distinc-tions between realism and neorealism should not detain us here. By and large, the reader should know, however, that the realist definition of power presented hereinafter is drawn from both realism and neo-realism. This book does not aim to provide a rigorous consideration of political realism and power. This deliber-ately eclectic usage of realism, I believe, helps me address my initial questions.

10. Although the debate on hard and soft power is a central one within IR scholar-ship, I will not elaborate it extensively in this book. For more on this, see, for example, Abnott and Snidal (2003) and Weaver (2005).

11. Paraphrasing Keohane and Nye (1977: 11).12. As further evidence of the diverging viewes within the realist tradition, Waltz

would not subscribe to the zero-sum game argument. In his view, the charac-teristics of great-power politics in a multi-polar world are ‘interdependence of parties, diffusion of dangers, confusion of responses’ (Waltz, 1988: 624).

13. These critics include Hudson (1977) and Cox (1979).14. It goes beyond my initial purposes to illustrate the conceptual underpinnings of

this school of thought. In short, neo-liberalism centres on the notion of regimes as social institutions. As Katzenstein et al., say, ‘where the neo-liberal institu-tionalism research differed with realist argument was not on its assumptions about actors, but rather on the nature of the exemplary problem in the interna-tional system’ (Katzenstein et al., 1998: 663). While realism regards coercion and power as the critical factors determining relative gains and distributional con-flicts, neo-liberalism is concerned primarily with market failure, which could be resolved through the voluntary acceptance of institutions (Katzenstein et al., 1998: 663).

15. On the relational dimension of power, see also Hall (1997).16. This comparison has already been elaborated by Guzzini (2004).17. The literature on the ideational dimension of international relations is certainly

vast. Some of the many studies on this matter are: Goldstein and Keohane (1993), Hall (1989) and Jervis (1976). It is also important to emphasize that my catego-risation of Barnett and Duvall’s analysis (2004) as neo-liberal institutionalism may appear problematic, given that they clearly differentiate their insights of power from the one defined by neo-liberal institutionalism. Nevertheless, here I take the view that their formulation builds upon and complements my view of Barnett and Duvall. This justifies the categorisation proposed herein. The same applies to my merging of constructivist reading of power with neo-liberal institutionalism.

18. To be sure, all four concepts are insightful as much as analytically useful. Yet for the purposes of coherence I consider the one that is more instrumental for my initial purposes, i.e. productive power. Although I do not consider the other three concepts that they elaborate, I fully uphold their belief that multiple

Notes 219

concepts of power generate a more robust understandings of international poli-tics. Indeed, as it will emerge through the discussion, I ultimately put forward an eclectic theoretical framework combining realism, constructivism and neo-liberal institutionalism.

19. Here I paraphrase Linklater (1990: 2).20. Notably, the attempt to expand the analytical terrain set by realism is not new

in the literature. For example, Linklater (1990), as well as Barnett and Duvall (2005), have already pointed out that it is desirable to combine realist insights with wider conceptions of power.

21. On a cautionary note, it must be noted that not all countries in the Southern hemisphere fall within the category of ‘sending’ or ‘developing’ states. Therefore, it is important to be aware that the terminology employed hereafter still suffers from conceptual weaknesses

22. To be sure, this statement cannot be said to apply indiscriminately to the whole Marxist school. For example, Linklater (1990) reminds us that neo-Marxism still does not consider the state as a independent entity, since it defines it as part of the capitalist system.

23. It is important to emphasise that not all scholars subscribe to this view. For example, according to Doukre and Oger (2007: 2), externalisation implies bur-den-sharing of the European frontiers with bordering countries.

24. Paraphrasing Hurrell and Woods (1995).25. For a literature review of migration from the perspective of international rela-

tions theory during the 1980s, see Mitchell (1989).26. Other pioneering discussions on migration and foreign policy include Cornelius

(1989); King (1983); Miller and Papademetriou (1983); Portes and Walton (1981); and Miller (1979) with reference to the Algeria-Franco negotiations on migration.

27. To be sure, a number of other authors have applied the concept of issue-linkages to migration. See, for example, Fawcett (1989), as well as the Berne Initiative Studies (2005). The analysis by Betts, however, remains distinctive since it elabo-rates the concept of issue-linkage within the North–South framework.

3 Comparative analysis

1. For more on this, see Arboleya (1996) and Tulchin and Hernandez (1991). 2. The analysis of such four phases builds upon the work of Nackerud (1999). 3. For more on this, see Arboleya (1996) and Pedraza (1996). 4. The domestic crisis, according to the author, refers to the ‘economic downturn

and social unrest’ that Castro faced in the mid-1990s. 5. For the sake of precision, the categories developed by Hirschman are ‘exit’, ‘voice’

and ‘loyalty’. In addition, Colomer (2000) refers to ‘hostility’ as well. 6. An exploration of the economic embargo against Cuba goes beyond the purposes

of this discussion. For more on this, see Schwab (1999). 7. The Bracero programme was terminated in 1964 as a result of public opposition,

the US civil rights movement, and the effective lobbying of labour, Church and ethnic groups.

8. The author quotes figures from the US Immigration and Naturalisation Service (1993). A word of caution concerning these figures is in order. Espenshade himself warns on the reliability of the data provided: ‘apprehensions data are

220 Notes

a conceptually inappropriate indicator because they measure undocumented aliens who have failed in their attempt to enter the United States, whereas the issue of general policy and research interest pertains to the number who suc-ceeded. [ ... ] Not all aliens who enter the United States clandestinely are captured by the Border Patrol’ (Espensahde, 1995: 198).

9. However, it must be noted that different accounts of this exist. According to Hanson (2006: 870), between 1911 and 1925 680,000 legal migrants from Mexico, representing 5 per cent of Mexico’s population in 1919, entered the US. Be that as it may, Hanson also notes that ‘large-scale illegal immigration in the United States is a relatively new phenomenon’ (Hanson, 2006: 870).

10. The programme was launched in 1961 and aimed to establish economic cooperation between North and South America, in an effort to counter the perceived communist threat posed by Cuba. For more on this, see Levinson (1972).

11. It is not the aim of this chapter to address the linkage between the increas-ing border control and border apprehensions. For more on this, see Cornelius (2001).

12. It is noteworthy, however, that, according to recent estimates, remittances from the US to Mexico have declined. Remittances for the first nine months of 2009 were down over 10 per cent compared with 2008, putting them on track to reach a total of $22 billion for 2009. The New York Times on 16 November 2009 reported on ‘reverse remittances’, that is, Mexicans in Mexico sending money to jobless relatives in the US (Migration News, 2010a).

13. For more on this, see also Loescher and Scanlan (1986).14. In this section, I shall focus on bilateral relations between Spain and Morocco,

and only marginal attention will be given to the role of the EU. This is not to underestimate the relevance of the latter dimension, however. For an introduc-tion on this, see Gillespie (2005).

15. This is not the place to elaborate on the extent to which Turkish authorities wish to join the EU. Some commentators have pointed to the increasing scepticism amongst the public and officials alike. For more on this, see Oguzlu (2004) and Teitelbaum and Martin (2003).

4 Italy and migration

1. It is not my intention to provide a detailed analysis of migratory trends through-out Italy, which would require a book-length examination eclipsing my own research purposes. Hence, the following analysis to follow is by no means an exhaustive one. For more accurate examinations, please see Monzini et al., (2004).

2. The same findings are confirmed by Sciortino – in the article in Monzini et al., (2004: 21). It is beyond the remit of this discussion to elaborate this point in detail. However, it suffices to point out that an extensive discussion exists on the changing pull and institutional factors that have influenced cross-Mediter-ranean migration. For more on this, see Zimmerman (1995).

3. Arguably one of the factors that has had an impact on migrant flows has to do with the financial crisis. This issue, however, goes beyond the purposes of the present analysis. For more on this see OECD (2009a).

4. Hereafter ‘Senato’. Likewise, in the references, I will refer to the ‘Chamber of Deputies’ as ‘Camera’.

Notes 221

5. Other interesting parameters could be the supposed linkage between migration and terrorism, as well as the impact on employment figures. For an analysis of these issues at European level, see Buonfino (2004b, 2004c); Canoy et al., (2006); Collyer (2006).

6. Not all commentators agree with this view. Colombo and Sciortino (2004), for example, dispute that a thorough analysis of the data suggests that immigration into Italy did not begin in 1974.

7. For an account of the Italian jurisprudence and the differences between ‘laws’ and ‘decrees’ see Fameli and Socci (2007).

8. Other considerations than migration determine Italy’s relations with third coun-tries. For the purpose of consistency, I do not elaborate on this aspect. For more on this, see Colombo and Ronzitti (2008) and Holmes (1993). Neither do I elabo-rate in detail Italy’s foreign policy agenda and its overall relations with the EU. On this concern, see Balfour (2005) and Carbone (2008a). As a last precaution, in this chapter I do not intend to suggest that the quota system and the readmis-sion agreement derive solely from foreign policy considerations; economic and demographic factors also influence Italy’s stance on migration. For a compara-tive analysis on such issues at European level, see Stalker (2003).

9. An in-depth examination of the bargaining dynamics of the readmission agree-ments and the costs and benefits for migrant-sending and receiving countries may be found in Cassarino (2008).

10. However, Cuttitta also clarifies that ‘this was however in line with the decision of reducing reserved shares for single countries and increasing reserved shares for categories of countries, which made the instrument of reserved shares more flexible’ (Cuttitta, 2007a: 8).

11. Interestingly the EU faced similar difficulties in convincing countries across North Africa to sign readmission agreements. See for example PANA (13 March 2009).

5 Libya and migration

1. I am grateful to the conversations with Professor Lisa Anderson (on 13 May.2008) as well as Professor George Joffé for these insights. Comprehensive historical accounts can be found in St John (2008a) and Vandewalle (2006).

2. In this context, Northern Africa includes Egypt, Morocco, Algeria and Tunisia. The emphasis on the Libyan policies towards Arab versus African countries neces-sitates two clarifications. First, it must be emphasised that the analytical distinc-tion between the policies aimed at migrants from Arab countries versus those targeted at sub-Saharan Africans is not without its problems. Undoubtedly, this blunt distinction runs the danger of overlooking the subtleties and entangled nature of Libyan migration rhetoric and actions. Nonetheless, it provides a fruit-ful basis for exploring the extent to which migration through Libya has changed over time and has been used as a strategic device in the two different political contexts. For this reason, while maintaining this categorisation, in the course of this chapter I will not only unravel the discrepancies and contradictions within the two set of policies but also explore how they overlap and interrelate. Second, Libya has historically also attracted migrants from Europe, the US and Asia; and large communities from, inter alia, Italy, the UK, the US and the Philippines have settled in Libya. Significantly, according to some scholars Libyan policies towards these foreign communities confirm the initial hypothesis of this chapter on

222 Notes

migration being manipulated by the regime for political motives (Davies, 1987: 106). However, without denying the relevance of such migrant movements from economic and political perspectives, for the purpose of coherence and because of space limitations, this chapter concentrates on migrants from Africa.

3. The employment of foreigners for foreign-policy purposes is not limited to migrants from Africa and people seeking asylum in Libya. For example, follow-ing the killing of a British policewoman, Yvonne Fletcher, allegedly by a Libyan national, in 1983, four British citizens were detained in Libya. Terry Waite, the envoy of the then Archbishop of Canterbury, Robert Runcie, succeeded in estab-lishing a contact with the Libyan Colonel, and eventually secured the release of the hostages. For more on this see Barnes (1987). More recently, two Swiss nation-als were detained in Libya after Hannibal Qaddafi, son of the Libyan leader was administratively arrested on suspicion of assaulting hotel staff (Agence France Presse, 1 August 2008). The more recent events of Libya denying to release visas from Schengen countries as a response to the diplomatic dispute with Switzerland is another case in point (Libyaonline, 20 February 2010).

4. This is confirmed also by Beauge and Burgat (1986), Birks and Sinclair (1978) and De Haas (2006), who report that in 1975 the majority of expatriate work-ers in Libya were from Arab countries (Egypt, Tunisia, Syria, Jordan, Palestine, Lebanon, Sudan and Morocco). The only non-Arab countries were Pakistan (accounting for 1.7 per cent of the total) and Yugoslavia (2.9 per cent).

5. At this point of the analysis, a cautionary note is required concerning the reli-ability of the data on migrants either residing in or going through Libya. The very exercise of calculating the number of foreigners in Libya is fraught with difficulties. The lack of consistent figures provided by the Libyan government is aggravated by the fact that there is little consensus among different non- governmental sources on the size of migrant flows through Libya (Pliez, 2000). Mindful of these shortcomings, I provide here a rough, yet by no means com-plete, idea of the changing size of the foreign population in Libya since the late 1950s (Pliez, 2000). This exercise aims to set the basis for the core of this chapter, which analyses Libya’s interaction with its neighbours.

6. Throughout the book I will use interchangeably the expressions ‘repatriation’, ‘return flights’, ‘expulsions’ and ‘readmission’ to refer to the practice of return-ing migrants from Italy to Libya, as well as from Libya to third countries. An account of the legal implications of this practice goes beyond my present pur-poses. For more on this, see Cassarino (2007) and Schieffer (2003).

7. In a formal meeting of the Tunisian Ministries of Foreign Affairs and Social Affairs in March 1970, it was declared that ‘the emigration of labour-force abroad is a necessity. Indeed the evaluation of our demographic structures compared with our economic development capacity tells us that 270,000 people will be unemployed in 1980. Hence the placement of Tunisians abroad appears to the only possibility of providing them with an employment’ (Grimaud, 1994: 32).

8. However, according to Burgat and Laronde (1996: 105) the number of Tunisian expelled was 100,000. Interestingly, the authors also specify that the precedent had been set by Algeria towards Morocco in 1977.

9. Libya’s interaction with Arab and African countries is not limited, however, to migration. For an account of the wider economic and political relations, see Deeb (2000), Otayek (1986) and Solomon and Swart (2006).

10. As an illustration of the fact that there are no clear boundaries between the Libyan approach to sub-Saharan Africa and Arab countries, it is noteworthy that Tunisia, Egypt and Morocco joined CEN-SAD in 2001–2 (Sturman, 2003).

Notes 223

11. Different sources provide different data. For example, Young et al., (2007: 834) report between 50 and 500 dead in the period between August and September 2000.

12. Anonymous interviews with Libyan officials in February 2008.13. Anonymous interview on 29 September 2009.14. Anonymous interview on 29 September 2009.15. Anonymous interviews on 29 September 2009 and 12 January 2010.16. Anonymous interview on 6 February 2007.17. Anonymous interviews on 12 January 2010.18. Anonymous interview on 13 May 2007.19. Anonymous interview on 24 May 2007.20. I selected the examples of Palestinian and Bosnian refugees; but they are by no

means the only cases of political manipulation of refugees by the Libyan gov-ernment. For example, Pliez (2002) reports a third instance. In 1983 Qaddafi welcomed Touareg refugees who were fleeing repression in Niger. Putatively, his intention was to destabilise the ‘government’ in Niger. As a matter of fact, in the course of a few years ‘une diaspora en communautés’ moved to the border between Libya and Algeria. In particular, a large number of Touareg settled in the Libyan towns of Sebha, Koufra and Tamanrasset (Pliez, 2002: 35). On this, see also Bourgeot (1995).

21. On the issue of forced mass repatriations of Palestinians see Van Hear (1992).22. Anonymous interviews on 24 May 2007 and 13 May 2007.23. The Barcelona Process, launched by Euro-Mediterranean Foreign Ministers in

November 1995, brings together the 27 Members of the European Union and 12 Southern Mediterranean states to discuss economic, political, cultural and social issues. For more on this see EC (2009a).

24. Five Bulgarian nurses and a Palestinian doctor were imprisoned in 1999 for supposedly deliberately infecting children with HIV in Benghazi, Libya. The death sentence proclaimed by the Libya’s highest court became a major issue in EU–Libyan relations. For more on this see Amnesty International (2007) and Butler (2007).

25. Anonymous interview on 25 July 2006.26. For a brief illustration of the AENEAS technical assistance fund, see Higazi

(2005).27. Anonymous interview on 3 March 2008. However, the EU acknowledges the

difficulties in furthering the cooperation because of the weak institutional capacity of the Libyan beneficiaries, the lack of clear sector strategies and the possibility of insufficient cooperation from the Libyan authorities (EC, 2010: 20).

28. Qaddafi did not attend the first meeting of the Mediterranean Union on 12 July 2007. He justified his opposition on these grounds: ‘This is taking us for fools [ ... ] We do not belong to Brussels. Our Arab League is located in Cairo and the African Union is located in Addis Ababa. If they want cooperation they have to go through Cairo and Addis Ababa (Reuters, 10 June 2008).

29. Anonymous interview on 7 May 2007.30. Anonymous interview on 7 May 2007.31. Anonymous interview on 7 May 2007.32. This figure, however, is disputed by other sources. According to the EU unem-

ployment in 2008 stood at 20.7 per cent (EC, 2010: 32).33. As of March 2010, it remains to be seen whether the regime will commit to such

promises.

224 Notes

34. Anonymous interview on 10 June 2007.35. Anonymous interview on 24 May 2007.36. Anonymous interview on 10 June 2007.37. As evidence of the fact that Libya is increasingly serious about drug abuse in

November 2009 Libya signed a ‘host country agreement’ with the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC). According to UNODC, the agreement paves the way for the opening of a UNODC sub-regional office for the Maghreb countries to be located in Tripoli (UNODC, 2009).

38. Anonymous interview on 23 May 2007.39. During the informal talks with police officers and representatives at the Libyan

Ministry of the Interior in January and May 2007.40. Document provided by the Libyan Ministry of the Interior, January 2007.41. Anonymous interview on 4 May 2007 in Tripoli, Libya.42. The survey was conducted within the University of Garyounis in Benghazi.

Beyond the information that Obeidi provides, it is almost impossible to rigor-ously assess Libyan public opinion because of the highly controlled and central-ised political system and the total absence of a free press.

43. Anonymous interview on 10 June 2007.44. Anonymous interview on 4 June 2007. On this matter it is noteworthy that

throughout my research I could not actually find sound evidence of this linkage. For more on this topic see Pargeter (2005).

45. On this matter, it is illuminating to comment on the manner in which the regime has sought to fight domestic extremist groups. The most prominent of these was the Libyan Islamic Fighting Group (LIFG), established in 1995 and alleg-edly associated with Al Qaeda (Gambill, 2005; Ronen, 2002b). In addition, the LIFG was reported as having connections with extremist groups across Northern Africa and the Middle East (Gambill, 2005). In the 1990s, Qaddafi had hundreds of key members of the LIFG and other extremist groups arrested (Ronen, 2002b). They were eventually sentenced in a mass trial in 2002, with two receiving death sentences and others received life imprisonment (Pargeter, 2005). Recent reports, however, document the persistence of extremists groups associated with Al Qaeda and based in Libya (Presidenza del Consiglio dei Ministri, 2010: 36).

46. Document provided by the Libyan Ministry of the Interior, January 2007.47. However, the analysis by John Davies indicates that Qaddafi has never actually

sought to create a sense of Libyan nationhood as opposed to Arabness. In his words, the Libyan leader ‘scarcely attached any notion of statehood to it [Arab nationalism]. Qaddafi’s willingness to dissolve the Libyan state and his readiness to amalgamate with Egypt, Tunisia, Syria and Chad is a symptom of his uncer-tainty about the boundaries of the nation and his indifference to the sovereignty of the state – Libyan or other’ (Davies, 1987: 31).

48. Anonymous interview on 4 May 2007.49. Anonymous interview on 28 May 2007.50. Anonymous interview on 2 June 2007.51. Anonymous interview on 16 May 2007.

6 Historical background on the agreements between Italy and Libya

1. Quarta Sponda – ‘Fourth Shore’ – is the expression coined by Mussolini to refer to Libyan territory, which added to the roughly three shores that Italy has along the Adriatic, Tyrrenian and Ionian seas.

Notes 225

2. In October 1911, around 600 Italians were killed in what was considered to be an ambush by the Libyan resistance. The Giolitti government responded with, inter alia, massive deportation to the Italian islands of Ponza and Ustica and the execution of thousands of Libyans (Del Boca, 2005).

3. In this book I will not analyse in depth the Libyan economy or its dependence on oil revenues. For more on this, see Sandbakken (2006) and Vandewalle (1998, 2006).

4. Throughout the book I refer to them interchangeably as Italian ‘exiles’ or ‘repatriated’.

5. The issue of the indemnity claimed by the repatriated Italians will not be inves-tigated in detail in this book. For more on this, see Segrè (1974), Sinagra (no date) and Studio Legale Romano (2006).

6. The complexity of Libya’s ideology and social and political structures go beyond my research purposes. For more on this, see Davies (1987) and Obeidi (2001).

7. For example, Libya provided weapons to the IRA. For more on this, see BBC (14 August 2001) and Simons (1993).

8. The Lockerbie bombing refers to the explosion of Pan Am flight 103 on 21 December 1988 over Lockerbie, Scotland, which killed 259 passengers and crew, including 189 Americans, as well as 11 people on the ground. The United States and Britain held Libya responsible for the bombing. For a detailed account of this, see Matar and Thabit (2004). The Lockerbie bombing was followed, on 19 September 1989, by the bombing of the French airline UTA’s fight 772 over Niger, killing 171 passengers and crew. For a brief account of this, see McNamara (2007). The La Belle incident refers to the bombing the bombing of the La Belle discothèque in Berlin on 5 April 1986, which killed three people (including two US soldiers) and injured more than 200 other people (Jentleson and Whytock, 2005). As regards WMD, Libya was also reported to have built three chemical weapons facilities in Rabta, Sebha and Tarhuna in the 1980s and 1990s. However, in December 2003 Libya issued a statement announcing that it had agreed to dis-mantle its WMD programmes (Bahgat, 2008).

9. The US designated Libya as a state sponsor of terrorism in 1979. In 1982, an embargo on oil exports was placed on the country, and in 1986, after the bomb-ing in Berlin, Libyan government assets in US banks were frozen. In September 2004, President George W. Bush formally ended the US trade embargo on Libya to reward it for giving up WMD, and two years later, in June 2006, he rescinded Libya’s designation as a state sponsor of terrorism (St John, 2008c). The UN sanctions were imposed in 1988 against Libya for its refusal to hand over two Lockerbie suspects. Subsequently, sanctions 748, 883 and 731 between 1992 and 1993 established a total air blockade and an arms embargo. Following the extra-dition of the Lockerbie suspects, UN sanctions were suspended in April 1999 and finally lifted in September 2003 after Libya accepted responsibility for the Lockerbie bombing (Hurd, 2005). In 1986 the European Community agreed to place an arms embargo on Libya (European Political Cooperation Presidency, 1986). The measures were partially abolished in 1999 and finally lifted in August 2004 (Fusacchia, 2005).

10. Anonymous interview on 13 June 2007.11. It is important to emphasise, however, that not all commentators agree with

this view. For example, according to Pioppi, ‘Italy did not cover a role as a pro-tagonist in the diplomatic mediation that anticipates and follows the surrender of the Lockerbie suspects and that marks the onset of Libya integration in the international community. [ ... ] Italy had a role of simple walk-on part’ (Pioppi, 2002: 52).

226 Notes

12. For an in-depth analysis on the cultural collaboration see Rossi (2000).13. Anonymous interview on 13 June 2007.14. However, according to Pioppi (2002) the signing of the agreement did not con-

stitute a formal breach of the international sanctions.15. Expression used to refer to the construction of the coastal highway.16. Anonymous interview on 25 January 2007. However ICE reports that the

agreement signed in August 2008 between Italy and Libya abolishes ALI (ICE, 2008).

17. Anonymous interview on 8 February 2007.18. Anonymous interview on 18 December 2006.19. From Balbo, Italian Governor-General of Libya between 1933–34.20. Anonymous interview on 14 December 2006.21. Anonymous interview on 14 December 2006.22. Anonymous interview on 13 June 2006.23. Such a forum includes the following countries: Algeria, Libya, Morocco,

Mauritania and Tunisia, along with their counterparts from Spain, France, Italy, Portugal and Malta (5+5 Dialogue, no date).

24. The interview with an undersecretary for Foreign Affairs documents that one hospital was inaugurated in 2001 in Benghazi (interview conducted on 14 December 2006 in Rome). It was commissioned by INSO, an Italian company, and amounted to €300 million (Il Sole 24 Ore, 9 April 2005).

25. Italietta literally means: the little Italy. The word has a deprecatory connotation.26. In the same period, Qaddafi agreed to compensate the victims of the 1986 bomb-

ing in Berlin (Associated Press, 10 August 2004).27. The following year, however, the Day of Revenge was reintroduced (Adnkronos,

11 October, 2005). As already illustrated in October 2008 the Day of Revenge was replaced by the Day of Fulfilment.

28. Anonymous interview on 18 December 2006.29. Anonymous interview on 3 March 2008.30. Anonymous interview on 10 June 2007. As a matter of fact, the accord signed

in August 2008 explicitly referred to the formal apology of Italy for the colonial past.

31. Anonymous interview on 10 June 2007.32. However, the BBC reported that it was the Italian Prime Minister’s decision not

to invite the Libyan leader (BBC, 10 December 2007a).33. Anonymous interview on 2 March 2008.34. Anonymous interview on 3 March 2008. It is noteworthy that in the following

month, March 2008, Qaddafi gave a speech in which he famously declared that all oil revenues would be distributed to the Libyan people and that the public sector would be drastically reduced. For more on this see Al Qaddafi (2008a) and ICE (2008).

35. Interview with high-ranking Libyan official at the Foreign Ministry 3 March 2008, Tripoli.

7 Joint Measures on migration

1. I will use the terms ‘reception camps’ and ‘centres’ with the same meaning. For a critical analysis on the issues see Dentico and Gressi (2006).

2. According to the information made available by the Italian government, the discussion with Schily focused not on the camps to be built in Libya, but rather on those in a third country or an EU member state.

Notes 227

3. Among others, on the radio station Deutschlandfunk on 27 August 2004 (Dietrich and Vogelskamp, 2005).

4. Buttiglione’s ideas were subjected to substantial criticism (Melting Pot, 2005b). A similar proposal known as ‘transit processing centres’ was put forward by Tony Blair (Blair, 2003; Human Rights Watch, 2006a: 94; Noll, 2003).

5. The idea of building centres to process asylum requests has been proposed by the EU and, as of March 2010 it was still being negotiated as part of the framework agreement (Human Rights Watch, 2009c).

6. Anonymous interview on 23 January 2007. 7. Anonymous interview on 26 May 2007. 8. Anonymous interview on 28 May 2007. 9. Anonymous interview on 26 May 2007.10. Anonymous interview on 29 September 2009.11. For a detailed account of the camps built and managed by Libyan authorities to

detain irregular migrants see Fortress Europe (2008a).12. These include, for example, the European Court of Human Rights, the EP and

UNHCR. See Amnesty International (2005b), Dietrich (2005) and Human Rights Watch (2006a: 115–16).

13. Anonymous interview on 10 February 2008.14. Anonymous interview on 26 May 2007.15. As previously clarified in this book, I regard the terms ‘repatriation’, ‘expulsion’

and ‘return’ as having the same meaning.16. For example, on the EU readmission agreements, see Statewatch (2003). For an

introduction to readmission agreements, see Collinson (1996).17. There is significant inconsistency in the available data concerning repatriation.

For example, the website of the Forza Italia (no date) states that between 1998 and 2001 43,754 migrants were ‘expelled’ and that between 2001 and 2004 this number grew to 65,483. The latter estimates do not correspond to those pro-vided by the Minister of the Interior, who in September 2004 stated that 42,317 migrants had been either expelled or repatriated that year.

18. In January 2010 the Interior Minister declared that between 2008 and 2009 42,000 had been repatriated, which means, on average, less that the rates of the previous year. In fact the Minister himself recognised that ‘many difficulties’ hampered the implementation of such operations (Ministero dell’Interno, 2010b).

19. For a summary of the different appeals, see Human Rights Watch (2006a).20. According to the text of the interrogation before the Tribunal, Pansa stated that,

even though Tobruk Airport would have been better because of its proximity to the Egyptian border, the flights landed at Albeida Airport, not only because it is bigger but also because Tobruk is not part of the Convention on International Maritime Organisation.

21. Anonymous interview on 12 July 2006.22. Anonymous interview on 8 February 2007.23. According to the newswire Ansa, between June and July 2005 741 foreign nation-

als were flown out, ‘mainly’ to Libya (Ansa, 21 July 2005).24. The total would be 1,863, which differs from the number provided by Libyan

authorities to Human Rights Watch and illustrates, once again, the dubious reli-ability of the data available.

25. The same information emerges from another report by the EP following a visit to Libya in April 2005 (Flautre, 2005).

26. It is important to stress, however, that, according to other sources, some of the migrants who were repatriated from Italy were not taken back by air to their

228 Notes

countries of origin, but had instead to return by bus through the desert (Cuttitta, 2006: 189).

27. Anonymous interview on 23 January 2007.28. Anonymous interview on 8 February 2007.29. Anonymous interview on 18 September 2006.30. The word ‘respingimento’ literally means ‘repulsing’.31. Anonymous interview on 8 February 2007.32. In January 2010 the case brought to the European Court of Human Rights was

archived. The decision was taken on the ground that it was impossible for the Court to gather the necessary information on the particular circumstances of the claimants (European Court of Human Rights, 2010: 10).

33. As already illustrated, Italy has signed and made publicly available readmission agreements with other countries. The same is true of other European and non-European countries. For example, in October 2005 Libya and the UK signed a memorandum of understanding to facilitate deportation to Libya ‘of persons suspected of activities associated with terrorism’; the text thereof is available in the libraries of the House of Commons and House of Lords (Foreign and Commonwealth Office, 2005).

34. There is no evidence on the repatriations from Libya funded by Italy prior to 2003.

35. The report does not specify when these repatriations took place, but it can be assumed that it was during 2003.

36. Anonymous interview on 10 June 2007.37. Anonymous interview on 10 June 2007.38. Anonymous interview on 3 March 2008.39. Anonymous interview on 10 February 2008 and 29 September 2009 in Tripoli,

Libya.40. Anonymous interview on 10 February 2008.41. For example between 10 and 20 October the Eastern Sea Borders Centre led joint

patrols including forces from Cyprus, French, Germany, Malta, Spain, the United Kingdom, Libya and EUROPOL. More precisely, nine Libyan officials were on board ships of the Italian Navy to participate in the training and actual patrol-ling (AGI, 21 October). It is noteworthy that, according to a statement of the then president of the Schengen Commission, Di Luca, in May 2004, it appears that the Italian–Libyan joint patrolling had already taken place and was deemed successful.

42. The Frontex report (2006) confirms that in 2006 efforts were made for ‘conclud-ing working arrangements’, but does not specify their outcomes.

43. The Terms of References of the Frontex mission state that one of the main objec-tives of the visit was ‘possible EU assistance to Libya related to management of its southern borders’ (Frontex, 2007: 21).This information was confirmed by the members of the Libyan police that I interviewed. For example, it emerged from informal talks I had with Osama El Sedik, Project Manager at the International Organization for Peace, Care and Relief as well as other police staff. On the gen-eral intention of the EU to patrol Libyan Southern borders see Agence France Presse (6 June 2007).

44. Anonymous interview on 7 May 2007.45. Anonymous interview on 4 June 2007.46. Anonymous interview on 2 March 2008.47. Anonymous interview on 3 March 2008.48. Anonymous interviews on 2 March 2008 and 3 March 2008.

Notes 229

49. Anonymous interview on 28 May 2007.50. Anonymous interview on 8 June 2007.51. As a matter of fact the collaboration between Finmeccanica, and in particu-

lar its AugustaWestland is not new. Italo-Libyan defence cooperation stretches back to at least 2006 when Finmeccanica, AgustaWestland and the Libyan Company for Aviation Industry signed an agreement to form a joint venture called Libyan Italian Advanced Technology Company (LIATEC) (Defence Wed, 2010).

52. Anonymous interview on 3 February 2007.53. Anonymous interview on 23 January 2007.54. The daily collaboration between the Italian and Libyan police has been con-

firmed by both parties during informal talks that I had with both Italian and Libyan officials in Libya in June 2007.

55. Anonymous interview on 20 May 2007.56. For an account of the expression employed by IOM, i.e. ‘stranded migrant’, and

the people falling under the IOM mandate, see Perruchoud (1992).57. In 2007, for example, out of the €2 million allocated by the EU, Italy provided

€700,000 (Il Corriere della Sera, 30 December 2007).58. What follows is a summary of the two interviews with Laurence Hart, 16 January

2007 and 4 May 2007, Tripoli.59. Anonymous interview on 16 January 2007.60. Anonymous interview on 16 January 2007. The practice of IOM to support vol-

untary return has been the focus of much controversy (Gosh, 2000b). For a general introduction to EU policies on return, see Cassarino (2006b) and IOM (2004).

61. Anonymous interview on 12 September 2009.62. Anonymous interview on 16 January 2007.63. Anonymous interview on 4 May 2007.64. Anonymous interview on 6 May 2007.65. Anonymous interview on 1 October 2009.66. However, according to Cuttitta, under a legislative amendment of 2002 naval

ships were also allowed to board vessels suspected of transporting undocu-mented migrants outside Italian territorial waters (Cuttitta, 2007a: 6).

67. Anonymous interview on 15 January 2007 in Tripoli, Libya.

8 Analysis of externalisation in the Italian–Libyan context

1. An article pointing out the difficulty of obtaining tourist visas is Solomon (2006). A further illuminating example of the random character of visa procedures is the case of 3,000 tourists on a cruise boat who were denied permission to visit Tripoli because of a newly implemented law requiring Arabic translation of passports (Il Corriere della Sera, 14 November 2007).

2. The same information was confirmed in interviews with two Italian parlia-mentarians (on 12 July 2006, and 8 February 2007 in Rome, Italy) who were in Lampedusa while the return flights were being carried out.

3. This is not to deny, however, that Italy and Europe have in fact influenced Libya’s stance on migration. As such, the recent surge on repatriations conducted may partly owe to Libya’s willingness to yield to the requests of Italy and demon-strates that it is serious about migration (Collucello and Massey, 2008; Paoletti, 2008).

230 Notes

4. Neither the elite interviews conducted in Italy and Libya nor the official docu-ments and secondary resources indicate that the initial idea of these centres was to process asylum requests.

5. I was given detailed lists of the Italian-funded return flights from Libya to third countries as well as other internal documents commenting on the Italian–Libyan dialogue. Furthermore, without my even asking, the Libyan police gave me the opportunity of visiting a migrant detention camp in Tripoli, whose director was particularly eager to talk about the problems concerning the management of these centres.

6. This comparison is not problem-free. Arguably, you cannot really compare the undocumented arrivals to Sicily to the annual quotas because the latter, unlike the first, respond to particular economic considerations based on the job market. Hence, even if the first is much lower than the second, it may still be a problem beyond control, as many politicians and media contend. Nonetheless, it could be argued that both undocumented arrivals in Italy, and those arrivals who enter annually through the quota system, are low-skilled and hence do not differ sig-nificantly. Furthermore, as argued in Chapter 4 the regularisation programmes that the Italian government has sponsored may suggest that the overall undocu-mented population in Italy may not be so unwanted, and, more significantly, may not represent such a significant threat to Italian society and its economy as it is often purported to do.

7. At this point, the analysis demands a note of caution concerning the provenance of the migrants. Among others, Cinzia Gubbini, a journalist for the Italian news-paper Il Manifesto, questions whether most migrants come from Libya as the offi-cial Italian sources claim. She suggests that this might not always be the case. During an interview, Gubbini pointed out that, in October 2004, two weeks before the arrivals of over 1,000 migrants to Lampedusa, supposedly from Libya, a boat of migrants was recorded close to the Tunisian cost. Nonetheless, interviews with Italian officials from the Ministry of the Interior whom I interviewed contended that supposedly clear parameters existed to establish the provenance of the boat carrying migrants. On the basis of the evidence of smuggling networks based in Libya (Colluccello and Massey, 2007), its geographical proximity to Italy, the offi-cial agreements that Italy signed with other Northern African countries deterring migrants from leaving, as well as the large migrant population living in Libya, I take the view that the argument of Gubbini remains unconfirmed. This, how-ever, is not to deny tout court the fact that a small proportion of undocumented migrants arrives by boats to Italy from countries other than Libya. For example, on March 2007 it was reported that a growing number of boats from Algeria reaches the Italian region of Sardinia (Magharebia, 9 March 2007).

8. Hence not just to Sicily but other southern Italian shores, such as Puglia, Calabria and Sardinia. The high number in the late 1990s is due to migration from Albania. On this, see, for example, Bonifazi and Sabatino (2003).

9. As a further note on the questionable reliability of the data, the report on secu-rity produced by the Presidenza del Consiglio dei Ministri for the year 2009 reports that the arrivals to Lampedusa in 2007 amount to 30,657 (Presidenza del Consiglio dei Ministri, 2010: 89). This does not correspond to the figures for the same year provided by the same organisation elsewhere (Presidenza del Consiglio dei Ministri, 2009) and used herein.

10. On the issue of economic integration of foreign nationals, see, for example, the yearly report produced by Caritas (2005) and (2006b). Further, it might be argued that the migrants crossing the sea should be differentiated from those

Notes 231

entering Italy as part of the national quota. Arguably, the former, unlike the latter, do not necessarily respond to the specific labour force demand. Yet this cannot be correct, given that the migrants benefiting from the quota system and the regularisation are de facto often those already residing in Italy with irregular status (Ministero dell’Interno, 2006c).

11. It is important to stress that this stance stems partly from the significant loss of life that migration from Libya involves. For an account of this aspect, see Fortress Europe (2008a).

12. Anonymous interview on 16 January 2007. The same point is supported by Caritas (2005: 129) and Coslovi and Piperno (2005: 23).

13. Furthermore, the figures mentioned in the latest Frontex report (2007) differ from those provided by the Libyan authorities. According to the first, ‘during 2006, the Libyan authorities had apprehended 32,164 illegal migrants and had repatriated 53,842 during the same period’ (Frontex, 2007: 10).

14. As a further confirmation of the errors included in the data available, such fig-ures are much higher than the supposedly comprehensive figures for deporta-tions and arrests by Libyan authorities. In principle, the latter should be higher than the former. Yet the opposite is the case.

15. This is not to deny the humanitarian challenge that the arrival of undocumented migrants to Italian southern shores poses to the Italian reception system. For a critical analysis of this, see Andrijasevic (2006a).

16. Anonymous interview on the phone 23 March 2007.17. Anonymous interview on 28 August 2007.18. Anonymous interview on 25 July 2006.19. Anonymous interview on 18 December 2006.20. Anonymous interview on 4 June 2007.21. Anonymous interview on 26 September 2007.22. According to the representative of the Italian Ministry of the Interior in Libya,

19 Libyans arrived at Lampedusa in 2005 and 50 in 2006. Anonymous interview on 23 January 2007.

23. Anonymous interview on 16 January 2007.24. Anonymous interview on 16 January 2007.25. It goes beyond my initial purposes to assess why Italy has taken this policy line

and corroborated a discourse that has proved to be counterproductive at best. One possible explanation has to do with electoral politics. For more on this, see Bigo (2002).

9 Implications for international relations theory

1. For a more in-depth discussion of interest, see Burchill (2005) and Finnemore (1996).

2. This distinction is inspired by the work of Hein de Haas (2007: 58–61) and Hamilton (1997), who discuss the ‘secret’ interests of states with regard to migra-tion. On the study of state interests with regard to migration, see also Baradello (2007: 41).

3. With regard to Italy, and in particular to the fact that there is limited commu-nication between different ministries, see Pargeter (2001: 7–6). I do not explore this point further, since I could not find more substantive evidence for such a discrepancy with regard to migration policies specifically.

4. The lack of collaboration between ministries has already been noted in Chapter 1.

232 Notes

5. This emerged in the course with numerous discussions with Libyan police offi-cials in May 2007 and February 2008.

6. For a summary of all the recent contracts signed by different countries in Libya see Cometto (2008).

7. It is beyond the scope of this chapter to assess the extent to which Qaddafi has succeeded in building a sense of national identity. For more on this, see Obeidi (2001).

8. The corollary to this argument is that if Italy made no secret of this inclusiveness and moderated its security ‘paranoia’, it would be able to deny Libya the extra lever that derives from this very restrictive policy line. This consideration, how-ever, belongs to the realm of speculative prescription, which takes us outside my purposes.

9. Anonymous interview on 14 December 2006.10. It is not my intention to review in detail the literature on cost-benefit analy-

sis. Some of the works within the IR literature in this connection include Jervis (1992), Levy (1992) and Nye (1967). In this chapter, I focus on selected aspects relevant to our initial purposes, and it should be noted that I will use the expres-sions cost/benefit and gain/loss interchangeably.

11. In this context, I elaborate concepts that have been discussed with reference to regimes. Arguably, the interdependence dynamics within regimes are distinct to those in a bilateral dialogue. However, as I suggested in Part I of the book, the conceptual framework proposed by regime theorists may also prove instructive for the study of bilateral negotiations.

12. The criticism with regard to human rights that Qaddafi’s trip to Europe pro-voked is instructive. For example, the French Foreign Minister refused to meet the Libyan leader (Reuters, 14 December 2007). Likewise, while the meeting between Rice and Qaddafi on 5 September 2008 was regarded by many as an his-toric turning-point (BBC, 6 September 2008), it was also criticised as legitimising a regime still deemed undemocratic (Human Rights Watch, 2008c). For example, Joe Biden, US vice-presidential nominee, expressed reservations on account of the persistent lack of freedom and political prisoners (The Independent, 5 September 2008).

13. One of the losses that could be ascribed to Libya is the domestic problems caused by increasing irregular migration. However, as shown in Chapter 4, this is not necessarily related to the bilateral negotiations with Italy.

14. Among others, one controversy concerned the manner in which Libyan authori-ties repatriated the undocumented migrants flown from Italy to third countries. See, for example, Gatti (2006a, 2006b).

15. For example, the peculiar decision-making structure, whereby significant deci-sions have to be approved by the Leader, was mentioned during an anonymous interview on 2 March 2008.

16. This sentence paraphrases Betts (2004: 45).17. This is a concept developed by Keohane and Nye (1977: 13–15).18. The non-unified nature of the state, epitomised in the multiple nature of its

motives, highlights another potential weakness of the realist tradition, which assumes the state to be a unified actor and overlooks its internal dynamics. In this book, however, I refrain from addressing this point, since it would demand an in-depth analysis of the realist definition of state and an empirical over-view of the multiple actors influencing Italian and Libyan rethoric and policy actions.

Notes 233

19. The linkage between power and knowledge has already been explored by realist authors. For example, Nicolò Machiavelli, and E. H. Carr rather more recently, recognised the role of ideology and ideas as power resources. Thus we are reminded once more about the limits of the definition of realism, which I presented in Chapter 1. Yet my underlying point still stands: the constructivist work of Barnett and Duvall raises questions and provides analytical tools that are useful for my research and have been neglected by mainstream realist scholars (Hall, 1997).

20. Of course, to this figure we ought to add those losing their lives when crossing the Mediterranean. According to Fortress Europe, since 1988 12,955 migrants have died. This figure includes migrants leaving different Northern African countries and not just Libya (Fortress Europe, 2008c).

21. This reflection raises a set of more substantial questions. In defining migration as a threat, what are policy-makers seeking to defend? What makes policy-mak-ers take such a securitised stance towards migration? What conception of state and of state interest underlines such an alarmist and counterproductive view? Are we talking about a perceived or a real threat? Not only would it be interesting to analyse what is real as opposed to constructed, but also there is the question of what the state is seeking to preserve and how this fits within the realist credo. This question opens up a series of issues concerning the complex process of iden-tifying and defining state interests, and the extent to which states motives are rational and coherent within an overarching conception of state interest. Yet while addressing such questions is crucially important, it transcends the pur-poses of this book. In other words, for the purposes of coherence I shall refrain from addressing such questions, and instead invite future researchers to do so in the specific context of Italian–Libyan relations.

22. These reflections belong to the realm of pure speculation. As such, their purpose here is to furnish a circumspect and impressionist account of the implications that issue-linkages yield within the larger framework of power relations.

23. Morgenthau himself also argues that politics is influenced by irrational/emo-tional elements which may deviate from rationality (Morgenthau, 1946).

24. This is not the place to discuss the contested meaning of developing countries and the different terminologies that have been employed. For more on this, see, for example, Edwards (1989) Escobar (1995) and Fawcett and Sayigh (1999: 5–6 and 15–33). This issue has also been discussed in Chapter 1.

25. While keeping in mind these critical caveats, I will continue to use the expres-sion in the final chapter.

10 Conclusion

1. I am grateful to Professor Lisa Anderson for sharing this idea with me.

234

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295

Index

Accession negotiations to the European Union, 50–3

African Union, 87, 97, 137, 187, 190, 223Al Mukhtar, Omar, 110, 136Al Obeidi, Abdulati, 10, 11, 131, 133, 153Al Qaeda, 66, 100, 224Albania, 67, 125, 143, 176, 230Algeria, 36, 48, 81, 82, 84, 114, 143, 162,

191, 219Amato, Giuliano, 68, 72, 73, 132, 147,

153, 160Amensty of migrants, see under

RegularisationsAmnesty International, 148Andreotti, Giulio, 113–15, 201Arab Maghreb Union (AMU), 82, 85Association of the Italians Repatriated

from Libya (AIRL), 113, 129Asylum, 79, 90–4

see also under RefugeesAzienda Libico Italiana (ALI), 117Aznar, José María, 46–7

Balseros Crisis, 37–9Barcelona Declaration, see under

Barcelona ProcessBarcelona Process, 95–7, 119, 126, 182,

190, 223Benghazi, 89, 99, 115, 130–1, 134, 223,

224, 226Berlusconi, Silvio, 65, 71–4, 121–31,

134–6, 195Bevin-Sforza, agreement, 111Big gesture, 117, 122, 132, 182, 191Blair, Tony, 227Border, concept of, 2–7, 29–34, 169–74Bossi-Fini Law, 67–72Bracero programme, 41, 219Braudel, Fernand, 80Brussels, 126, 191Bulgarian nurses, 95–6, 132, 223Burden-sharing, 5, 30, 53, 172, 216, 219Burden-shifting, see under

Burden-sharing

Bush, GeorgeOn Mexico, 42–3On the embargo on Libya, 225On the war on terror, 100, 123

Calderón, Felipe, 43Cameroon, 12Camps

During colonial time, 89, 109–110For migrants in Italy, 72, 134For migrants in Libya, 87, 93, 139–43,

147, 193, 195Managed by IOM in Libya, 162

Canada, 51Canary Islands, 47Caritas, 61–4Castro, Fidel, 37, 39–40, 205Castro, Raul, 38CEN-SAD, 85–6, 222Centres for migrants, see under CampsCeuta, 46–8China, 200Citizenship

In the Italian context, 65, 70, 73In the Libyan context, 82, 137In US-Mexican relations, 43

Clinton, Bill, 36, 38, 205Clinton, Hillary, 43Cold War, 33, 45, 51, 116, 195, 207, 209Colonial

Period, 108–16Recompensation, 113, 121, 124–5,

135, 172, 193–4, 195, 199Communism, 36–9, 45, 220Community of Sahel-Saharan States

(COMESSA), see under CEN-SADComplex interdependence, 19–21, 33,

181, 185, 198–206Convention against torture, 91Convention on refugee problems in

Africa, 90Cooperation, in International Relations,

4, 20–1, 32–4, 78, 204–8Cost-benefit analysis, 21, 192–5

296 Index

Council of Europe, 49, 148Council of the European Union, 94–5,

128, 197, 215Criminality

In the Italian context, 62–7, 73, 76In the Libyan context, 98–9In Turkey, 51–2

Cuba, 36–40Cyrenaica, 109, 111

D’Alema, Massimo, 68, 119, 120, 131–3, 191

Decreto-flussi, 70–2, 77Democracy

Industrial democracies, 39Lack of, 232Liberal democracy, 178, 215Of the masses, 113

Demography, 77, 109, 221Dependencia, see under Dependency theoryDependency theory, 31Deportation

During colonial times, 109In international relations, 33In Italy, 69–73, 143–51In Libya, 82–9, 93, 127In the US, 41, 45

DetentionDuring colonial times, 110In Italy, 71, 76In Libya, 87, 91–2, 101, 141–2, 157,

216, 230In the US, 38

De-territorialisation, 29, 169, 173see also under Externalisation

Development aid, 2, 30, 34, 49, 74–6, 213Dini, Lamberto, 116, 118–21Dini decree, 69Discourse analysis, 6, 8–15, 26–9,

50–104

Educationand migration in Italy, 69and migration in Libya, 97

Egypt, 111, 142–7, 150, 160, 222Eisenhower, Dwight David, 36–7El Salvador, 44–5Embargo, see under SanctionsEmployment

In relation to migration in Italy, 64, 71–2

In relation to migration in Libya, 98In relation to migration in Mexico, 44In relation to migration in Spain, 49

ENI, 113–14, 119, 128, 132–3, 136, 141, 189, 199

European acquis, 47, 51–3European Commission, 94–7European Council, see under Council of

the European UnionEuropean Court of Human Rights,

144–5, 148–50, 165European Neighborhood Policy, 190European Parliament, 148, 180European-Mediterranean Partnership,

96, 116, 119, 190, 223Expulsions, see under DeportationExternal dimension, European, see under

ExternalisationExternalisation

In the Italian-Libyan context, 169–83Theoretical debate, 28–31, 33Towards Morocco, 47–50Towards Turkey, 51

Fascism, 109, 136, 200Fiat, 119Fini, Gianfranco, 67–72, 129, 136Finmeccanica, 119, 157–8, 228First World War, 41Fletcher, Yvonne, 222Fortress Europe, 59, 77Fox, Vicente, 43–4Framework agreement (between Libya

and the European Union), 7, 95–6, 200

France, 36, 61, 117, 133, 193, 226Frattini, Franco, 95, 153–4Friendship Treaty (between Italy and

Libya), 138, 139, 153, 157, 164, 179, 183, 188, 193–5

Frontex, 7, 52, 84, 96, 153–5, 171, 180–2, 228

Frontier, see under Border, concept of

Gaddafi International Charity and Development Foundation, 134, 155

Gas pipeline, 119, 127–8, 133, 184, 188, 191

Gaza Strip, 93–4Geneva Convention on the status of

refugees, 90, 95, 140, 147

Index 297

Ghana, 36, 87, 89, 151Giolitti, Giovanni, 109–10, 225Greece, 52–3Green Book, 113Greenstream, see under Gas pipelineGuardia di finanza, 155, 163Guatemala, 44Guest-workers, 41

Hammarberg, Thomas, 59Health

And migration in Italy, 64, 69–70And migration in Libya, 88, 98–101

Highway, coastal, 115, 122–5, 129–35, 182, 191

see also Big gestureHistoric gesture, see under Big gesture,

Highway, coastalHIV/AIDS, 88, 100, 101, 116, 223Hobbes, Thomas, 218Honduras, 45Human rights, 30, 59, 73, 89, 140,

143–4, 149–52, 162–4, 171, 193–5, 197, 200

Human Rights Watch, 73, 88–90, 147, 149, 164, 178, 180

Human trafficking, 76

Ideas in IR theory, 26–7, 196–8, 204–6, 214

IdentityIdentity politics, 211National identity, 9, 26, 189, 232In relation to migration, 65, 100–1In relation to migration policies and

power relations, 196–7, 211Identity cards, 40, 69, 81, 84, 88, 90–1Idris, King, 111–12Illiberal practices, on migration, 77Immigration Liaison Officers, 30, 42,

75, 125, 159, 170Independence, of Libya, 109–11Indonesia, 36Inequality, 4, 16, 27–8, 31–4, 206, 209–14Integration, 63–4, 67, 69, 85, 94, 100, 230Interdependence, 6–7, 16, 19–21, 27, 33,

55, 181, 192, 196–208Interests

In International Relations, 20–3, 32In the bilateral context, 128, 136, 137,

186–92

In the Italian context, 63, 110–15, 121In the Libyan context, 79, 85, 102In the Moroccan context, 48, 54

International aid, see under Development aid

International Centre for Migration Policy Development (ICMPD), 91

International Organization for Peace and Relief (IOPCR), 91

International Organization of Migration, 84, 89, 96, 99, 160–2, 229

International protection, 30, 44, 51, 90–4, 120, 140, 144, 164, 181

Intolerance, 65Iran, 51, 61, 94, 129Iraq, 51, 83, 91, 94, 125Irish Republican Army (IRA), 225Islamic extremism, 66, 129Israel, 83, 93Issue-linkages, 20–1, 34, 185, 198–203,

207, 209Istituto Commercio Estero (ICE), 117Italian National Institute for Statistics

(ISTAT), 61–2Italian Refugee Council (CIR), 91

Kennedy, John Fitzgerald, 41Keohane, Robert, 20, 22, 34, 217, 218

La Belle, bombings at, 113, 225Labour market

In Italy, 60, 62, 68, 71, 73–5, 77, 211, 230

In Libya, 80–4, 86, 89, 98, 102In Spain, 49In the US-Mexican context, 44

Lampedusa, 114, 123, 127, 143–50, 160, 175–6, 180–1, 230

Landmines, 110, 113, 115–16, 120Latin America, 27, 31, 36–45Law

International law, 30In Italy, 67–76In Libya, 81–94, 98, 109, 114In the US-Mexican context, 41, 43–7In Turkey, 51

Libyan Islamic Fighting Group (LIFG), 224

Libya’s National Oil Company (NOC), 119, 133, 189

Linklater, Andrew, 21, 25, 28

298 Index

Literacy, 101Lockerbie bombing, 94, 100, 113, 118,

126, 225Lome Declaration, 87

Maghreb, 50, 61, 80–5, 102Malaysia, 36Mali, 151Malta, 88, 114, 143, 152–3, 171Manpower, 50, 83, 84, 161Mariel Crisis, 37–9Marina Militare, 164Maroni, Roberto, 65, 76, 139, 169, 171Martelli Law, 69Marxism, 27–31, 219Marxist-leninism, 31Mass expulsions, see under DeportationMauritania, 82, 83, 226Media, 8–12, 49, 60–3, 77, 126, 152, 176,

216, 217, 230Mediterranean Union, 97, 190, 223Melilla, 46–8Mexico, 40–6, 220Middle East, 50, 51, 62, 102, 115, 126,

202, 224Mobility, 1–2, 80, 85Morgenthau, Hans J., 22–5, 202Muslim, 83, 94, 99Mussolini, Benito, 224

Nasser, Gamal Abd, 81, 129Nationality

In Italy, 140, 151In Libya, 81, 90, 92, 146In Morocco, 47, 75

Neo-liberal institutionalism, 19, 21, 25, 28, 211, 217, 218

Neo-marxism, 21, 27–8, 211, 217, 219Neo-realism, 218Nicaragua, 45Niger, 85, 87, 151, 153, 162, 223, 225Nigeria, 89, 98, 143, 151Non-refoulement, 30, 148, 150–1,

171–2North American Free Trade Agreement

(NAFTA), 42North-South, 25–8, 31–4, 203–8, 209,

212–14Nuclear weapons, 126Nye, Joseph, 20, 24–6, 217

Obama, Barack, 38, 43Oil, 15, 48, 68, 80, 94, 98, 107–19, 135,

181, 184, 189–91, 200, 225, 226Ottoman period, 108Outsourcing, 174

Palestine, 91, 93, 222Palestinian doctor, see under Bulgarian

nursesPan-Africanism, 86–7Pan-Arabism, 81, 86Pateras, 49Petrol, see under OilPisanu, Giuseppe, 65, 66, 123, 126–9,

139–41, 149–50, 153, 158, 174, 179Political realism, 22–8, 185, 202,

211–12, 218Population, 24, 27, 32, 60–2, 65, 80–5, 99,

143, 175, 177–9, 197, 210, 222, 230Poverty, 27, 75, 203Power

Hard power, 15, 24–5, 28, 196, 198, 202–3, 212, 218

Productive power, 26–7, 43, 185, 196–8, 202, 207, 212, 218

Soft power, 25, 38, 212, 218Prisoner’s Dilemma, 217Prisons in Libya, 12, 87, 89, 95, 165,

223, 224see also under Detention

Prodi, Romano, 72, 108, 126, 131–4, 191, 195

Public opinion, 63–5, 77, 93, 216Push-backs, 136, 163–5

Qaddafi, Hannibal, 222Qaddafi, Muammar, 134–7, 153, 180, 184,

189–93, 196–7, 199, 203–4, 213, 216Qaddafi, Saif, 134Quarta sponda, 108, 224

Readmission agreementBetween Italy and Libya, 9, 30, 126,

131, 143–51Between Italy and third countries,

74–8Between Morocco and Spain, 46, 48Between Turkey and the EU, 52

Reagan, Ronald, 37, 115Realpolitik, 23–4, 196, 202, 217–18

Index 299

Refugees, 5, 32–9, 45, 51, 53, 90–4, 95, 139–41, 165, 204, 215, 223

see also under AsylumRegularisations, 60, 68, 70–3, 77, 181,

210, 231Remittances, 2, 44, 49, 215, 220Rentier state, 112Reparations, see under Colonial,

RecompensationResettlement, 51Respingimento, 150, 228Revolution

Cuba’s, 37Libya’s, 81, 83, 100, 101, 112–13, 123,

135, 184Mexico’s, 41

Rice, Condoleeza, 193, 232Riots, in Libya in 2000, 87, 89Rogue state, 94, 114, 116, 123, 138, 201Rome, 10, 11, 72, 110, 116, 119, 120,

125, 133, 136, 159, 170Roosevelt, Franklin Delano, 41Russia, 51, 191

Said, Edward, 189Salinas, Carlos, 42Sanctions

American sanctions, 113, 193, 201, 225

European sanctions, 113, 115, 127, 191, 193, 201, 225

On Mauritania, 83UN sanctions, 100, 113, 117, 118, 120,

193, 201, 225Sarkozy, Nicolas, 97Scaroni, Paolo, 133Schengen

System, 5, 52–3, 102, 137, 170Treaty, 69Visas, 51, 222

Second World War, 111Securitisation, 3, 21, 28, 34, 65, 80Security

In international relations, 9–10, 20, 23–8, 204–11

In Italy, 64–8, 73, 77In Libya, 80, 85, 87–102In relation to migration policies, 3, 6,

13–15, 29–30, 59–60In the EU-Turkish context, 53

In the Italian-Libyan context, 130, 158–9, 170–4, 182–3, 187, 190, 196–8

In the Morocco-Spain context, 48–9In the US-Mexican context, 41–2

Siala, Mohammed, 10, 131, 146Smuggling networks, 29, 47, 51, 69, 149,

159, 160, 180–1, 187–8, 194–5Somalia, 12, 89, 91South Africa, 114South-to-South migration, 1, 80–5Soviet Union, see under RussiaSpain, 46–50, 54, 61, 133, 204–5, 207,

211, 214, 228Statistics, 1, 60–1, 67–8, 99, 139, 162,

175–6Stranded migrants, 229Sub-Saharan Africa, 46, 50, 62, 66, 79,

80, 85–90, 91, 146, 161, 188–9, 213, 221, 222

Sudan, 81, 83, 85–6, 91, 142, 151, 222Surveillance, 30, 52, 59, 73, 77, 89, 153,

172–3Switzerland, 102, 137, 143, 222

Technology, 30, 42, 59, 114, 116, 146, 162, 218, 229

Territory, 2–5, 24, 29–30, 53, 68, 93, 108, 140–1, 150, 164, 170, 172, 175, 182, 195, 224

TerrorismInternational, 3, 29, 49, 120, 124, 192,

196, 199Libya sponsored, 113, 126, 225In relation to migration, 66, 99–100,

221In the bilateral collaboration, 128–32,

136, 158, 173Trafficking, 136, 142, 154, 156–60Transit migration, 5, 30, 46, 48–51, 74,

77, 153, 155, 188, 196–7, 212Trans-Saharan, 80, 82, 188Tunisia, 75–6, 80, 81–3, 87, 114–15, 152,

160, 221, 230Turco-Napolitano law, 69–70Turkey, 50–4, 62, 112

UNCHR, 1, 47, 51, 90–4, 98, 148, 164, 171

Unemployment, see under Employment

300 Index

United Kingdom, 61, 111, 162, 225United States, 36–45, 61, 83, 100, 111,

225United States of Africa, 86UTA bombing, 113, 225

Vatican, 108, 147Visas

In the Cuban-US context, 37–8In the Morocco-Spain context, 46In the Turkish-EU context, 51To Italy, 69, 177To Libya, 81–6, 102, 113, 117,

123–5, 128–9, 137, 146, 170, 222

To the EU, 30

Waldner Ferrero, Benita, 95Wallerstein, Immanuel, 31Waltz, Kenneth, 23–4, 186Weapons of Mass Destruction (WMD),

94, 113, 126, 225West Bank, 93Western Sahara, 46, 48World Bank, 98, 101, 215World System theory, 25, 27

Xenophobia, 65, 73

Yugoslavia, former, 61, 94

Zapatero, José Luis Rodríguez, 47Zawiya, 87