Post on 23-Feb-2023
1.0 Introduction2.0 Main Claim
3.0 Extensions and ConclusionsBibiographyReferences
The Temporal Semantics of Action andCircumstance in Blackfoot
Meagan Louie (UBC)
Defense, November 26th, 2014
Meagan Louie (UBC)
1.0 Introduction2.0 Main Claim
3.0 Extensions and ConclusionsBibiographyReferences
Acknowledgements
I couldn’t have done this without my amazing committee, Lisa Matthewson,Hotze Rullmann, and Martina Wiltschko. Thanks also to my fellow Blackfootresearchers, Amelia Reis Silva, Heather Bliss, Solveiga Armoskaite, JoelDunham, Natalie Weber and Abigail Scott, who is also part of another group ofpeople I want to thank, my cohort: Pat Littell, Chenhao Chiu, Analia Gutiérrez,Masaki Noguchi, Scott Mackie, Audra Vincent, and Ruby Arkoh. Rose-MarieDéchaine, Henry Davis and Doug Pulleyblank were also crucial influences in mebecoming the linguist I am today.
And of course, the person who has given me the most important parts of mydissertation, my amazing consultant who doesn’t even bat an eye when Ipresent her with clauses embedded inside clauses embedded inside conditionalantecedents, Beatrice Bullshields: kitsáysspommokihtopi ,nimáátáaksiksistssinai’paatsiksi. Níítsiikohtaahsi’taki.
Meagan Louie (UBC)
1.0 Introduction2.0 Main Claim
3.0 Extensions and ConclusionsBibiographyReferences
Introduction: Circumstantial Modals
Inferences about how the future may unfold are often expressed withcircumstantal modal claims:
(1) a. Kim might buy a ticket.b. Kim can buy a ticket.c. Kim will buy a ticket.
Kratzer (1977, 2012) on (1b): Quantification Over Worlds
There is a world, w’,. compatible with Kim’s circumstances,. such that Kim buys a ticket in that world.
Meagan Louie (UBC)
1.0 Introduction2.0 Main Claim
3.0 Extensions and ConclusionsBibiographyReferences
Introduction: Circumstantial Modals and Time
Condoravdi (2002), Ippolito (2003), Copley (2002, 2009):
→ Circumstantial modal claims are sensitive to time.
There is a world, w’,. compatible with Kim’s circumstances at time t1,. where Kim buys a ticket in w’. at a (possibly different) time t2.
Meagan Louie (UBC)
1.0 Introduction2.0 Main Claim
3.0 Extensions and ConclusionsBibiographyReferences
Two-Component AnalysisComponent 1: Quantification Over Actions
BUT what about this BASIC INTUITION?
The way the future unfolds depends not only on(i) the circumstances surrounding us, but also(ii) on the actions we take
My Proposal: The way that we grammatically express futureinferences1 should likewise depend on actions
1i.e., The semantics of circumstantial modal claimsMeagan Louie (UBC)
1.0 Introduction2.0 Main Claim
3.0 Extensions and ConclusionsBibiographyReferences
Introduction: Dramatis Personae: Blackfoot CIRC Modals
1. áak-“will",2. aahkama’p- “might"3. Ability modal ohkott-4. The imperfective á-5. The "deontic" sstsina’-
There is an ACTION, a, available to Kim, such that all worlds. (i) compatible with Kim’s circumstances at time t1,. (ii) with instantiations of that action. . are worlds where Kim buys a ticket in w’. . at a (possibly different) time t2.
Meagan Louie (UBC)
1.0 Introduction2.0 Main Claim
3.0 Extensions and ConclusionsBibiographyReferences
Two-Component AnalysisComponent 2: (Lack of) Quantification Over Times
What about THIS OTHER basic intuition?
There is a world, w’,. compatible with Kim’s circumstances at time t1,. where Kim buys a ticket in w’. at a (possibly different) time t2.
→ And t1 precedes t2
Meagan Louie (UBC)
1.0 Introduction2.0 Main Claim
3.0 Extensions and ConclusionsBibiographyReferences
Two-Component AnalysisComponent 2: (Lack of) Quantification Over Times
My Proposal: This intuition is misleading.
Even though Blackfoot uses circumstantial modals to express .inferences about the future, they have no inherent future semantics.
i.e., t1=t2= t3, where. t1= circumstance/temporal perspective time. t2= action time. t3 = prejacent/complement/event time
Meagan Louie (UBC)
1.0 Introduction2.0 Main Claim
3.0 Extensions and ConclusionsBibiographyReferences
Two-Component AnalysisSummary
The meanings of áak-, aahkama’p- and ohkott-
1. Introduce quantification over actions, and2. Correlate t1=t2= t3 (i.e., don’t quantify over times)
H CIRCUMSTANCE TIME, t1
99999ACTION RUNTIME, t2
lPREJACENT HOLD TIME, t3
t1= t2= t3
Figure 1: Time Correlation for a Blackfoot Circumstantial Claim Time:
Meagan Louie (UBC)
1.0 Introduction2.0 Main Claim
3.0 Extensions and ConclusionsBibiographyReferences
Roadmap
The temporal component of the analysis links all of the chapterstogether; I focus on those parts of each chapter:
1 Section 1: Introduction
2 Section 2: Brief Overview of Chapters 6, 4. → Deal with the claim that t1=t2= t3
3 Section 3: Briefer Overview of Chapters 5, 7, and Conclusion. → Deal with extensions of the claim that t1=t2= t3
Meagan Louie (UBC)
1.0 Introduction2.0 Main Claim
3.0 Extensions and ConclusionsBibiographyReferences
2.1 Chapter 6: Coincident and Prospective Temporal Orientations2.2 Chapter 4: Restrictions on Temporal Perspective and Agency
2.0 Main Claim
PROPOSAL for Blackfoot Circumstantial Modal Claims
. t1=t2= t3
2.1 Chapter 6: Coincident and Prospective Temporal Orientations
2.2 Chapter 4: Restrictions on Temporal Perspective Time and Agency
Meagan Louie (UBC)
1.0 Introduction2.0 Main Claim
3.0 Extensions and ConclusionsBibiographyReferences
2.1 Chapter 6: Coincident and Prospective Temporal Orientations2.2 Chapter 4: Restrictions on Temporal Perspective and Agency
2.0 Main Claim
PROPOSAL for Blackfoot Circumstantial Modal Claims
. t1=t2= t3
2.1 Chapter 6: Coincident and Prospective Temporal Orientations
2.2 Chapter 4: Restrictions on Temporal Perspective Time and Agency
Meagan Louie (UBC)
1.0 Introduction2.0 Main Claim
3.0 Extensions and ConclusionsBibiographyReferences
2.1 Chapter 6: Coincident and Prospective Temporal Orientations2.2 Chapter 4: Restrictions on Temporal Perspective and Agency
Coincident Temporal Orientation: t1=t2= t3
Q: If t1=t2= t3, what about the data in (2)?
(2) a. áaksspiyiáak-ihpiyi-wa
"She will dance."b. aahkama’pihpiyi
aahkama’p-ihpiyi-wa
"She might dance."
→ These seems like claims based on current circumstances. about a future dancing event.
Meagan Louie (UBC)
1.0 Introduction2.0 Main Claim
3.0 Extensions and ConclusionsBibiographyReferences
2.1 Chapter 6: Coincident and Prospective Temporal Orientations2.2 Chapter 4: Restrictions on Temporal Perspective and Agency
Coincident Temporal Orientation: t1=t2= t3
Q: If t1=t2= t3, what about the data in (3)?
(3) a. áaksspiyiáak-ihpiyi-wa
"She will dance."b. aahkama’pihpiyi
aahkama’p-ihpiyi-wa
"She might dance."
MY OBSERVATION:. This only happens systematically for eventive complements
Meagan Louie (UBC)
1.0 Introduction2.0 Main Claim
3.0 Extensions and ConclusionsBibiographyReferences
2.1 Chapter 6: Coincident and Prospective Temporal Orientations2.2 Chapter 4: Restrictions on Temporal Perspective and Agency
The TO of áak- and aahkama’p-: Lexical Statives
CONTEXT
My mom is babysitting my niece while my sister goes grocery shop-ping with me. My sister checks her watch and starts rushing ushome because my niece is still nursing and it’s time for her feeding.She says:
(4) annaannadem
KaiaKaiaKaia
áaksisttso’kiniáak-isttso’kini-wafut-hungry.vai-3
annohkannohknow
‘Kaia will be hungry by now.’
Meagan Louie (UBC)
1.0 Introduction2.0 Main Claim
3.0 Extensions and ConclusionsBibiographyReferences
2.1 Chapter 6: Coincident and Prospective Temporal Orientations2.2 Chapter 4: Restrictions on Temporal Perspective and Agency
The TO of áak- and aahkama’p-: Imperfective Statives
CONTEXT
There’s a secret society, whose initiation process is secret. Butrumours suggest that it involves a midnight run along Wreck Beach.Heather is being initiated into the secret society tonight, and Icheck my watch and see it’s midnight. I know she’ll never revealthe secret initiation process, so I’ll never know for sure, but I figure:
(5) annohkannohknow
áakitáókska’siáak-it-á-okska’si-wafut-rl-impf-run.vai-3
omiomidem
WreckWreckWreck
BeachBeachBeach
‘She’ll be running on Wreck Beach right now.’
Meagan Louie (UBC)
1.0 Introduction2.0 Main Claim
3.0 Extensions and ConclusionsBibiographyReferences
2.1 Chapter 6: Coincident and Prospective Temporal Orientations2.2 Chapter 4: Restrictions on Temporal Perspective and Agency
The TO of áak- and aahkama’p-: Perfect Statives
CONTEXT
I told my sister I was going to bake a cake during the afternoon.In the evening, she’s coming over and she’s thinking excitedly:
(6) áaksikaipisatsskiitaaáak-ikaa-pisat-ihkiitaa-wafut-perf-fancy-bake.vai-3
‘She will have made cake.’
Meagan Louie (UBC)
1.0 Introduction2.0 Main Claim
3.0 Extensions and ConclusionsBibiographyReferences
2.1 Chapter 6: Coincident and Prospective Temporal Orientations2.2 Chapter 4: Restrictions on Temporal Perspective and Agency
Hypothesis 1 t1≺ t2 VS Hypothesis 2 t1=t3
Stative complements can yield claims about present situations
áak-’s complement: Eventive StativePresent Reading × XFuture Reading X X
Table 1: áak-’s Allowed Temporal Orientations
H1: Present-oriented readings surprising if áak- was inherently future
H2: If áak- has no inherent future semantics (i.e., t1=t2= t3 ),. present-oriented readings expected
Meagan Louie (UBC)
1.0 Introduction2.0 Main Claim
3.0 Extensions and ConclusionsBibiographyReferences
2.1 Chapter 6: Coincident and Prospective Temporal Orientations2.2 Chapter 4: Restrictions on Temporal Perspective and Agency
Hypothesis t1=t3
Systematic future-shifting with eventive predicates due to
(i) The presence of a null prospective aspect, ∅PROSP
(ii) Reis Silva & Matthewson (2008)’s system for BF tense and aspect
Reis Silva & Matthewson (2008)
BF present tense, tNOW, is instantaneous
Eventive predicates are inherently dynamic and thereforeincompatible with instants
Stative (or stativized) predicates are compatible with instants
Meagan Louie (UBC)
1.0 Introduction2.0 Main Claim
3.0 Extensions and ConclusionsBibiographyReferences
2.1 Chapter 6: Coincident and Prospective Temporal Orientations2.2 Chapter 4: Restrictions on Temporal Perspective and Agency
Hypothesis t1=t3
Systematic future-shifting with eventive predicates due to
(i) The presence of a null prospective aspect, ∅PROSP
(ii) Reis Silva & Matthewson (2008)’s system for BF tense and aspect
Reis Silva & Matthewson (2008)
BF present tense, tNOW, is instantaneous
Eventive predicates are inherently dynamic and thereforeincompatible with instants
Stative (or stativized) predicates are compatible with instants
Meagan Louie (UBC)
1.0 Introduction2.0 Main Claim
3.0 Extensions and ConclusionsBibiographyReferences
2.1 Chapter 6: Coincident and Prospective Temporal Orientations2.2 Chapter 4: Restrictions on Temporal Perspective and Agency
Hypothesis t1=t3
Deriving Systematic Future Interpretations
1 Given the present temporal perspective (t1=tNOW) of (2)
2 A bare eventive complement, P, is incompatible with tNOW
3 → So P must be interpreted as having been modified by a stativizingprospective aspect
A PFV interpretation is not stativizing. (and therefore also incompatible with tNOW)
Perfect ikaa- and imperfective á- have overt morphological forms
Meagan Louie (UBC)
1.0 Introduction2.0 Main Claim
3.0 Extensions and ConclusionsBibiographyReferences
2.1 Chapter 6: Coincident and Prospective Temporal Orientations2.2 Chapter 4: Restrictions on Temporal Perspective and Agency
Hypothesis t1=t3
Deriving Systematic Future Interpretations
1 Given the present temporal perspective (t1=tNOW) of (2)
2 A bare eventive complement, P, is incompatible with tNOW
3 → So P must be interpreted as having been modified by a stativizingprospective aspect
A PFV interpretation is not stativizing. (and therefore also incompatible with tNOW)
Perfect ikaa- and imperfective á- have overt morphological forms
Meagan Louie (UBC)
1.0 Introduction2.0 Main Claim
3.0 Extensions and ConclusionsBibiographyReferences
2.1 Chapter 6: Coincident and Prospective Temporal Orientations2.2 Chapter 4: Restrictions on Temporal Perspective and Agency
Hypothesis t1=t3
Deriving Systematic Future Interpretations
1 Given the present temporal perspective (t1=tNOW) of (2)
2 A bare eventive complement, P, is incompatible with tNOW
3 → So P must be interpreted as having been modified by a stativizingprospective aspect
A PFV interpretation is not stativizing. (and therefore also incompatible with tNOW)
Perfect ikaa- and imperfective á- have overt morphological forms
Meagan Louie (UBC)
1.0 Introduction2.0 Main Claim
3.0 Extensions and ConclusionsBibiographyReferences
2.1 Chapter 6: Coincident and Prospective Temporal Orientations2.2 Chapter 4: Restrictions on Temporal Perspective and Agency
Independent Evidence for a Null Prospective Aspect
1 The optional future interpretation of áak-PSTATIVE predicates2 The future interpretation of (aspectually bare) conditional antecedents
Meagan Louie (UBC)
1.0 Introduction2.0 Main Claim
3.0 Extensions and ConclusionsBibiographyReferences
2.1 Chapter 6: Coincident and Prospective Temporal Orientations2.2 Chapter 4: Restrictions on Temporal Perspective and Agency
2.0 Main Claim
PROPOSAL for Blackfoot Circumstantial Modal Claims
. t1=t2= t3
2.1 Chapter 6: Coincident and Prospective Temporal Orientations
2.2 Chapter 4: Restrictions on Temporal Perspective Time and Agency
Meagan Louie (UBC)
1.0 Introduction2.0 Main Claim
3.0 Extensions and ConclusionsBibiographyReferences
2.1 Chapter 6: Coincident and Prospective Temporal Orientations2.2 Chapter 4: Restrictions on Temporal Perspective and Agency
2.0 Main Claim
PROPOSAL for Blackfoot Circumstantial Modal Claims
. t1=t2= t3
2.1 Chapter 6: Coincident and Prospective Temporal Orientations
2.2 Chapter 4: Restrictions on Temporal Perspective Time and Agency
Meagan Louie (UBC)
1.0 Introduction2.0 Main Claim
3.0 Extensions and ConclusionsBibiographyReferences
2.1 Chapter 6: Coincident and Prospective Temporal Orientations2.2 Chapter 4: Restrictions on Temporal Perspective and Agency
Actions and Agency
Observation I: CIRC modal claims in Blackfoot fall into two temporalcategories with respect to the range of temporal perspectives allowed:
PAST PRESáak-P X Xaahkama’p-P X Xohkott-P-unmarked X ×-imperfective X X
Table 2: Range of Temporal Perspective: Eventive and Stative Categories
Meagan Louie (UBC)
1.0 Introduction2.0 Main Claim
3.0 Extensions and ConclusionsBibiographyReferences
2.1 Chapter 6: Coincident and Prospective Temporal Orientations2.2 Chapter 4: Restrictions on Temporal Perspective and Agency
áak-: Present Temporal Perspective (t1=PRESENT tNOW)
CONTEXT
We’re planning to take the train to Whistler, and I’m checking thetrain schedules, because it doesn’t leave every day. I see that itleaves tomorrow, and tell you: The train leaves tomorrow.
(7) áakomatapooáak-omatap-oofut-begin.to-go.vai
apinákosiapinákositomorrow
‘It will leave tomorrow’ PRESENT
Meagan Louie (UBC)
1.0 Introduction2.0 Main Claim
3.0 Extensions and ConclusionsBibiographyReferences
2.1 Chapter 6: Coincident and Prospective Temporal Orientations2.2 Chapter 4: Restrictions on Temporal Perspective and Agency
áak-: Past Temporal Perspective (t1=PAST)
CONTEXT
My dad surprised my mom with a getaway weekend at a cottage.Because my mom is incurably nosy, and my dad is not the stealthi-est person, we’re discussing how lucky my dad was in pulling it off,because there are many ways my mom could have found out.
(8) iisáámii’ihtopiii-saami-ohtopiic-look.at.vai-unr
omiom-yidem-0
iihtáípoyoo’piihtaipoyo’pphone
áakohkoisskssinimáak-ohkoissksini-m-wafut-find.out.vti-loc:3-3
‘If she had taken a look at the phone, she would have found out.’ PAST
Meagan Louie (UBC)
1.0 Introduction2.0 Main Claim
3.0 Extensions and ConclusionsBibiographyReferences
2.1 Chapter 6: Coincident and Prospective Temporal Orientations2.2 Chapter 4: Restrictions on Temporal Perspective and Agency
ohkott-: Past Temporal Perspective (t1 6=tNOW)
(9) a. iihkottsspiyiii-ohkott-ihpiyi-waic-able-dance.vai-3‘He was able to dance.’ 6= ‘He is able to dance.’
b. áóhkottsspiyiá-ohkott-ihpiyi-waimpf-able-dance.vai-3‘He can/is able to dance.’ PRESENT
Meagan Louie (UBC)
1.0 Introduction2.0 Main Claim
3.0 Extensions and ConclusionsBibiographyReferences
2.1 Chapter 6: Coincident and Prospective Temporal Orientations2.2 Chapter 4: Restrictions on Temporal Perspective and Agency
ohkott-: Past Temporal Perspective (t1 6=tNOW)
CONTEXT
Because my brother is so voracious in his appetite, he’s quite a bitheavier than when he was younger. This has affected his hobbies.“When he was young, he was able to dance (but now he’s too fat)."
(10) otáínaksstsitsiot-á-inak-istsitsi3-impf-small-be.vai
áóhkottsspiyiá-ohkott-ihpiyi-waimpf-able-dance.vai-3
‘When he was small, he could dance.’ PAST
Meagan Louie (UBC)
1.0 Introduction2.0 Main Claim
3.0 Extensions and ConclusionsBibiographyReferences
2.1 Chapter 6: Coincident and Prospective Temporal Orientations2.2 Chapter 4: Restrictions on Temporal Perspective and Agency
Actions and Agency: Agency
Observation II: CIRC modal claims in Blackfoot fall into two categorieswith respect to the range of complements they accept:
Agentive Non-Agentiveáak-P X Xaahkama’p-P X Xohkott-P X ×
Table 3: Range of Complements: Agentive and Non-Agentive Complements
→ Ability modal ohkott- requires agentive complements
Meagan Louie (UBC)
1.0 Introduction2.0 Main Claim
3.0 Extensions and ConclusionsBibiographyReferences
2.1 Chapter 6: Coincident and Prospective Temporal Orientations2.2 Chapter 4: Restrictions on Temporal Perspective and Agency
áak- aahkama’p-, can take Non-Agentive Complements
sootaa- "rain," a non-agentive predicate
(11) a. áaksootaaáak-sootaa-wafut-rain.vai-3‘It will rain.’
b. aahkama’psootaaaahkama’p-sootaa-wamight-rain.vai-3‘It might rain.’
Meagan Louie (UBC)
1.0 Introduction2.0 Main Claim
3.0 Extensions and ConclusionsBibiographyReferences
2.1 Chapter 6: Coincident and Prospective Temporal Orientations2.2 Chapter 4: Restrictions on Temporal Perspective and Agency
ohkott- requires an Agentive Complement
sootaa- "rain," a non-agentive predicate
(12) a. #áóhkottsootaaá-ohkott-sootaa-waimpf-able-rain.vai-3‘It can/couldrain.’
b. #iihkottsootaaii-ohkott-sootaa-waic-able-rain.vai-3‘It was able torain.’
Meagan Louie (UBC)
1.0 Introduction2.0 Main Claim
3.0 Extensions and ConclusionsBibiographyReferences
2.1 Chapter 6: Coincident and Prospective Temporal Orientations2.2 Chapter 4: Restrictions on Temporal Perspective and Agency
Two Observations
1 áak- and aahkama’p- : wider range of temporal perspectives
PAST PRESáak-P X Xaahkama’p-P X Xohkott-P X ×
Table 4: Range of Temporal Perspective: Eventive and Stative Categories
2 áak- and aahkama’p- : wider range of complements
Agentive Non-Agentiveáak-P X Xaahkama’p-P X Xohkott-P X ×
Table 5: Range of Complements: Agentive and Non-Agentive Complements
Meagan Louie (UBC)
1.0 Introduction2.0 Main Claim
3.0 Extensions and ConclusionsBibiographyReferences
2.1 Chapter 6: Coincident and Prospective Temporal Orientations2.2 Chapter 4: Restrictions on Temporal Perspective and Agency
Proposal: Observation I and II aren’t Coincidental
The ability modal ohkott-’s agentivity requirement results in ohkott-’srestricted temporal perspective (t1)
I model AGENCY as an interaction between actions and times
Adapted from Belnap (1991), Belnap (1992), Horty & Belnap (1995)
STIT Framework: The agent x, "sees to it that" P
Meagan Louie (UBC)
1.0 Introduction2.0 Main Claim
3.0 Extensions and ConclusionsBibiographyReferences
2.1 Chapter 6: Coincident and Prospective Temporal Orientations2.2 Chapter 4: Restrictions on Temporal Perspective and Agency
Proposal: Observation I and II aren’t Coincidental
I propose an agentivity operator v stit
v stit (P,x, w,t) =1 iff
There’s an action, a, that x can initiate at the beginning of t,such that
(i) All of the worlds with instantiations of that action, areP-worlds by the end of t, and
(ii) There’s at least one world without an instantiation of thataction, which is a not-P world at the end of t.
. (x non-vacuously guarantees that P, by mean of an action)
This requires that t is an interval - i.e., not instantaneous
Meagan Louie (UBC)
1.0 Introduction2.0 Main Claim
3.0 Extensions and ConclusionsBibiographyReferences
2.1 Chapter 6: Coincident and Prospective Temporal Orientations2.2 Chapter 4: Restrictions on Temporal Perspective and Agency
Proposal: Observation I and II aren’t Coincidental
I propose an agentivity operator v stit
v stit (P,x, w,t) =1 iffThere’s an action, a, that x can initiate at the beginning of t,such that
(i) All of the worlds with instantiations of that action, areP-worlds by the end of t, and
(ii) There’s at least one world without an instantiation of thataction, which is a not-P world at the end of t.
. (x non-vacuously guarantees that P, by mean of an action)
This requires that t is an interval - i.e., not instantaneous
Meagan Louie (UBC)
1.0 Introduction2.0 Main Claim
3.0 Extensions and ConclusionsBibiographyReferences
2.1 Chapter 6: Coincident and Prospective Temporal Orientations2.2 Chapter 4: Restrictions on Temporal Perspective and Agency
Proposal: Observation I and II aren’t Coincidental
I propose an agentivity operator v stit
v stit (P,x, w,t) =1 iffThere’s an action, a, that x can initiate at the beginning of t,such that
(i) All of the worlds with instantiations of that action, areP-worlds by the end of t, and
(ii) There’s at least one world without an instantiation of thataction, which is a not-P world at the end of t.
. (x non-vacuously guarantees that P, by mean of an action)
This requires that t is an interval - i.e., not instantaneous
Meagan Louie (UBC)
1.0 Introduction2.0 Main Claim
3.0 Extensions and ConclusionsBibiographyReferences
2.1 Chapter 6: Coincident and Prospective Temporal Orientations2.2 Chapter 4: Restrictions on Temporal Perspective and Agency
Proposal: Observation I and II aren’t Coincidental
I propose an agentivity operator v stit
v stit (P,x, w,t) =1 iffThere’s an action, a, that x can initiate at the beginning of t,such that
(i) All of the worlds with instantiations of that action, areP-worlds by the end of t, and
(ii) There’s at least one world without an instantiation of thataction, which is a not-P world at the end of t.
. (x non-vacuously guarantees that P, by mean of an action)
This requires that t is an interval - i.e., not instantaneous
Meagan Louie (UBC)
1.0 Introduction2.0 Main Claim
3.0 Extensions and ConclusionsBibiographyReferences
2.1 Chapter 6: Coincident and Prospective Temporal Orientations2.2 Chapter 4: Restrictions on Temporal Perspective and Agency
Proposal: Observation I and II aren’t Coincidental
If ohkott-’s complement is necessarily agentive, then the prejacenttime, t3 must be an interval
This means the temporal perspective time,t1, must be an interval
And because Blackfoot’s present tense, tNOW, is not an interval...
... ohkott- has to take a PAST temporal perspective.
Meagan Louie (UBC)
1.0 Introduction2.0 Main Claim
3.0 Extensions and ConclusionsBibiographyReferences
2.1 Chapter 6: Coincident and Prospective Temporal Orientations2.2 Chapter 4: Restrictions on Temporal Perspective and Agency
Proposal: Observation I and II aren’t Coincidental
If ohkott-’s complement is necessarily agentive, then the prejacenttime, t3 must be an interval
This means the temporal perspective time,t1, must be an interval
And because Blackfoot’s present tense, tNOW, is not an interval...
... ohkott- has to take a PAST temporal perspective.
Meagan Louie (UBC)
1.0 Introduction2.0 Main Claim
3.0 Extensions and ConclusionsBibiographyReferences
2.1 Chapter 6: Coincident and Prospective Temporal Orientations2.2 Chapter 4: Restrictions on Temporal Perspective and Agency
Proposal: Observation I and II aren’t Coincidental
If ohkott-’s complement is necessarily agentive, then the prejacenttime, t3 must be an interval
This means the temporal perspective time,t1, must be an interval
And because Blackfoot’s present tense, tNOW, is not an interval...
... ohkott- has to take a PAST temporal perspective.
Meagan Louie (UBC)
1.0 Introduction2.0 Main Claim
3.0 Extensions and ConclusionsBibiographyReferences
2.1 Chapter 6: Coincident and Prospective Temporal Orientations2.2 Chapter 4: Restrictions on Temporal Perspective and Agency
Proposal: Observation I and II aren’t Coincidental
If ohkott-’s complement is necessarily agentive, then the prejacenttime, t3 must be an interval
This means the temporal perspective time,t1, must be an interval
And because Blackfoot’s present tense, tNOW, is not an interval...
... ohkott- has to take a PAST temporal perspective.
Meagan Louie (UBC)
1.0 Introduction2.0 Main Claim
3.0 Extensions and ConclusionsBibiographyReferences
3.1 Chapter 5: Blackfoot Conditionals3.2 Chapter 7: Actuality Entailments3.3 Conclusion
3.0 Extensions and Conclusion
PROPOSAL for Blackfoot Circumstantial Modal Claims
. t1=t2= t3
3.1 Chapter 5: Blackfoot Conditionals
3.2 Chapter 7: Actuality Entailments
3.3 Conclusion
Meagan Louie (UBC)
1.0 Introduction2.0 Main Claim
3.0 Extensions and ConclusionsBibiographyReferences
3.1 Chapter 5: Blackfoot Conditionals3.2 Chapter 7: Actuality Entailments3.3 Conclusion
3.0 Extensions and Conclusion
PROPOSAL for Blackfoot Circumstantial Modal Claims
. t1=t2= t3
3.1 Chapter 5: Blackfoot Conditionals
3.2 Chapter 7: Actuality Entailments
3.3 Conclusion
Meagan Louie (UBC)
1.0 Introduction2.0 Main Claim
3.0 Extensions and ConclusionsBibiographyReferences
3.1 Chapter 5: Blackfoot Conditionals3.2 Chapter 7: Actuality Entailments3.3 Conclusion
Chapter Five: Blackfoot Conditionals
CONDITIONAL
"If-clause"antecedent
Main Clauseconsequent
(13) kamsskssiniisikam-ssksini-siif-know.vti-sbj:3
annohkannohknow
omáánista’pihpiom-aanist-a’pii-hp-yi3-manner-happen.vii-cj-0
máátáakohtsikííwaatsiksmáát-áak-ohtsikii-waatsiksineg-fut-care.about.sthg.vai-3:nonaff.sg
’If he found out what happened now, he wouldn’t care’
Meagan Louie (UBC)
1.0 Introduction2.0 Main Claim
3.0 Extensions and ConclusionsBibiographyReferences
3.1 Chapter 5: Blackfoot Conditionals3.2 Chapter 7: Actuality Entailments3.3 Conclusion
Blackfoot Conditionals: Antecedent
tANTECEDENT HOLD TIME
t0
H CIRCUMSTANCE TIME,
t1
99999ACTION RUNTIME
t2
lPREJACENT HOLD TIME
t3
t0= t1= t2= t3
(Where circumstance time = Temporal Perspective Time)
Figure 2: Correlation of times for a Blackfoot Circumstantial Conditional
Meagan Louie (UBC)
1.0 Introduction2.0 Main Claim
3.0 Extensions and ConclusionsBibiographyReferences
3.1 Chapter 5: Blackfoot Conditionals3.2 Chapter 7: Actuality Entailments3.3 Conclusion
Chapter Five: Blackfoot Conditionals
MODAL Environment CNSQ if-clause Licensed?FUTURE áak-P XMIGHT aahkama’p-P XABILITY ohkott-P ×IMPFEPISODIC impf-P ×IMPFGEN impf-P X
Table 6: Licensing Ontic Conditionals with Modals
Meagan Louie (UBC)
1.0 Introduction2.0 Main Claim
3.0 Extensions and ConclusionsBibiographyReferences
3.1 Chapter 5: Blackfoot Conditionals3.2 Chapter 7: Actuality Entailments3.3 Conclusion
Chapter Five: Blackfoot Conditionals
SBJ ANTC UNR ANTC(i)↓ (ii)→ Possible CFAC Possible CFACPast × × X XPresent X X × XFuture X X × X
Table 7: (i) Temporal and (ii) Epistemic Restrictions on Ontic Antecedents
Meagan Louie (UBC)
1.0 Introduction2.0 Main Claim
3.0 Extensions and ConclusionsBibiographyReferences
3.1 Chapter 5: Blackfoot Conditionals3.2 Chapter 7: Actuality Entailments3.3 Conclusion
3.0 Extensions and Conclusion
PROPOSAL for Blackfoot Circumstantial Modal Claims
. t1=t2= t3
3.1 Chapter 5: Blackfoot Conditionals
3.2 Chapter 7: Actuality Entailments
3.3 Conclusion
Meagan Louie (UBC)
1.0 Introduction2.0 Main Claim
3.0 Extensions and ConclusionsBibiographyReferences
3.1 Chapter 5: Blackfoot Conditionals3.2 Chapter 7: Actuality Entailments3.3 Conclusion
3.0 Extensions and Conclusion
PROPOSAL for Blackfoot Circumstantial Modal Claims
. t1=t2= t3
3.1 Chapter 5: Blackfoot Conditionals
3.2 Chapter 7: Actuality Entailments
3.3 Conclusion
Meagan Louie (UBC)
1.0 Introduction2.0 Main Claim
3.0 Extensions and ConclusionsBibiographyReferences
3.1 Chapter 5: Blackfoot Conditionals3.2 Chapter 7: Actuality Entailments3.3 Conclusion
Chapter 7: Actuality Entailments
CONTEXT
My uncle is good at drawing portraits, and he had the opportunityto draw my mom’s portrait, but he decided not to
(14) #iihkottsinayii∅-ohkott-sina-yii-waPFV-able-draw.vta-3:3’-prox“He was able to draw her."BB: Sounds like he drew her.
→ A temporally-constrained IDENTICALITY CONDITION for AEs
Meagan Louie (UBC)
1.0 Introduction2.0 Main Claim
3.0 Extensions and ConclusionsBibiographyReferences
3.1 Chapter 5: Blackfoot Conditionals3.2 Chapter 7: Actuality Entailments3.3 Conclusion
Chapter 7: Actuality Entailments
�=�IDENTICALITY TIME
tIDENT
H CIRCUMSTANCE TIME,
t1
99999ACTION RUNTIME
t2
lPREJACENT HOLD TIME
t3
tIDENT= t1= t2= t3
(Where circumstance time = Temporal Perspective Time)
Figure 3: Time Correlation for a Blackfoot Circumstantial claim: WithIdenticality Requirement
Meagan Louie (UBC)
1.0 Introduction2.0 Main Claim
3.0 Extensions and ConclusionsBibiographyReferences
3.1 Chapter 5: Blackfoot Conditionals3.2 Chapter 7: Actuality Entailments3.3 Conclusion
Chapter 7: Actuality Entailments
CONTEXTS ↓ pfv-ohkott-P impf-ohkott-P fut-ohkott-PContext A:. ×Previous Instance × × X. XFuture InstanceContext B:. XPrevious Instance X X X. XFuture InstanceContext C:. XPrevious Instance X × ×. ×Future Instance
Table 8: Felicity Judgements for Blackfoot Ability Attributions
Meagan Louie (UBC)
1.0 Introduction2.0 Main Claim
3.0 Extensions and ConclusionsBibiographyReferences
3.1 Chapter 5: Blackfoot Conditionals3.2 Chapter 7: Actuality Entailments3.3 Conclusion
3.0 Extensions and Conclusion
PROPOSAL for Blackfoot Circumstantial Modal Claims
. t1=t2= t3
3.1 Chapter 5: Blackfoot Conditionals
3.2 Chapter 7: Actuality Entailments
3.3 Conclusion
Meagan Louie (UBC)
1.0 Introduction2.0 Main Claim
3.0 Extensions and ConclusionsBibiographyReferences
3.1 Chapter 5: Blackfoot Conditionals3.2 Chapter 7: Actuality Entailments3.3 Conclusion
3.0 Extensions and Conclusion
PROPOSAL for Blackfoot Circumstantial Modal Claims
. t1=t2= t3
3.1 Chapter 5: Blackfoot Conditionals
3.2 Chapter 7: Actuality Entailments
3.3 Conclusion
Meagan Louie (UBC)
1.0 Introduction2.0 Main Claim
3.0 Extensions and ConclusionsBibiographyReferences
3.1 Chapter 5: Blackfoot Conditionals3.2 Chapter 7: Actuality Entailments3.3 Conclusion
Conclusion
Blackfoot CIRC modal claims have a lot of temporal sensitivity...
i.e., a denotation involves a lot of temporal variables:
t1 temporal perspective timet2 action timet3 prejacent/complement timet4 antecedent timet5 identicality time
Meagan Louie (UBC)
1.0 Introduction2.0 Main Claim
3.0 Extensions and ConclusionsBibiographyReferences
3.1 Chapter 5: Blackfoot Conditionals3.2 Chapter 7: Actuality Entailments3.3 Conclusion
Conclusion: Correlation for Blackfoot CIRC Modals
Ki ann (the end)
tANTECEDENT HOLD TIME, t0
H CIRCUMSTANCE TIME, t1
99999ACTION RUNTIME , t2
lPREJACENT HOLD
TIME, t3
�=�IDENTICALITY TIME, tIDENT
t
Figure 4: Time Correlation for a Blackfoot Circumstantial Claim
Meagan Louie (UBC)
1.0 Introduction2.0 Main Claim
3.0 Extensions and ConclusionsBibiographyReferences
References I
Belnap, Nuel. 1991. Backwards and forwards in the modal logic of agency.Philosophy and Phenomenological Research 51(4). 777–807.
Belnap, Nuel. 1992. Branching space-time. Synthese 92(3). 385–434.
Condoravdi, Cleo. 2002. Temporal Orientation of Modals: Modals for thepresent and modals for the past. In B.Clark D.Beaver, L.Martinez &S. Kaufmann (eds.), The construction of meaning, 59–88.
Copley, Bridget. 2002. The semantics of the future: Massachusetts Institute ofTechnology dissertation.
Copley, Bridget. 2009. The semantics of the future (outstanding dissertationsin linguistics). Routledge, Kindle Edition.
Deo, Ashwini. 2009. Unifying the imperfective and the progressive: partitionsas quantificational domains. Linguistics and philosophy 32(5). 475–521.
Horty, John F. & Nuel Belnap. 1995. The deliberative stit: A study of action,omission, ability and obligation. Journal of Philosophical Logic 24. 583–644.
Meagan Louie (UBC)
1.0 Introduction2.0 Main Claim
3.0 Extensions and ConclusionsBibiographyReferences
References II
Ippolito, Michela. 2003. Presuppositions and implicatures in counterfactuals.Natural Language Semantics 11(2). 145–186.
Kratzer, Angelika. 1977. What ‘must’ and ‘can’ must and can mean.Linguistics and Philosophy 1(3). 337–355.
Kratzer, Angelika. 2012. Modals and conditionals: New and revisedperspectives. Oxford Univ Press.
Portner, Paul. 1998. The progressive in modal semantics. Language 760–787.
Reis Silva, Amelia & Lisa Matthewson. 2008. An Instantaneous Present Tensein Blackfoot. In Amy Rose Deal (ed.), Proceedings of sula iv, UMOP.
Meagan Louie (UBC)
Chapter 5, Part 1: Data Appendix AChapter 5, Part II: Data Appendix B
A1 ×: Ability Modal ohkott-A2 X: Future áak- , "might" aahkamap-A3 ×: Imperfective á-: PROGRESSIVEA4 X:Imperfective á-: GENERIC
The Ability Modal ohkott-
Observation:Ability modal ohkott- fails to license conditionals
Unless there’s an additional modal (eg. Future modal áak-, or"might" aahkama’p-)
Meagan Louie (UBC)
Chapter 5, Part 1: Data Appendix AChapter 5, Part II: Data Appendix B
A1 ×: Ability Modal ohkott-A2 X: Future áak- , "might" aahkamap-A3 ×: Imperfective á-: PROGRESSIVEA4 X:Imperfective á-: GENERIC
The Ability Modal ohkott- can’t License Conditionals
Context:Yesterday, my sister thought she might make bread. Today, we’remeeting for a picnic lunch, and I wonder what she is going to bring. I say:
(15) a. #kam-ikaa-iihkiitaa-siif-perf-bake.vai-sbj:3
napayin,bread,
ii-ohkott-a’pistotaki-waic-able-make.vai-3
po’tstáksin-istsisandwich-0pl
b. kam-ikaa-iihkiitaa-siif-perf-bake.vai-sbj:3
napayin,bread,
áak-ohkott-a’pistotaki-wafut-able-make.vai-3
po’tstáksin-istsisandwich-0pl
“If she’s made bread, she could have made sandwiches."
Meagan Louie (UBC)
Chapter 5, Part 1: Data Appendix AChapter 5, Part II: Data Appendix B
A1 ×: Ability Modal ohkott-A2 X: Future áak- , "might" aahkamap-A3 ×: Imperfective á-: PROGRESSIVEA4 X:Imperfective á-: GENERIC
The Future áak- and "Might" aahkama’p- Modals X
Context: When my brother was very young, his pet frog got sucked upthe filter. We told him the frog went back to live with its family. Twelveyears later, we figure it’s safe to tell him.
(16) a. kam-ssksini-siif-know.vti-sbj:3
anohknow
om-aanist-a’pii-hp-yi3-manner-happen.vii-cj-0
máát-áak-ohtsikii-waatsiksineg-fut-care.about.sthg.vai-3:nonaff.sg
’If he found out what happened now, he wouldn’t care’b. kam-ssksini-si
if-know.vti-sbj:3annohknow
om-aanist-a’pii-hp-yi3-manner-happen.vii-cj-0
aahkama’p-sa-ohtsikiimight-neg-care.about.sthg.vai
’If he found out what happened now, he might not care.’
Meagan Louie (UBC)
Chapter 5, Part 1: Data Appendix AChapter 5, Part II: Data Appendix B
A1 ×: Ability Modal ohkott-A2 X: Future áak- , "might" aahkamap-A3 ×: Imperfective á-: PROGRESSIVEA4 X:Imperfective á-: GENERIC
The Imperfective á-: Progressive and Habitual
Imperfectives require a modal semantics (Portner (1998), Deo (2009))
Imperfective
EventiveProgressive
HabitualGeneric
Q: Does the Blackfoot IMPF license conditionals?
A: Only in its generic/habitual interpretation
Meagan Louie (UBC)
Chapter 5, Part 1: Data Appendix AChapter 5, Part II: Data Appendix B
A1 ×: Ability Modal ohkott-A2 X: Future áak- , "might" aahkamap-A3 ×: Imperfective á-: PROGRESSIVEA4 X:Imperfective á-: GENERIC
The Imperfective á-: Progressive and Habitual
Imperfectives require a modal semantics (Portner (1998), Deo (2009))
Imperfective
EventiveProgressive
HabitualGeneric
Q: Does the Blackfoot IMPF license conditionals?
A: Only in its generic/habitual interpretation
Meagan Louie (UBC)
Chapter 5, Part 1: Data Appendix AChapter 5, Part II: Data Appendix B
A1 ×: Ability Modal ohkott-A2 X: Future áak- , "might" aahkamap-A3 ×: Imperfective á-: PROGRESSIVEA4 X:Imperfective á-: GENERIC
The Progressive Reading of the Imperfective á (Ability)
ContextIt’s my brother’s birthday, and we almost forgot about it. We don’t wantto let it pass without doing anything special, so I suggest:
(17) a. #kam-ohpommaa-inikiif-buy.vai-sbj:loc
owaa-istsi,egg-0pl,
nit-á-ohkott-pisat-ihkiitaa1-impf-able-fancy-bake.vai
Target: "If I buy eggs, I can bake a cake."b. kam-ohpommaa-iniki
if-buy.vai-sbj:locowaa-istsi,egg-0pl,
nit-áak-ohkott-pisat-ihkiitaa1-fut-able-fancy-bake.vai
"If I buy eggs, I can bake a cake."
Meagan Louie (UBC)
Chapter 5, Part 1: Data Appendix AChapter 5, Part II: Data Appendix B
A1 ×: Ability Modal ohkott-A2 X: Future áak- , "might" aahkamap-A3 ×: Imperfective á-: PROGRESSIVEA4 X:Imperfective á-: GENERIC
The Progressive Reading of the Imperfective á (Non-Modal)
ContextMy uncle, who loves to walk but recently broke his leg, got his cast off awhile ago. He’s coming over for dinner, and we’re not sure whether he’swalking over or getting driven. My mom remarks: If his leg is better,he’s walking
(18) #kam-ikaa-sok-a’pii-siif-perf-good-be.vii-sbj:3
o-ohkat-yi,3-leg-0,
á-iksowoo-waimpf-walk.vai-3
“If his leg is better, #he walks."
Meagan Louie (UBC)
Chapter 5, Part 1: Data Appendix AChapter 5, Part II: Data Appendix B
A1 ×: Ability Modal ohkott-A2 X: Future áak- , "might" aahkamap-A3 ×: Imperfective á-: PROGRESSIVEA4 X:Imperfective á-: GENERIC
The Generic Reading of the Imperfective á (Ability)
ContextI find a recipe for an egg-free cake, but it ends poorly. I feebly try todefend my cake making skills by saying
(19) kam-ohpommaa-inikiif-buy.vai-sbj:loc
owaa-istsi,egg-0pl
nit-á-ohkott-(sok-)pisat-ihkiitaa1-impf-able-(good-)fancy-bake.vai
“If I buy eggs, I can make (good) cakes [in general]."
Meagan Louie (UBC)
Chapter 5, Part 1: Data Appendix AChapter 5, Part II: Data Appendix B
A1 ×: Ability Modal ohkott-A2 X: Future áak- , "might" aahkamap-A3 ×: Imperfective á-: PROGRESSIVEA4 X:Imperfective á-: GENERIC
The Generic Reading of the Imperfective á (Non-Modal)
ContextWhenever my baby niece’s diaper is being changed, or she’s beingundressed before a bath, or to be weighed at the doctors, she pees. Wethink the common factor is the cold:
(20) kam-i’niipitsi-si,if-cold.vai-sbj:3,
á-saipiohsi-waimpf-urinate.vai-3
“If she gets cold, she pees."
Meagan Louie (UBC)
Chapter 5, Part 1: Data Appendix AChapter 5, Part II: Data Appendix B
A1 ×: Ability Modal ohkott-A2 X: Future áak- , "might" aahkamap-A3 ×: Imperfective á-: PROGRESSIVEA4 X:Imperfective á-: GENERIC
Modal Restrictions on the Main Clause
Observation: Conditionals require specific main-clause modals
MODAL Environment Main-Clause if-clause Licensed?FUTURE áak-P XMIGHT aahkama’p-P XABILITY ohkott-P ×IMPFEVENT á-P ×IMPFGEN á-P X
Table 9: Licensing "if"-clauses with Main-Clause Modals
→ Semantically characterizable in terms of modal’s temporal orientation
Meagan Louie (UBC)
Chapter 5, Part 1: Data Appendix AChapter 5, Part II: Data Appendix B
Data B1: subjunctive conditionalsData B2: unreal conditionals
Two Types of Blackfoot Conditionals
Two kinds of Blackfoot conditionalssubjunctive conditionalsunreal conditionals
Terms based on clause-type morphology of ANTC clause
Meagan Louie (UBC)
Chapter 5, Part 1: Data Appendix AChapter 5, Part II: Data Appendix B
Data B1: subjunctive conditionalsData B2: unreal conditionals
Two Types of Blackfoot Conditionalssubjunctive conditionals
subjunctive(21) kamsaykamo’saatáíniki
kam-sa-ikamo’saata-inikiif-neg-steal.vta-sbj:1/2
omaom-wadem-3
apasstaaminaamapasstaaminaamapple
nókowaann-okowaan1-stomach
áakitomatapohtakoáak-it-omatap-ohtako-wafut-rl-start-sound.vai-3
’If I don’t steal that apple, my stomach will start sounding.’
Meagan Louie (UBC)
Chapter 5, Part 1: Data Appendix AChapter 5, Part II: Data Appendix B
Data B1: subjunctive conditionalsData B2: unreal conditionals
Two Types of Blackfoot Conditionalsunreal conditionals
unreal(22) nitsíísaykamo’saata’ohtopi
nit-ii-sa-ikamo’saata-ohtopi1-ic-neg-steal.vta-unr
omaom-wadem-3
apasstaaminaamapasstaaminaamapple
nókowaann-okowaan1-stomach
áakitomatapohtakoáak-it-omatap-ohtako-wafut-rl-start-sound.vai-3
’If I hadn’t stolen that apple, my stomach would have startedsounding.’
Meagan Louie (UBC)
Chapter 5, Part 1: Data Appendix AChapter 5, Part II: Data Appendix B
Data B1: subjunctive conditionalsData B2: unreal conditionals
Two Types of Blackfoot ConditionalsEnglish indicative and past-subjunctive conditionals: Some Terminological Issues
Blackfoot subjunctive conditionals English indicative conditionals
If he plays tomorrow, we’ll win.
Blackfoot unreal conditionals English past-subjunctive conditionals
If he had played yesterday/tomorrow, we would have won.
(...but I’ll use past perfect instead of past-subjunctive)
Meagan Louie (UBC)
Chapter 5, Part 1: Data Appendix AChapter 5, Part II: Data Appendix B
Data B1: subjunctive conditionalsData B2: unreal conditionals
Two Types of Blackfoot ConditionalsEnglish indicative and past-subjunctive conditionals: Some Terminological Issues
Blackfoot subjunctive conditionals English indicative conditionals
If he plays tomorrow, we’ll win.
Blackfoot unreal conditionals English past-subjunctive conditionals
If he had played yesterday/tomorrow, we would have won.
(...but I’ll use past perfect instead of past-subjunctive)
Meagan Louie (UBC)
Chapter 5, Part 1: Data Appendix AChapter 5, Part II: Data Appendix B
Data B1: subjunctive conditionalsData B2: unreal conditionals
Two Types of Blackfoot ConditionalsEnglish indicative and past-subjunctive conditionals: Some Terminological Issues
Blackfoot subjunctive conditionals English indicative conditionals
If he plays tomorrow, we’ll win.
Blackfoot unreal conditionals English past-subjunctive conditionals
If he had played yesterday/tomorrow, we would have won.
(...but I’ll use past perfect instead of past-subjunctive)
Meagan Louie (UBC)
Chapter 5, Part 1: Data Appendix AChapter 5, Part II: Data Appendix B
Data B1: subjunctive conditionalsData B2: unreal conditionals
The Distribution of subjunctive Conditionals
Blackfoot subjunctive conditionals
Like English indicative conditionals
...are used to hypothesize about future events:
Meagan Louie (UBC)
Chapter 5, Part 1: Data Appendix AChapter 5, Part II: Data Appendix B
Data B1: subjunctive conditionalsData B2: unreal conditionals
Future-Oriented Antecedents (Epistemic Uncertainty)XCONTEXTWhen my brother was very young, his pet frog got sucked up the filter.Because he was a very sensitive child, we told him the frog went back tolive with its family. Twelve years later, we figure it’s safe to tell him now.
(23) kamsskssiniisikam-ssksini-siif-know.vti-sbj:3
annohkanohknow
omáánista’pihpiom-aanist-a’pii-hp-yi3-manner-happen.vii-cj-0
máátáakohtsikííwaatsiksmáát-áak-ohtsikii-waatsiksineg-fut-care.about.sthg.vai-3:nonaff.sg
’If he found out what happened now, he wouldn’t care’
subjunctiveXMeagan Louie (UBC)
Chapter 5, Part 1: Data Appendix AChapter 5, Part II: Data Appendix B
Data B1: subjunctive conditionalsData B2: unreal conditionals
Future-Oriented Antecedents (Epistemic Uncertainty)XCONTEXTI am getting revenge on my brother. I have smeared vaseline all over thetoilet seat so that he has a surprise when he sits down. My sister isdubious about my plan and asks me how I plan to make sure he goes tothe bathroom. I figure I have this covered, because my brother ishilariously lactose-intolerant.
(24) kamsskai’ssimiísikam-sska’-simi-siif-extreme-drink.vai-sbj:3
ónnikis,onnikis,milk,
áakotoisapiohsiáak-oto-isapiohsifut-go.to-have.the.runs.vai
’If he drinks a lot of milk, he will have the runs.’
subjunctiveXMeagan Louie (UBC)
Chapter 5, Part 1: Data Appendix AChapter 5, Part II: Data Appendix B
Data B1: subjunctive conditionalsData B2: unreal conditionals
The Distribution of subjunctive Conditionals
But Blackfoot subjunctive conditionals
Unlike English indicative conditionals
...aren’t used to hypothesize about possible past events:
Meagan Louie (UBC)
Chapter 5, Part 1: Data Appendix AChapter 5, Part II: Data Appendix B
Data B1: subjunctive conditionalsData B2: unreal conditionals
Past-Oriented Antecedents (Epistemic Uncertainty) ×CONTEXTMy sister was running in a race yesterday. I haven’t heard whether shewon or not yet, but I hope she did, because if she won, we’ll eat cake tocelebrate.
(25) #kamomo’tsaakisikam-omo’tsaaki-siif-win.vai-sbj:3
matónnimatonniyesterday
nitáakitsoyihpinnaannit-áak-it-Ioyi-hpinnaan1-fut-rl-eat.vai-1pl.incl
pisátsskiitaanpisatsskiitaancake
’Target: If she won yesterday, we will eat cake.’
→ Sounds like “#If she wins yesterday, we will eat cake."
subjunctive×Meagan Louie (UBC)
Chapter 5, Part 1: Data Appendix AChapter 5, Part II: Data Appendix B
Data B1: subjunctive conditionalsData B2: unreal conditionals
Past-Oriented Antecedents (Epistemic Uncertainty) ×You have to use either an unreal conditional:
CONTEXTMy sister was running in a race yesterday. I haven’t heard whether shewon or not yet, but I hope she did, because if she won, we’ll eat cake tocelebrate.
(26) íímotsaaki’ohtopiii-omo’tsaaki-ohtopiic-win.vai-unr
matónnimatonniyesterday
nitáakitsoyihpinnaannit-áak-it-Ioyi-hpinnaan1-fut-rl-eat.vai-1pl.incl
pisátsskiitaanpisatsskiitaancake
’If she won yesterday, we will eat cake.’
unrealX(Can also mean “If she had won yesterday, we would have eatencake.")
Meagan Louie (UBC)
Chapter 5, Part 1: Data Appendix AChapter 5, Part II: Data Appendix B
Data B1: subjunctive conditionalsData B2: unreal conditionals
Present Perfect Antecedents (Epistemic Uncertainty)XOr use perfect morphology ikaa- to hypothesize about a present perfect:
CONTEXTWe aren’t sure if Martina is at the department or not. I saw her earlier,but maybe she’s left campus since then. I do know, however, thatMartina always locks her office before she leaves, so I can find out thatway, whether or not she left.
(27) a. #annahkannahkdem
MMM
kamomatoosikam-omatoo-siif-leave.vai-sbj:3
’If Martina left....’
b. annahkannahkdem
MMM
kamikoomatoosikam-ikaa-omatoo-siif-perf-leave.vai-sbj:3
’If Martina has left....’
omiomidem
otsita’potakihpiot-ita’potakihpi3-workplace
áakitapiyookimáak-itapiyooki-mfut-lock.vti-3>0
ohkitsimo-kitsim3-door
’...her office, she will have locked her door.’ subjunctiveXMeagan Louie (UBC)
Chapter 5, Part 1: Data Appendix AChapter 5, Part II: Data Appendix B
Data B1: subjunctive conditionalsData B2: unreal conditionals
The Distribution of subjunctive Conditionals
Blackfoot subjunctive conditionals
can hypothesize about present in-progress events
Meagan Louie (UBC)
Chapter 5, Part 1: Data Appendix AChapter 5, Part II: Data Appendix B
Data B1: subjunctive conditionalsData B2: unreal conditionals
Present Progressive Antecedents (Epistemic Uncertainty) X
CONTEXTMeagan is such a bad dancer that watching her dance should be avoidedat all costs. Beatrice is walking into a party, and tells herself:
(28) kamáíhpiyisi,kam-á-ihpiyi-si,if-impf-dance.vai-sbj:3,
nitáakomatapoonit-áak-omatapoo1-fut-leave.vai
’If she’s dancing, I’m gonna go.’
subjunctiveX
Meagan Louie (UBC)
Chapter 5, Part 1: Data Appendix AChapter 5, Part II: Data Appendix B
Data B1: subjunctive conditionalsData B2: unreal conditionals
Present Progressive Antecedents (Epistemic Uncertainty) X
CONTEXTAmelia has tricked me into thinking that our term paper has to be 50pages long. Last she saw, I was writing frantically.
(29) annahkannahkdem
MeaganMeaganMeagan
kamsakiaisinaakisi,kam-sa:ki-a-sinaaki-si,if-still-?impf-write.vai-sbj:3,
annahkannahkdem
AmeliaAmeliaAmelia
áaksstonnatsikahsi’takiáak-sstonnat-ikahsi’taki-wafut-really-laugh.vai-3
’If Meagan is still writing, Amelia will really laugh’
subjunctiveXMeagan Louie (UBC)
Chapter 5, Part 1: Data Appendix AChapter 5, Part II: Data Appendix B
Data B1: subjunctive conditionalsData B2: unreal conditionals
The Distribution of subjunctive Conditionals
Blackfoot subjunctive conditionals
can also hypothesize about present states
Meagan Louie (UBC)
Chapter 5, Part 1: Data Appendix AChapter 5, Part II: Data Appendix B
Data B1: subjunctive conditionalsData B2: unreal conditionals
Present Stative Antecedents (Counterfactual)XCONTEXTWe’re discussing clichés, and I reason that pigs are so heavy that if theyhad wings, they wouldn’t be able to fly anymore than ostriches can.
(30) áíksiniksiaiksini-iksipig-pl
kamóminníísakam-ominnii-si-yaaif-have-wings.vai-3:sbj-3pl
máátáksaakyohkottsipawanííwaiksaamáát-áak-sa:ki-ohkott-ipawaani-waiksaaneg-fut-still-able-fly.vai-nonaff:3pl
’If pigs had wings, they still would not be able to fly’
subjunctiveXMeagan Louie (UBC)
Chapter 5, Part 1: Data Appendix AChapter 5, Part II: Data Appendix B
Data B1: subjunctive conditionalsData B2: unreal conditionals
subjunctive Conditionals: The Generalisation
OBSERVATION:subjunctive conditionals place a restriction on their ANTC clause:
Antecedent Property is ↓: subjunctive conditional
Future
Past PFV
Present Perfect
Present IMPF
Present Stative
X
×
X
X
X
→ The ANTC property has to be evaluable wrt. the instantaneous UT
Meagan Louie (UBC)
Chapter 5, Part 1: Data Appendix AChapter 5, Part II: Data Appendix B
Data B1: subjunctive conditionalsData B2: unreal conditionals
subjunctive Conditionals: The Generalisation
OBSERVATION:subjunctive conditionals place a restriction on their ANTC clause:
Antecedent Property is ↓: subjunctive conditional
Present Prospective
Past PFV
Present Perfect
Present IMPF
Present Stative
X
×
X
X
X
→ The ANTC property has to be evaluable wrt. the instantaneous UT
Meagan Louie (UBC)
Chapter 5, Part 1: Data Appendix AChapter 5, Part II: Data Appendix B
Data B1: subjunctive conditionalsData B2: unreal conditionals
The Distribution of unreal Conditionals
Blackfoot unreal conditionals
like English past perfect conditionals
are used to talk about about unrealized past events:
Meagan Louie (UBC)
Chapter 5, Part 1: Data Appendix AChapter 5, Part II: Data Appendix B
Data B1: subjunctive conditionalsData B2: unreal conditionals
Past-Oriented Antecedents (Unrealized)
CONTEXTWhen my brother was very young, his pet frog got sucked up the filter.Because he was a very sensitive child, we told him the frog went back tolive with its family. If we had told him then, he would have been veryupset.
(31) iisskssiniiohtopiii-ssksiniM-ohtopiic-know.vti-unr
annihkannihkthen
omáánista’pihpiom-aanist-a’pii-hp-yi3-manner-happen.vii-cj-0
áaksikohtsawahsi’takiáak-ikaa-oht-saw-yaahs-i’takifut-perf-source-neg-good-feel.vai
’If he had known what happened at that time, it would havemade him feel really bad.’
unrealXMeagan Louie (UBC)
Chapter 5, Part 1: Data Appendix AChapter 5, Part II: Data Appendix B
Data B1: subjunctive conditionalsData B2: unreal conditionals
Past-Oriented Antecedents (Unrealized)
CONTEXTI stole and ate my sister’s apple, but failed to get rid of all of theevidence, and got busted. But I’m unrepentant:
(32) nitsíísaykamo’saata’ohtopinit-ii-sa-ikamo’saata-ohtopi1-ic-neg-steal.vta-unr
omaom-wadem-3
apasstaaminaamapasstaaminaamapple
nókowaann-okowaan1-stomach
áakitomatapohtakoáak-it-omatap-ohtako-wafut-rl-start-sound.vai-3
’If I hadn’t stolen that apple, my stomach would’ve startedsounding.’
unrealXMeagan Louie (UBC)
Chapter 5, Part 1: Data Appendix AChapter 5, Part II: Data Appendix B
Data B1: subjunctive conditionalsData B2: unreal conditionals
The Distribution of unreal Conditionals
But Blackfoot unreal conditionals
unlike English past perfect conditionals
are used to talk about about possible past events:
Meagan Louie (UBC)
Chapter 5, Part 1: Data Appendix AChapter 5, Part II: Data Appendix B
Data B1: subjunctive conditionalsData B2: unreal conditionals
Past-Oriented Antecedents (Epistemic Uncertainty)XCONTEXTMy sister was running in a race yesterday. I haven’t heard whether she won ornot yet, but I hope she did, because if she won, we’ll eat cake to celebrate.
(33) a. #kamomo’tsaakisikam-omo’tsaaki-siif-win.vai-sbj:3
matónnimatonniyesterday
’#If she wins yesterday....’
b. íímotsaaki’ohtopiii-omo’tsaaki-ohtopiic-win.vai-unr
matónnimatonniyesterday
’If she won yesterday....’
nitáakitsoyihpinnaannit-áak-it-Ioyi-hpinnaan1-fut-rl-eat.vai-1pl.incl
pisátsskiitaanpisatsskiitaancake
’..we will eat cake’
unrealXMeagan Louie (UBC)
Chapter 5, Part 1: Data Appendix AChapter 5, Part II: Data Appendix B
Data B1: subjunctive conditionalsData B2: unreal conditionals
The Distribution of unreal Conditionals
Note that the distribution of unreal conditionals isn’t as simple as beingrestricted to hypothesizing about past events!
Blackfoot unreal conditionals
unlike Blackfoot subjunctive conditionals
aren’t restricted wrt. their ANTC’s temporal interpretation:
Meagan Louie (UBC)
Chapter 5, Part 1: Data Appendix AChapter 5, Part II: Data Appendix B
Data B1: subjunctive conditionalsData B2: unreal conditionals
Future-Oriented Antecedents (Unrealizable)
CONTEXTMy brother is participating in a contest, and brags that he will buy lots offood with the prize money. I think this is a waste of prize-money, andeven though I’m not a contestant, I speculate on what I would buy withthe prize-money.
(34) nitsíímo’tsaakyo’ohtopi,nit-ii-omo’tsaaki-ohtopi,1-ic-win.vai-unr,
nitáakohpommnit-áak-ohpommaa1-fut-buy.vai
ponokáómitaaponoka-aomitaaelk-dog
’If I should win, I would buy a horse ’
unrealXMeagan Louie (UBC)
Chapter 5, Part 1: Data Appendix AChapter 5, Part II: Data Appendix B
Data B1: subjunctive conditionalsData B2: unreal conditionals
Present-Oriented Antecedents (Unrealized)
CONTEXTWe’re discussing clichés, and I reason that pigs are so heavy that if theyhad wings, they wouldn’t be able to fly anymore than ostriches can.
(35) áíksiniksiaiksini-iksipig-pl
imínni’ihtopi,ii-ominnii-htopi,if-have-wings.vai-unr
máátáksaakyohkottsipawanííwaiksaa,máát-áak-sa:ki-ohkott-ipawaani-waiksaaneg-fut-still-able-fly.vai-nonaff:3pl
’If pigs had wings, they still would not be able to fly’
unrealX
Meagan Louie (UBC)
Chapter 5, Part 1: Data Appendix AChapter 5, Part II: Data Appendix B
Data B1: subjunctive conditionalsData B2: unreal conditionals
The Distribution of unreal Conditionals
There are no restrictions on the temporal interpretation of unrealantecedents:
Antecedent Property is ↓: unreal conditional
Future/Prospective (unrealized)
Past PFV (unrealized/possible)
Present Stative (unrealized)
X
X
X
Meagan Louie (UBC)
Chapter 5, Part 1: Data Appendix AChapter 5, Part II: Data Appendix B
Data B1: subjunctive conditionalsData B2: unreal conditionals
The Distribution of unreal Conditionals
Q: Where CAN’T an unreal conditional be used?
A: (i) Speculating about a possible future event(ii) Speculating about a possible present state
Meagan Louie (UBC)
Chapter 5, Part 1: Data Appendix AChapter 5, Part II: Data Appendix B
Data B1: subjunctive conditionalsData B2: unreal conditionals
The Distribution of unreal Conditionals
Q: Where CAN’T an unreal conditional be used?A: (i) Speculating about a possible future event(ii) Speculating about a possible present state
Meagan Louie (UBC)
Chapter 5, Part 1: Data Appendix AChapter 5, Part II: Data Appendix B
Data B1: subjunctive conditionalsData B2: unreal conditionals
Future-Oriented Antecedents (Possible)
CONTEXTMy sister has been cultivating these apples which look really delicious. Iknow she doesn’t want them to be eaten yet, but I’m really hungry...
(36) #nitsíísaykamo’saata’ohtopinit-ii-sa-ikamo’saata-ohtopi1-ic-neg-steal.vta-unr
’If I hadn’t stolen...’
omaom-wadem-3
apasstaaminaamapasstaaminaamapple
nókowaann-okowaan1-stomach
áakitomatapohtakoáak-it-omatap-ohtako-wafut-rl-start-sound.vai-3
’...that apple, my stomach would have started sounding.’
Possible Future Event → unreal×Meagan Louie (UBC)
Chapter 5, Part 1: Data Appendix AChapter 5, Part II: Data Appendix B
Data B1: subjunctive conditionalsData B2: unreal conditionals
Future-Oriented Antecedents (Possible)
CONTEXTI am getting revenge on my brother, and have to make sure he goes tothe bathroom. I figure I have this covered, because my brother ishilariously lactose-intolerant.
(37) #iisimiohtopiii-simi-ohtopiic-drink.vai-unr
ónnikis,onnikis,milk,
áakotoisapiohsiáak-oto-isapiohsifut-go.to-have.the.runs.vai
’If had drunk milk, he would have had the runs.’
Possible Future Event → unreal×
Meagan Louie (UBC)
Chapter 5, Part 1: Data Appendix AChapter 5, Part II: Data Appendix B
Data B1: subjunctive conditionalsData B2: unreal conditionals
Present-Oriented Antecedents (Possible)
CONTEXTMy dog is whining at you, and you ask me if you should feed him. Since my dogis unhealthily obsese, I tell you: TARGET: If he’s hungry, you should feed him.
(38) #ísttso’kiniihtopi,isttso’kini-ohtopi,hungry.vai-unr,
kitáakoohksíísowakit-áak-noohk-yiiso-a-wafut-c.exp-feed.vta-1:3-3
’#If he had been hungry, you should feed him’
(39) kamísttso’kinisi,isttso’kini-si,hungry.vai-sbj:3,
kitáakoohksíísowakit-áak-noohk-yiiso-a-wafut-c.exp-feed.vta-1:3-3
’If he’s hungry, you should feed him.’
Possible Present State → unreal×Meagan Louie (UBC)
Chapter 5, Part 1: Data Appendix AChapter 5, Part II: Data Appendix B
Data B1: subjunctive conditionalsData B2: unreal conditionals
The Distribution of unreal Conditionals
ANTC Property is ↓: unreal conditional
Past PFV (counterfactual)
Future/Prospective(counterfactual)
Present Stative (counterfactual)
X
X
XANTC Property is ↓: unreal conditional
Past PFV (possible)
Future/Prospective (possible)
Present Stative (possible)
X××
When p(Utt-T) is compatible with the current belief state, ×Meagan Louie (UBC)
Chapter 5, Part 1: Data Appendix AChapter 5, Part II: Data Appendix B
Data B1: subjunctive conditionalsData B2: unreal conditionals
The Distribution of unreal Conditionals
ANTC Property is ↓: unreal conditional
Past PFV (counterfactual)
PresentProspective(counterfactual)
Present Stative (counterfactual)
X
X
XANTC Property is ↓: unreal conditional
Past PFV (possible)
Present Prospective(possible)
Present Stative(possible)
X××
When p(Utt-T) is compatible with the current belief state, ×unreal
Meagan Louie (UBC)
Chapter 5, Part 1: Data Appendix AChapter 5, Part II: Data Appendix B
Data B1: subjunctive conditionalsData B2: unreal conditionals
The Distribution of unreal Conditionals
ANTC Property is ↓: unreal conditional
Past PFV (counterfactual)
PresentProspective(counterfactual)
Present Stative (counterfactual)
X
X
XANTC Property is ↓: unreal conditional
Past PFV (possible)
Present Prospective(possible)
Present Stative(possible)
X××
When p(Utt-T) is compatible with the current belief state, ×unreal
Meagan Louie (UBC)