The Temporal Semantics of Action and Circumstance in Blackfoot (Nov. 26th, Defense Slides)

1.0 Introduction2.0 Main Claim

3.0 Extensions and ConclusionsBibiographyReferences

The Temporal Semantics of Action andCircumstance in Blackfoot

Meagan Louie (UBC)

Defense, November 26th, 2014

Meagan Louie (UBC)



Acknowledgements

I couldn’t have done this without my amazing committee, Lisa Matthewson,Hotze Rullmann, and Martina Wiltschko. Thanks also to my fellow Blackfootresearchers, Amelia Reis Silva, Heather Bliss, Solveiga Armoskaite, JoelDunham, Natalie Weber and Abigail Scott, who is also part of another group ofpeople I want to thank, my cohort: Pat Littell, Chenhao Chiu, Analia Gutiérrez,Masaki Noguchi, Scott Mackie, Audra Vincent, and Ruby Arkoh. Rose-MarieDéchaine, Henry Davis and Doug Pulleyblank were also crucial influences in mebecoming the linguist I am today.

And of course, the person who has given me the most important parts of mydissertation, my amazing consultant who doesn’t even bat an eye when Ipresent her with clauses embedded inside clauses embedded inside conditionalantecedents, Beatrice Bullshields: kitsáysspommokihtopi ,nimáátáaksiksistssinai’paatsiksi. Níítsiikohtaahsi’taki.

Meagan Louie (UBC)



Introduction: Circumstantial Modals

Inferences about how the future may unfold are often expressed withcircumstantal modal claims:

(1) a. Kim might buy a ticket.b. Kim can buy a ticket.c. Kim will buy a ticket.

Kratzer (1977, 2012) on (1b): Quantification Over Worlds

There is a world, w’,. compatible with Kim’s circumstances,. such that Kim buys a ticket in that world.

Meagan Louie (UBC)



Introduction: Circumstantial Modals and Time

Condoravdi (2002), Ippolito (2003), Copley (2002, 2009):

→ Circumstantial modal claims are sensitive to time.

There is a world, w’,. compatible with Kim’s circumstances at time t1,. where Kim buys a ticket in w’. at a (possibly different) time t2.

Meagan Louie (UBC)



Two-Component AnalysisComponent 1: Quantification Over Actions

BUT what about this BASIC INTUITION?

The way the future unfolds depends not only on(i) the circumstances surrounding us, but also(ii) on the actions we take

My Proposal: The way that we grammatically express futureinferences1 should likewise depend on actions

1i.e., The semantics of circumstantial modal claimsMeagan Louie (UBC)



Introduction: Dramatis Personae: Blackfoot CIRC Modals

1. áak-“will",2. aahkama’p- “might"3. Ability modal ohkott-4. The imperfective á-5. The "deontic" sstsina’-

There is an ACTION, a, available to Kim, such that all worlds. (i) compatible with Kim’s circumstances at time t1,. (ii) with instantiations of that action. . are worlds where Kim buys a ticket in w’. . at a (possibly different) time t2.

Meagan Louie (UBC)



Two-Component AnalysisComponent 2: (Lack of) Quantification Over Times

What about THIS OTHER basic intuition?

There is a world, w’,. compatible with Kim’s circumstances at time t1,. where Kim buys a ticket in w’. at a (possibly different) time t2.

→ And t1 precedes t2

Meagan Louie (UBC)



Two-Component AnalysisComponent 2: (Lack of) Quantification Over Times

My Proposal: This intuition is misleading.

Even though Blackfoot uses circumstantial modals to express .inferences about the future, they have no inherent future semantics.

i.e., t1=t2= t3, where. t1= circumstance/temporal perspective time. t2= action time. t3 = prejacent/complement/event time

Meagan Louie (UBC)



Two-Component AnalysisSummary

The meanings of áak-, aahkama’p- and ohkott-

1. Introduce quantification over actions, and2. Correlate t1=t2= t3 (i.e., don’t quantify over times)

H CIRCUMSTANCE TIME, t1

99999ACTION RUNTIME, t2

lPREJACENT HOLD TIME, t3

t1= t2= t3

Figure 1: Time Correlation for a Blackfoot Circumstantial Claim Time:

Meagan Louie (UBC)



Roadmap

The temporal component of the analysis links all of the chapterstogether; I focus on those parts of each chapter:

1 Section 1: Introduction

2 Section 2: Brief Overview of Chapters 6, 4. → Deal with the claim that t1=t2= t3

3 Section 3: Briefer Overview of Chapters 5, 7, and Conclusion. → Deal with extensions of the claim that t1=t2= t3

Meagan Louie (UBC)



2.1 Chapter 6: Coincident and Prospective Temporal Orientations2.2 Chapter 4: Restrictions on Temporal Perspective and Agency

2.0 Main Claim

PROPOSAL for Blackfoot Circumstantial Modal Claims

. t1=t2= t3

2.1 Chapter 6: Coincident and Prospective Temporal Orientations

2.2 Chapter 4: Restrictions on Temporal Perspective Time and Agency

Meagan Louie (UBC)




Coincident Temporal Orientation: t1=t2= t3

Q: If t1=t2= t3, what about the data in (2)?

(2) a. áaksspiyiáak-ihpiyi-wa

"She will dance."b. aahkama’pihpiyi

aahkama’p-ihpiyi-wa

"She might dance."

→ These seems like claims based on current circumstances. about a future dancing event.

Meagan Louie (UBC)




Coincident Temporal Orientation: t1=t2= t3

Q: If t1=t2= t3, what about the data in (3)?

(3) a. áaksspiyiáak-ihpiyi-wa

"She will dance."b. aahkama’pihpiyi

aahkama’p-ihpiyi-wa

"She might dance."

MY OBSERVATION:. This only happens systematically for eventive complements

Meagan Louie (UBC)




The TO of áak- and aahkama’p-: Lexical Statives

CONTEXT

My mom is babysitting my niece while my sister goes grocery shop-ping with me. My sister checks her watch and starts rushing ushome because my niece is still nursing and it’s time for her feeding.She says:

(4) annaannadem

KaiaKaiaKaia

áaksisttso’kiniáak-isttso’kini-wafut-hungry.vai-3

annohkannohknow

‘Kaia will be hungry by now.’

Meagan Louie (UBC)




The TO of áak- and aahkama’p-: Imperfective Statives

CONTEXT

There’s a secret society, whose initiation process is secret. Butrumours suggest that it involves a midnight run along Wreck Beach.Heather is being initiated into the secret society tonight, and Icheck my watch and see it’s midnight. I know she’ll never revealthe secret initiation process, so I’ll never know for sure, but I figure:

(5) annohkannohknow

áakitáókska’siáak-it-á-okska’si-wafut-rl-impf-run.vai-3

omiomidem

WreckWreckWreck

BeachBeachBeach

‘She’ll be running on Wreck Beach right now.’

Meagan Louie (UBC)




The TO of áak- and aahkama’p-: Perfect Statives

CONTEXT

I told my sister I was going to bake a cake during the afternoon.In the evening, she’s coming over and she’s thinking excitedly:

(6) áaksikaipisatsskiitaaáak-ikaa-pisat-ihkiitaa-wafut-perf-fancy-bake.vai-3

‘She will have made cake.’

Meagan Louie (UBC)




Hypothesis 1 t1≺ t2 VS Hypothesis 2 t1=t3

Stative complements can yield claims about present situations

áak-’s complement: Eventive StativePresent Reading × XFuture Reading X X

Table 1: áak-’s Allowed Temporal Orientations

H1: Present-oriented readings surprising if áak- was inherently future

H2: If áak- has no inherent future semantics (i.e., t1=t2= t3 ),. present-oriented readings expected

Meagan Louie (UBC)




Hypothesis t1=t3

Systematic future-shifting with eventive predicates due to

(i) The presence of a null prospective aspect, ∅PROSP

(ii) Reis Silva & Matthewson (2008)’s system for BF tense and aspect

Reis Silva & Matthewson (2008)

BF present tense, tNOW, is instantaneous

Eventive predicates are inherently dynamic and thereforeincompatible with instants

Stative (or stativized) predicates are compatible with instants

Meagan Louie (UBC)




Hypothesis t1=t3

Deriving Systematic Future Interpretations

1 Given the present temporal perspective (t1=tNOW) of (2)

2 A bare eventive complement, P, is incompatible with tNOW

3 → So P must be interpreted as having been modified by a stativizingprospective aspect

A PFV interpretation is not stativizing. (and therefore also incompatible with tNOW)

Perfect ikaa- and imperfective á- have overt morphological forms

Meagan Louie (UBC)




Independent Evidence for a Null Prospective Aspect

1 The optional future interpretation of áak-PSTATIVE predicates2 The future interpretation of (aspectually bare) conditional antecedents

Meagan Louie (UBC)




2.0 Main Claim


. t1=t2= t3

2.1 Chapter 6: Coincident and Prospective Temporal Orientations

2.2 Chapter 4: Restrictions on Temporal Perspective Time and Agency

Meagan Louie (UBC)




Actions and Agency

Observation I: CIRC modal claims in Blackfoot fall into two temporalcategories with respect to the range of temporal perspectives allowed:

PAST PRESáak-P X Xaahkama’p-P X Xohkott-P-unmarked X ×-imperfective X X

Table 2: Range of Temporal Perspective: Eventive and Stative Categories

Meagan Louie (UBC)




áak-: Present Temporal Perspective (t1=PRESENT tNOW)

CONTEXT

We’re planning to take the train to Whistler, and I’m checking thetrain schedules, because it doesn’t leave every day. I see that itleaves tomorrow, and tell you: The train leaves tomorrow.

(7) áakomatapooáak-omatap-oofut-begin.to-go.vai

apinákosiapinákositomorrow

‘It will leave tomorrow’ PRESENT

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áak-: Past Temporal Perspective (t1=PAST)

CONTEXT

My dad surprised my mom with a getaway weekend at a cottage.Because my mom is incurably nosy, and my dad is not the stealthi-est person, we’re discussing how lucky my dad was in pulling it off,because there are many ways my mom could have found out.

(8) iisáámii’ihtopiii-saami-ohtopiic-look.at.vai-unr

omiom-yidem-0

iihtáípoyoo’piihtaipoyo’pphone

áakohkoisskssinimáak-ohkoissksini-m-wafut-find.out.vti-loc:3-3

‘If she had taken a look at the phone, she would have found out.’ PAST

Meagan Louie (UBC)




ohkott-: Past Temporal Perspective (t1 6=tNOW)

(9) a. iihkottsspiyiii-ohkott-ihpiyi-waic-able-dance.vai-3‘He was able to dance.’ 6= ‘He is able to dance.’

b. áóhkottsspiyiá-ohkott-ihpiyi-waimpf-able-dance.vai-3‘He can/is able to dance.’ PRESENT

Meagan Louie (UBC)




ohkott-: Past Temporal Perspective (t1 6=tNOW)

CONTEXT

Because my brother is so voracious in his appetite, he’s quite a bitheavier than when he was younger. This has affected his hobbies.“When he was young, he was able to dance (but now he’s too fat)."

(10) otáínaksstsitsiot-á-inak-istsitsi3-impf-small-be.vai

áóhkottsspiyiá-ohkott-ihpiyi-waimpf-able-dance.vai-3

‘When he was small, he could dance.’ PAST

Meagan Louie (UBC)




Actions and Agency: Agency

Observation II: CIRC modal claims in Blackfoot fall into two categorieswith respect to the range of complements they accept:

Agentive Non-Agentiveáak-P X Xaahkama’p-P X Xohkott-P X ×

Table 3: Range of Complements: Agentive and Non-Agentive Complements

→ Ability modal ohkott- requires agentive complements

Meagan Louie (UBC)




áak- aahkama’p-, can take Non-Agentive Complements

sootaa- "rain," a non-agentive predicate

(11) a. áaksootaaáak-sootaa-wafut-rain.vai-3‘It will rain.’

b. aahkama’psootaaaahkama’p-sootaa-wamight-rain.vai-3‘It might rain.’

Meagan Louie (UBC)




ohkott- requires an Agentive Complement

sootaa- "rain," a non-agentive predicate

(12) a. #áóhkottsootaaá-ohkott-sootaa-waimpf-able-rain.vai-3‘It can/couldrain.’

b. #iihkottsootaaii-ohkott-sootaa-waic-able-rain.vai-3‘It was able torain.’

Meagan Louie (UBC)




Two Observations

1 áak- and aahkama’p- : wider range of temporal perspectives

PAST PRESáak-P X Xaahkama’p-P X Xohkott-P X ×

Table 4: Range of Temporal Perspective: Eventive and Stative Categories

2 áak- and aahkama’p- : wider range of complements

Agentive Non-Agentiveáak-P X Xaahkama’p-P X Xohkott-P X ×

Table 5: Range of Complements: Agentive and Non-Agentive Complements

Meagan Louie (UBC)




Proposal: Observation I and II aren’t Coincidental

The ability modal ohkott-’s agentivity requirement results in ohkott-’srestricted temporal perspective (t1)

I model AGENCY as an interaction between actions and times

Adapted from Belnap (1991), Belnap (1992), Horty & Belnap (1995)

STIT Framework: The agent x, "sees to it that" P

Meagan Louie (UBC)





I propose an agentivity operator v stit

v stit (P,x, w,t) =1 iff

There’s an action, a, that x can initiate at the beginning of t,such that

(i) All of the worlds with instantiations of that action, areP-worlds by the end of t, and

(ii) There’s at least one world without an instantiation of thataction, which is a not-P world at the end of t.

. (x non-vacuously guarantees that P, by mean of an action)

This requires that t is an interval - i.e., not instantaneous

Meagan Louie (UBC)





I propose an agentivity operator v stit

v stit (P,x, w,t) =1 iffThere’s an action, a, that x can initiate at the beginning of t,such that

(i) All of the worlds with instantiations of that action, areP-worlds by the end of t, and

(ii) There’s at least one world without an instantiation of thataction, which is a not-P world at the end of t.

. (x non-vacuously guarantees that P, by mean of an action)

This requires that t is an interval - i.e., not instantaneous

Meagan Louie (UBC)





If ohkott-’s complement is necessarily agentive, then the prejacenttime, t3 must be an interval

This means the temporal perspective time,t1, must be an interval

And because Blackfoot’s present tense, tNOW, is not an interval...

... ohkott- has to take a PAST temporal perspective.

Meagan Louie (UBC)



3.1 Chapter 5: Blackfoot Conditionals3.2 Chapter 7: Actuality Entailments3.3 Conclusion

3.0 Extensions and Conclusion


. t1=t2= t3

3.1 Chapter 5: Blackfoot Conditionals

3.2 Chapter 7: Actuality Entailments

3.3 Conclusion

Meagan Louie (UBC)




Chapter Five: Blackfoot Conditionals

CONDITIONAL

"If-clause"antecedent

Main Clauseconsequent

(13) kamsskssiniisikam-ssksini-siif-know.vti-sbj:3

annohkannohknow

omáánista’pihpiom-aanist-a’pii-hp-yi3-manner-happen.vii-cj-0

máátáakohtsikííwaatsiksmáát-áak-ohtsikii-waatsiksineg-fut-care.about.sthg.vai-3:nonaff.sg

’If he found out what happened now, he wouldn’t care’

Meagan Louie (UBC)




Blackfoot Conditionals: Antecedent

tANTECEDENT HOLD TIME

t0

H CIRCUMSTANCE TIME,

t1

99999ACTION RUNTIME

t2

lPREJACENT HOLD TIME

t3

t0= t1= t2= t3

(Where circumstance time = Temporal Perspective Time)

Figure 2: Correlation of times for a Blackfoot Circumstantial Conditional

Meagan Louie (UBC)





MODAL Environment CNSQ if-clause Licensed?FUTURE áak-P XMIGHT aahkama’p-P XABILITY ohkott-P ×IMPFEPISODIC impf-P ×IMPFGEN impf-P X

Table 6: Licensing Ontic Conditionals with Modals

Meagan Louie (UBC)





SBJ ANTC UNR ANTC(i)↓ (ii)→ Possible CFAC Possible CFACPast × × X XPresent X X × XFuture X X × X

Table 7: (i) Temporal and (ii) Epistemic Restrictions on Ontic Antecedents

Meagan Louie (UBC)






. t1=t2= t3



3.3 Conclusion

Meagan Louie (UBC)




Chapter 7: Actuality Entailments

CONTEXT

My uncle is good at drawing portraits, and he had the opportunityto draw my mom’s portrait, but he decided not to

(14) #iihkottsinayii∅-ohkott-sina-yii-waPFV-able-draw.vta-3:3’-prox“He was able to draw her."BB: Sounds like he drew her.

→ A temporally-constrained IDENTICALITY CONDITION for AEs

Meagan Louie (UBC)





�=�IDENTICALITY TIME

tIDENT

H CIRCUMSTANCE TIME,

t1

99999ACTION RUNTIME

t2

lPREJACENT HOLD TIME

t3

tIDENT= t1= t2= t3

(Where circumstance time = Temporal Perspective Time)

Figure 3: Time Correlation for a Blackfoot Circumstantial claim: WithIdenticality Requirement

Meagan Louie (UBC)





CONTEXTS ↓ pfv-ohkott-P impf-ohkott-P fut-ohkott-PContext A:. ×Previous Instance × × X. XFuture InstanceContext B:. XPrevious Instance X X X. XFuture InstanceContext C:. XPrevious Instance X × ×. ×Future Instance

Table 8: Felicity Judgements for Blackfoot Ability Attributions

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. t1=t2= t3



3.3 Conclusion

Meagan Louie (UBC)




Conclusion

Blackfoot CIRC modal claims have a lot of temporal sensitivity...

i.e., a denotation involves a lot of temporal variables:

t1 temporal perspective timet2 action timet3 prejacent/complement timet4 antecedent timet5 identicality time

Meagan Louie (UBC)




Conclusion: Correlation for Blackfoot CIRC Modals

Ki ann (the end)

tANTECEDENT HOLD TIME, t0

H CIRCUMSTANCE TIME, t1

99999ACTION RUNTIME , t2

lPREJACENT HOLD

TIME, t3

�=�IDENTICALITY TIME, tIDENT

t

Figure 4: Time Correlation for a Blackfoot Circumstantial Claim

Meagan Louie (UBC)



References I

Belnap, Nuel. 1991. Backwards and forwards in the modal logic of agency.Philosophy and Phenomenological Research 51(4). 777–807.

Belnap, Nuel. 1992. Branching space-time. Synthese 92(3). 385–434.

Condoravdi, Cleo. 2002. Temporal Orientation of Modals: Modals for thepresent and modals for the past. In B.Clark D.Beaver, L.Martinez &S. Kaufmann (eds.), The construction of meaning, 59–88.

Copley, Bridget. 2002. The semantics of the future: Massachusetts Institute ofTechnology dissertation.

Copley, Bridget. 2009. The semantics of the future (outstanding dissertationsin linguistics). Routledge, Kindle Edition.

Deo, Ashwini. 2009. Unifying the imperfective and the progressive: partitionsas quantificational domains. Linguistics and philosophy 32(5). 475–521.

Horty, John F. & Nuel Belnap. 1995. The deliberative stit: A study of action,omission, ability and obligation. Journal of Philosophical Logic 24. 583–644.

Meagan Louie (UBC)



References II

Ippolito, Michela. 2003. Presuppositions and implicatures in counterfactuals.Natural Language Semantics 11(2). 145–186.

Kratzer, Angelika. 1977. What ‘must’ and ‘can’ must and can mean.Linguistics and Philosophy 1(3). 337–355.

Kratzer, Angelika. 2012. Modals and conditionals: New and revisedperspectives. Oxford Univ Press.

Portner, Paul. 1998. The progressive in modal semantics. Language 760–787.

Reis Silva, Amelia & Lisa Matthewson. 2008. An Instantaneous Present Tensein Blackfoot. In Amy Rose Deal (ed.), Proceedings of sula iv, UMOP.

Meagan Louie (UBC)

Chapter 5, Part 1: Data Appendix AChapter 5, Part II: Data Appendix B

A1 ×: Ability Modal ohkott-A2 X: Future áak- , "might" aahkamap-A3 ×: Imperfective á-: PROGRESSIVEA4 X:Imperfective á-: GENERIC

The Ability Modal ohkott-

Observation:Ability modal ohkott- fails to license conditionals

Unless there’s an additional modal (eg. Future modal áak-, or"might" aahkama’p-)

Meagan Louie (UBC)



The Ability Modal ohkott- can’t License Conditionals

Context:Yesterday, my sister thought she might make bread. Today, we’remeeting for a picnic lunch, and I wonder what she is going to bring. I say:

(15) a. #kam-ikaa-iihkiitaa-siif-perf-bake.vai-sbj:3

napayin,bread,

ii-ohkott-a’pistotaki-waic-able-make.vai-3

po’tstáksin-istsisandwich-0pl

b. kam-ikaa-iihkiitaa-siif-perf-bake.vai-sbj:3

napayin,bread,

áak-ohkott-a’pistotaki-wafut-able-make.vai-3

po’tstáksin-istsisandwich-0pl

“If she’s made bread, she could have made sandwiches."

Meagan Louie (UBC)



The Future áak- and "Might" aahkama’p- Modals X

Context: When my brother was very young, his pet frog got sucked upthe filter. We told him the frog went back to live with its family. Twelveyears later, we figure it’s safe to tell him.

(16) a. kam-ssksini-siif-know.vti-sbj:3

anohknow

om-aanist-a’pii-hp-yi3-manner-happen.vii-cj-0

máát-áak-ohtsikii-waatsiksineg-fut-care.about.sthg.vai-3:nonaff.sg

’If he found out what happened now, he wouldn’t care’b. kam-ssksini-si

if-know.vti-sbj:3annohknow

om-aanist-a’pii-hp-yi3-manner-happen.vii-cj-0

aahkama’p-sa-ohtsikiimight-neg-care.about.sthg.vai

’If he found out what happened now, he might not care.’

Meagan Louie (UBC)



The Imperfective á-: Progressive and Habitual

Imperfectives require a modal semantics (Portner (1998), Deo (2009))

Imperfective

EventiveProgressive

HabitualGeneric

Q: Does the Blackfoot IMPF license conditionals?

A: Only in its generic/habitual interpretation

Meagan Louie (UBC)



The Progressive Reading of the Imperfective á (Ability)

ContextIt’s my brother’s birthday, and we almost forgot about it. We don’t wantto let it pass without doing anything special, so I suggest:

(17) a. #kam-ohpommaa-inikiif-buy.vai-sbj:loc

owaa-istsi,egg-0pl,

nit-á-ohkott-pisat-ihkiitaa1-impf-able-fancy-bake.vai

Target: "If I buy eggs, I can bake a cake."b. kam-ohpommaa-iniki

if-buy.vai-sbj:locowaa-istsi,egg-0pl,

nit-áak-ohkott-pisat-ihkiitaa1-fut-able-fancy-bake.vai

"If I buy eggs, I can bake a cake."

Meagan Louie (UBC)



The Progressive Reading of the Imperfective á (Non-Modal)

ContextMy uncle, who loves to walk but recently broke his leg, got his cast off awhile ago. He’s coming over for dinner, and we’re not sure whether he’swalking over or getting driven. My mom remarks: If his leg is better,he’s walking

(18) #kam-ikaa-sok-a’pii-siif-perf-good-be.vii-sbj:3

o-ohkat-yi,3-leg-0,

á-iksowoo-waimpf-walk.vai-3

“If his leg is better, #he walks."

Meagan Louie (UBC)



The Generic Reading of the Imperfective á (Ability)

ContextI find a recipe for an egg-free cake, but it ends poorly. I feebly try todefend my cake making skills by saying

(19) kam-ohpommaa-inikiif-buy.vai-sbj:loc

owaa-istsi,egg-0pl

nit-á-ohkott-(sok-)pisat-ihkiitaa1-impf-able-(good-)fancy-bake.vai

“If I buy eggs, I can make (good) cakes [in general]."

Meagan Louie (UBC)



The Generic Reading of the Imperfective á (Non-Modal)

ContextWhenever my baby niece’s diaper is being changed, or she’s beingundressed before a bath, or to be weighed at the doctors, she pees. Wethink the common factor is the cold:

(20) kam-i’niipitsi-si,if-cold.vai-sbj:3,

á-saipiohsi-waimpf-urinate.vai-3

“If she gets cold, she pees."

Meagan Louie (UBC)



Modal Restrictions on the Main Clause

Observation: Conditionals require specific main-clause modals

MODAL Environment Main-Clause if-clause Licensed?FUTURE áak-P XMIGHT aahkama’p-P XABILITY ohkott-P ×IMPFEVENT á-P ×IMPFGEN á-P X

Table 9: Licensing "if"-clauses with Main-Clause Modals

→ Semantically characterizable in terms of modal’s temporal orientation

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Data B1: subjunctive conditionalsData B2: unreal conditionals

Two Types of Blackfoot Conditionals

Two kinds of Blackfoot conditionalssubjunctive conditionalsunreal conditionals

Terms based on clause-type morphology of ANTC clause

Meagan Louie (UBC)



Two Types of Blackfoot Conditionalssubjunctive conditionals

subjunctive(21) kamsaykamo’saatáíniki

kam-sa-ikamo’saata-inikiif-neg-steal.vta-sbj:1/2

omaom-wadem-3

apasstaaminaamapasstaaminaamapple

nókowaann-okowaan1-stomach

áakitomatapohtakoáak-it-omatap-ohtako-wafut-rl-start-sound.vai-3

’If I don’t steal that apple, my stomach will start sounding.’

Meagan Louie (UBC)



Two Types of Blackfoot Conditionalsunreal conditionals

unreal(22) nitsíísaykamo’saata’ohtopi

nit-ii-sa-ikamo’saata-ohtopi1-ic-neg-steal.vta-unr

omaom-wadem-3




’If I hadn’t stolen that apple, my stomach would have startedsounding.’

Meagan Louie (UBC)



Two Types of Blackfoot ConditionalsEnglish indicative and past-subjunctive conditionals: Some Terminological Issues

Blackfoot subjunctive conditionals English indicative conditionals

If he plays tomorrow, we’ll win.

Blackfoot unreal conditionals English past-subjunctive conditionals

If he had played yesterday/tomorrow, we would have won.

(...but I’ll use past perfect instead of past-subjunctive)

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The Distribution of subjunctive Conditionals

Blackfoot subjunctive conditionals

Like English indicative conditionals

...are used to hypothesize about future events:

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Future-Oriented Antecedents (Epistemic Uncertainty)XCONTEXTWhen my brother was very young, his pet frog got sucked up the filter.Because he was a very sensitive child, we told him the frog went back tolive with its family. Twelve years later, we figure it’s safe to tell him now.

(23) kamsskssiniisikam-ssksini-siif-know.vti-sbj:3

annohkanohknow


máátáakohtsikííwaatsiksmáát-áak-ohtsikii-waatsiksineg-fut-care.about.sthg.vai-3:nonaff.sg

’If he found out what happened now, he wouldn’t care’

subjunctiveXMeagan Louie (UBC)



Future-Oriented Antecedents (Epistemic Uncertainty)XCONTEXTI am getting revenge on my brother. I have smeared vaseline all over thetoilet seat so that he has a surprise when he sits down. My sister isdubious about my plan and asks me how I plan to make sure he goes tothe bathroom. I figure I have this covered, because my brother ishilariously lactose-intolerant.

(24) kamsskai’ssimiísikam-sska’-simi-siif-extreme-drink.vai-sbj:3

ónnikis,onnikis,milk,

áakotoisapiohsiáak-oto-isapiohsifut-go.to-have.the.runs.vai

’If he drinks a lot of milk, he will have the runs.’





But Blackfoot subjunctive conditionals

Unlike English indicative conditionals

...aren’t used to hypothesize about possible past events:

Meagan Louie (UBC)



Past-Oriented Antecedents (Epistemic Uncertainty) ×CONTEXTMy sister was running in a race yesterday. I haven’t heard whether shewon or not yet, but I hope she did, because if she won, we’ll eat cake tocelebrate.

(25) #kamomo’tsaakisikam-omo’tsaaki-siif-win.vai-sbj:3

matónnimatonniyesterday

nitáakitsoyihpinnaannit-áak-it-Ioyi-hpinnaan1-fut-rl-eat.vai-1pl.incl

pisátsskiitaanpisatsskiitaancake

’Target: If she won yesterday, we will eat cake.’

→ Sounds like “#If she wins yesterday, we will eat cake."

subjunctive×Meagan Louie (UBC)



Past-Oriented Antecedents (Epistemic Uncertainty) ×You have to use either an unreal conditional:

CONTEXTMy sister was running in a race yesterday. I haven’t heard whether shewon or not yet, but I hope she did, because if she won, we’ll eat cake tocelebrate.

(26) íímotsaaki’ohtopiii-omo’tsaaki-ohtopiic-win.vai-unr




’If she won yesterday, we will eat cake.’

unrealX(Can also mean “If she had won yesterday, we would have eatencake.")

Meagan Louie (UBC)



Present Perfect Antecedents (Epistemic Uncertainty)XOr use perfect morphology ikaa- to hypothesize about a present perfect:

CONTEXTWe aren’t sure if Martina is at the department or not. I saw her earlier,but maybe she’s left campus since then. I do know, however, thatMartina always locks her office before she leaves, so I can find out thatway, whether or not she left.

(27) a. #annahkannahkdem

MMM

kamomatoosikam-omatoo-siif-leave.vai-sbj:3

’If Martina left....’

b. annahkannahkdem

MMM

kamikoomatoosikam-ikaa-omatoo-siif-perf-leave.vai-sbj:3

’If Martina has left....’

omiomidem

otsita’potakihpiot-ita’potakihpi3-workplace

áakitapiyookimáak-itapiyooki-mfut-lock.vti-3>0

ohkitsimo-kitsim3-door

’...her office, she will have locked her door.’ subjunctiveXMeagan Louie (UBC)





can hypothesize about present in-progress events

Meagan Louie (UBC)



Present Progressive Antecedents (Epistemic Uncertainty) X

CONTEXTMeagan is such a bad dancer that watching her dance should be avoidedat all costs. Beatrice is walking into a party, and tells herself:

(28) kamáíhpiyisi,kam-á-ihpiyi-si,if-impf-dance.vai-sbj:3,

nitáakomatapoonit-áak-omatapoo1-fut-leave.vai

’If she’s dancing, I’m gonna go.’

subjunctiveX

Meagan Louie (UBC)



Present Progressive Antecedents (Epistemic Uncertainty) X

CONTEXTAmelia has tricked me into thinking that our term paper has to be 50pages long. Last she saw, I was writing frantically.

(29) annahkannahkdem

MeaganMeaganMeagan

kamsakiaisinaakisi,kam-sa:ki-a-sinaaki-si,if-still-?impf-write.vai-sbj:3,

annahkannahkdem

AmeliaAmeliaAmelia

áaksstonnatsikahsi’takiáak-sstonnat-ikahsi’taki-wafut-really-laugh.vai-3

’If Meagan is still writing, Amelia will really laugh’






can also hypothesize about present states

Meagan Louie (UBC)



Present Stative Antecedents (Counterfactual)XCONTEXTWe’re discussing clichés, and I reason that pigs are so heavy that if theyhad wings, they wouldn’t be able to fly anymore than ostriches can.

(30) áíksiniksiaiksini-iksipig-pl

kamóminníísakam-ominnii-si-yaaif-have-wings.vai-3:sbj-3pl

máátáksaakyohkottsipawanííwaiksaamáát-áak-sa:ki-ohkott-ipawaani-waiksaaneg-fut-still-able-fly.vai-nonaff:3pl

’If pigs had wings, they still would not be able to fly’




subjunctive Conditionals: The Generalisation

OBSERVATION:subjunctive conditionals place a restriction on their ANTC clause:

Antecedent Property is ↓: subjunctive conditional

Future

Past PFV

Present Perfect

Present IMPF

Present Stative

X

×

X

X

X

→ The ANTC property has to be evaluable wrt. the instantaneous UT

Meagan Louie (UBC)



subjunctive Conditionals: The Generalisation

OBSERVATION:subjunctive conditionals place a restriction on their ANTC clause:

Antecedent Property is ↓: subjunctive conditional

Present Prospective

Past PFV

Present Perfect

Present IMPF

Present Stative

X

×

X

X

X

→ The ANTC property has to be evaluable wrt. the instantaneous UT

Meagan Louie (UBC)



The Distribution of unreal Conditionals

Blackfoot unreal conditionals

like English past perfect conditionals

are used to talk about about unrealized past events:

Meagan Louie (UBC)



Past-Oriented Antecedents (Unrealized)

CONTEXTWhen my brother was very young, his pet frog got sucked up the filter.Because he was a very sensitive child, we told him the frog went back tolive with its family. If we had told him then, he would have been veryupset.

(31) iisskssiniiohtopiii-ssksiniM-ohtopiic-know.vti-unr

annihkannihkthen


áaksikohtsawahsi’takiáak-ikaa-oht-saw-yaahs-i’takifut-perf-source-neg-good-feel.vai

’If he had known what happened at that time, it would havemade him feel really bad.’

unrealXMeagan Louie (UBC)



Past-Oriented Antecedents (Unrealized)

CONTEXTI stole and ate my sister’s apple, but failed to get rid of all of theevidence, and got busted. But I’m unrepentant:

(32) nitsíísaykamo’saata’ohtopinit-ii-sa-ikamo’saata-ohtopi1-ic-neg-steal.vta-unr

omaom-wadem-3




’If I hadn’t stolen that apple, my stomach would’ve startedsounding.’





But Blackfoot unreal conditionals

unlike English past perfect conditionals

are used to talk about about possible past events:

Meagan Louie (UBC)



Past-Oriented Antecedents (Epistemic Uncertainty)XCONTEXTMy sister was running in a race yesterday. I haven’t heard whether she won ornot yet, but I hope she did, because if she won, we’ll eat cake to celebrate.

(33) a. #kamomo’tsaakisikam-omo’tsaaki-siif-win.vai-sbj:3


’#If she wins yesterday....’

b. íímotsaaki’ohtopiii-omo’tsaaki-ohtopiic-win.vai-unr


’If she won yesterday....’



’..we will eat cake’





Note that the distribution of unreal conditionals isn’t as simple as beingrestricted to hypothesizing about past events!

Blackfoot unreal conditionals

unlike Blackfoot subjunctive conditionals

aren’t restricted wrt. their ANTC’s temporal interpretation:

Meagan Louie (UBC)



Future-Oriented Antecedents (Unrealizable)

CONTEXTMy brother is participating in a contest, and brags that he will buy lots offood with the prize money. I think this is a waste of prize-money, andeven though I’m not a contestant, I speculate on what I would buy withthe prize-money.

(34) nitsíímo’tsaakyo’ohtopi,nit-ii-omo’tsaaki-ohtopi,1-ic-win.vai-unr,

nitáakohpommnit-áak-ohpommaa1-fut-buy.vai

ponokáómitaaponoka-aomitaaelk-dog

’If I should win, I would buy a horse ’




Present-Oriented Antecedents (Unrealized)

CONTEXTWe’re discussing clichés, and I reason that pigs are so heavy that if theyhad wings, they wouldn’t be able to fly anymore than ostriches can.

(35) áíksiniksiaiksini-iksipig-pl

imínni’ihtopi,ii-ominnii-htopi,if-have-wings.vai-unr

máátáksaakyohkottsipawanííwaiksaa,máát-áak-sa:ki-ohkott-ipawaani-waiksaaneg-fut-still-able-fly.vai-nonaff:3pl

’If pigs had wings, they still would not be able to fly’

unrealX

Meagan Louie (UBC)




There are no restrictions on the temporal interpretation of unrealantecedents:

Antecedent Property is ↓: unreal conditional

Future/Prospective (unrealized)

Past PFV (unrealized/possible)

Present Stative (unrealized)

X

X

X

Meagan Louie (UBC)




Q: Where CAN’T an unreal conditional be used?

A: (i) Speculating about a possible future event(ii) Speculating about a possible present state

Meagan Louie (UBC)




Q: Where CAN’T an unreal conditional be used?A: (i) Speculating about a possible future event(ii) Speculating about a possible present state

Meagan Louie (UBC)



Future-Oriented Antecedents (Possible)

CONTEXTMy sister has been cultivating these apples which look really delicious. Iknow she doesn’t want them to be eaten yet, but I’m really hungry...

(36) #nitsíísaykamo’saata’ohtopinit-ii-sa-ikamo’saata-ohtopi1-ic-neg-steal.vta-unr

’If I hadn’t stolen...’

omaom-wadem-3




’...that apple, my stomach would have started sounding.’

Possible Future Event → unreal×Meagan Louie (UBC)



Future-Oriented Antecedents (Possible)

CONTEXTI am getting revenge on my brother, and have to make sure he goes tothe bathroom. I figure I have this covered, because my brother ishilariously lactose-intolerant.

(37) #iisimiohtopiii-simi-ohtopiic-drink.vai-unr

ónnikis,onnikis,milk,

áakotoisapiohsiáak-oto-isapiohsifut-go.to-have.the.runs.vai

’If had drunk milk, he would have had the runs.’

Possible Future Event → unreal×

Meagan Louie (UBC)



Present-Oriented Antecedents (Possible)

CONTEXTMy dog is whining at you, and you ask me if you should feed him. Since my dogis unhealthily obsese, I tell you: TARGET: If he’s hungry, you should feed him.

(38) #ísttso’kiniihtopi,isttso’kini-ohtopi,hungry.vai-unr,

kitáakoohksíísowakit-áak-noohk-yiiso-a-wafut-c.exp-feed.vta-1:3-3

’#If he had been hungry, you should feed him’

(39) kamísttso’kinisi,isttso’kini-si,hungry.vai-sbj:3,

kitáakoohksíísowakit-áak-noohk-yiiso-a-wafut-c.exp-feed.vta-1:3-3

’If he’s hungry, you should feed him.’

Possible Present State → unreal×Meagan Louie (UBC)




ANTC Property is ↓: unreal conditional

Past PFV (counterfactual)

Future/Prospective(counterfactual)

Present Stative (counterfactual)

X

X

XANTC Property is ↓: unreal conditional

Past PFV (possible)

Future/Prospective (possible)

Present Stative (possible)

X××

When p(Utt-T) is compatible with the current belief state, ×Meagan Louie (UBC)




ANTC Property is ↓: unreal conditional

Past PFV (counterfactual)

PresentProspective(counterfactual)

Present Stative (counterfactual)

X

X

XANTC Property is ↓: unreal conditional

Past PFV (possible)

Present Prospective(possible)

Present Stative(possible)

X××

When p(Utt-T) is compatible with the current belief state, ×unreal

Meagan Louie (UBC)

The Temporal Semantics of Action and Circumstance in Blackfoot (Nov. 26th, Defense Slides)

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Transcript of The Temporal Semantics of Action and Circumstance in Blackfoot (Nov. 26th, Defense Slides)