Post on 01-Mar-2023
Final Research Paper
Kirsten Lopez
ANT 390 - Dr. Gregory
March 14, 2014
Rediscovering the New World:
L’Anse aux Meadows and the Search for Vinland
Introduction:
The Norse explorers were the first known Europeans to
discover North America.1 When a Viking settlement was
unearthed at L’Anse aux Meadows, Newfoundland in 1961, this
further solidified the Vikings’ discovery while several
smaller finds at the site have since added to the excitement
over how much the Norse actually accomplished during their
earliest encounters in North America.2 But what are the
facts concerning Vikings in North America? Where are these
facts recorded, and why are these particular remains
important? The collection of sagas and annals referred to as1 (Somerville, 2013) 2 (Fitzhugh, 2000)
the Vinland sagas contain most of the contemporary and
second-hand information known about the Norse voyages and
encounters in New World, and yet they are contradictory
among themselves. Before being able to definitively paint an
historical picture of these explorations, the various
accounts of the voyages must be reconciled. By taking into
account the archaeological evidence at the L’Anse aux
Meadows site in Newfoundland, and using it to better
understand the textual evidence of the sagas, it may be
possible to create a complete picture of where the Norsemen
actually explored; in other words, to find Vinland. Pursuing
this line of investigation, identifying Vinland and
interpreting the archaeological remains left behind, may
also prove valuable on a larger historical scale since
L’Anse Aux Meadows was a failed settlement and any answers
found in this case may later provide insight into the
success and failure of later European settlements in the New
World, such as those at Ajacán or Roanoke.
The majority of contemporary information about the
journeys from Greenland to North America is found in four
2
sources: Greenlander’s Saga, Eirík’s Saga, Íslendingabók, and
Landnámabók.3 Greenlander’s Saga is generally regarded as the
oldest and, perhaps consequently, the most accurate
narrative. It may be accepted only reservedly because of the
medieval tradition of using the written word in a panegyric
capacity, and due to recent scholarly doubt that has arisen
about the usefulness of the sagas at all as reliable primary
sources in the search for Vinland.4 However, by cross-
referencing data between the literary, geographical and
archaeological, sources it is possible to find the most
reliable details in the sagas.
Naming Vinland:
Beginning the investigation with an analysis of the
linguistic and cultural factors behind the name ‘Vinland’
may provide verification that L’Anse aux Meadows could be
the location of the Vinland settlement described in the saga
literature. The alternate translation of ‘Vinland’ to mean
‘meadow and grass land’ describes a landscape very much like
that found at and around L’Anse aux Meadows. The naming of 3 (Wolf, 2013)4 (Williamsen 2005)
3
Vinland is very much tied into the search for the
geographical location of the lands explored by the Norse. It
has long been assumed that the name came from the Old Norse
word for wine, vín. However there is debate on whether or
not the discovery of vines and grapes should be treated as
fact, and whether the name could have been altered through
history.
In the Íslendingabók, the land explored by Leif Eiriksson
is spelled Vínland, with a long ‘í’, which means that it can
be translated as either “land of grass” or “meadow land,”
recalling the original theory of Sven Söderberg.5 However,
the account in Eirík’s Saga explains that the land Leif found
had, “fields of wild wheat, and the vine-tree in full
growth.”6 This strongly affects what archaeologists ought
to look for as far as geographical characteristics when
searching for the present-day site of Vinland. So according
to Eirík’s Saga, written in the mid- to late 13th century, Leif
indeed named his discovery after the flora he and others had
5 (Faulkes, 2006)6 (Eirik’s Saga trans. J. Septhon, 1880)
4
found there.7 Of some note is the possible translation of
‘vin’ to include the term “vine-tree”. This points to the
explanation offered by Magnús Stéfansson that the references
to vines could be linked to references in the same sagas to
moÎsurr, masur trees, whose wood appears “gnarled and
bulging”, even vine-like.8 Also in Eirík’s saga, the writer
conflates Vinland with the land of Hóp, discovered by
Thorfinn Karlsefni after departing from what he believed to
be Vinland.9 In chapter ten of the Eirík’s Saga, Hóp is
described such that it is nearly identical to the Vinland of
the Greenlander’s Saga: “fields of wild wheat wherever there
were low grounds; and the vine in all places where there was
rough rising ground.”10 So Hóp may refer to the actual
location Leif called “Vinland” in the Greenlander’s, although
this relationship is inconsistent between sagas. It must be
noted that neither of these descriptions mention actual
7 (Hirst, "Vinland Sagas - Viking Sagas about Colonizing theAmerican Continent - Vinland Sagas.")8 (Stéfansson, “Vinland or Vinland?”)9 (Williamsen, 2005)10 (Eirik’s Saga trans. J. Septhon, 1880)
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grapes, only vines, which could remain a reference to
another plant.
The mention of grapes having been found is actually
only noted in chapter eight before Leif’s voyage, in
relation to Karlsefni, not Leif. Eirik’s Saga states that, “the
Scotch people (given by King Olaf to aid Leif’s missionary
work) leapt down from the land, and one of them had in his
hand a bunch of grapes, and the other an ear of wild
wheat.”11 That is the only mention of the fruit in the
entire saga and it is important to realize that this is an
isolated discovery that is not replicated by any of
Karlsefni’s crew during their three year stay in Vinland, a
period long enough during which it is conceivable that the
Scotsmen would have shown the others where they had found
such an exotic fruit.12 So as yet there is no tenable
connection between Vinland and grapes. There is also no
mention in the Book of Settlers (Íslendingabók) of grapes being
found in the New World. These are, however, accounts written
several hundred years after the fact, and may have mistakes 11 (Eirik’s Saga trans. J. Septhon, 1880)12 (Williamsen, 2005)
6
in the retelling. Why they would choose to omit such a
seemingly important detail as Vinland’s namesake, however,
remains to be explained. A possible answer is that grapes
are not, in fact, the source of the place name.
Alternatively, the area may have been named for its
extensive grasslands and meadows with the orthographical
error committed by later writers, such as Adam of Bremen,
who were less familiar with the Old Norse and were copying
from the malleable oral tradition.
What we do know is that Adam of Bremen is the author of
the earliest known account of the Norse explorations in
North America. According to Ingstad, “Karlsefni’s voyage
presumably took place in about 1020, and Adam’s book
appeared only about fifty years later (in 1075).”13 It seems
reasonable to conclude that Adam, who had had personal
interactions with the Norse, would be in the best position
to write down the oral history of North American discovery,
despite it being true that he would have been writing in
Latin and was not proficient in Old Norse. It is also true
13 (Ingstad, 2001)
7
that the work in which he mentions Vinland is the Gesta
Hamburgensis ecclesiae pontificum and therefore had a religious
purpose and so the veracity of the account is somewhat
diminished, especially with regards to the various
supernatural events recounted in conjunction with historical
fact –one of which may be the discovery of grapes. However,
it is worth looking at Bremen’s description of Vinland in
order to examine the current understanding of what Vinland’s
climate and geography ought to be. He describes Vinland as,
“Praeterea unam adhuc insulam recitavit a multis in eo
repertam occeano, quae dicitur Winland, eo quod ibi vites
sponte nascantur, vinum optimum ferentes”, or,
“In addition one island until now has been proclaimed bymany (people) to have been discovered in the great sea,which is called Winland (Vinland), that place which thereaccording to the will of the gods may be produced, the bestwine made.”14
Therefore Bremen was clearly under the impression that
Vinland was named after the vines and wine grapes that grew
there, and many people today associate the location with
14 (Bremen, Gesta); My translation
8
grapes and therefore may dismiss other potential present-day
locations for Vinland. Helge Ingstad addresses this, saying,
There are still some who firmly maintain that there were grapes in Vinland. Although they acknowledge that the settlement site at L’Anse aux Meadows is Norse, they prefer to call it an intermediate stop on the way to the land of grapes and wine, the promised land, for as such it fits withtheir theories.15
But Adam of Bremen was not only following an oral
tradition that had come to use the terms “Vinland” and
“Vínland’ interchangeably, he was also receiving information
during his stay at the court of Svein Estriđson, in Danish
not Norse or Icelandic. There are therefore multiple changes
that could have been made in the translation to Danish, much
less as Adam translated to Latin and, later, German.16 To
reiterate, the few accounts that mention grapes in relation
to Vinland ought not to be entirely discounted, but should
be treated with caution since it is not at all unheard of
for misspellings to give way to new interpretations in
historical texts. The fact that the difference between
‘Vinland’ and ‘Vínland’ is a single accent over the ‘i’
15 (Ingstad, 2001)16 Stéfansson
9
makes it all the more logical to assume some sort of
typographical error. And while Adam of Bremen wrote his
account before any of the sagas, he was still translating an
Icelandic oral history from Danish into his native German
and Latin, leaving plenty of room for error. Consequently,
it is highly plausible that what Europeans came to
understand as a land named for its vines and grapes, was
actually named for its fields. This is logical not only from
a linguistic perspective, but also when considering the
relative importance of grapes versus farmland for the Norse
settlers who especially sought land to support a population
that was outgrowing both Iceland and Greenland.
L’Anse aux Meadows 17 :
The Norse settlement site at L’Anse aux Meadows was
discovered in 1961 by Helge and Anne Stine Ingstad. Over the
course of eight years there were eight house sites excavated
and one partial site. Geographically, the site is a perfect
match for Vinland, including its proximity to the accepted
sites of Markland (Labrador) and Helluland (Baffin Island).
17 (Ingstad, 2001)
10
According to Adam of Bremen, who maintains some credibility
though misled by changing historical accounts of certain
events, the approach to Vinland was treacherous because,
“all that is beyond (Vinland) is full of intolerable ice and
immense mist”, something that the Ingstads encountered
multiple times as they returned for the excavating season.
Furthermore, they experienced their boat running aground off
the shores of Épaves Bay, which is consistent with Leif’s
ship going aground in the Greenlander’s Saga because the water
was too shallow.18 One might argue that these correlations
with the sagas might be skewed by the climate and therefore
geographical change that has occurred in the past 1000
years. However, pollen analysts have concluded based on
separate studies, that there is little evidence for any
large-scale climate changes in the area since the Norse
era.19
In terms of the archaeological data found at L’Anse aux
Meadows, there is no doubt that this was a Norse settlement,
and little doubt that it was Vinland. Perhaps the most 18 (Ingstad, 2001)19 (Ingstad, 2001)
11
important material evidence was found during the final
season of excavation, in House A. In a layer of soil deeper
than was originally excavated during the first attempt at
uncovering House A, Sigrid Kaland found a corroded bronze
ring-headed pin.20 This is a clear connection to Norse
settlers, and also indicates, along with spindle whorls
found, that there were women among the settlers, which is in
accordance with the sagas. The site also included a smithy
among the large houses with evidence of iron smelting in the
form of bog ore, slag and an anvil. The fact alone that
there was iron smelting meant that this had to have been a
Norse site, since none of the indigenous groups in the area
had practiced ironwork and the only other inhabitants had
been fishermen and therefore unlikely to have devoted such
effort to the craft.21
As far as the accounts of Norse interactions with
indigenous people, there is physical evidence to support the
descriptions of trading specifically. Quartzite Dorset
Eskimo arrowheads were found in House D and House A, with 20 (Ingstad, 2001)21 (Ingstad, 2001)
12
other quartzite fragments also found.22 The fact that
arrowheads were predominantly found could be evidence of a
violent interaction. Since they were found inside homes, as
opposed to out in the open field, could suggest that they
were exchanged in a more commercial interaction. The Dorset
Eskimo and other Native American artifacts found were
interspersed in the soil layers, leading Helge Ingstad to
comment that, “These people must have lived in this area
about the same time as the Norsemen.”23 Therefore the
cultural landscape, as well as the physical, is in agreement
with the historical accounts.
These comparisons are not only important in that they
help separate fact from fiction within the Norse accounts of
the New World, but also in adding to the list of short-lived
colonies established in North America by Europeans. This
additional information may help answer lingering questions
surrounding other settlements such as the Roanoke, Ajacán,
22 (Ingstad, 2001)23 (Ingstad, 2001)
13
and Greenland colonies. In interpreting the archaeological
data it may be possible to ascertain what exactly led to the
ruin of these colonies and why the later colonies were
unsuccessful despite improvements in technology and
geographical knowledge. The descriptions found in the sagas
tend to attribute the lack of permanent settlements in
Vinland to the hostility of the indigenous people. However,
it is somewhat difficult to accept that a group of Norsemen,
many trained in warfare, would have abandoned such a
seemingly bountiful land in fear of the Skraelings swinging
sticks above their heads and throwing rocks. These were
farmers, true, but they were also warriors and if the
Skraelings could be frightened off with a mere rogue bull,
there must have been other reasons for the potential
settlers to such an opportunity for arable land and
resources that were sorely lacking in both Iceland and
Greenland. This is a subject left for another forum,
although it bears acknowledging as a reason for unraveling
the mystery of Vinland for farther-reaching purposes.
Conclusions:
14
Insofar as the historical identity of Vínland, I
believe there is far more evidence to suggest that the new
land was named for its greenery and not for a specific crop;
whether or not there were vines of any kind is irrelevant if
only because of the practicality of naming places based on
the most familiar and precious commodity. In this case, it
is farmland. The fact that the only direct connection made
between Vinland and grapes is in Eirik’s Saga, which is on the
whole riddled with inconsistencies and supernatural events
that severely undermine its status as a reliable historical
account, casts doubt on the existence of the fruit in
Vinland. On the other hand, the Greenlander’s Saga and the Book
of Settlers offer descriptions that mention vines but no
grapes, and also include much more realistic and technical
language throughout concerning the voyage and navigation to
North America. Eirik’s Saga seems to be much more of a
fantastical tale of adventure and less a straightforward
history and therefore I think it completely acceptable to
set aside the mention of grapes on Vinland when determining
where exactly Vinland was.
15
This is not to say that it should be entirely ignored,
but it should be used only as a tiebreaker of sorts when all
the other data are accounted for. Since there is a range of
interpretations of the prefix vin- it seems logical to either
make it a secondary detail to more concrete evidence or use
the version that best fits with traditional Icelandic and
Greenlandic place names and socially valued commodities,
such as land and timber. In light of the reasons for Norse
exploration westward, namely a lack of natural resources to
accommodate a growing population on both Iceland and
Greenland, such resources would have more than likely been
noticed above any other features of North America. Only
later, and only thanks to Scottish and German companions do
the Norse note the existence of grapes. But the land has
already impressed them as is seen when Bjarni Herjolfsson’s
men press him to explore the shores lined with pines.
Furthermore, the discovery of Helluland is of much lesser
importance because the terrain is rocky and un-farmable. The
incentive is again land and timber, not grapes. The
explorations of North America are made consistently in an
16
effort to solve the problems of a settlement in Greenland
that was suffering economically.
The Norse settlement at L’Anse aux Meadows is a
perfect example of the aforesaid concrete evidence. The
variety of physical evidence speaks to the many different
points at which the site matches up with historical
descriptions. Findings of bronze, red jasper traced back to
Iceland, and soapstone lamps all indicate a Norse presence.
The additional Dorset arrowheads and other indigenous
fragments corroborate the interactions between Norsemen and
‘skraeling’ as put forth in the sagas. And although there
may not be an ideal grape-growing climate, there are several
kinds of wild berries as well as non-grape vines that would
have grown in the area. With these data, the historical
contextualization of Norse interests in discovering new
lands and the high likelihood of orthographic errors made as
the oral tales were copied and translated, all of the
evidence that can be cross-referenced across sources
corresponds to the archaeological description of L’Anse aux
Meadows. Therefore there is little doubt that L’Anse aux
17
Meadows fits, more than any other proposed site, the merged
descriptions of Vínland and that it is here that the
Norsemen attempted to settle North America.
18
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