Final Research Paper

Kirsten Lopez

ANT 390 - Dr. Gregory

March 14, 2014

Rediscovering the New World:

L’Anse aux Meadows and the Search for Vinland

Introduction:

The Norse explorers were the first known Europeans to

discover North America.1 When a Viking settlement was

unearthed at L’Anse aux Meadows, Newfoundland in 1961, this

further solidified the Vikings’ discovery while several

smaller finds at the site have since added to the excitement

over how much the Norse actually accomplished during their

earliest encounters in North America.2 But what are the

facts concerning Vikings in North America? Where are these

facts recorded, and why are these particular remains

important? The collection of sagas and annals referred to as1 (Somerville, 2013) 2 (Fitzhugh, 2000)

the Vinland sagas contain most of the contemporary and

second-hand information known about the Norse voyages and

encounters in New World, and yet they are contradictory

among themselves. Before being able to definitively paint an

historical picture of these explorations, the various

accounts of the voyages must be reconciled. By taking into

account the archaeological evidence at the L’Anse aux

Meadows site in Newfoundland, and using it to better

understand the textual evidence of the sagas, it may be

possible to create a complete picture of where the Norsemen

actually explored; in other words, to find Vinland. Pursuing

this line of investigation, identifying Vinland and

interpreting the archaeological remains left behind, may

also prove valuable on a larger historical scale since

L’Anse Aux Meadows was a failed settlement and any answers

found in this case may later provide insight into the

success and failure of later European settlements in the New

World, such as those at Ajacán or Roanoke.

The majority of contemporary information about the

journeys from Greenland to North America is found in four

2

sources: Greenlander’s Saga, Eirík’s Saga, Íslendingabók, and

Landnámabók.3 Greenlander’s Saga is generally regarded as the

oldest and, perhaps consequently, the most accurate

narrative. It may be accepted only reservedly because of the

medieval tradition of using the written word in a panegyric

capacity, and due to recent scholarly doubt that has arisen

about the usefulness of the sagas at all as reliable primary

sources in the search for Vinland.4 However, by cross-

referencing data between the literary, geographical and

archaeological, sources it is possible to find the most

reliable details in the sagas.

Naming Vinland:

Beginning the investigation with an analysis of the

linguistic and cultural factors behind the name ‘Vinland’

may provide verification that L’Anse aux Meadows could be

the location of the Vinland settlement described in the saga

literature. The alternate translation of ‘Vinland’ to mean

‘meadow and grass land’ describes a landscape very much like

that found at and around L’Anse aux Meadows. The naming of 3 (Wolf, 2013)4 (Williamsen 2005)

3

Vinland is very much tied into the search for the

geographical location of the lands explored by the Norse. It

has long been assumed that the name came from the Old Norse

word for wine, vín. However there is debate on whether or

not the discovery of vines and grapes should be treated as

fact, and whether the name could have been altered through

history.

In the Íslendingabók, the land explored by Leif Eiriksson

is spelled Vínland, with a long ‘í’, which means that it can

be translated as either “land of grass” or “meadow land,”

recalling the original theory of Sven Söderberg.5 However,

the account in Eirík’s Saga explains that the land Leif found

had, “fields of wild wheat, and the vine-tree in full

growth.”6 This strongly affects what archaeologists ought

to look for as far as geographical characteristics when

searching for the present-day site of Vinland. So according

to Eirík’s Saga, written in the mid- to late 13th century, Leif

indeed named his discovery after the flora he and others had

5 (Faulkes, 2006)6 (Eirik’s Saga trans. J. Septhon, 1880)

4

found there.7 Of some note is the possible translation of

‘vin’ to include the term “vine-tree”. This points to the

explanation offered by Magnús Stéfansson that the references

to vines could be linked to references in the same sagas to

moÎsurr, masur trees, whose wood appears “gnarled and

bulging”, even vine-like.8 Also in Eirík’s saga, the writer

conflates Vinland with the land of Hóp, discovered by

Thorfinn Karlsefni after departing from what he believed to

be Vinland.9 In chapter ten of the Eirík’s Saga, Hóp is

described such that it is nearly identical to the Vinland of

the Greenlander’s Saga: “fields of wild wheat wherever there

were low grounds; and the vine in all places where there was

rough rising ground.”10 So Hóp may refer to the actual

location Leif called “Vinland” in the Greenlander’s, although

this relationship is inconsistent between sagas. It must be

noted that neither of these descriptions mention actual

7 (Hirst, "Vinland Sagas - Viking Sagas about Colonizing theAmerican Continent - Vinland Sagas.")8 (Stéfansson, “Vinland or Vinland?”)9 (Williamsen, 2005)10 (Eirik’s Saga trans. J. Septhon, 1880)

5

grapes, only vines, which could remain a reference to

another plant.

The mention of grapes having been found is actually

only noted in chapter eight before Leif’s voyage, in

relation to Karlsefni, not Leif. Eirik’s Saga states that, “the

Scotch people (given by King Olaf to aid Leif’s missionary

work) leapt down from the land, and one of them had in his

hand a bunch of grapes, and the other an ear of wild

wheat.”11 That is the only mention of the fruit in the

entire saga and it is important to realize that this is an

isolated discovery that is not replicated by any of

Karlsefni’s crew during their three year stay in Vinland, a

period long enough during which it is conceivable that the

Scotsmen would have shown the others where they had found

such an exotic fruit.12 So as yet there is no tenable

connection between Vinland and grapes. There is also no

mention in the Book of Settlers (Íslendingabók) of grapes being

found in the New World. These are, however, accounts written

several hundred years after the fact, and may have mistakes 11 (Eirik’s Saga trans. J. Septhon, 1880)12 (Williamsen, 2005)

6

in the retelling. Why they would choose to omit such a

seemingly important detail as Vinland’s namesake, however,

remains to be explained. A possible answer is that grapes

are not, in fact, the source of the place name.

Alternatively, the area may have been named for its

extensive grasslands and meadows with the orthographical

error committed by later writers, such as Adam of Bremen,

who were less familiar with the Old Norse and were copying

from the malleable oral tradition.

What we do know is that Adam of Bremen is the author of

the earliest known account of the Norse explorations in

North America. According to Ingstad, “Karlsefni’s voyage

presumably took place in about 1020, and Adam’s book

appeared only about fifty years later (in 1075).”13 It seems

reasonable to conclude that Adam, who had had personal

interactions with the Norse, would be in the best position

to write down the oral history of North American discovery,

despite it being true that he would have been writing in

Latin and was not proficient in Old Norse. It is also true

13 (Ingstad, 2001)

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that the work in which he mentions Vinland is the Gesta

Hamburgensis ecclesiae pontificum and therefore had a religious

purpose and so the veracity of the account is somewhat

diminished, especially with regards to the various

supernatural events recounted in conjunction with historical

fact –one of which may be the discovery of grapes. However,

it is worth looking at Bremen’s description of Vinland in

order to examine the current understanding of what Vinland’s

climate and geography ought to be. He describes Vinland as,

“Praeterea unam adhuc insulam recitavit a multis in eo

repertam occeano, quae dicitur Winland, eo quod ibi vites

sponte nascantur, vinum optimum ferentes”, or,

“In addition one island until now has been proclaimed bymany (people) to have been discovered in the great sea,which is called Winland (Vinland), that place which thereaccording to the will of the gods may be produced, the bestwine made.”14

Therefore Bremen was clearly under the impression that

Vinland was named after the vines and wine grapes that grew

there, and many people today associate the location with

14 (Bremen, Gesta); My translation

8

grapes and therefore may dismiss other potential present-day

locations for Vinland. Helge Ingstad addresses this, saying,

There are still some who firmly maintain that there were grapes in Vinland. Although they acknowledge that the settlement site at L’Anse aux Meadows is Norse, they prefer to call it an intermediate stop on the way to the land of grapes and wine, the promised land, for as such it fits withtheir theories.15

But Adam of Bremen was not only following an oral

tradition that had come to use the terms “Vinland” and

“Vínland’ interchangeably, he was also receiving information

during his stay at the court of Svein Estriđson, in Danish

not Norse or Icelandic. There are therefore multiple changes

that could have been made in the translation to Danish, much

less as Adam translated to Latin and, later, German.16 To

reiterate, the few accounts that mention grapes in relation

to Vinland ought not to be entirely discounted, but should

be treated with caution since it is not at all unheard of

for misspellings to give way to new interpretations in

historical texts. The fact that the difference between

‘Vinland’ and ‘Vínland’ is a single accent over the ‘i’

15 (Ingstad, 2001)16 Stéfansson

9

makes it all the more logical to assume some sort of

typographical error. And while Adam of Bremen wrote his

account before any of the sagas, he was still translating an

Icelandic oral history from Danish into his native German

and Latin, leaving plenty of room for error. Consequently,

it is highly plausible that what Europeans came to

understand as a land named for its vines and grapes, was

actually named for its fields. This is logical not only from

a linguistic perspective, but also when considering the

relative importance of grapes versus farmland for the Norse

settlers who especially sought land to support a population

that was outgrowing both Iceland and Greenland.

L’Anse aux Meadows 17 :

The Norse settlement site at L’Anse aux Meadows was

discovered in 1961 by Helge and Anne Stine Ingstad. Over the

course of eight years there were eight house sites excavated

and one partial site. Geographically, the site is a perfect

match for Vinland, including its proximity to the accepted

sites of Markland (Labrador) and Helluland (Baffin Island).

17 (Ingstad, 2001)

10

According to Adam of Bremen, who maintains some credibility

though misled by changing historical accounts of certain

events, the approach to Vinland was treacherous because,

“all that is beyond (Vinland) is full of intolerable ice and

immense mist”, something that the Ingstads encountered

multiple times as they returned for the excavating season.

Furthermore, they experienced their boat running aground off

the shores of Épaves Bay, which is consistent with Leif’s

ship going aground in the Greenlander’s Saga because the water

was too shallow.18 One might argue that these correlations

with the sagas might be skewed by the climate and therefore

geographical change that has occurred in the past 1000

years. However, pollen analysts have concluded based on

separate studies, that there is little evidence for any

large-scale climate changes in the area since the Norse

era.19

In terms of the archaeological data found at L’Anse aux

Meadows, there is no doubt that this was a Norse settlement,

and little doubt that it was Vinland. Perhaps the most 18 (Ingstad, 2001)19 (Ingstad, 2001)

11

important material evidence was found during the final

season of excavation, in House A. In a layer of soil deeper

than was originally excavated during the first attempt at

uncovering House A, Sigrid Kaland found a corroded bronze

ring-headed pin.20 This is a clear connection to Norse

settlers, and also indicates, along with spindle whorls

found, that there were women among the settlers, which is in

accordance with the sagas. The site also included a smithy

among the large houses with evidence of iron smelting in the

form of bog ore, slag and an anvil. The fact alone that

there was iron smelting meant that this had to have been a

Norse site, since none of the indigenous groups in the area

had practiced ironwork and the only other inhabitants had

been fishermen and therefore unlikely to have devoted such

effort to the craft.21

As far as the accounts of Norse interactions with

indigenous people, there is physical evidence to support the

descriptions of trading specifically. Quartzite Dorset

Eskimo arrowheads were found in House D and House A, with 20 (Ingstad, 2001)21 (Ingstad, 2001)

12

other quartzite fragments also found.22 The fact that

arrowheads were predominantly found could be evidence of a

violent interaction. Since they were found inside homes, as

opposed to out in the open field, could suggest that they

were exchanged in a more commercial interaction. The Dorset

Eskimo and other Native American artifacts found were

interspersed in the soil layers, leading Helge Ingstad to

comment that, “These people must have lived in this area

about the same time as the Norsemen.”23 Therefore the

cultural landscape, as well as the physical, is in agreement

with the historical accounts.

These comparisons are not only important in that they

help separate fact from fiction within the Norse accounts of

the New World, but also in adding to the list of short-lived

colonies established in North America by Europeans. This

additional information may help answer lingering questions

surrounding other settlements such as the Roanoke, Ajacán,

22 (Ingstad, 2001)23 (Ingstad, 2001)

13

and Greenland colonies. In interpreting the archaeological

data it may be possible to ascertain what exactly led to the

ruin of these colonies and why the later colonies were

unsuccessful despite improvements in technology and

geographical knowledge. The descriptions found in the sagas

tend to attribute the lack of permanent settlements in

Vinland to the hostility of the indigenous people. However,

it is somewhat difficult to accept that a group of Norsemen,

many trained in warfare, would have abandoned such a

seemingly bountiful land in fear of the Skraelings swinging

sticks above their heads and throwing rocks. These were

farmers, true, but they were also warriors and if the

Skraelings could be frightened off with a mere rogue bull,

there must have been other reasons for the potential

settlers to such an opportunity for arable land and

resources that were sorely lacking in both Iceland and

Greenland. This is a subject left for another forum,

although it bears acknowledging as a reason for unraveling

the mystery of Vinland for farther-reaching purposes.

Conclusions:

14

            Insofar as the historical identity of Vínland, I

believe there is far more evidence to suggest that the new

land was named for its greenery and not for a specific crop;

whether or not there were vines of any kind is irrelevant if

only because of the practicality of naming places based on

the most familiar and precious commodity. In this case, it

is farmland. The fact that the only direct connection made

between Vinland and grapes is in Eirik’s Saga, which is on the

whole riddled with inconsistencies and supernatural events

that severely undermine its status as a reliable historical

account, casts doubt on the existence of the fruit in

Vinland. On the other hand, the Greenlander’s Saga and the Book

of Settlers offer descriptions that mention vines but no

grapes, and also include much more realistic and technical

language throughout concerning the voyage and navigation to

North America. Eirik’s Saga seems to be much more of a

fantastical tale of adventure and less a straightforward

history and therefore I think it completely acceptable to

set aside the mention of grapes on Vinland when determining

where exactly Vinland was.

15

This is not to say that it should be entirely ignored,

but it should be used only as a tiebreaker of sorts when all

the other data are accounted for. Since there is a range of

interpretations of the prefix vin- it seems logical to either

make it a secondary detail to more concrete evidence or use

the version that best fits with traditional Icelandic and

Greenlandic place names and socially valued commodities,

such as land and timber. In light of the reasons for Norse

exploration westward, namely a lack of natural resources to

accommodate a growing population on both Iceland and

Greenland, such resources would have more than likely been

noticed above any other features of North America. Only

later, and only thanks to Scottish and German companions do

the Norse note the existence of grapes. But the land has

already impressed them as is seen when Bjarni Herjolfsson’s

men press him to explore the shores lined with pines.

Furthermore, the discovery of Helluland is of much lesser

importance because the terrain is rocky and un-farmable. The

incentive is again land and timber, not grapes. The

explorations of North America are made consistently in an

16

effort to solve the problems of a settlement in Greenland

that was suffering economically.

            The Norse settlement at L’Anse aux Meadows is a

perfect example of the aforesaid concrete evidence. The

variety of physical evidence speaks to the many different

points at which the site matches up with historical

descriptions. Findings of bronze, red jasper traced back to

Iceland, and soapstone lamps all indicate a Norse presence.

The additional Dorset arrowheads and other indigenous

fragments corroborate the interactions between Norsemen and

‘skraeling’ as put forth in the sagas. And although there

may not be an ideal grape-growing climate, there are several

kinds of wild berries as well as non-grape vines that would

have grown in the area. With these data, the historical

contextualization of Norse interests in discovering new

lands and the high likelihood of orthographic errors made as

the oral tales were copied and translated, all of the

evidence that can be cross-referenced across sources

corresponds to the archaeological description of L’Anse aux

Meadows. Therefore there is little doubt that L’Anse aux

17

Meadows fits, more than any other proposed site, the merged

descriptions of Vínland and that it is here that the

Norsemen attempted to settle North America.

18

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Wolf, Kirsten. Viking Age: Everyday Life during the Extraordinary Era of the Norsemen. New York: Sterling, 2013.

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