Forced Labour Defined - Assessing the Irish Policy Framework and its Implications for Practice

Forced Labour Defined

Assessing the Irish Policy Framework and its Implications for

Practice

Samantha Jane Turner

MsocSci (Social Policy); Bsc (Hons); DipSP&C; CertSocSci

Table of Contents

Chapter One: Introduction...............................................................................10

1.1: Background to the Research...................................................................10

1.2: Research Aims and Research Questions...............................................12

1.3: Research Rationale.................................................................................13

1.4: Chapter Overview....................................................................................15

Chapter Two: Definitions and Statistics........................................................17

2.1: Definitions of ‘Trafficking’, ‘Smuggling’, ‘Forced Labour’ and 'Slavery'...17

2.1.1: Trafficking.........................................................................................18

2.1.2: Smuggling........................................................................................18

2.1.3: Forced Labour..................................................................................19

2.1.4: Slavery.............................................................................................20

2.2: International Statistics.............................................................................21

2.3: Ireland's Issue Quantified?......................................................................23

Chapter Three: An Exploration of the Literature Surrounding the Issue of

Forced Labour and Responses to it...............................................................24

3.0: Introduction..............................................................................................24

3.1: Methodological Approach........................................................................24

3.2: Studies of Forced Labour in the Irish Context.........................................25

3.3: Causes of Forced Labour........................................................................26

3.4: Discourses of Forced Labour..................................................................28

3.5: Discussion of International Responses...................................................29

3.6: Alternative Perspectives in Responding to Forced Labour.....................32

3.7: Conclusion...............................................................................................35

Chapter Four: Researching Forced Labour in the Irish Context.................37

4.1: Research Approach and Methodology....................................................37

4.2: Policy Analysis.........................................................................................37

4.3: Interview Data Collection.........................................................................38

4.4: Data Analysis...........................................................................................39

4.5: Research Limitations...............................................................................40

4.6: Ethical Considerations.............................................................................42

4.7: Reflexivity................................................................................................43

Chapter Five: An Examination of Policy and Current Irish Practice..........45

5.0: Introduction..............................................................................................45

5.1: International Standard Setting and the Role of the International Labour

Organisation...................................................................................................45

5.2: International and European Legislation...................................................48

5.2.1: Key International Instruments..........................................................48

5.2.2: EU Instruments.................................................................................50

5.3: Irish Legislation and Policy......................................................................51

5.3.1: Background to the Current Irish Legislation.....................................52

5.4: Critical Analysis of The Criminal Justice (Human Trafficking) Act 2008

and (Amendment) Act 2013............................................................................53

5.5: Analysis of other European Initiatives – The UK Modern Slavery Bill.....54

Chapter Six: An Analysis of Forced labour in the Irish Context.................56

6.1: Introduction..............................................................................................56

6.2: Identified Cases of Forced Labour in Ireland..........................................56

6.3: Manifestations of Forced Labour in Ireland.............................................58

6.4: Who are the Victims?..............................................................................60

6.5: Identifying Forced Labour in Ireland........................................................61

6.6: Conclusion...............................................................................................64

Chapter Seven: Discussing the Irish Policy Framework.............................66

7.1: Introduction..............................................................................................66

7.2: The Effectiveness of Irish Policy..............................................................66

7.2.1: Prevention of Forced Labour............................................................67

7.2.2: Protections for Victims......................................................................72

7.2.3: Prosecution of Offences...................................................................74

7.3: The Role of NERA...................................................................................77

7.4: The Inclusion of Forced Labour in Trafficking Legislation.......................79

7.5: The Impact of the ILO Forced Labour Definition.....................................81

7.6: A Separate Act?......................................................................................83

7.7: Conclusion...............................................................................................84

Chapter Eight: Additional and Alternative Responses................................87

8.1: Introduction..............................................................................................87

8.2: Changing the Perception of Forced Labour............................................87

8.3: Co-operation and Communication...........................................................88

8.4: Suggested Legislative Measures............................................................89

8.5: Ratification of the ILO Forced Labour Supplementary Protocol 2014....90

8.6: Additional Measures to Tackle Forced Labour........................................92

8.7: Conclusion...............................................................................................93

Chapter Nine: Concluding Remarks..............................................................95

9.1: Introduction..............................................................................................95

9.2: Review of the Findings............................................................................95

9.3: Recommendations and Possible Avenues for Further Research...........98

9.4: Conclusions...........................................................................................101

Bibliography....................................................................................................103

List of Appendices

Appendix A: Participant Information Sheet

Appendix B: Research Consent Form

Appendix C: Sample Interview Guide

Appendix D: The Criminal Law (Human Trafficking) Act 2008

Appendix E: The Criminal Law (Human Trafficking) (Amendment) Act 2013

Appendix F: European Commission Proposal to Ratify the Protocol of 2014 to

the Forced Labour Convention, 1930

Acknowledgements

I wish to thank all those who have assisted me in the completion of

this thesis in their different ways.

Firstly I wish to thank my colleagues, friends and family for their

guidance, patience and support; I would like to express my

deepest gratitude to my supervisor, Dr Caitriona NiLaoire, for her

excellent counsel and reassurance during a constantly changing

research background, as well as providing feedback and thoughts

on numerous drafts of the study. I also owe a huge gratitude to the

individuals across a myriad of backgrounds who agreed to speak

to me regarding the legislation and the potential impacts they

encountered and envisaged as a result; their opinions and

contributions were invaluable and much appreciated.

List of Abbreviations and Acronyms

DJEI: Department for Jobs, Enterprise and Innovation

DJELR: Department of Justice, Equality and Law Reform

DWAG: Domestic Workers Action Group

ECHR: European Court of Human Rights

EU: European Union

HSE: Health and Safety Executive

ICTU: Irish Congress of Trade Unions

ILO: International Labour Organisation

IRP: Immigration, Residency and Protection Bill

MRCI: Migrant Rights Centre Ireland

NERA: National Employment Rights Authority

NGO: Non-Governmental Organisation

NRM: National Referral Mechanism

OSCE: Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe

SAP-FL: Special Action Programme to Combat Forced Labour

THB: Trafficking of Human Beings

UN: United Nations

List of Tables, Charts and Graphs

Table 1: Identifying forced labour in practice 21

Table 2: Forced labour cases detected in Ireland by An Garda Siochana 24

Figure 1: Global estimate by form of forced labour 23

Figure 2: Profits from forced labour 23

Abstract

In response to the European Directive 2011/36/EU (2011), pressure from

national and international non-governmental organisations (NGOs) and

coinciding with the recommendations of the US State Departments 2012 Anti-

trafficking report, in 2013 Ireland's Criminal Law (Human Trafficking) Bill 2008

was amended to include provision to criminalise instances of forced labour and

exploitation, by defining the phenomenon in Irish government statute. This

dissertation examines the Irish policy framework to interrogate to what extent

the inclusion of the ILO definition within current national policy could potentially

aid or hinder the efforts of those dealing with the issue of forced labour, those

individuals subjected to it and those who inflict it upon others. By doing so, it

simultaneously works to assess the implications of the current legislative policy

as a whole for addressing the issue of forced labour in Ireland more generally.

Using interview data from key actors in the area, the research highlights that not

only does the Irish law have to ensure a comprehensive framework allowing

successful prosecution of those responsible for forced labour, but it also needs

to address the very real needs of the victims to it: needs such as protection

measures, immigration status, restitution, protection from further victimisation

and persecution, as well as the basic human rights afforded to every individual.

Maybe more importantly, and certainly as a first step proceeding any treatment

of victims or perpetrators of forced labour, is the issue of identification. Until this

is realised as a major obstacle in the development of the eradication of forced

labour, those who are trapped within instances of forced labour and severe

exploitation occurring in the Irish State will continue to be so.

Chapter One

Introduction

This dissertation examines the Irish policy framework and the potential impact

of the inclusion of the International Labour Offices' definition of forced labour

within legislation. This research seeks to interrogate to what extent the inclusion

of the ILO definition within current national policy can potentially aid or hinder

the efforts of those dealing with the issue of forced labour, those individuals

subjected to it and those who inflict it upon others. By doing so, it

simultaneously works to assess the implications for addressing the issue of

forced labour in Ireland more generally. This dissertation utilises an analysis of

the Irish policy framework and an examination of current literature, alongside

semi-structured interviews with key actors working within the area of forced

labour, to assess the strengths and limitations of the current legislative

framework. It will also endeavour to help identify what other factors need to be

considered when implementing future policy with regards to forced labour in

Ireland.

1.1 Background to the Research

The issue of forced labour is one that has a long and complex history, both

worldwide and within the island of Ireland. From state coercion of forced labour

in the Magdalene institutions until as recently as 1996 and the current

predicament befallen the government around the use of modern day slavery in

foreign diplomatic households, forced labour in Ireland is apparent in many

forms. It involves power over another and runs counter to the underlying

principles of democracy, those of freedom and equality. Regardless of who is

enacting the exploitation through forced labour, it is usually the most vulnerable

in society who are affected, such as immigrants, asylum seekers and the

socially or financially destitute (Doyle, 2006; Dwyer, et.al., 2011; ILO, 2014;

Sanghera, 2005; van denAnker, 2004), and from a human rights perspective it

is clear that the issue needs to be dealt with.

The globalization of the world's economy can be seen as a defining moment of

the late twentieth century and alongside this advancement, an associated

increase of labour mobility has occurred in all parts of the world. Whilst there

are many positive aspects to economic globalization, there has also been a

growing recognition of ‘the dark side of globalization and in particular the

exploitation of vulnerable people’ (Allemby. et.al. 2011:51). Issues such as

trafficking and the internationalisation of the sex trade have highlighted these

negatives of a globalised world and received a myriad of media, public and

governmental publicity; however, a wider recognition of the issue of forced

labour has been significantly slower to develop (see Bakirci, 2009). In recent

years there has been a concerted effort by European states to tackle the issue

of trafficking of human beings (THB) and the exploitation of same whilst

implementing legislation and ratifying conventions to commit to their legal

obligations. It is through this increased awareness of the issue of THB and the

subsequent actions to attempt combat it, that the phenomenon of forced labour

and its prevalence within countries such as Ireland has been brought to the

forefront.

In response to the European Directive 2011/36/EU (2011), pressure from

national and international non-governmental organisations (NGOs) and

coinciding with the recommendations of the US State Department's 2012 Anti-

trafficking report, in 2013 Ireland's Criminal Law (Human Trafficking) Bill 2008

was amended to include provision to criminalise instances of forced labour and

exploitation, by defining the phenomenon in Irish government statute. The

revised legislation closely adopted the International Labour Organisations' (ILO)

1930 wording of forced labour, which defines the act as ‘work or service which

is exacted from a person under the menace of any penalty and for which the

person has not offered himself or herself voluntarily’ (S.I.2013/24, Section 1c).

This revision brings Irish legislation into full compliance with EU regulation, and

it is hoped by supporters of the revision that the inclusion of a definition of

forced labour will improve Ireland’s record in prosecuting those involved whilst

improving identification of this mainly hidden crime.

1.2 Research Aims and Research Questions

The overarching aim of this research is to examine the impact and effectiveness

of the current policy framework upon the issue of forced labour in Ireland. In

order to achieve this research aim, the following research questions will be

addressed:

I) What types of cases of forced labour are currently identified within

Ireland, and why these?

2) How effective is the current Irish policy framework for dealing with the

issue of forced labour?

3) What is the potential impact of the insertion of a clear definition of

forced labour in terms of dealing with the issue in Ireland, in respect of:

a) Awareness of the issue of forced labour?

b) Identification and prosecution of offences?

c) Victim identification and treatment?

d) Assistance and usefulness for support organisations?

e) Any other issues or outcomes?

4) By legislating for the offence within the Human Trafficking Act, how

does the Irish legislative framework assist or hinder dealing with the

issue of forced labour?

5) In what other ways can forced labour be dealt with in the Irish context,

to better improve the situation with regard to:

a) Forced labour prevention

b) Victim identification and protection

c) Treatment of offenders

1.3 Research Rationale

The assessment of the current policy framework and the potential impact of the

inclusion of forced labour in the Irish legislation can be seen as an endeavour

which is capable of making important contributions both to the existing literature

and to the ongoing policy debates, in a currently under researched area. This

research will attempt to assess the potential usefulness of the current ILO

definition of forced labour and the potential impact of its insertion into Irish

legislation. The research also questions how forced labour is legislated for more

broadly in the Irish policy framework, and assesses the usefulness of legislating

for it within the current Human Trafficking Act. In doing so, it will also contribute

to the development of existing knowledge and theory around the phenomenon,

whilst primarily addressing the imbalance which has characterised much of the

research on the issue of forced labour in Ireland, both in current literature and

policy, with regards to both the victims who are almost always portrayed as

female or child migrants forced into sex work, and the responses to this

portrayal.

It is also important that research is undertaken within the Irish context as the

industries which contribute significantly to the Irish economy, those of

'agriculture, construction, or the service industry where there is a high demand

for cheap and exploitable labour', are also those which are proven to be most

susceptible to instances of forced labour globally (Andrees, 2009:89), and

following on from previous annual reports, Ireland has again been identified as

'a destination, source, and transit country for women, men, and children

subjected to sex trafficking and forced labour' in the 2014 US State

Departments Trafficking in Persons (TIP) Report (p.213).

The research is timely as it coincides with the ILO's recent proposals for

improving the actions used to tackle the issue of forced labour whilst also

addressing current and topical societal concerns surrounding exploitation and

trafficking that have been increasing with 'the disappearance of border controls

within the EU, [which is seen to provide] opportunities for less sophisticated,

smaller or mid-level crime groups that would otherwise not so easily operate

across borders' (Smit, 2011:192). It is hoped that this work will lead to an

increased discussion of the topic and stimulate further research in an area,

which until recently, has been largely hidden and ignored in current discourse

and policy. In order to eradicate the issue, we must first fully understand and

have a clear picture of the other aspects of forced labour to those which we are

already commonly aware of. This research aims to assist in this task.

1.4 Chapter Overview

The research begins with a short chapter focusing on the terminology used

throughout the rest of the thesis; This has the dual aims of explaining the

differences between the concepts of 'trafficking', 'smuggling', 'slavery' and

'forced labour' as well as providing some key statistics on the numbers and

varieties of forced labour both globally and within the State of Ireland. Whilst

this research focuses predominantly upon the Irish situation, in an ever

increasingly globalised world it is imperative that in order to understand the

phenomenon fully, that international, national and regional factors are all taken

into account. Therefore, chapter three follows on from the global findings and

takes an international approach in exploring the limited literature around the

subject of forced labour whilst analysing perceived differences in definitions,

causes and solutions. The chapter highlights the lack of consensus around the

rhetoric of 'trafficking', 'slavery' and 'exploitation' and how each is applied to the

phenomenon of 'forced labour' and the responses to it. It also illustrates and

discusses the number of different agendas and priorities affecting eradication of

the issue worldwide. Chapter four describes the research methodology adopted

for the study and explains the justification for decisions taken in completing this

research, whilst also highlighting any ethical concerns and problems

encountered. Chapter five follows on from the discussion introduced in the

literature review, illustrating the issue of forced labour within the Irish context

and provides an overview of current and emerging legal provisions, alongside

services and supports currently available. The chapter discusses alternative

ways the issue has been dealt with Internationally and then moves on to

introduce and discuss the potential implementation of a new UN protocol which

has been identified as a means to strengthening current national policies in the

fight against forced labour in countries such as Ireland.

Chapter six, offers an analysis of the problem of forced labour in Ireland using

qualitative data obtained from a number of interviews with key stakeholders, by

asking who the victims are, why they come to be in situations of forced labour

and which industries and areas are they found. Using further interview data,

chapter seven examines how the key stakeholders feel about the legislation and

policy framework currently in place, what effect it has on the issue of forced

labour, its victims and the perpetrators and any problems or benefits it offers for

practitioners. The discussion is then expanded upon in chapter eight, by asking

what could be changed or improved upon to deal with the issue of forced labour

more efficiently in the Irish context. The concluding chapter summarises the

data collected to answer the research aim and questions posed in chapter one.

It also offers suggestions and recommendations for policy and further research

in the area of forced labour both in the Irish context and further afield.

Chapter Two

Definitions and Statistics

2.1 Definitions of ‘Trafficking’, ‘Smuggling’, ‘Forced Labour’ and

'Slavery'

Definitions are important. They help guide action, assist in obtaining reliable

data on an issue, and ensure people can be held accountable for their actions

(in the case of perpetrators), and their inaction (in the case of States and

governments). As highlighted in the following chapters, the definitions and

distinctions between the concepts of ‘trafficking’, ‘smuggling’ and ‘forced labour’

are often blurred, inconsistent and overlapping. Outlined in chapter five, the

Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons, especially

Women and Children, supplementing the United Nations Convention against

Transnational Organized Crime (2000), which is often referred to as the

Palermo Protocol, is the only international attempt to comprehensively define

trafficking, yet there is still confusion when it comes to practice and policy. The

Protocol can often be open to interpretation as it contains a number of

undefined concepts within it, such as those of ‘coercion’, ‘deception’ and ‘forced

labour’. On the other hand, the Conventions established by the International

Labour Organisation (ILO) do attempt to define the phenomenon of ‘forced

labour’; however establishing if individuals have consented to their situation,

especially in the case of cross-border trafficking and smuggling, can be

problematic.

For the purpose of this research, the Palermo Protocol definitions of both

‘trafficking’ and ‘smuggling’ as adopted by the Council of Europe Convention

with the ILO definition of 'forced labour' will be those used by the author when

referring to each term. Each definition is shown below, alongside a definition of

'slavery', as the term, along with 'Modern (or Contemporary) Slavery', is often

referred to when discussing the phenomenon of forced labour in western

rhetoric.

2.1.1 Trafficking

'(a) ''Trafficking in persons” shall mean the recruitment, transportation,

transfer, harbouring or receipt of persons, by means of the threat or use

of force or other forms of coercion, of abduction, of fraud, of deception, of

the abuse of power or of a position of vulnerability or of the giving or

receiving of payments or benefits to achieve the consent of a person

having control over another person, for the purpose of exploitation.

Exploitation shall include, at a minimum, the exploitation of the

prostitution of others or other forms of sexual exploitation, forced labour

or services, slavery or practices similar to slavery, servitude or the

removal of organs;

(b) The consent of a victim of trafficking in persons to the intended

exploitation set forth in sub-paragraph (a) of this article shall be irrelevant

where any of the means set forth in sub-paragraph (a) have been used'

(UNODC, 2004:42-43).

2.1.2 Smuggling

'“Smuggling of migrants” shall mean the procurement, in order to obtain,

directly or indirectly, a financial or other material benefit, of the illegal

entry of a person into a State Party of which the person is not a national

or a permanent resident' (UNODC, 2004:54-55).

By defining 'smuggling' as set out above, it alludes to the voluntary nature of the

consent provided by the person who is being moved (usually across borders).

This differs from 'trafficking' in a number of ways. The voluntary nature of

smuggling is significantly different to submission under threat or coercion as

employed when an instance is identified as trafficking. The relationship between

migrant/refugee and smuggler is deemed to end once their destination is

reached, whereas trafficking continues in a form of relationship based on

coercion, and importantly, in a legal context, while smuggling occurs only across

borders, trafficking can occur both across and within borders.

2.1.3 Forced Labour

According to the 1930 ILO Forced labour Convention (No.29) and adopted by

the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR), forced labour is defined as:

''All work or service which is exacted from any person under the menace

of any penalty and for which the said person has not offered himself

voluntarily'' (Article 2, ILO. C29).

The ILO definition is useful in that it highlights how a range of coercive methods

can be employed over an individual, whether physical, psychological or

emotional, and whilst the term ‘slavery’ is not used within this definition, the

coercive nature of forced labour comes through in this phrasing with ‘the

menace of any penalty’ hinting at the use of force. Whilst many victims are

forced into labour with threat of violence, many more enter voluntarily, only to

discover later that they are unable to leave due to threats surrounding legality of

employees or by psychological and/or physical coercive actions against them

(see Allemby, 2011; Anti-Slavery International, 2006; Balch, 2012; Clarke, 2013;

ILO, 2005a). Modern forms of forced labour are often characterised by

'restrictions on freedom of movement, removal of identity documents, and

threats of denouncing to immigration authorities' (ILO, 2005a:9), though it can

take many forms. In order to assist in identification of forced labour the ILO

provides six indicators that point to a situation occurring, as shown in table one.

Table 1: Indicators of Forced Labour

INDICATORS OF FORCED LABOUR

Physical or sexual violence or the threat of such violence.

Restriction of movement of the worker e.g. through confinement or

through preventing contact with the host community.

Debt bondage or bonded labour e.g. rising from the process of

recruitment and transportation.

Withholding wages or refusing to pay the worker at all.

Retention of passports and identity documents.

Threat of denunciation to the authorities.

Source: ILO 2005c: 20–21

It is also important to remember that forced labour involves complex processes

of power relations which can make it difficult to draw a clear line between

exploitation and forced labour, and that working conditions can deteriorate into

situations of forced labour over time (Lewis et.al, 2014:9).

2.1.4 Slavery

Whilst there are many interpretations of what constitutes slavery today, the legal

definition of slavery is found at Article 1(1) of the 1926 Slavery Convention,

which reads:

‘Slavery is the status or condition of a person over whom any or all of the

powers attaching to the right of ownership are exercised’ (Centre for

Human Rights, Geneva 1994).

Whilst the 'powers' described could relate back to coercion and violence found

in the definition of forced labour, the main difference for the purpose of this

research, is the 'right of ownership' which implies that an individual in slavery

can be bought and sold by those who use and exploit them.

The above definitions are useful both from a legal stance as well as a

necessary tool in identifying and understanding the subtle differences between

them. However it is also important to understand that trafficking, smuggling and

forced labour are often overlapping and interrelated; as the ILO remind us

'forced labour can sometimes be an indirect outcome of the smuggling process,

rather than as a direct result of abusive or deceptive recruitment in the origin

country' as is usually the case in trafficking (ILO, 2005:47).

2.2 International Statistics

Due to its illegal nature, forced labour is a mainly hidden phenomenon and as

such true and accurate figures are difficult to ascertain (Kangaspunta, 2007;

Laczko, 2007), with international estimates of the extent of forced labour

ranging from 19.5 million to 31.3 million people at any one time (Global Slavery

Index, 2013). Forced labour produces profits of over $150 billion every year

and the vast majority of those caught within forced labour worldwide, 18.7

million (90 per cent), are exploited in the private economy by individuals or

criminal enterprises, with 4.5 million people estimated to be victims of forced

sexual exploitation and 14.2 million victims of forced labour, primarily in

agriculture, construction, domestic work, manufacturing, mining and utilities as

shown below (ILO, 2014).

Figure 1: Global estimate by form of forced labour

Source: ILO, 2014:7

Whilst the number of victims of forced labour is highest within the Asia-Pacific

region, the amount of profit per victim is highest in the EU and other developed

economies as shown in Figure 2 below. This clearly highlights 'the demand for

services and the low capital investments and operating costs involved' (ILO,

2014:15), and further illustrates the necessity for research and action in regards

to forced labour within Ireland.

Figure 2 Source: The Economist, May 2014

2.3 Ireland's Issue Quantified?

Whilst the ILO estimate the number of forced labour victims in Europe to be

around 880,000 each year, there is no reliable national study to confirm the

actual number of forced labour victims within Ireland. Despite this, the fact that

associated organisations have reported an increase in forced labour practices

towards migrant workers and sex workers indicates possible increased

occurrences within the State. (See Clarke, 2013). However, whilst figures from

NGOs and other bodies highlight a growing concern around the issue of forced

labour, Ireland's record for prosecutions is surprisingly low, with the latest

detection figures provided by the Department of Justice, highlighting a

continuation in this trend. Explanations for this are explored further in later

chapters.

Table 2: Forced labour cases detected in Ireland by An Garda Siochana

*As the Criminal Law (Human Trafficking) Act 2008 came into effect on 7 June 2008, there are no recorded figures of human trafficking prior to that date. Between 7 June and 31 December 2008, 36 alleged victims of human trafficking were encountered by An Garda Síochána. No further breakdown of the 2008 figures is available.

Source: Minister for Justice (2014)

Chapter Three

An Exploration of the Literature Surrounding the Issue of

Forced Labour and Responses to it

3.0 Introduction

The following literature review seeks to review both the international and Irish

academic and mainstream literature surrounding the issue of forced labour and

the responses to it. In doing so it aims to identify key issues raised as being

either a cause or consequence of the phenomenon whilst also considering how

the issue was understood and acted upon by different audiences and key

actors. As well as current international responses to the issue of forced labour,

the literature is also interrogated to locate alternative perspectives and

responses offered to deal with the increasing instances of this problem.

3.1 Methodological Approach

A systematic review of the literature was undertaken following Slavin's (1986)

'best-evidence synthesis' approach, which includes systematic search

techniques, consistent, clear and well justified criteria, synthesis of both

quantitative and qualitative evidence and attention to substantive and

methodological issues. The search of literature was initially conducted using the

electronic databases Academic Search Complete – EBSCO, SocINDEX™ -

EBSCO, and JSTOR for electronic journal entries and LexisNexis for

newspaper and media articles. The search terms employed were 'forced

labour', 'forced labor', 'modern slavery', 'contemporary slavery', 'trafficking for

forced labour', 'bonded labour' and 'compulsory labour'. The university library

database was also searched under these terms and subsequent publications

were found on shelves near by the identified sources which did not arise

through the database searches. Internet searches were also carried out using

the same terms with further sources identified by following up citations in the

identified literature. The majority of the literature reviewed originated in Europe

and the USA, and the limited amount of work done in the area of forced labour

in Ireland was included.

3.2 Studies of Forced Labour in the Irish Context

Whilst numerous studies have been undertaken around the issue of forced

labour and trafficking for forced labour internationally (usually stemming from

ILO research), studies involving the issue in Ireland are limited. The majority of

published work on the Irish context centres around migrant workers and the

exploitation which they have experienced or to which they are vulnerable (see

Coghlan, 2010; Conroy, 2003; ICTU & MRCI, 2011; Joyce & Quinn, 2014;

MRCI, 2006 and 2014 for example). The fact that the literature focusses upon

the vulnerabilities of this set of individuals is understandable as almost all the

empirical research undertaken in Ireland has been either through or in

collaboration with the Migrants Rights Centre of Ireland (MRCI), or other

organisations whose focus is on the rights of migrants living and working here.

The only other works which were located and explored were in the context of

sex trafficking as a form of exploitation and forced labour, (Pillinger, 2007; Ward

and Wylie, 2012 and 2014), and the context included here also follows an

immigration/migrant exploitation theme.

Further studies have been undertaken in the North of Ireland (Allemby et al.,

2011; Jarman, 2014; Northern Ireland Human Rights Commission, 2009) which

highlight the extent of the issue of forced labour there whilst also identifying

cases of forced labour which have used the border between the Republic and

Northern Ireland as a method of evading authorities. These studies showed the

involvement of indigenous Irish nationals in both carrying out the exploitation

and more recently as constituting a large number of those falling into situations

of forced labour due to individual vulnerabilities. As this is not widely recognised

in the Republic of Ireland in either the literature or policy, this was explored

further during interviews with key actors in this study.

3.3 Causes of Forced Labour

A number of personal and structural reasons are provided by authors as an

explanation for the existence of forced labour. However as Lewis and Waite

(2013) remind us, it is important to understand that 'forced labour is not a simple

matter' and that it 'results from a complex set of overlapping factors', all of which

affect a persons vulnerability to fall victim to the phenomenon. While there is a

general agreement in the literature on vulnerability being a key factor in the

supply of workers into forced labour, opinions as to what contributed to their

vulnerability differed across the authors. Poverty and related issues such as

homelessness were the key drivers for some (Bales and Choi-Fitzpatrick, 2012;

Dowling, 2004; Lewis and Waite, 2013; Obakata, 2006; Sanghera, 2005), whilst

for other authors alternative personal explanations emerged such as a lack of

opportunities, education and knowledge of rights (Doyle, 2006; Manokha, 2004;

Ould, 2004), alcohol and/or drug dependencies (LeBaron and Crane, 2013) or a

lack of familial and/or social networks and support (Mantouvalou, 2010).

Sanghera (2005) argues that 'these factors are not in themselves the

causes...they merely exacerbate the vulnerability of marginalized and

disadvantaged groups and render them increasingly more susceptible' (p.7). It

is these personal vulnerabilities which can then be exploited due to structural

issues either in the country of origin or destination.

The explanations of forced labour that illustrate structural inadequacies are

numerous and point to issues such as weak and unstable economies (Gulati,

2012; King, 2004), political instability, war and conflict (Gulati, 2012; Sanghera,

2005), structural inequalities within society and gender discrimination

(Sanghera, 2005), a lack of jobs (LeBaron and Crane, 2013) and the increased

need for cheap labour to maximise profits (Dower, 2004). Others blame

globalisation with the increasing movement of people and commodities and the

reduction of governmental control as a result (Bales, Trodd and Kent-

Williamson, 2011; Batestone, 2007). Whilst the causes are often deemed

central to our understanding of the issue of forced labour, they are rarely

considered in political responses to the issue internationally. This is discussed

further in the chapter in both sections 3.5 and 3.6.

It is evident from the studies that have been carried out that 'Forced labour is

often hidden in unregulated work environments where cheap labour is the norm'

(Batestone, 2007:7) relating to poorly designed or implicated legislative

frameworks and poorly regulated labour sectors. As Anti Slavery International

point out, forced labour is a:

'low-risk – high-profit enterprise' and 'those who commit the crime....

often go unpunished and enjoy their financial gains. Their victims, on the

other hand, very vulnerable people, are frequently abandoned by legal

and social systems into a realm of exploitation and abuse' (2006:3).

This claim that 'Governments [are] reluctant or incapable to protect [individuals]

within and across their own borders' (van denAnker, 2012:157), and plays a

significant role in occurrences of forced labour, is a common theme in the

literature and is discussed further in section 3.5.

It is also worth noting a further common argument in the literature, which is that

forced labour is not a modern form of slavery but is simply 'an extension and or

reconfiguration of enduring historical themes' (Quirke, 2012:41) and should be

viewed as such (Brysk, 2012; Choi-Fitzpatrick, 2012). If a continuation of the

slave trade is present, then it would illustrate either a failure on the part of

international governments to have eradicated the issue as was believed, or

points to an ignorance that it has been occurring all along and that we are now

just beginning to see what is happening around us again. Ould believes to an

extent that this is the case and that forced labour should be seen as 'a serious

pattern of both traditional and modern forms of abuse, which the world's richest

societies have tended to ignore, assuming that it cannot still exist either at home

or abroad' (2012:74).

3.4 Discourses of Forced Labour

O'Connell Davidson (2010) highlights the problems with dominant discourses

surrounding forced labour and believes that deconstruction of them 'is an urgent

political task' (p.258). However, in continuation from the national literature, the

majority of the works located from outside of Ireland also place the

phenomenon within the spheres of immigration (Herbert, 2012; van denAnker,

2004), sexual exploitation (Batestone, 2007; Sanghera, 2005) and cross-border

trafficking of mainly women and children into forced labour (King, 2004; Rogers

and Swinnerton, 2008). Quirke (2009) is critical of the common discourses and

themes apparent throughout the literature when he states:

'too many researchers have remained content to structure their work

around now well-trodden themes. New lines of enquiry need to be

developed' (p.262)

Brysk is also aware of these common discourses and warns of a:

'disproportionate emphasis on trafficking within migration policy' whilst,

'the individual emphasis and sexual focus.... fails to address the wider

issue.. of all forms of trafficking, labour abuse and exploitative smuggling'

(2012:75).

Brysk however, along with others (Bales and Cornell, 2013; Batestone, 2007;

Scarpa, 2008) consistently uses the terms 'trafficking', 'slavery' and forced

labour' interchangeably throughout without separating or delineating between

the scope of each of the concepts. Despite having internationally agreed

definitions of human trafficking, slavery and forced labour as outlined in chapter

two, the reviewed literature suggests that there are still many overlapping uses

of the terms and numerous interpretations as to what forced labour actually is.

This confusion of definitions was also explored in a review of the literature

available within the UK in a Home Office report, which reflects findings from the

international works reviewed here (Dowling et.al, 2007).

3.5 Discussion of International Responses

Forced labour is seen as a crime and the majority of ILO member states have

ratified either one or both of the forced labour conventions, which are outlined in

the following chapter. Although it is recognised and legislated for globally as a

crime, it is hardly ever prosecuted effectively partly due to difficulties in

articulating the various offences, as well as the hidden and often subtle forms of

coercion that constitute forced labour in national laws and regulations (ILO,

2005:8). Laubeova argues:

'The law often wrongly links forced labour as a consequence of human

trafficking but many enter voluntarily and then become victims because

of their illegal status. Also forced labour is not only [an] outcome of

trafficking but also smuggling and this must be constituted in the law'

(2012:49).

The literature suggests that the current understanding of forced labour is

synonymous with trafficking and trafficking discourses often centre around

borders and State control over them (see Herbert, 2012 for example). Karyotis

(2007) argues that this discourse and its related policies are likely to remain

dominant

'not only because of the lack of clarity and willingness of policy makers to

unveil the myths related to migration but also, and perhaps primarily,

because the discourse has been fully integrated and institutionalized in

the European Union and the emerging internal security regime' (2007:13)

Whilst it cannot be argued that this is an important area in dealing with the issue

of forced labour in Ireland, we also need to understand trafficking as an internal

activity as well as one which crosses borders. This is especially evident when

the research conducted by Allemby et. al. (2011) in the North of Ireland found

that the exploitation through forced labour which was identified was not

particularly associated with human trafficking, and Jarman's research (2014)

found that it was affecting indigenous citizens who had not been displaced or

relocated. Some groups have discussed the view that shifting the focus from

trafficking to forced labour would be beneficial in this area whilst also leading to

an improvement of victim protection and prosecution of offenders. The

European Expert Group on Trafficking of Human Beings for example reported:

'States should criminalise any exploitation of human beings under forced

labour, slavery or slavery-like conditions, in line with the major human

rights treaties that prohibit the use of forced labour, slavery, servitude etc.

If such policies were followed, then many of the current confusions of the

trafficking definition – whether a case was smuggling or trafficking,

whether a case was trafficking or forced labour, whether the victim had

seemed to consent to elements of the forced labour or slavery like

outcome and whether a victim was perceived as ''innocent'' or ''guilty''

would become redundant' (2004:53).

The report then goes on to clarify the benefits of such an approach being

adopted:

'By policy makers concentrating primarily on the forced labour or slavery

outcome, the Trafficking Protocol can overcome its current definitional

and practical operational difficulties and has the potential of a tool to

more effectively tackle the human rights violation of trafficking in human

beings' (p.53).

Further issues with legislation are that it only tackles the issue after the problem

has occurred and many of the authors (Heinrich, 2010; Hernandez & Rudolph,

2011; Karakus, 2008; UNDOC, 2009) highlight the necessity for a '3P' approach

as put forward by the Economics of Human Trafficking Research Group to

effectively deal with the problem.

'The 3P Anti-trafficking Policy Index evaluates governmental anti-

trafficking efforts in the three main policy dimensions (3Ps), based on the

requirements prescribed by the United Nations Protocol to Prevent,

Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons, especially Women and

Children (2000). The three main policy dimensions (3Ps) are:

Prosecution of perpetrators of human trafficking, Prevention of human

trafficking and Protection of the victims of human trafficking' (Cho, 2014).

Whilst legislation and prosecution plays a significant role in dealing with the

issue, until the root causes are resolved, a number of authors believe that the

problem will continue. An overview of some of these suggestions for a multi-

faceted approach is outlined in the following section.

3.6 Alternative Perspectives in Responding to Forced Labour

There is evidence of strong support for improved victim assistance and

protection throughout the literature. Whilst critical of current methods of dealing

with the issue of forced labour, a number of authors suggest a shift from

prosecution of perpetrators to protection of victims by advocating for a human

rights approach (see Brysk & Choi-Fitzpatrick, 2012; Obakata, 2006; van

denAnker, 2004 for example). It is suggested by the authors that adopting a

human rights framework 'not only allows different actors to pay close attention

to the plight of victims but also promotes a holistic approach...in which due

consideration is given to wider issues such as the causes and consequences'

(Obakata, 2006: 6). Others argue that a human rights approach will go further

and move the issue from 'protection to empowerment' of victims (Brysk & Choi-

Fitzpatrick, 2012: 9), placing the individual at the centre of any efforts to

address a condition of exploitation. For Choi-Fitzpatrick the effect would be two-

fold as it would not only 'encourage policies and interventions that empower

oppressed individuals' (2012:22) but would, 'additionally clarify the challenging

relationship between an individual's rights as a ''victim'' versus a ''worker'' [as

the] role of the worker is complicated if an individual has chosen the work but

not the conditions' (2012:23).

For Ould, it is not only of benefit to the victims to look at a multi-faceted

approach but also for the State:

'If policy-makers limit themselves to strengthening repressive laws

without embarking on a corresponding set of preventative and protective

measures, then they will be liable to be accused of condoning slavery

and forced labour' (2004:73)

The reviewed literature suggests promotion of a multi-agency approach to deal

with the issue of forced labour. One proposed way to do this is concerned with

the idea of 'Cosmopolitanism' as the preferred method by adopting equality for

all and responsibility by all:

'Cosmopolitanism means states as well as individuals have duties across

borders to assist in making human rights accessible to all at home and

abroad' (van denAnker, 2012:170).

This idea complements the thinking behind many authors' suggestions that the

consumer plays a major part in the continuation of forced labour globally by

purchasing goods and services that have forced labour practices at work in their

supply chains (see Bales & Cornell, 2013 and Manokha, 2004 for full

discussion). Batestone (2007) offers an idealistic (if somewhat impossible)

insight into the relevance of such an approach:

'Grass roots activists track the supply chain of every consumer product

we buy to determine how it is produced. Armed with that data, we could

shape a policy to hold companies accountable that use slave labour in

any way' (p.248)

It is understood that the use of coercion and/or deception are often seen as an

indication of whether an exploitative employment practice can be viewed as

forced labour (Craig et.al., 2007:17). However coercion can be subtle and

difficult to identify, often involving 'manipulation, psychological pressure and

threats' to the victim (Skrivankova, 2006:16), which has caused a number of

authors to question how to view and assess the practice effectively. One area

which is often cited as an explanation for the difficulties in identification is the

'continuum of exploitation'. As O'Connell Davidson (2010) explains:

'people's experience of exploitation, abuse, powerlessness and

restriction ranges on a continuum. That means that those seeking to

operationalize the concept.... have to make a judgement about the point

on the spectrum at which 'appropriate' exploitation/force ends and

'inappropriate exploitation/force begins' (p.250).

For Bales et.al. (2011) 'there is a continuum of exploitation around the world and

slavery exists at its extreme end' (p.31).

Throughout the literature, the recurring theme of improved and increased

communication is also seen to be a requirement from all parties who come into

contact with the phenomenon in order to both raise awareness and to support a

more co-ordinated approach to its eradication (Bales et.al., 2011; Brysk & Choi-

Fitzpatrick, 2012; Obakata, 2006). This was highlighted alongside appropriate

and increased training of those in authority, employment inspectorates and

service providers which was also deemed necessary by many of the sources

explored, as a method for increasing awareness and actively dealing with the

problem of forced labour (Bales. et.al., 2011; Bales & Cornell, 2013; Batestone,

2007; Dower, 2004; van denAnker, 2012).

3.7 Conclusion

This literature review has shown that there are very few sources concerning the

issue of forced labour in Ireland. Some areas such as that of issues relating to

migrant workers, are addressed more than others, but there are considerable

gaps in knowledge which hinders both policy and practice in Ireland. A larger

body of work can be found internationally, though further research should be

carried out to see if the findings from these works are relevant to the Irish

situation. The outcomes from the review of the literature need to be treated with

caution, fore-mostly due to the fact that existing literature presents an

incomplete picture of the problem as there is no proven methodology which

identifies all cases of forced labour and no substantial quantitative evidence of

the issue within the state of Ireland, as outlined in the previous chapter. The few

studies that were identified as containing qualitative evidence centred around

small and unrepresentative samples of migrant workers and people working

within the area, and whilst they all contribute to knowledge of the phenomenon,

many gaps are present as they tend to focus upon specific victim profiles and

selective employment areas such as domestic work, agriculture and the sex

industry. As well as the gaps in victim profile and employment sectors, the

studies also concentrate on a narrow perspective of the human rights of victims

which also leads to a lack of investigation on the perpetrators.

Across the literature, there is also some confusion and cross over between the

terms 'trafficking' and 'smuggling' and it can be difficult to distinguish between

trafficking for forced labour and other forms of trafficking as many of the sources

do not identify a difference. This is a major issue as a clear consensus in

relation to these definitions impacts not only upon our understanding of the

issue of forced labour, but is also likely to affect how the problem is identified,

measured and the policies adopted to address it. Although the literature sources

examined all relied on small samples, they did tend to result in similar findings

and issues around the phenomenon, indicating the importance of research in

this area. This review has highlighted that a wide range of types of investigation

is necessary to provide a fuller picture of the issue of forced labour in Ireland.

Chapter Four

Researching Forced Labour in the Irish Context

4.1 Research Approach and Methodology

The exploratory research was undertaken using a pragmatist paradigm and a

mixed methods approach to answer the research questions.

The mixed method approach was used as a way of integrating both qualitative

and quantitative methods in order to obtain a clearer picture of the issue of

forced labour in Ireland, the responses to it, and the impact these responses

have had on key individuals in the field. Whilst there have been a number of

different approaches to combining qualitative and quantitative data (see

Bryman, 2012), this research adopts the mixed methods approach to ‘confirm

and discover’ (ibid: 647) the answer to the research questions posed. The

research methods employed, included a policy analysis of both the Irish and

other comparative frameworks alongside a number of semi-structured key

stakeholder interviews.

4.2 Policy Analysis

The purpose of the analysis was to access, compile and assess current policy

relevant to dealing with the issue of forced labour in Ireland.

A systemic approach was undertaken to locate and identify current policies from

within Ireland and from international organisations. Legislation was selected and

included in the research based upon the authors own opinion of its applicability

to dealing with the issue, its victims and offenders. Relating the chosen policies

back to the international literature and the authors own knowledge in the area,

the policies were then analysed and assessed for usefulness and potential

gaps. The author then reviewed recent developments in UK policy to compare

and contrast against the current Irish policy framework. The findings from the

analysis are reported in chapter five.

4.3 Interview Data Collection

Face to face interviewing was chosen as the primary data collection method as

it provided the opportunity to generate rich data (Bryman, 2012: 470) and also

because the language used by the participants was considered important in

gaining additional insight as to how the problem of forced labour is seen and

framed by different actors. Semi-structured interviews were carried out during

June, July, and August 2014 with representatives from NGOs (MRCI and Nasc),

Trade Unions (ICTU), Employment Rights bodies (NERA) and the Irish

Government (Department of Justice /Anti Human Trafficking Unit (AHTU)).

Interviews took place at a time and location specified by the participant and

details about the research were provided to all interviewees. An interview

schedule was designed with key questions (a copy of which is included in the

Appendix), which were used for reference and as prompts if and when needed

whilst also allowing the interviewer to 'be prepared and appear competent

during the interviews' (Cohen & Crabtree, 2006). Other than the participants

from AHTU and NERA, the interviewees were not provided with the questions

prior to the meeting to prevent answers being too scripted or prepared in

advance. As both AHTU and NERA are State bodies, questions had to be

supplied for approval by them, prior to agreeing to speak about the issue.

Despite this, as policy advancements were occurring in the field of forced labour

between the questions being approved and the actual meeting, additional

questions were posed during the interview to which neither interviewee was

provided with details of prior to the discussions. Consent to participate in the

study was obtained prior to the commencement of the interview in all cases

along with permission to audio record the participants' responses. The

interviews were informal and offered a chance for those involved to give their

views and perspectives around a number of different issues relating to forced

labour and how it is dealt with through the Irish policy framework. Each

interview began with a basic introduction about the research, which was then

followed with one or two opening questions, which served to establish a

conducive research environment by evoking an atmosphere of reciprocal trust.

By doing so, information was provided by the participants freely and openly, and

it is hoped that as a result, participants provided full, rich and relevant data in

response to the questions posed throughout the discussions (see Denscombe

2010: 49). The interview data was complemented by desk-based research in

the form of an international literature review and an analysis of the current

legislative and policy frameworks, both within Ireland and further afield.

The research methods were selected as they were most suitable ways to obtain

the responses to the research aim and questions. The empirical research

attempted to ensure depth of coverage with regards to opinions of the

effectiveness of the amendment to the legislation, taking in to account a number

of different perspectives. The time constraints upon the research also favoured

this methodology.

4.4 Data Analysis

Prior to any analysis, all original audio recordings and interview notes from the

semi-structured interviews were protected, catalogued and appropriately

indexed with unique serial numbers to ensure easy reference. The researcher

then fully transcribed all participant interviews in order to begin to review the

data collected. Once the interview transcripts were complete a version was

forwarded to any participants that had expressed a wish to review them, prior to

a detailed analysis. Two of the participants checked through the transcripts and

authorised the use of them without any changes being made. Interview

transcripts were then manually coded in order 'to label, separate, compile and

organize' the data (Charmaz,1983: 186). The method of 'open coding' was

deemed most appropriate in analysing the interview transcripts as this allowed

the researcher to continually engage with the data in 'the process of breaking

down, examining, comparing, conceptualizing and categorizing' it until thematic

links back to the original research areas were identified (Strauss and Corbin,

1990). The transcripts were then electronically segmented and organised into

the identified thematic categories, ensuring a copy of the original data remained

intact throughout. These categories were then iteratively analysed and reported

on, in relation to the original research questions set.

4.5 Research Limitations

As anticipated, some methodological difficulties were encountered throughout

the research. The main limitations which were encountered were due in part to

the hidden nature of the issue of forced labour and the fact that both forced

labour and its associated practices such as trafficking are illegal within Ireland,

the lack of knowledge and understanding of the phenomenon within the State,

and also the lack of any reliable or historical quantitative statistical data to assist

in locating the qualitative data obtained in a wider context. Although there is a

growing consensus that forced labour is on the increase (Bales, 2000; ILO,

2003; ILO, 2005; ILO, 2012), difficulties arising from categorisations of forced

labour and its associated concepts, such as ‘trafficking’ and 'slavery', as

highlighted throughout the research, proved to limit the identification of some of

the vast amount of manifestations of forced labour which are known to occur

worldwide. As media attention and popular discourse has frequently centred

around sex workers for example, other lesser known forms such as debt

bondage may not have been as easily identified by those who were interviewed,

nor be apparent in statistics obtained. The sensitivity and complexity of the

research topic as well as the constant social and policy change which occurred

throughout the time the research was being undertaken also may have

impacted upon the data obtained.

Difficulties were also encountered when attempting to arrange suitable

interviews within the state as there is only one not-for-profit organisation that

works with victims of forced labour in Ireland. A number of potential interviewees

when contacted for inclusion within the study, instead directed me to speak to

this particular NGO about the topic. The Migrants Rights Centre Ireland (MRCI)

is based in Dublin and is where identified victims in Ireland, (either by other

NGOs or key stakeholders) are referred to. As the organisation's interests

centre around the rights of migrants, it is suggested here that many other

sufferers of forced labour may go untreated. The study attempted to explore this

by interviewing a number of organisations dealing with the rights of EU citizen

migrant workers, primarily of eastern European and Polish citizens as these

have been identified as commonly found in instances of forced labour both in

the North of Ireland and throughout the rest of the UK (see Gang masters

Licensing Authority, 2014 and Jarman, 2014). However the two groups based in

Cork who deal with the integration of EU citizen migrant workers who were

approached to discuss the research, were both unwilling to participate in the

study and the area should be developed further at a later date. A further

consideration was that the Irish legislative framework is relatively modern and is

currently undergoing a process of advancement, and as such may require

further time to impact on the issue in the manner that it is hoped. As a direct

result of this, there is also little supporting evidence in the form of official crime

figures, and for this reason it is suggested that a similar study in the future

would be beneficial in assessing any usefulness of the legislation when the

impact on crime figures would be evident. A further and fuller analysis of how

the issue of forced labour could otherwise be legislated for within the Irish policy

framework would also be of interest, but is beyond the scope of this research

due to current accessibility of information and time constraints.

4.6 Ethical Considerations

Consent forms (refer to Appendix B) were provided to all participants, explained

to them and signed by them prior to any involvement in the research. All

participants were advised about the research and also informed how the data

was to be used. Participants were also made aware that they had the right to

refuse to participate or that they could withdraw at any time during or after the

interview.

The rights and interests of all participants and any others directly or indirectly

affected by any aspect of the research were taken into consideration. All

participants were offered a guarantee of anonymity and confidentiality as far as

possible, without affecting the integrity of the research. However all participants

to the study were happy to provide information 'on the record' and were not

concerned with the recognition of their input to the study. All participants signed

consent to this effect.

The University College Cork’s codes of ethics relating to social research was

taken into account and considered prior to, and throughout all stages of the

following research and all reasonable precautions were taken throughout, in

order to safeguard myself and anyone involved in the research, either directly or

indirectly, from any potential risks that may occur as part of the research project,

including the potential of physical and psychological dangers as outlined by

Craig et al. (2000:1). I was also aware of the potential emotional involvement

due to the topic of the issue and the exploitation of vulnerable individuals.

This research and all associated activities was conducted in an open, honest

and transparent manner as far as is possible. The research was completed

independently and objectively, and all discoveries have been reported as

faithfully and honestly as can be achieved.

4.7 Reflexivity

The research is undertaken as part of the Masters in Social Policy at University

College Cork and as far as can be ensured, there is no bias or vested interests

affecting the outcome of the research. Other than the interview participants

involved, this research has no links to any groups or individuals involved in the

area of trafficking, employment legislation or any other such affiliations, which

may influence the outcome of the study. My own interest in the area stems

partly from my employment within the agricultural industry and my first hand

knowledge that forced labour can affect vulnerable individuals of any nationality

and not only migrant workers, as is often depicted in current Irish discourses

around the area. As attempting to illustrate this fact with individual cases which I

have personally become aware of through my connections in agriculture would

have caused a number of personal issues, I decided to approach researching

the phenomenon from a distance and focused on national legislation and

policies which affect all workers and individuals who may fall subject to

instances of forced labour within the State. Whilst it is accepted that it is

impossible to approach things from a position of complete detachment

(Denscombe, 2010:92), and despite the above factors, this research was

designed, completed and reported in an objective a way as is possible, with

neutrality, impartiality and fairness aspired to in all aspects of the research.

Chapter Five

An Examination of Policy and Current Irish Practice

5.0 Introduction

In recent times, the acknowledgement of the growing issue of human trafficking

by the international community has led to the development of a number of

legislative instruments and measures to help tackle the crime as well as

attempting to offer protection and assistance to its victims. However, as the

debate and policies around trafficking have mainly centred around the issue of

trafficking for sexual exploitation, other forms of trafficking such as that of

trafficking for forced labour, have largely been ignored and unrecognised, and

have 'only recently started to be addressed by international and national bodies

and by related policies' (Accem, 2012:13). Whilst improvements in the area of

forced labour have been made, both on an international level and within Irish

policy, there still remain significant gaps. Whilst it is beyond the scope of this

research to provide extensive analysis of all the legal instruments involved in

the trafficking of human beings and its associated practices, this chapter briefly

outlines the main instruments and policies which are used to deal with both the

issue and the victims of forced labour whilst briefly discussing these shortfalls.

5.1 International Standard Setting and the Role of the International

Labour Organisation

The International Labour Organisation (ILO) was established in 1919 in the

aftermath of World War One and as a direct response to and acknowledgement

of the excesses of colonialism and the use of forced labour for economic

advancement, drafted the first international convention against the practice. The

Forced Labour Convention (No.39) has been used as the main guiding

framework in international legislation since its adoption in 1930. During the

inter-war period, in 1957 the Abolition of Forced Labour Convention (No.105)

was established to respond to the use of forced labour on political prisoners and

others consigned to labour camps. Whilst these two conventions were

established to directly target abuse by governments and state exploitation of

individuals, more recent manifestations of the issue are often carried out by

private individuals and agents linked to crime organisations (Andrees, 2009;

Bales, 2000; Shelly, 2003).

With a change of focus from state exploitation to abuses within the private

economy, in 1998, the Declaration on Fundamental Principles and Rights at

Work was adopted by the ILO and called on member states to respect and

promote core labour standards alongside the elimination of discrimination in

employment and the eradication of all forms of forced and child labour

(Convention 182:1999). This emphasis on improving employment standards

has been promoted as an effective mechanism in the battle against forced

labour by a number of researchers and professionals as discussed in chapter

three. However harmonisation of standards is deemed difficult and may prevent

cross-border and even inter-EU co-operation in any criminal proceedings being

successful, whilst opening further gaps for the crime to take place without

ramifications (see Coster van Voorhout, 2007 for full legal discussion). Whilst

the ILO Conventions themselves do not specifically criminalise the trafficking

element of forced labour, both ILO Convention no. 97, concerning Migration for

Employment, and Convention no. 143, concerning Migrants in Abusive

Conditions and the Promotion of Equality of Opportunity and Treatment of

Migrant Workers, can be applied to deal with issues of exploitation of migrant

workers. Neither of these later conventions have been ratified by Ireland to

In 2001, the ILO's first global report on forced labour, Stopping Forced Labour,

was published highlighting the multitude of different forms the phenomenon

takes today and also the lack of interest in the issue, both from policy makers

and the international community. This led to the establishment of a Special

Action Programme to Combat Forced Labour (SAP-FL) in early 2002 which

focused on increasing knowledge of forced labour in practice, both in

developing and industrialized countries. As a result of research carried out by

the SAP-FL, in 2005 the ILO published its second report which contained

estimates of the numbers of incidents of forced labour on both international and

regional scales and by 2012, when the ILO published further findings, the global

estimate had increased from 12.3 million to 20.9 million people held in forced

labour at any one time. This, alongside its 2014 report into the monetary value

of the issue, Profits and Poverty: The economics of forced labour, estimating

worldwide profits at US$150.2 billion, highlighted the extent of the problem and

has resulted in people taking notice of the phenomenon and calling for action

(ILO, 2014).

In June 2014, members of the ILO voted to adopt the Protocol of 2014 to the

Forced Labour Convention,1930 which updates the 1930 treaty to better

address contemporary forms of forced labour including those against migrant

workers and within the private sector. The prevention measures include creation

of national action plans, expansion of labour laws to protect those sectors most

at risk of exploitation as well as an increase in labour inspection services and

protection from exploitative recruitment practices. Governments are also

required to ensure businesses prevent and respond to forced labour within their

operations. Article 4 of the new Protocol also assists victims of forced labour by

obligating governments to provide them with justice and remedies regardless of

their nationality or legal status, and ensuring governments have discretion not to

prosecute an individual for illegal activities that have been undertaken as a

direct result of forced labour. Representatives from the Irish government and

Trade Union bodies were present at the Conference and opted into the protocol.

However at the time of the study, it is yet to be agreed if Ireland will ratify the

Protocol and if so, how it will fit into the current policy framework. A number of

delegates were interviewed as part of this research to ascertain if and how the

Protocol would potentially effect the current situation of forced labour in Ireland.

5.2 International and European Legislation

Whilst the ILO conventions outlined above have been useful in setting an

international standard on how to deal with the issue of forced labour, each

convention needs to be ratified by individual states before coming into effect,

and even then, there are few powers to enforce the convention alone unless it

has been inserted into national legislation. The above conventions however,

have been influential in setting standards and definitions in other international

legislation such as those established by the United Nations (UN), the European

Court of Human Rights (ECHR) and the European Union (EU), all of which are

enforceable by law and are detailed below.

5.2.1 Key International Instruments

The Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons,

Especially Women and Children, supplementing the United Nations

Convention against Transnational Organised Crime (Palermo Protocol)

(2003) Established as a response to the threat posed by international organised

crime the protocol criminalised all trafficking in human beings whilst also

providing the first international definition of the activity (see chapter two). In line

with the definition outlined, trafficking in persons consists of three elements: the

act, the means and the purpose. Whilst the protocol places an emphasis on

exploitation to include all those exploited through ‘forced labour or services,

slavery or practices similar to slavery’ (Art. 3a), and states that all countries

have an obligation to respect, promote and realise the principle of the

elimination of forced or compulsory labour in all forms (Art. 9), it does not

provide a definition of forced labour. The protocol is beneficial to victims of

forced labour and trafficking as it obliges parties to 'assist and protect victims'

(Art. 6) whilst also stating that repatriation of victims may not be used if

individuals are at risk if returned to country of origin. States are also obliged to

promote co-operation and exchange information (Art. 10) to help combat forced

labour and international trafficking of human beings.

The Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948) Art. 4 states that ‘No-one

shall be held in slavery or servitude’ and is often used as the main legal

framework in cases of forced labour and severe exploitation.

Supplementary Convention on the Abolition of Slavery, the Slave trade

and the Institutions and practices similar to Slavery (1956) supplemented

the 1926 Convention and was implemented to intensify national and

international efforts.

Convention of the Protection of the Rights of all Migrant Workers and

their Families (1990) was developed to prevent forced labour and servitude of

migrant workers; however Ireland has not ratified this convention.

5.2.2 EU Instruments

Whilst the EU can be seen to face many unique and complex difficulties due to

its allowance of the free movement of workers and citizens, and its lack of

harmonisation surrounding the criminalisation of forced labour such as the

variety of both penalties and sentences for perpetrators, it is also in a unique

position to deal with the issue as it 'possesses unparalleled tools for the

effective combat of human trafficking for labour exploitation, when harmonised'

(Coster van Voorhout, 2207:47). Some of these are outlined below.

European Convention on Human Rights (1950) – As per the UN 1948

Convention, Article 4 prohibits slavery, servitude and the requirements to

perform forced or compulsory labour and is often seen as the basis of European

arguments against forced labour.

Charter of Fundamental Rights (2000) Art. 5 – Prohibits forced labour and

slavery whilst separating servitude and slavery from the action of forced labour,

and both from trafficking. This could be used in Ireland as a basis to change the

dominant discourses from that of trafficking migrants for sexual exploitation to

one solely based upon labour exploitation.

Council of European Convention on Action against Trafficking in Human

Beings (2006) – Whilst primarily based on combating the issue of THB, the

convention gives provision for compensation of victims by requiring States to

provide a range of services such as accommodation, psychological and material

assistance, emergency medical treatment, translation and interpretation

services, legal rights and representation, to any person recruited or transported

by means of coercion or deception for the purpose of exploitation. Whilst this

has been welcomed by many stakeholders, Coghlan and Wylie (2011) question

the wording of the Act and state that ‘it is likely that many vulnerable and

exploited workers will be excluded from state protection and liable for

deportation on the grounds that they were not exploited, deceived or coerced

enough’ (p:1521).

EU Directive 2009/52/EC (2009) deals primarily with penalising employers of

undocumented workers and Art. 6 gives ‘illegally employed’ third country

nationals the right to claim for outstanding wages and back pay. However,

Ireland has opted out of this directive and as such needs to ensure an

alternative legislative provision to provide all workers with a way to redress

employers for back pay owed.

EU Directive 2011/36/EU (2011) Ireland has opted in to this council directive

which sets out minimum penalties for those who conduct exploitation and

provides protection for victims which is not conditional on assisting in the

prosecution of their abusers. However this directive offers no protection for

employment exploitation issues such as excessive working hours and wage

issues and as such some EU countries have opted out.

5.3 Irish Legislation and Policy

Ireland has created a number of action plans and committees to help remove

the issue of forced labour from the State. In 2008 in response to the Palermo

Protocol and its research in Europe, Ireland established an Anti-Trafficking Unit,

with a separate department which deals with the issue of labour exploitation and

provides training to a range of organisations and government bodies such as

NERA and the HSE (Health and Safety Executive). In addition, several pieces of

domestic legislation have been implemented to deal with aspects of forced

labour in Ireland.

5.3.1 Background to the Current Irish Legislation

Certain elements of a forced labour situation such as retention of a worker's

passport, identity documents or qualification papers by an employer are

criminalised under The Employment Permits Act 2006 (Section 23). The Act

also contains provisions to prevent employers from deducting money from an

employee's wages for recruitment or travelling expenses or any other monies

relating to obtaining a job in Ireland.

After significant lobbying and pressure from NGOs such as MRCI and the IOM,

The Criminal Law (Human Trafficking) Act (2008) was enshrined in Irish law

and identifies the issue of forced labour as a crime within the state and

therefore enables identified victims of forced labour to be treated as victims of

crime and for perpetrators to be prosecuted. In 2013, The Criminal Law

(Human Trafficking) (Amendment) Act 2013 was introduced to implement the

European Union Directive 2011/36/EU on the issue of preventing and

combating trafficking in human beings (THB), which adopts an integrated,

human rights approach to the issue alongside a commitment by states to enact

a more rigorous prevention, prosecution and protection of the rights of victims.

The Act replaced and expanded upon the definition of exploitation in the 2008

Act, by incorporating the International Labour Organisations definition of forced

labour, that 'work or service which is exacted from a person under the menace

of any penalty and for which the person has not offered himself or herself

voluntarily'. Whilst the amendment was welcomed as an improvement on the

existing Irish legislation, as outlined in the following section, many argue that it

did not go far enough.

5.4 Critical Analysis of The Criminal Justice (Human Trafficking) Act

2008 and (Amendment) Act 2013

The 2013 Amendment Act has been criticised for not addressing other aspects

of the European Directive, in particular to identify trafficking victims at an early

stage and to provide them with other types of assistance, support and

protection (Council of Europe, 2013; Joyce & Quinn, 2014; MRCI, 2006).

However, there is a commitment by the Irish government to introduce protection

measures for victims of trafficking in the forthcoming Immigration, Residence

and Protection Bill (IRP), though no time-frame for its introduction has been

provided. This would further frame the issue of forced labour and trafficking as

an immigration problem. The lack of trafficking prosecutions within the State has

also been highlighted (Council of Europe, 2013; U.S State Department, 2013

and 2014), and as such the legislation remains untested. Among the assistance

and support measures which must be provided under the Directive are

appropriate and safe accommodation, material assistance, medical treatment

and psychological assistance, legal counselling and information (in a language

the victim understands). Serious concerns have also been voiced over whether

the system of accommodating victims of trafficking in hostels (under the Irish

asylum system of 'Direct Provision'), meets the requirements of 'appropriate and

safe accommodation' or the gender specific perspective required under the

Directive (Barnardos, 2007; Coghlan, 2010; IOM, 2010).

The continued criminalisation of victims of forced labour is also a major issue for

individuals working in the area, especially with regards to undocumented

workers or those forced to be involved in criminal activities. However it is

necessary to note that the Anti-Human Trafficking Unit (AHTU) contained within

the Department of Justice have committed to the creation of a second National

Action Plan to deal with the issue of human trafficking in which the expanded

definition of forced labour will be incorporated to encompass new and emerging

manifestations of the phenomenon, which would also deal with the victims of

forced labour for criminal gain.

5.5 Analysis of other European Initiatives – The UK Modern Slavery Bill

In contrast to Ireland, the UK did not implement any criminal law specific to

forced labour following the EU Directive discussed above and currently

investigates and prosecutes cases under a combination of migration and

employment laws. However, on 10th June, 2014 the UK published its Modern

Slavery Bill, which has provision to create an anti-slavery commissioner to

oversee the issue of modern slavery in all its forms in the UK and provides law

enforcement with stronger tools to deal with the issue, closing gaps in policy

and ensuring perpetrators receive suitable and severe punishments for the

crime. The bill also introduces a new reparation order to encourage the courts

to compensate victims and introduces a defence for victims who are compelled

to commit a criminal offence through forced labour and trafficking. At the time of

this study the Bill is still undergoing scrutiny in the British Parliament after a joint

select committee criticised it for failing to do enough to protect victims of forced

labour and other forms of modern slavery. The Bill coincides with a national

campaign to 'acknowledge and confront' the existence of modern slavery and

forced labour in the UK. As well as a television, internet and newspaper

advertising campaign with the tag line 'Slavery is closer than you think', a

website also enables whistle-blowers, members of the public who suspect

cases of forced labour, and victims themselves, to report the crime and obtain

further help and information. A free-phone national helpline has also been

established to offer advice and assistance in an attempt to 'bring this hidden

crime out into the open' and challenge the public 'to report it wherever we

suspect it' (Anderson, 2014).

5.6 Conclusion

This chapter briefly outlines both existing and potential legal and policy tools

that can assist in dealing with the issue of forced labour in Ireland whilst

providing an overview of some issues that are apparent in current legislation.

The chapter provides a synopsis of current developments in the UK which could

be reviewed prior to the publication of the Department of Justice's second

National Action Plan to deal with all aspects of the crime in Ireland.

Chapter Six

An Analysis of Forced labour in the Irish Context

6.1 Introduction

This chapter draws together the findings from the semi-structured interviews

and the exploration of the literature to illustrate how forced labour is manifesting

itself in Ireland today, identifying possible causes and exploring the perception

and understanding of it, in order to provide a fuller picture of the phenomenon.

In doing so, this chapter will provide an answer to the first research question

'What types of forced labour are currently identified within Ireland, and why

these?' whilst also providing some context for the overall research aim and

remaining research questions set in chapter one.

6.2 Identified Cases of Forced Labour in Ireland

Supporting the findings from the literature regarding the issue of forced labour in

other countries, instances in Ireland that were identified by the key stakeholders

interviewed were primarily in employment sectors that were either poorly

regulated, or relied heavily upon transient, seasonal or casual labour. The

restaurant trade, catering and other ethnic food businesses, were key areas

identified by NGOs in Cork. MRCI in Dublin had encountered no recent cases

referred to them in these areas, though it was acknowledged during the

interview that:

'when I say we haven’t had people referred to us in the hotel and

restaurant and catering industry in the situation of forced labour recently,

it doesn’t mean that they're not there. Particularly knowing that it's an

industry that is pretty problematic where labour exploitation is quite high'

(MRCI interviewee).

Forced labour within the agriculture and livestock areas, which both play a

significant part in the Irish economy, was also highlighted by the participants of

the study. Agriculture is well known throughout the world as a sector with a high

volume of forced labour instances (see Andrees & Belser, 2009; Bales, 2000;

ILO, 2003) and Ireland is not an exception to this. Whilst the mushroom industry

has been researched previously (Allemby et.al., 2011; Kearns et.al., 2008;

MRCI, 2006), and subsequent measures were put in place to manage the

exploitation that was occurring in the sector, NGOs are aware of a 'deterioration

of conditions' and have heard of a number of instances where people are once

again being exploited in this area (MRCI interviewee). Whilst acknowledging

that the issue again 'merits more work', the interviewee from MRCI stated that

as an NGO, they do not have the capacity to travel or do the outreach work

necessary to deal with the potential instances of forced labour which the

industry may return to. Individuals involved in the horse breeding industry were

also identified as being severely exploited, with 'their love of horses and limited

education' being provided as an explanation as to how they are 'so easily

manipulated and exploited' (ICTU interviewee). All the interviewees relayed that

construction work was another area where employees in Ireland are likely to be

susceptible, following from the exploitation the industry is known to inflict

worldwide (Bales & Cornell, 2013; ILO, 2003). This sector will need to be

monitored and reviewed if the government does invest in up-coming national

building projects as promised.

A 'continuing trend in domestic servitude' supports MRCI's claim that their

largest number of cases have 'always been in domestic work', though recently

they have been involved in a number of instances of forced labour for cannabis

cultivation, highlighting new manifestations of trafficking for forced labour which

are being identified. Further cases of forced labour in and around criminal

activities were also reported by a number of the interviewees, such as forced

begging and in areas of sexual exploitation other than prostitution, such as door

men and brothel regulators which all pose new issues for the Irish policy

framework and its enforcers. This conflict between defining the labourer as a

victim or an offender is discussed further in the following chapter.

A number of interviewees initiated discussions around another area which

requires a unique handling of the problem of forced labour; that which centres

around the amount of forced labour occurring either within diplomatic

households in Dublin, or involving those on diplomatic missions. As diplomats

are covered by the Geneva Convention, employment inspectorates and other

enforcement bodies are unable to act on any forced labour crime that may be

committed. However, when discussing the issue with representatives from both

the Department of Justice and the National Employments Rights Authority of

Ireland (NERA), it was relayed that the Department of Foreign Affairs are in the

process of implementing a voluntary compliance system which will then be

monitored by NERA, to improve compliance with Irish law and help to protect

workers in this area. However, this sector is one which will need to continue to

be monitored as the voluntary nature of these proposed measures, still poses

questions as to how effective a system such as this is likely to be.

6.3 Manifestations of Forced Labour in Ireland

Cases of forced labour which have been identified in the Irish context are often

discovered secondary to another issue such as a problem with a migrant's

immigration status. According to the research participants, it is at the point when

an individual approaches an organisation for help in securing their legal status

that other issues begin to come to light, which define their circumstances of that

of forced labour. Of the six indicators which the ILO provide in order to assist in

the identification of forced labour (see chapter two), all were described during

the interviews with the key stakeholders, although the individuals that were

identified by the organisations interviewed did not identify themselves as

suffering from forced labour. NGO employees interviewed highlighted issues

uniquely linked to the situation of immigrants and undocumented workers, such

as debt bondage due to either being smuggled or trafficked into Ireland, failure

to pay the amount disclosed on an employment permit, threats of deportation

and/or removal of immigration status and documentation being retained by

employers at a place of work. Interviewees also reported that restricting the

integration of victims with other members of the community was also apparent,

often to ensure that the workers remained in a vulnerable position. Other

indicators of forced labour were also identified by the NGOs as well as the

representative from the Irish Congress of Trade Unions in cases which they had

been made aware of, or had worked with directly. These included a failure to

pay the minimum wage or not being paid for the hours worked, threats towards

an individual's family or to authorities such as the Department of Social

Protection when an individual is also claiming welfare payments. Not all

interviewees automatically recognised that these methods could be used

against both native and migrant workers within the State highlighting a lack of

conscious awareness of the potential of forced labour indicators being used

effectively against the native work force. Drawing from evidence of identified

cases in both the UK and Northern Ireland (Allemby et.al., 2011; Anti-Slavery

International, 2006; Clark, 2013; Jarman, 2014), it can be hypothesised that

there is a possibility of forced labour occurrences within the State and that these

methods are being inflicted upon Irish workers within Ireland.

It was believed by the research participants that all the above identified features

of forced labour were inflicted purposely in order to retain individuals in an

exploitative position. However a lack of awareness by employers of what would

or would not constitute forced labour was reported during one of the interviews.

The interviewee from ICTU strongly believes that employers are not given

enough information and may be unaware that what they see as an

entrepreneurial and 'go-getting' attitude could easily and often unintentionally

cross over 'into practices which fall under forced or compulsory labour'. This is

an important angle, which is often excluded in contemporary discussions

surrounding forced labour, and as Allemby et.al. point out 'for there to be

workplace exploitation there needs to be an employer who is willing to take

advantage of another person's vulnerability' (p17).

6.4 Who are the Victims?

As a number of the interviewees deal primarily with migrant workers and their

rights, the majority of the vulnerabilities of the individuals that were identified in

situations of forced labour in Ireland were specific to this group of people.

Most of the victims that had been referred or had come into the scope of the

NGOs through another means were vulnerable due to an irregular or precarious

migration status, often due to the individuals overstaying a legal employment or

visitor's permit; in these cases workers would often tolerate their conditions until

their immigration status was updated (Nasc interview). Until then workers are

often unable to access rights and would only feel comfortable talking to

authorities and pursuing a case against their employer once their residency

status is secure. According to previous research, individuals who are legally in

the country on an employment permit are also often vulnerable due to the

conditions attached (see Anderson & Rogaly, 2009; Andrees, 2009; Cohen,

2006 and MRCI, 2012 for full discussion).

Vulnerabilities that apply to all workers were also identified during the interviews

and mirror some of the findings from earlier chapters. Individuals who were

reliant upon their employer for more than just a job, such as accommodation are

seen as particularly susceptible to forced labour in Ireland, due to a lack of

regulation and inspections of domestic settings and the isolation of the worker

within this setting. Other personal reasons for potentially arriving in a situation of

severe exploitation or forced labour that were given by the interviewees include,

homelessness, desperation for a job, little or no education, a lack of

opportunities, little or no familial or community networks, and a lack of a

language of rights being afforded to them. A combination of any of the above

reasons for someone falling victim to forced labour, usually leaves them feeling

dis-empowered to exit the situation and feeling that they have no other choice

than to 'put up with things', often in an attempt to not become a 'burden on their

families and loved ones' (ICTU interviewee).

6.5 Identifying Forced Labour in Ireland

Instances of forced labour are rarely identified by the individual subjected to it,

and a lack of funding and resources to enable outreach work is seen as one of

the main factors in prevention of further cases being identified by NGOs.

Another reason for lack of self-identification is that often, individuals caught up

in instances of forced labour are unaware of their own circumstance and may

'never of even heard of forced labour or trafficking' (MRCI interviewee), nor

understands what it entails. Often individuals identify merely as being hard done

by, exploited or threatened and not as caught in a situation of forced labour.

This is confirmed by Scanlon's research that found:

'many possible victims of trafficking of both sexual and labour exploitation

do not see themselves as victims and are unwilling to be identified as

such' (2007:9).

The interviewee from MRCI echoed these findings by reiterating several times

during the interview that identification is a hard process which needs to be

carried out by individuals who have expertise in the area.

'The reason why MRCI and law enforcement agencies are experts is for

them to identify the victims rather than having the victims do the job for

them' (MRCI interviewee).

According to the US State Department, 'The best approaches to victim

identification are those that involve government partnerships with communities,

non-governmental organizations (NGOs), and international organizations'

(2014:7), and all the other participants in the study welcomed a wider public

awareness and the ability for individuals to identify a victim of forced labour.

Other than victim complaints, the interviewee from AHTU believes that

becoming aware of a victim of forced labour within a private household is

currently 'down to chance', and discussed a case in the UK where a neighbour

had noticed the signs of forced labour and alerted authorities.

This further highlights the necessity for public to be aware and able to recognise

the signs of forced labour and to be vigilant. On the other hand, public

perception may be a further obstacle in the identification of victims of forced

labour. When asked about how they believe the general public understand

forced labour, all interviewees stated that there was not enough awareness on

behalf of the general public as to either the extent of the problem, nor how it

manifests in Ireland. interviewees believed that the Irish public remain detached

from the situation and view it as something that 'happens in Pakistan or China'

(ICTU interviewee) and are ignorant to the likelihood that it could potentially be

happening around them or to people who they could come into contact with. It

was believed that the general population were unaware of the subtle forms

forced labour can take and 'don't see how withholding of wages or bad working

conditions could be seen down the line as coming under the definition of forced

labour' (ICTU interviewee). It was stated that any understanding of the issue

revolved around ideas of immigration and 'automatic assumptions around

prostitution' with less awareness or sympathy for other forms of forced labour,

possibly because 'people do not understand the dynamics behind it, or how

victims can remain vulnerable' for a significant amount of time after (MRCI

interview). It was also argued that framing it within immigration discourse makes

'it easier for the public to comprehend' (ICTU interviewee). Competing views of

what constitutes trafficking were also put forward as explanations for the

public's lack of awareness and how 'a lot of people tend not to see internal

trafficking as trafficking, as there's no crossing of borders'. This in itself could

help to explain why we do not 'view what happens to Irish nationals as forced

labour' but instead choose to see it 'as poor working conditions, not fair,

employer non-compliance, black market economic activities' (Nasc interviewee).

As the interviewee from the ICTU states 'we should be more open to the idea of

it happening [to Irish nationals] than we are' and that 'as a nation we need to be

more aware of the potential of it happening to anyone and in other ways' than

those which we are currently made aware of.

A further obstacle in the identification of forced labour is its link with

transnational organised crime. Whilst there is a common public misconception

that all forced labour is inflicted upon individuals by large organised gangs, the

representative from the Irish Congress of Trade Unions acknowledged that

'given the right circumstances, that any firm could end up doing this, or

any other individual could do it' (ICTU interviewee).

All interviewees acknowledged that there were many more cases of forced

labour which are left unidentified and untreated, and that the issue of forced

labour remains a 'hidden crime' in Ireland.

6.6 Conclusion

The above findings highlight similarities between employment sectors

susceptible to forced labour internationally and within the island of Ireland.

Whilst evidence has been found that forced labour exists within these areas

within the State, it is necessary to consider that this may in part be due to the

fact that at present, resources are concentrated upon these areas alone.

With regard to explanations surrounding the causes of forced labour in Ireland,

in parallel to the international literature reviewed in chapter three, there are

many suggestions offered by the study participants. Whilst a multitude of

personal vulnerabilities were discussed, the research also illustrates a number

of structural reasons that can be attributed to assisting in the creation and the

retention of conditions tolerant to such exploitative practices such as a lack of

employment inspections and the current links between immigration status and

the work permit system. The chapter has also highlighted the necessity of public

awareness of the issue and the importance of accurate portrayals of both

victims and perpetrators, which needs to be remedied in order to effectively

tackle the issue in Ireland.

Chapter Seven

Discussing the Irish Policy Framework

7.1 Introduction

Using the data from the interviews conducted with the practitioners in the field of

forced labour, the following chapter reports their thoughts and feelings on how

the current legislative and policy framework has an effect upon their work in the

area. The chapter discusses the impact of the legislation which is currently in

place (The Human Trafficking (Amendment) Act 2013), and the effect his has on

dealing with forced labour in a number of different areas. As trafficking policy is

usually assessed on the effectiveness of the '3 P's', Prevention, Protection and

Prosecution (Cho, 2014), it is these three areas that are explicitly analysed in

relation to the legislation in dealing with the issue of forced labour within the

State. In doing so, the discussion below highlights findings relevant to the

original research areas highlighted in chapter one, with regard to the

effectiveness of the policy and the issues that have arisen as a result of its

current application.

7.2 The Effectiveness of Irish Policy

With regard to the Irish legislative framework, Mick Quinn, Head of the Anti-

Human Trafficking Unit (AHTU) in the Department for Justice, Equality and Law

Reform (DJELR) defended the current legislation by highlighting its main

strength, in that ‘it criminalises trafficking for labour exploitation and sexual

exploitation equally, in that they both have the same penalties’. Further to that

the current legislation, in theory, does not require movement, whether cross-

border or within borders, which makes the legalities, on paper equally

applicable to Irish, EU and third country nationals. However, he also recognised

that there is a wide variation on treatment of victims, the services they are

entitled to and their access to them under the current legislative framework

(AHTU interview). The data from all the interviews conducted in relation to these

points is discussed in the sections below.

7.2.1 Prevention of Forced Labour

In order to prevent and remedy the issue of forced labour, it must first be

understood. As discussed in the previous chapters the perception of what

constitutes a forced labour offence is varied and not often acknowledged.

Common discourses surrounding victims, employment sectors and offenders

are evident in both the literature, media and policies dealing with the issue

(Gulati, 2012), which inevitably affects the public and professional perception of

the issue and was evident even between the key actors in the area, in a number

of the interviews conducted for the study. During the interview with AHTU and

NERA for example, they offered the opinion that that public perception of forced

labour as a crime that can and does affect anyone is not there.

‘There’s that level of completely unknowing, and there's the majority that

would think that prostitution and trafficking are the two things…the

trafficking for forced labour is not generally understood….Even within

professionals, do people know what they are seeing?’ (AHTU

interviewee).

The interviewee from NERA also highlighted how from an employment

inspection point of view, whilst inspectorates are very aware of forced labour in

migrant workers, he was not convinced that the issue of forced labour ‘would

have seeped into their consciousness in terms of Irish workers or European

workers…I'm not sure if they would make the mental leap’ (NERA interviewee).

As identification of victims often relies on workplace inspections, solely

conducted within the Irish State by this department, this fact is an area of

significant concern.

During the interviews, it was not just the public and professional identification of

victims that raised questions. Identification by authorities and law enforcement

agents was seen as a major issue by NGOs which in turn can have a huge

bearing on the protection and services offered to victims, as is discussed below.

The NGO personnel interviewed all held a belief that the government and its

agents not only had a lack of understanding surrounding the issue, but also a

lack of belief that the issue was occurring in Ireland. There was a belief that

there was not an 'appetite for prevention' (ICTU interviewee) and a lack of will

on behalf of the State to view forced labour in the same way as the NGOs

dealing with the issue on the ground (MRCI interviewee) especially surrounding

'acknowledging the subtleties of coercion' that can be present (ICTU

interviewee). Nasc also believed that the State were 'not willing to take a wide

interpretation of the definition' of forced labour, which further hindered efforts to

deal with the issue at government level. MRCI viewed the narrow perspective

taken by the State as 'an easy way out'.

An area which needs to be analysed and researched further, is in light of the

current phenomenon of forced labour manifesting itself in the form of new

criminal activities such as those discussed in chapter six. Criminalisation of

victims was seen as a significant issue at present and both ICTU and the NGOs

interviewed commented on the risk of criminalisation to migrants coming

forward to authorities to report exploitation and forced labour occurring with the

fear that they would be viewed as 'undocumented migrant, illegal migrant,

rather than a victim' (Nasc interviewee). This means that as well as feeling

unable to report forced labour, migrants are effectively unable to access rights

afforded to victims unless they are seen as such.

Both Government and non-state actors who were spoken to during the study

identified a training issue with the Gardai as a barrier to dealing with cases in

Ireland and acknowledged that more had to be done in improving this area as

'identification by the authorities is key to the eradication of forced labour' in

Ireland (Nasc interviewee). The interview with the NGOs highlighted a number

of difficulties encountered by migrant victims of forced labour whom, they have

convinced to go forward to the Gardai and report cases. These included a lack

of empathy of their situation, a lack of understanding by authorities surrounding

the notion of consent and coercion and individuals being criminalised for their

situation. Whilst it is acknowledged that identification is problematic, it is

essential that victims do get identified properly as being subjected to forced

labour as it is only then that supports are triggered. Whilst all parties concurred

that identification of victims is problematic, MRCI argued that whilst historically

law enforcement agencies have argued that the difficulty around identification

for them was a lack of physical force, they believe that:

'Lack of identification doesn't, it never did, come from a lack of clarity. It

came from a lack of will. Willingness to identify victims. That hasn't

changed' (MRCI Interviewee).

It was put to the Department of Justice that the findings from interviews

conducted during this study showed a significant distrust in the Gardai's

responsibility with regards to identifying victims of forced labour. AHTU

acknowledged that more has to be done in this regard and that they were

hoping to conduct a training day focusing on recognising trafficking for forced

labour and forced labour for criminal activities. The training day would be

specifically aimed at all the Superintendents within the country as they were

identified as ‘a key driver’ in how an allegation of forced labour is dealt with.

Whilst the Justice Department recognised that the subtleties of coercion may

not be recognised or accepted as threats by the Gardai at referral stage, they

believe that the main reason why allegations of forced labour are not currently

being prosecuted is the high threshold with regards to proof of a crime taking

place and that this is not always understood by the NGOs. They also

acknowledged the difficulties of recognising cases of forced labour by stating

that cases ‘are harder to see', and offer an explanation as to why this may be

the case:

'There is less of a natural acceptance that this could be trafficking than if

you’re in a brothel and find somebody chained to the bed’ or ‘if you go

into a factory or a restaurant and most people are running away from

you, how do you know if they are running because they are illegal or

irregular or because they are under threat?’ (AHTU Interviewee).

As discussed by Bales & Cornell:

'One of the most important areas needing resources is the training of

police....Governments need to make sure their police forces understand

slavery and trafficking and are equipped to handle such cases'

(2013:103).

This is all the more important in countries such as Ireland as the Gardai are the

only people who are authorised to bring a criminal prosecution through forced

labour, due to the seriousness of the crime and the maximum penalty attached

to it. However one participant noted that the 'guards do not see themselves as

the champion of the victim....they see themselves as being a police force

against everybody' (ICTU interviewee) and if the Gardai are failing to identify

the issue or are unable to build a case strong enough to prosecute then the

issue is never going to be dealt with effectively in Ireland.

MRCI believe that the main cause of forced labour in Ireland results from the

'lack of enforcement of employment laws' coupled with 'little or no recognition of

certain types of employment as work', which provides a lack of regulation and/or

legalisation in these types of work. This is particularly relevant to areas such as

domestic work in which MRCI have done a significant amount of campaigning in

order to try to establish a legal challenge for migrants caught up in this

employment sector. Further to these the isolation of workers was also noted by

all participants as playing a major factor in cases of forced labour within the

State, which mirrors findings internationally as an area where forced labour

thrives (Andrees and Belser, 2009; Balch, 2012; Clarke, 2012; King, 2004, SAP-

FL, 2012).

Discussing the issue of the current policy framework being used as a deterrent

to prevent offences of forced labour from occurring in the State, all the

interviewees from the NGOs and ICTU agreed that in their opinions, current

legislation and policies were definitely not sufficient as a deterrent to prevent

individuals or organised groups from inflicting forced labour upon another. The

interviewee from ICTU believes that as a nation, 'we have created the

conditions that help forced labour grow when deterrents and consequences are

minimal' (ICTU interviewee). Interview participants from the NGOs believed that

'Ireland does not fare well compared to other countries' with regards to

deterrents (MRCI interviewee) and that the legislation as it stands is not

perceived to be stringent enough to deter perpetrators as it allows perpetrators

to 'operate forced labour freely' (Nasc interviewee). This aspect of the

legislation was discussed further and it was stated by one participant that:

'There are no deterrents at all for traffickers to traffick people...Instead of

the government going after trafficking gangs they are going after the

victims and refusing to see the bigger picture' (MRCI interviewee).

When asked if the Department of Justice believed that Ireland's current

legislative framework was sufficient to deter individuals and organisations from

committing acts of forced labour within the State, the interviewee stated that

whilst the penalties are severe enough, there were still questions as to whether

it was applied often enough, and whether people believed that they would be

answerable to the crime. It was agreed that the lack of convictions would make

it a difficult case to make: 'The most effective deterrent is conviction and at this

moment in time we don't have them' (AHTU interview). Other deterrents were

highlighted by the study participants, such as the disruption caused by

workplace inspections and any Garda inspections in suspected cases, even

when a prosecution does not occur.

7.2.2 Protections for Victims

Whilst states have key obligations under human rights law, as discussed in

chapter five, to ensure protection for victims of trafficking and forced labour,

access and entitlements to them can be varied and difficult to obtain as was

discovered during the interviews for the study. The NGOs that participated in the

study were understandably victim-centred in their approach to dealing with the

issue of forced labour. However, MRCI confirmed that not all identified victims of

trafficking or forced labour would be referred to authorities under current policy

practices as they would not receive benefit from doing so. Whilst

'the basic aims of an NRM are to ensure the human rights of

trafficked persons are respected and to provide an effective way to

refer victims of trafficking to services' (OSCE/ODIHR, 2004:15),

it became apparent during the interviews that the National Referral Mechanism

(NRM) and its attached legal status, is only deemed useful for those victims

who are either undocumented or illegal migrants in Ireland and as such, leaves

other victims without a route to protection facilities. Whilst Nasc believe that

victims are unaware of the supports, which prevents them from coming forward

and being referred, MRCI state that when they are referred, immigration status

is not being applied to the individual and as such they 'cannot be deemed as

suspected or potential victims' and therefore are not entitled to the provisions

under the Council of Europe Directive. For them this illustrates that 'the system

is not working' (MRCI interviewee). It is also necessary to note, that referrals

have an effect on quantifying the issue within Ireland as it is only those victims

who chose to be referred through the NRM that are counted within national

statistics.

Other issues with the current legal system also arose during the course of the

interviews. It was seen as an 'unclear and un-transparent system that goes on

for years' (MRCI interviewee), which leaves victims without legal status to work

in the country and therefore continue with their lives whilst possible

investigations into forced labour are being conducted, potentially resulting in a

cycle of victimisation. For Nasc, within the legal system, certain guarantees

need to be established for individuals who manage to extract themselves from

forced labour such as 'general supports, compensation and securing their

status in the State from an immigration perspective'. Under the current system,

the labour court is not accessible for undocumented workers who manage to

escape from a situation of forced labour, and neither is there a State

compensation scheme to assist them which means that they remain vulnerable

to exploitative conditions and can be susceptible to re-victimisation due to lack

of financial security (Nasc interviewee). Whilst MRCI were also critical of the

legal system, they approved of the legislative arrangement currently in place but

their main issue was that 'it needs to be interpreted and implemented correctly'

at all levels, and that at present,

'the State is failing to comply to the human rights standards it signed up

to' as we are 'failing to apply the legislation as it should be' (MRCI

interviewee).

7.2.3 Prosecution of Offences

Despite prosecution having 'rarely been an effective way of getting rid of

slavery' (Ould, 2004:72) it is still viewed as 'a necessary first step' (ibid. p.73).

However, both Ireland and the EU as a whole have both been criticised for the

low number of cases of forced labour that are detected and prosecuted (OSCE,

2006; US Department of State, 2013 and 2014). The Organisation for Security

and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) put forward a number of explanations for

this which support the justification highlighted by the Department of Justice

during their interview surrounding 'inherent evidential difficulties for police in

prosecutors in establishing a criminal offence of such complexity to the onus of

proof required' (2006:5). However interviews conducted with NGOs highlighted

other OSCE reasons were also at play within the State, such as the

'disproportionate focus on an individual's immigration status rather than on the

conditions of their exploitation', a 'lack of resources committed to detection and

identification of cases' as well as 'a lack of familiarity with the relevant indicators

by law enforcement agencies' (ibid.:4-5), as discussed in the previous section.

According to the representative from ICTU, a further issue is that 'there is fairly

minimal redress for perpetrators' and 'we don't hold people sufficiently

accountable' for inflicting forced labour within Ireland and Ireland needs to

recognise that 'we are all implicated in forced labour because our laws don't

stop it from happening' (ICTU interviewee). For them it is imperative that

perpetrators 'recognise the wrong' they have caused and 'should have to put it

right, not only pay back the minimum wage'. It stands to reason that if

individuals think that they are likely to get caught and that they will be severely

sanctioned, then they are less likely to commit the offence in the first place.

However at present, partly down to the lack of jurisprudence in Ireland, 'people

think that they are unlikely to get caught and even if they do the consequences

are weak' (ICTU interviewee) as individuals are being prosecuted under

employment law for lesser offences such as breaking Working Time Directive or

Minimum Wage Act as these are easier to enforce. Whilst a number of cases

have been put forward by An Garda Siochana to prosecute for forced labour, to

date no cases have gone to court under the legislation. Reasons why are

speculative and both AHTU and NERA explain that they are unaware of why a

decision was made not to go forward in these cases as it is decided by the

Department of Public Prosecutions (DPP) who are independent of government.

No feedback is provided to the State why certain cases are not prosecuted;

however the participant from AHTU believes that the cases 'just weren't strong

enough to test the waters'. This highlights how proving instances of forced

labour beyond reasonable doubt continues to be a stumbling block for the Irish

prosecution system as ‘there is a very high threshold’ due to a lack of

jurisprudence in the State. The interview with AHTU also cited a lack of

corroborating evidence as a major factor in the lack of cases being prosecuted.

‘The more likely and serious the exploitation is, then the less likely there

is any type of a paper trail, and then it is just one person's word against

another’ (AHTU interviewee).

A further difficulty with numbers for prosecutions is that cases tend to be tried

for different (although sometimes related) offences. AHTU spoke of offences

such as ‘money laundering’, ‘false I. D's’ and ‘fake driving licenses’ being

brought against a family that kept an individual as a slave, as insufficient

evidence of the more serious charge of forced labour could not be attained.

AHTU confirmed ‘That wont appear in any statistic because there’s no

trafficking or forced labour charges brought’.

Co-operation between NGO’s, and NERA was seen as key to dealing with

employment offences by both AHTU and the interviewee from NERA. In the

past NERA have only become aware of issues once NGOs have referred them

to An Garda Siochana, who have passed it back to NERA as it was deemed a

major labour issue. Some labour law is statute barred after a year and this delay

in NERA being made aware of cases means that if a criminal case under the

Human Trafficking Act is not being taken by the Gardai, a case cannot be taken

under the employment legislation either after this time, effectively resulting in

perpetrators going free and little or no redress being provided to victims. It is

important to note that early referral in these cases is imperative and that a

successful conviction would also be useful for other departments and service

users: ‘We can see how far we can go then as well. I think it would clear things

up for NGOs too because they could then say ‘this is definitely a case for

NERA’’ (NERA interviewee).

7.3 The Role of NERA

Under the ILO Forced Labour Conventions, the role of employment inspectors

is seen as key in providing and ensuring a regulated employment environment

where instances of forced labour cannot easily occur (ILO,2001, 2003, 2005a),

and whilst NERA acknowledge this responsibility, they also highlight a number

of challenges. By their own admission, workplace inspections are disruptive and

do make it more difficult for perpetrators to operate; however if no records of

employment exist and individual workers are unable and/or unwilling to make a

statement to confirm that their conditions amount to exploitation or forced

labour, then the employer can only be prosecuted for lack of employment

records. Lack of corroborating evidence prevents NERA (or An Garda Siochana

if the case has been referred) from prosecuting offences and is a major issue

for dealing with cases of forced labour in Ireland.

A significant issue which was highlighted by both NERA and AHTU was the

unintended negative consequences of workplace inspections and how

‘sometimes doing the right thing, doesn’t always bring the right results’ (AHTU

interviewee). An example was provided of a trafficking investigation that took

place around an ethnic restaurant, where a number of workers had no

employment permits and a number of employment laws were being broken. The

employer was charged with a number of immigration offences and as a result

the restaurant and two others the employer owned were closed and

approximately thirty people lost their jobs. ‘The net effect of it all was these

people who had probable exploitative employment, now had no employment’

(AHTU interviewee). A further danger is that these actions could push workers

into potentially more dangerous situations as a result. For NERA this is a

common theme, and they state that they often ‘find employees that are

prepared to tolerate the really bad conditions because they want a job’ (NERA

interviewee).

Another factor which needs to be considered is that currently NERA can only

prosecute issues of labour exploitation relating to abuse of labour laws such as

the National Minimum Wage Act, 2000, Payment of Wages Act, 1991,

Organisation of Working Time Act, 1997 and the Terms of Employment

(Information) Acts 1994 and 2001. NERA are also responsible for policing the

Employments Permits Act 2003 and 2006. Any investigation that shows signs of

forced labour other than those falling under the above categorisations requires

referral to An Garda Siochana to pursue a criminal case against the offender.

A further issue that the interviewee from NERA highlighted was that in instances

where victims do self-identify, they will often choose to go to a Rights

Commissioner, which prevents NERA from investigating any deviance from the

Employment Acts due to the issue of Double Jeopardy, which may mean that

cases are not being dealt with in the most productive way. For NERA

jurisprudence would also outline responsibilities for those pursuing cases of

forced labour and they hope that with convictions 'it will become clearer down

the line' (NERA interviewee). At the time of the interview NERA had formally

referred seven cases to An Garda Siochana that had indicators of forced labour.

NERA also play a significant role with regards to information provision

surrounding people's rights and how to access them which if utilised properly

can be a major asset in both prevention and identification of the issue of forced

labour in Ireland. This needs to be encouraged and promoted to ensure that

individuals can recognise if and when they fall into situations of employment

exploitation and forced labour, and also how they can get help.

7.4 The Inclusion of Forced Labour in Trafficking Legislation

Whilst the words 'forced labour' and its definition are now in the Irish legislation,

the protections for victims are still provided for under the trafficking

mechanisms, leaving those who are not identified as trafficked, yet find

themselves in situations of forced labour, without any protections, support

and/or redress under the current legislative framework. A myriad of different and

diverse explanations and understanding of trafficking was highlighted during the

interviews, with internal trafficking being quoted as an area where a lot of

confusion occurs: ' A lot of people don't tend to see internal trafficking as

trafficking as there is no crossing of borders' (MRCI interviewee).

A number of interviewees expressed concern over the fact that 'forced labour is

being seen as a trafficking issue' (Nasc interviewee) and that as trafficking is

seen as something that happens to people forced to cross borders against their

will, then other forms of forced labour were being ignored and/or left

unidentified. Further confusion is also apparent when discussing the public's

perception of what constitutes a victim of trafficking: 'If you're a victim of

trafficking, people automatically assume that you are a person that has been

forced into prostitution' (MRCI interviewee). There is also a strong belief that the

focus is still on sexual exploitation when looking at trafficking and forced labour:

'Its all about sex trafficking and other types of labour is just not identified' (Nasc

interviewee). Further to this, according to MRCI, in Ireland the understanding of

the limits between smuggling and trafficking remain very blurred which

subsequently means the notion of consent is questionable too. This becomes all

the more important in cases of forced criminal activities such as the recent

increase in known cases of cannabis cultivation in Ireland, where MRCI say that

not all victims have been trafficked but all are victims of forced labour.

Both Nasc and the ICTU expressed concern over the fact that forced labour

was being legislated for under the trafficking Act for a number of reasons: first

the fact that not all forced labour is trafficked forced labour (Nasc interviewee);

secondly the fact that trafficking is still framed as an immigration issue rather

than a human rights issue worryingly leaves gaps as the focus is seen to be that

the issue is one 'for immigrants and non-nationals' and that there is a tendency

for policy makers to 'ignore the fact that [NGOs] are saying that it happens to

Irish nationals too' (Nasc interviewee) with protection measures for victims of

trafficking located in the Immigration and Residence Protection Bill which further

frames the issue as that of immigration. Finally trafficking is still viewed by many

as being connected to organised crime with further conflates the identification of

perpetrators. For ICTU 'Legislating [for forced labour] under the trafficking Act

sends all the wrong signals', that it happens only in a cross-border situation

(ICTU interviewee).

Both AHTU and NERA stated that they believed that forced labour was

‘probably, definitely happening’ to nationals in Ireland (NERA interviewee) and

that ‘Nobody is immune to it’ (AHTU interviewee). Whilst AHTU acknowledged

that that ‘it is easier for, in theory anyway, for them to assert their rights that they

already have as EU citizens’ they also acknowledge that individual

circumstances are very different and their vulnerabilities do not protect them

from the issue of forced labour just because they are not migrant workers.

AHTU and NERA both discussed the case of the Irish tarmacadam group which

operated in the UK and across Europe, forcing vulnerable homeless and

unemployed physically fit British and European men to work, and highlighted

the mobility of the group as a major factor in forced labour flourishing in that

environment.

The representative from ICTU believed that the Irish legal system is unable to

conceptualise the issue of forced labour beyond that of cross-border trafficking

which leaves gaps in protection, assistance and prosecution for those not fitting

the common discourse and understandings (ICTU interviewee). From the

perspectives of the NGO and ICTU participants, forced labour is being seen as

only a trafficking issue. This causes significant difficulties with the identification

of victims, identification of its perpetrators and ensuring that victims get the

services and protections they need due to the connotations which go hand in

hand with the term in common discourse, and questions the appropriateness of

including forced labour within the current trafficking legislation.

7.5 The Impact of the ILO Forced Labour Definition

With regard to the insertion of the ILO definition in current legislation there were

mixed opinions between the study participants. The ICTU were 'very

disappointed' to have seen no impact from the change in the legislation 'at any

level'. For the ICTU, the insertion as it stands is 'of questionable value' as it is

seen that the Irish State took the forced labour definition in abstract, separate

from the ILO jurisprudence at an international level, partly due to

misinterpretation of the wording of the original convention by many, as applying

only to States and not to employers (ICTU interviewee). The interviewee from

Nasc also believed that the change has been unimportant and has made 'no

difference or impact at all from our perspective'. They substantiate this claim by

stating that they have witnessed no increase in cases being reported or

individuals coming to them. They also state that people are unaware of the

'protection it should offer' to victims, and that it has not altered the fear their

users still have in coming forward (Nasc interviewee).

On the other hand, MRCI believe that although the system is slow and it will

take time before the legislation can be used effectively and to its full potential,

the insertion of the definition into the Irish legislation is of great benefit to them.

They claim that it has improved the relationship between the organisation and

other state agents, in that they 'are now taken more seriously' by government

bodies and providing them 'with more bargaining power'. Whilst they highlighted

that the legislation makes the act of forced labour clear and importantly makes

the Irish framework more compliant with international standards, it also offers

the opportunity to legally challenge action or non-action on behalf of the State,

and to hold them accountable (MRCI interviewee).

From the State's perspective, the interviewee from AHTU was unsure if the

inclusion of the definition will make any practical difference or not, but

welcomed the fact that ‘it clarifies what the legislation means by forced labour’.

The interviewee stated that a committee of experts for the ILO had previously

reviewed the Irish legislation and could not envisage any form of forced labour

to not fall under the Act and that by inserting the definition provided further

clarification for judiciary and law enforcement (AHTU interviewee). However the

respondent also stated that:

'I think it's generally accepted that even with the expanded definitions,

that in practice they are usually problematic' [These problems are usually

surrounding issues of coercion] ' Its always gonna be a grey area as to

whether somebody is a member of a drugs gang, or a pickpocketing

gang, or a distraction crime gang, or whether they are a victim' (AHTU

interviewee).

From NERA’s perspective, the amendment was not believed to have made any

direct impact as their understanding of the issue and their response to cases

remains the same; however they state that they would not be the first point of

contact in a lot of the cases unless they were following up allegations,

complaints or coming across the issue during an inspection. NERA also stated

that ‘MRCI or some of those organisations’ would be the first contact for forced

labour (NERA interviewee).

7.6 A Separate Act?

When discussing the option of a separate and specific Act to deal with the issue

of forced labour, both the interviewees from Nasc and ICTU believed that it was

necessary and could offer an improvement on current policy. The participant

from AHTU stated that when discussing the UK stand-alone Act to deal with the

issue of forced labour, both the Metropolitan Police and the British Police force:

'liked the stand alone forced labour crime because it was easy to

understand that the act of forced labour was the crime, was what they

prosecuted for, nice and simple. One Act and you're not tied up with

trafficking and the issues that surround proving that'. (AHTU interviewee).

When asked if a separate piece of legislation would be more effective than

concerning forced labour with trafficking in Ireland, the Department of Justice

stated that whilst in the legislation it was unnecessary as the current Act

criminalises forced labour sufficiently, if it helped the perception of forced labour

then it may be useful. The recurring theme of a lack of jurisprudence was also

recounted with regards to proving effectiveness of the current legislation as it

stands within the trafficking Act:

'While we are in the kind of lacuna now where we haven't got cases of

prosecutions and particularly convictions for it, you could make the

argument that it might be easier to make that initial jump with a stand

alone Act with a clear label over it 'forced labour'. You can definitely make

that argument and we would have a job refuting it until we can point to

cases and say 'look these cases were successfully brought under the

Human Trafficking Act'' (AHTU interviewee).

7.7 Conclusion

The above discussion has highlighted the research participants' thoughts and

concerns surrounding the three steps necessary to help tackle the issue of

forced labour, those of prevention, protection and prosecution. From the

discussion, a number of issues arose in all three of these areas which prevents

Ireland from dealing effectively with the issue within its borders, and questions

the current approach to dealing with forced labour. An area of significant

concern which affects all three steps concerns the perception of the issue of

forced labour within the State, both in public and professional arenas. Not only

does this cause confusion between state actors and NGOs in identifying

instances of forced labour, but it can also prevent victims from obtaining the

help and support they require due to national policies that require a victim to be

identified in a specific way. Further to this, it is believed that actual victims of

forced labour, identified by NGOs are being either criminalised or penalised by

the current legal system in place, and this added fear is preventing victims from

coming forward or accepting referral into the current NRM.

The research also supports international criticisms with law enforcement

agencies (Council of Europe, 2013; ILO, 2005c; US State Department, 2013 &

2014), and the necessity of increased and holistic training measures is seen as

imperative to dealing with the issue in Ireland. The findings show that the failure

of the Gardai at all three steps, is affecting the issue of forced labour in Ireland

and as the legislative arrangements rely on An Garda Siochana alone to bring a

case to court, it is all the more important to ensure they have the knowledge

and tools to deal with the problem. Whilst the DJELR have proposed training

certain members of the Gardai, this training needs to encompass the multitude

of different manifestations of forced labour that can occur and not just conform

to the usual stereotypes, to ensure that they can deal with the problem

effectively.

Further to the Gardai, International reports and policies also highlight the

necessity of employment inspectorates in the battle against forced labour at all

three stages (ILO, 2003, 2005a & 2006; OSCE, 2007; SAP-FL, 2012; U.S State

Department, 2013 & 2014). This study suggests that Ireland is also weak in this

regard as not only are inspectorates failing to understand all forms of forced

labour (see section 7.2.1), but a lack of co-operation and communication

between themselves and other organisations is preventing them from pursuing

cases and potentially ensuring perpetrators are held accountable for their

actions. The communication aspect is especially important between the Gardai

and NERA as regardless of how severe a case of forced labour NERA may

discover, they can only pursue lesser convictions of employment law breeches

without a case being put forward to the Gardai (see section 7.3).

A further issue which was highlighted during the study is the problem of 'double

jeopardy' if a victim chooses to act against their employer (see section 7.3). This

may prevent cases from being dealt with effectively and again may prevent

redress for victims and a lack of accountability of perpetrators. Both these

issues should be reviewed by government to ensure that severe cases of

exploitation and forced labour are dealt with by the full resources of the Irish

State, which could potentially have a knock-on effect to the number of

prosecutions in the country and provide jurisprudence where it is needed.

The above chapter has also discussed the connotations of trafficking discourse

and its usefulness in dealing with the issue of forced labour from a legislative

viewpoint. The findings suggest that linking the issue with that of trafficking has

a negative impact on all three steps of the process to deal with forced labour

and necessarily leads to questioning the appropriateness of including forced

labour legislation in the current Human Trafficking Act.

Chapter Eight

Additional and Alternative Responses

8.1 Introduction

Continuing from the discussion in the previous chapter surrounding issues with

current policy and practice, this chapter illustrates the additional and alternative

measures that were discussed and offered by the interview participants to assist

in the response to forced labour in Ireland. Whilst doing so, the chapter also

responds to the final research question, namely 'In what other ways can forced

labour be dealt with in the Irish context?'

8.2 Changing the Perception of Forced Labour

First and foremost, forced labour has to be seen and understood as an issue

that can affect any vulnerable person; however it was believed that there needs

to be broader civil society participation and ideally the establishment of a lobby

group to acknowledge and highlight that the issue is not solely immigrant

related, in order for this to be achieved (Nasc interviewee). However at present

the only group dealing with forced labour publicly is MRCI and as the

interviewee from AHTU highlighted 'MRCI were the only group of people

'shouting about forced labour' and that the Unions should be the group to

highlight the issue as affecting all workers without an immigrant slant (AHTU

interviewee). For the interviewee from Nasc, forced labour in Ireland needs to

be seen and treated by government separate from immigration, which in their

opinion is not currently the case. For them, the Irish State is viewing the issue

as one of 'border control' and the State is unwilling to deal properly with the

problem and view victims as anything other than illegal immigrants as they are

under the illusion that the 'flood gates will open and cause a drain on the

country's resources'. (Nasc interviewee). This perspective was mirrored in the

review of the literature in chapter three, and has become a common theme

internationally.

8.3 Co-operation and Communication

The representative from NERA believed that greater co-operation is required

between themselves, NGOs and the Gardai and that a process or mechanism

needs to be developed 'where complaints are examined in a holistic way'.

NGOs also need to be more aware of the fact that whilst they are looking after

the needs of the victim, there could also be issues related to other areas where

other bodies such as NERA, the Revenue Commissioners, and Social Welfare

Departments, could be deployed in order to bring the full resources of the State

to deal with the relevant parts, whilst also ensuring redress of some description

is provided for the crime (NERA interviewee).

Communication was also seen as a central point during the interview with the

representative from ICTU who also believed that trade unions and other

workers groups should talk to each other more and that there needs to be more

interaction between labour inspectors in the area of forced labour (ICTU

interviewee). The NGOs interviewed would also welcome greater union

involvement with the issue of forced labour (MRCI interviewee) and this could

be by means of ensuring that workers are more aware of their rights (Nasc

interviewee). Employers groups should also be more involved when increasing

awareness of the issue as it is often a general unethical approach by employers

who hold profits and their own interests as a priority, which can easily cross the

boundary into forced labour. An entrepreneurial attitude with a lack of focus

upon a workforces conditions means that 'any employer or manager could

easily trick themselves into thinking it wasn't forced labour when it was' (ICTU

interviewee).

8.4 Suggested Legislative Measures

When discussing alternative legislation measures with representatives from the

NGOs and ICTU, the legislative commitment was seen as 'key' in the battle

against forced labour as it 'allows parliamentary scrutiny' and prevents the

States commitment to dealing with issue from being 'just changed to suit' (Nasc

interviewee). The representative from MRCI was more tentative on the subject,

and was aware of the danger that a change of legislation for dealing with the

issue of forced labour may result in a lesser commitment on behalf of

government for the rights of victims, as the current trafficking Act encompasses

the Council of Europe Directive which compels the State to provide a statutory

level of provision and protection (MRCI interviewee).

All the interviewees were in agreement that forced labour should remain within

the criminal justice sphere as moving into any other area, such as that of

employment law would prevent the severity of the sanctions which can currently

be applied. Both ICTU and Nasc believed that the ideal way to legislate would

be an Act separate to immigration and trafficking, one which 'solely and

specifically articulated the issue of forced and compulsory labour' (ICTU

interviewee), and capable of grasping all the elements that forced labour can

consist of. However, the participant from MRCI's stance was contrary to this:

'I don't think it should be legislated for separate to trafficking. Trafficking

is a form of forced labour and that is how it manifests itself in Ireland'

(MRCI interviewee).

This disagreement between key service providers highlights the different

perspectives and understandings of dealing with the issue of forced labour that

can be found between professionals. The statement also illustrates a lack of

clarity from the interviewee in regards to the relationship between trafficking and

forced labour as at an earlier junction in the interview, the interviewee stated

that not all forced labour was trafficked forced labour when the NGO was

dealing with a recent issue of forced labour within cannabis grow houses (see

section 7.4).

All parties agreed that legislative measures alongside workplace investigations

were needed to create the conditions which make it harder for forced labour to

exist in Ireland whilst also preventing vulnerable individuals from being exploited

or ending up in conditions of forced labour. The interviewee from Nasc

highlighted the necessity of the inclusion of 'a full victim protection package'

contained in any method to legislate and deal with the issue of forced labour in

Ireland (Nasc interviewee).

8.5 Ratification of the ILO Forced Labour Supplementary Protocol 2014

The agreement to the ILO Forced Labour Supplementary Protocol 2014 was

discussed with a number of the interviewees including the research participants

from ICTU, NERA and AHTU as each of the individuals were present at the time

the protocol was agreed by Ireland. All three commented on the difficulties

reaching agreement at the ILO convention regarding the new protocol due to

the constitutional differences between different EU countries and again between

the EU and other countries.

When asked why the Irish delegates chose to opt in to the forced labour

protocol, the interviewee from AHTU believed that if Ireland were to ratify the

new protocol to the ILO Forced Labour Conventions then the only major impact

it would have would be to 'bring the international standards up close to what the

EU standards are.' The representative from NERA was more optimistic and

stated his belief that a consequence of Ireland's ratification of the protocol to the

forced labour conventions would be an increased awareness of the issue by

providing an opportunity to highlight the issue and bring it into the public

perception.

'I think particularly to highlight the issue of Irish and EU citizens that are

not say of the classical viewed forced labour situation, which is

somebody coming from an exotic country in particular occupations, but

like 'do we have a bigger problem?'' (NERA interviewee).

The representative from ICTU also recounted the difficulties encountered in

reaching agreements at on international platform due to 'different peculiarities

for different countries'. Whilst the ICTU would welcome the 2014 ILO protocol

as they perceive it as placing 'a lot more context on the issue of forced labour' in

an employment context as well as 'a lot more responsibility on employers' to

prevent and deal with the issue of forced labour in the workplace (ICTU

interviewee), the participant from MRCI believes that the protocol is an

opportunity for 'the employers side watering down the definition of forced labour'

(MRCI interviewee).

Regardless of the power struggles that seemed to manifest between the

different actors both during negotiations at an international level, and the

participants opinions at the national level, if the supplementary convention is

ratified, it will provide an opportunity to highlight the problem of forced labour

within Ireland in all its forms. Based on the evidence from this study, it would be

beneficial to ensure that awareness and clarity of the issue in Ireland is

promoted and this is an opportunity that should not be missed.

8.6 Additional Measures to Tackle Forced Labour

ICTU highlighted the extra administrative measures that should be adopted

prior to and on commencement of an individual entering the State to work to

increase accountability of the employer; however this can only be done by

increasing the amount of information sharing between different branches of the

State such as Social Protection, Revenue and the DJEI. The NGOs interviewed

also highlighted an increase in the dissemination of information was imperative

and that they would welcome 'greater cooperation on behalf of State agencies

in their willingness to collaborate with NGOs' (Nasc interviewee).

An increasing amount of outreach work by NGOs was deemed necessary by

them in order to locate further cases of forced labour within the State; however

this would require an increase in funding and as the US T.I.P report has recently

criticised, the Irish state has cut funding to such groups (2014:214). A further

fact that was highlighted by the participant from MRCI was that comparatively

funding for sexual exploitation can be as much as thirty times more than that

provided for other forms of forced labour (MRCI interviewee). This highlights the

State's priority of dealing with this form of labour exploitation over other

manifestations of the crime present within Ireland.

In line with recommendations from the literature surrounding the importance of

supply-chain management and company responsibility (Bales & Cornell, 2013;

Batestone, 2007; LeBaron & Crane, 2013) a new initiative that the AHTU is

currently working on involves working with companies to put in place a system

for highlighting those with an ethical supply chain that does not utilise forced

labour at any stage. This is aimed at increasing their reputation credits and to

also help put them on an even competition with those who are using forced

labour in their production and is hoped to have an effect on the issue of forced

labour globally.

8.7 Conclusion

Echoing the findings from the literature, all interviewees highlighted the need to

make it harder for individuals to disguise what is going on in the place of work

and to put measures in place to ensure they can be held responsible for their

actions when inflicting forced labour on another. Following on from previous

chapters, again the understanding of what constitutes the crime of forced labour

and who its victims are was highlighted as an area that needed to be developed

both by government and NGOs working in the area. The potential detachment

of the issue from that of immigration in policy and by having non-migrant

focused action groups could be utilised to serve this purpose. The ratification of

the 2014 Protocol to the ILO Forced Labour Conventions, will also provide an

opportunity for highlighting the problem from a different perspective and should

be used as such.

Understandably due to their professional agendas, the NGOs spoken to all

requested additional funding and extra measures that centred around the rights

and protections of victims, however there was a lack of consensus as to how

this was best achieved and a disregard for the involvement of other State

bodies in ensuring that perpetrators are dealt with effectively in parallel to

providing the support and care victims require. Without this collaborative and

co-ordinated approach, businesses and individuals will continue to go

unpunished and undeterred.

Whilst the adoption of extra legislative commitment from government by way of

the ILO protocol was seen as beneficial by most, discussions surrounding the

agreement of it highlighted the highly problematic terrain which needs to be

crossed when dealing with policy on an international scale. As Herbert reminds

us, these challenges need to me met in order to successfully deal with the issue

of forced labour:

'In a globalised world, today more than ever, individuals confront a

myriad of threats to their human dignity that cannot be remedied by

states operating as discrete, self-contained entities' (2012:105).

As highlighted by the literature, the issue of forced labour is an international

problem and only with international as well as national co-operation, can the

issue of forced labour be eradicated.

Chapter Nine

Concluding Remarks

9.1 Introduction

The purpose of this research was to examine the impact and effectiveness of

the current policy framework upon the issue of forced labour in Ireland. The

study examined the current legislative and policy frameworks as well as the

potential impact of, and the likely effectiveness upon the issue of forced labour

in Ireland by the inclusion of the ILO definition within national legislation. The

study also sought to obtain the thoughts and opinions of practitioners within the

field of forced labour concerning current legislation and the issues that they face

because of it, as well as the benefits it brings. The research also gained an

insight as to what other measures key actors in the field of forced labour feel

are necessary in order to deal with the issue effectively.

9.2 Review of the Findings

The following section collates the main findings from chapters six, seven and

eight to explicitly answer the research questions set in chapter one.

What types of cases of forced labour are currently identified within

Ireland, and why these? The above research indicates how identified victims

of forced labour in Ireland and the employment sectors which they are found,

correlates with the majority of findings internationally; those of migrant workers

in casual, seasonal and mobile employment. Whilst evidence has been found

that forced labour exists within these areas, it is necessary to consider that this

may in part be due to the fact that at present, resources are concentrated upon

these areas alone. The different causalities of their positions also mirrored

international findings and a number of suggestions were put forward by the

study participants, as discussed in chapter six. Whilst a multitude of personal

vulnerabilities were discussed, the research also illustrated a number of

structural reasons that can be attributed to assisting in the creation and the

retention of conditions tolerant to such exploitative practices such as a lack of

employment inspections and the current links between immigration status and

the work permit system.

By legislating for the offence within the Human Trafficking Act, how does

the Irish legislative framework assist or hinder dealing with the issue of

forced labour? The findings from the study suggest that linking forced labour

with current trafficking rhetoric has a negative and unhelpful effect on dealing

with the issue. As trafficking is often misunderstood by State bodies, service

providers and civil society in general, forced labour is regularly perceived and

responded to ineffectually and inappropriately. As discussed fully in chapter

seven, this causes us to question the appropriateness of including the issue of

forced labour within the current trafficking legislation.

What is the potential impact of the insertion of a clear definition of forced

labour in terms of dealing with the issue in Ireland? The empirical material

gathered indicates that despite the insertion and a defined offence of forced

labour within the Irish legislative framework, that the issue is still relatively

misunderstood both by professionals in the field and the general population.

This becomes especially evident when discussing the lack of identification and

acceptance of the subtleties of coercion that may be present in instances of

forced labour, by An Garda Siochana. As this is the only state agency that can

deal with the issue of forced labour, when a criminal sanction is to be applied, it

is clear that the system is fallible. A further concern is the acceptance by both

state actors and other NGOs that only one non-government organisation is

tasked with dealing with the problem within the State, which became evident

both prior to, and during the conducting of the interviews for this study. Whilst

MRCI have undoubtedly done extensive and worthwhile work in regards to

forced labour in Ireland, their focus is understandably skewed to that of the

protection of migrant workers and those alone. MRCI are further prevented from

dealing fully with the issue as they are situated in Dublin and lack resources to

travel nationwide, leaving vulnerable individuals who are not based in the

capital and who are not migrants, with nowhere and no one to turn to.

How effective is the current Irish policy framework for dealing with the

issue of forced labour? During the research a number of other significant

issues became apparent in connection to the awareness of, and the access to,

protections and supports for victims. It is evident from the research that a

substantial number of those who are trapped in forced labour may continue to

be so due to lack of self-identification with the issue and a general unawareness

of what constitutes such a crime, highlighting a real need to provide more

information on acceptable working conditions for both national and non-national

workers and their employers. As illustrated by the above discussion, those who

realise that they are being exploited are also often afraid to come forward to

authorities and other bodies that could offer assistance in such matters. The

research suggests a number of different reasons for this and many point

towards the current policy framework which is in place, especially for workers in

precarious and/or uncertain migration statuses. If we are to encourage these

victims to come forward and report offenders, it is imperative that the workers

feel secure in doing so and believe that they will be seen first and foremost as a

victim as opposed to a criminal or an illegal migrant as is often reported to be

the case. Only then is the current NRM procedure which is in place, likely to

work for everyone.

In what other ways can forced labour be dealt with in the Irish context, to

better improve the situation? Co-operation and communication featured

significantly during the interviews and the importance of a unified and

collaborative effort by a number of key stakeholders should be encouraged. Not

only will this ensure that the rights of victims are observed, but the research

suggests that it will also assist in the prosecution of offenders and ensuring

retribution for the crimes they have committed. This should not just be left up to

the Gardai, but as the international studies suggest, should encompass a range

of both State and civil actors. Once convictions have occurred in the State, the

jurisprudence then set will hopefully ensure that further prosecutions can be

brought forward and clarify the legal boundaries for all concerned.

9.3 Recommendations and Possible Avenues for Further Research

On the basis of this study a number of suggestions and recommendations

should be reviewed in relation to preventing forced labour, protecting its victims

and ensuring that offenders, whether they be individuals or organisations, are

dealt with effectively. Though not exhaustive, the following reflects some of the

main concerns with managing the issue of forced labour in Ireland today.

Identification of the Issue

● A focus on filling knowledge gaps has to be adopted by a wider range of

research professionals to ensure a more complete picture of the issue in

Ireland. Areas to review should include, but not exclusive to, EU/Irish

victimisation, internal and external causes specific to the Irish situation,

and attempts to acquire first hand information from perpetrators to gain

further insight of the extent of the problem.

● The above discussion has highlighted the inaccuracy of national

statistics. It is widely acknowledged as a necessary development

internationally, that more robust research methodology needs to be

designed and utilised with regards to the issue of forced labour, which

will both assist in identifying and quantifying the extent of the problem in

Ireland, allowing us to deal with the problem more effectively.

● Using exploitation rather than borders as a primary indicator of trafficking

may assist in the identification of victims and perpetrators and therefore

better assess the extent of the issue in Ireland. This approach needs to

be understood by both front line staff and policy makers to ensure all

victims are identified and offences prosecuted.

● Increasing investigations of high-risk employment sectors, and ensure

that NERA and other employment bodies have the support and

assistance from the State to deal with issue of exploitation effectively.

● The research has illustrated the need for responsibility for the issue to be

more wide spread across a multitude of different actors, along with

increasing awareness and civil society engagement of the phenomenon.

● Improved training and commitment of relevant state agents and service

providers to recognise instances of forced labour both including and

abstract from popular stereotypes of the 'trafficked victim'. In light of

recent developments surrounding forced labour for criminal acts, this

commitment needs to remain open to new forms and manifestations of

the issue.

● As the research shows, it is important that the Irish State increases

awareness and public understanding of the many forms forced labour in

the world today, and ensures that all citizens are diligent in recognising

the signs and reporting suspicious activities. As suggested, this could

coincide with the ratification of the Protocol to the ILO Forced Labour

Convention.

Victim Supports

● Revision of the current NRM procedure to ensure that all victims can

avail of its use and ensure that its provisions are applied correctly and

equally across all victims of trafficking.

● Ensure that Gardai and other law enforcement agents are fully aware of

the needs of the victim and ensure that they have sufficient procedures in

place to prevent criminalisation or re-victimisation of those who come

forward, or are found to be victims of a forced labour situation.

Prosecution of Offences

● Increase and promote inter-agency responses to ensure that any forced

labour offence is dealt with effectively, and that all appropriate State

instruments are applied in each case.

● Increase and promote State and non-state co-operation and

communication to ensure that all are aware of the resources available to

them as well as any limitations of such support (such as that of statute

barred legal provisions).

● As a lack of jurisprudence is evident in the State, all key actors should be

aware of the high onus of proof, and actively seeking out a case which

can successfully be prosecuted for the offence. Once a prosecution has

occurred under the legislation, it is likely that a precedence will have

been set and offenders are more likely to be held accountable for their

crimes. This should simultaneously work as a deterrent.

Others

● As discussed, the legislation is relatively new and as such is still

unproven. It would therefore be beneficial to conduct a similar study of

the issue of forced labour and the effectiveness of the Irish policy

framework once the impact on crime figures, and the potential

ratification of the Protocol to the ILO Forced Labour Convention, is

evident.

9.4 Conclusions

For governments to properly assist victims of forced labour, they must first

provide and implement effective legislation. As this research has shown, not

only does the Irish law have to ensure a comprehensive framework allowing

successful prosecution of those responsible for forced labour, but it also needs

to address the very real needs of the victims to it: needs such as protection

measures, immigration status, restitution, protection from further victimisation

and persecution, as well as the basic human rights afforded to every individual.

Maybe more importantly, and certainly as a first step proceeding any treatment

of victims or perpetrators of forced labour is the issue of identification. Until this

is realised as a major obstacle in the development of the eradication of forced

labour, those who are trapped within instances of forced labour and severe

exploitation occurring in the Irish State will continue to be so. Evidence from this

research confirms that this is still a significant issue. Any legislative or policy

changes, despite how stringent and comprehensive they may seem, will remain

useless if government officials and other bodies rely on self-identification of

victims; rather the evidence highlights the necessity to pro-actively search for

instances of this phenomenon, to prevent the issue remaining hidden and

misunderstood. The research suggests that this should occur by increasing

investigations of high-risk employment sectors, advising, educating and

screening of vulnerable and marginalised populations (both nationals and non-

nationals), improved training and commitment of relevant state agents and

service providers to recognise instances of forced labour both including and

abstract from popular stereotypes of the 'trafficked victim', and to increase

public understanding, knowledge and awareness of the myriad of forms forced

labour can and does occupy in Ireland today. Understanding and promoting

alternative perspectives concerning the nature of forced labour, may allow

professionals and researchers to identify victims more easily, thereby increasing

our knowledge of the phenomenon and contributing towards its eradication.

Until we have a fuller picture and understanding of forced labour within the Irish

context, we will continue to fail in finding a solution to the problem.

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Appendix A: Participant Information Sheet

Information for Participants

Purpose: As part of the requirements for the Masters in Social Policy at UCC, I have to carry out a research study. This study is concerned with the issue of Forced Labour in the Irish context and the legislation which is in place to deal with the phenomenon.

Procedure: If you agree to participate in the research, I will conduct an interview with you at a time and location of your choice. The interview should last approximately 30 - 45 minutes. With your permission, I will audiotape and take notes during the interview. This is to accurately record the information you provide, and will be used for transcription purposes only. If you prefer not to be audio taped, I will take notes instead. If you agree to being audio taped but feel uncomfortable at any time during the interview, I can turn off the recorder at your request. You can stop the interview at any time.I expect to only carry out one interview, however follow up contact may be necessary in order to clarify certain points. If so, this will be kept to a minimum and I will contact you by email or telephone to request this.

Participation: Participation in this study is completely voluntary. You are free to decline to take part in this research. A consent form is attached for you to sign to say that you agree to participate, a copy of which will be given back to you prior to commencement of the interview. If you sign the form and agree to participate, you still have the option to withdraw at any time and can opt to refrain from answering any questions that are posed. If you participate in an interview a transcript of the interview will be available, and data obtained can also be excluded from the study at your request. After the interview, you have the option to withdraw permission to use any data obtained within two weeks, in which case the material recorded will be destroyed.

Use of Information: The information provided will be used as part of the data collected for my thesis. It will be seen by my supervisor, a second marker and an external examiner. The thesis may be read by future students on the course and other university staff members. The study may also be published in a research journal and used by others with an interest in the area.

Confidentiality: The interview data obtained will be handled as confidentially as possible. Should you request that your identity and responses remain anonymous, I will ensure that no clues to your identity are apparent in the study. When the research is completed, I may save the tapes and notes for use in future research for up to 3 years after the study is over, unless you request otherwise.

Questions: If you have any questions about this research, or require any further information, please feel free to contact me by email at s.j.turner@umail.ucc.ie.

If you agree to take part in the study, please sign the attached consent form and return by email prior to the meeting if at all possible.

Thank you in advance for your help.

Samantha Turner

Appendix B: Research Consent Form

Name: _______________________________________________

Organisation: __________________________________________

I agree to participate in Samantha Turner's research study, undertaken as part of the requirement for the Masters in Social Policy at University College Cork.

The purpose and nature of the research has been explained to me in writing.

I understand that my participation is entirely voluntary and can be withdrawn at any time, without repercussions.

I understand that I can withdraw permission to use any data provided within two weeks of the interview taking place, in which case the material will be deleted by the researcher.

I understand that extracts from my interview may be quoted in the thesis and any subsequent publications if I give my permission below:

Please tick one box:

I agree to quotation / publication of extracts from my interviews

I do not agree to quotation / publication of extracts from my interviews

Signed: _______________________________ Date: __________________________

ONLY If you agree to allow your name and other identifying information to be included in all final presentations and/or publications resulting from this research, please also sign and date below:

Signed: ________________________________ Date: __________________________

Appendix C: Sample Interview Guide

Introduction & Consent to record discussion

Questions surrounding the Issue of Forced Labour in the Irish context

How do you see the issue of Forced Labour manifesting itself in Ireland today?

What do you believe are the main contributing factors to Forced Labour?Could these factors also be applied to Irish nationals?

How do you think the public view the issue of Forced Labour?

Do you think it gets enough attention from government bodies?Why/ Why Not?Should more be done?

Do you believe that the instances of Forced Labour have increased in recent times? If 'Yes' or 'No' - Why do you think this is so?

What do you believe are the main obstacles to eradicating Forced Labour?What can / should be done about these?

Do you believe that it is helpful to have Forced Labour outlined in the Irish legislation?What benefits, if any, does it bring?

Do you believe that the current amended legislation has had an impact on the issue of Forced Labour?

If so how?For whom?If not, why not?

In your opinion, should Forced Labour be legislated for separate to the Trafficking Act?Why / Why not?What are the benefits?If not, how should it be legislated?

What do you think to the view that forced labour should be dealt with by other bodies and in other ways – e.g. employment law?

How could this be applied in practice?

Do you think that people fully understand that trafficking can be internal as well as cross-border?

Should more be done to highlight this?

Should the fact that Forced Labour can and does affect Irish citizens within the state as well as migrants be acknowledged more by policy makers?

If 'yes' or 'no' - Why?If 'yes' – How?

Do you believe a lack of public understanding mean that instances of Forced Labour may go unnoticed and/ or unpunished by legislating only within a trafficking framework?

If 'no' – Why not?If so, what should be done to help correct this?

UN PROPOSED PROTOCOL

What do you see as the benefits to Irish policy of implementing the ILO Protocol?

How best can it be implemented within the Irish policy context?

When do you believe it is likely to be ratified?

Do you believe that this will improve the situation in Ireland?How / Why/Why not?Does it go far enough?

Were there other aspects that you believe should have been covered by the protocol?

How useful do you believe national policies to deal with Forced Labour in Ireland are in an ever increasing globalised world?

Are current policies deterrent enough?

In your opinion, will amendments in Irish policy help the issue of Forced Labour on a global scale?

Why/Why not?

What else, in your opinion needs to be done to find a solution?

CLOSING

Finally, do you have any other comments, suggestions or opinions around the phenomenon that you would like to make?

Appendix D: Criminal Law (Human Trafficking) Act 2008

————————

Number 8 of 2008————————

CRIMINAL LAW (HUMAN TRAFFICKING) ACT 2008————————

ARRANGEMENT OF SECTIONSSection1. Interpretation.2. Trafficking, etc., of children.3. Trafficking, taking, etc., of child for purpose of sexual exploitation.4. Trafficking of persons other than children.5. Soliciting or importuning for purposes of prostitution of trafficked person.6. Offences by bodies corporate.7. Jurisdiction.8. Proceedings relating to offences committed outside State.9. Double jeopardy.10. Exclusion of members of public from proceedings.11. Anonymity of victims of trafficking.12. Amendment of Criminal Evidence Act 1992.13. Amendment of Act of 2001.14. Amendment of Bail Act 1997.15. Short title and commencement.

————————[ No. 8. ] Criminal Law (Human Trafficking) Act 2008. [2008.]

Acts Referred toBail Act 1997 1997, No. 16Child Trafficking and Pornography Act 1998 1998, No. 22Criminal Evidence Act 1992 1992, No. 12Criminal Justice (Miscellaneous Provisions) Act 1997 1997, No. 4Criminal Law (Sexual Offences) Act 1993 1993, No. 20Criminal Law (Sexual Offences) Act 2006 2006, No. 15Criminal Law (Sexual Offences) (Amendment) Act 2007 2007, No. 6Sex Offenders Act 2001 2001, No. 18

————————Number 8 of 2008

————————CRIMINAL LAW (HUMAN TRAFFICKING) ACT 2008

————————AN ACT TO GIVE EFFECT TO COUNCIL FRAMEWORK DECISION OF 19 JULY 20021 ON COMBATING TRAFFICKING IN HUMAN BEINGS; TO GIVE EFFECT, IN PART, TO THE UNITED NATIONS PROTOCOL TOPREVENT, SUPPRESS AND PUNISH TRAFFICKING IN PERSONS, ESPECIALLY WOMEN AND CHILDREN, SUPPLEMENTING THE UNITED NATIONS CONVENTION AGAINST TRANSNATIONAL ORGANISED CRIME, DONE AT NEW YORK ON 15 NOVEMBER 2000, AND THE COUNCIL OF EUROPE CONVENTION ON ACTION AGAINST TRAFFICKING IN HUMAN BEINGS DONE AT WARSAW ON 16 MAY 2005; FOR THOSE PURPOSES TO AMEND CERTAIN ENACTMENTS; TO AMEND SECTION 3 OF THE SEX OFFENDERS ACT 2001; AND TO PROVIDE FOR MATTERS CONNECTED THEREWITH.

[7th May, 2008]BE IT ENACTED BY THE OIREACHTAS AS FOLLOWS:

1.—In this Act—“Act of 1998” means the Child Trafficking and Pornography Act1998;“Act of 2001” means the Sex Offenders Act 2001;“child” means a person under the age of 18 years;“exploitation” means—

(a) labour exploitation,(b) sexual exploitation, or(c) exploitation consisting of the removal of one or more of the organs of a person;

“labour exploitation” means, in relation to a person (including a child)—(a) subjecting the person to forced labour,(b) forcing him or her to render services to another, or(c) enslavement of the person or subjecting him or her to servitude or a similar condition or state;

“sexual exploitation” means, in relation to a person—(a) the production of pornography depicting the person either alone or with others,(b) causing the person to engage in sexual activity for the purpose of the production of pornography,(c) the prostitution of the person,(d) the commission of an offence specified in the Schedule to the Act of 2001 against the person; causing another person to commit such an offence against the person; or causing the person to commit such an offence against another person, or(e) otherwise causing the person to engage or participate in any sexual, indecent or obscene act;

“trafficks” means, in relation to a person (including a child)—(a) procures, recruits, transports or harbours the person, or

(i) transfers the person to,(ii) places the person in the custody, care or charge, or under the control, of, or(iii) otherwise delivers the person to, another person,

(b) causes a person to enter or leave the State or to travel within the State,(c) takes custody of a person or takes a person—

(i) into one’s care or charge, or(ii) under one’s control,or

(d) provides the person with accommodation or employment.

2.— (1) A person who trafficks a child for the purposes of the exploitation of the child shall be guilty of an offence.(2) A person who—

(a) sells a child, offers or exposes a child for sale or invites the making of an offer to purchase a child, or(b) purchases or makes an offer to purchase a child, shall be guilty of an offence.

(3) A person who causes an offence under subsection (1) or (2) to be committed shall be guilty of an offence.(4) A person who attempts to commit an offence under subsection (1), (2) or (3) shall be guilty of an offence.(5) A person guilty of an offence under this section shall be liable upon conviction on indictment—

(a) to imprisonment for life or a lesser term, and(b) at the discretion of the court, to a fine.

(6) In this section “exploitation” does not include sexual exploitation.

3.— Section 3 (amended by section 6 of the Criminal Law (Sexual Offences) (Amendment) Act 2007) of the Act of 1998 is amended by—(a) the substitution of the following subsections for subsections (1) and (2):

“(1) A person who trafficks a child for the purposes of the sexual exploitation of the child shall be guilty of an offence and shall be liable upon conviction onindictment—

(2) A person who—

(a) sexually exploits a child, or(b) takes, detains, or restricts the personal liberty of, a child for the purpose of his or her sexual exploitation, shall be guilty of an offence and shall be liable upon convictionon indictment—

(i) to imprisonment for life or a lesser term, and(ii) at the discretion of the court, to a fine.”,and

(b) the substitution of the following subsections for subsection (3):“(3) A person who causes another person to commit an offence under subsection (1) or (2) shall be guilty of an offence and shall be liable upon conviction on indictment—

(4) A person who attempts to commit an offence under subsection (1), (2) or (3) shall be guilty of an offence and shall be liable upon conviction on indictment—

(5) In this section—‘child’ means a person under the age of 18 years;‘sexual exploitation’ means, in relation to a child—

(a) inviting, inducing or coercing the child to engage in prostitution or the production of child pornography,(b) the prostitution of the child or the use of the child for the production of child pornography,(c) the commission of an offence specified in the Schedule to the Sex Offenders Act 2001 against the child; causing another person to commit such an offence against the child; or inviting, inducing or coercing the child to commit such an offence against another person,(d) inviting, inducing or coercing the child to engage or participate in any sexual, indecent or obscene act, or(e) inviting, inducing or coercing the child to observe any sexual, indecent or obscene act, for the purpose of corrupting or depraving the child,and ‘sexually exploits’ shall be construed accordingly;

‘trafficks’ means, in relation to a child—(a) procures, recruits, transports or harbours the child, or—

(i) transfers the child to,(ii) places the child in the custody, care or charge, or under the control, of, or(iii) otherwise delivers the child to, another person,

(b) causes the child to enter or leave the State or to travel within the State,(c) takes custody of the child or takes the child—

(i) into one’s care or charge, or(ii) under one’s control,

or(d) provides the child with accommodation or employment.”.

4.—(1) A person (in this section referred to as the “trafficker”) who trafficks another person (in this section referred to as the “trafficked person”), other than a child or a person to whom subsection (3) applies, for the purposes of the exploitation of the trafficked person shall be guilty of an offence if, in or for the purpose of trafficking the trafficked person, the trafficker—

(a) coerced, threatened, abducted or otherwise used force against the trafficked person,(b) deceived or committed a fraud against the trafficked person,(c) abused his or her authority or took advantage of the vulnerability of the trafficked person to such extent as to cause the trafficked person to have had no real and acceptable alternative but to submit to being trafficked,(d) coerced, threatened or otherwise used force against any person in whose care or charge, or under whose control, the trafficked person was for the time being, in order to compel that person to permit the trafficker to traffick the trafficked person, or(e) made any payment to, or conferred any right, interest or other benefit on, any person in whose care or charge, or under whose control, the trafficked person was for the time

being, in exchange for that person permitting the trafficker to traffick the trafficked person.

(2) In proceedings for an offence under this section it shall not be a defence for the defendant to show that the person in respect of whom the offence was committed consented to the commission of any of the acts of which the offence consists.

(3) A person who trafficks a person who is mentally impaired for the purposes of the exploitation of the person shall be guilty of an offence.

(4) A person who—(a) sells another person, offers or exposes another person for sale or invites the making of an offer to purchase another person, or(b) purchases or makes an offer to purchase another person, shall be guilty of an offence.

(5) A person who causes an offence under subsection (1), (3) or (4) to be committed shall be guilty of an offence.

(6) A person who attempts to commit an offence under subsection (1), (3), (4) or (5) shall be guilty of an offence.

(7) A person guilty of an offence under this section shall be liable upon conviction on indictment— (a) to imprisonment for life or a lesser term, and

(b) at the discretion of the court, to a fine.

(8) In this section “mentally impaired” has the same meaning as it has in the Criminal Law (Sexual Offences) Act 1993.

5.— (1) Where, for the purposes of the prostitution of a trafficked person, a person (other than that trafficked person) solicits or importunes another person, including that trafficked person, in any place, he or she shall be guilty of an offence.

(2) A person (other than the trafficked person in respect of whom the offence under subsection (1) is committed) who accepts, or agrees to accept a payment, right, interest or other benefit from a person for a purpose mentioned in subsection (1) shall be guilty of an offence.

(3) A person guilty of an offence under this section shall be liable—(a) on summary conviction to a fine not exceeding \5,000 or

a term of imprisonment not exceeding 12 months, orboth, or

(b) on conviction on indictment to a fine or a term of imprisonmentnot exceeding 5 years, or both.

(4) In proceedings for an offence under this section it shall be a defence for the defendant to prove that he or she did not know and had no reasonable grounds for believing, that the person in respect of whom the offence was committed was a trafficked person.

(5) This section is in addition to, and not in substitution for, section 7 of the Act of 1993 in so far as an offence under that section is committed by, or in respect of, a trafficked person.

(6) In this section—“Act of 1993” means the Criminal Law (Sexual Offences) Act 1993;“solicits or importunes” has the same meaning as it has in the Act of 1993;“trafficked person” means—

(a) a person in respect of whom an offence under subsection (1) or (3) of section 4 has been committed, or(b) a child who has been trafficked for the purpose of his or her exploitation.

6.—Where an offence under this Act is committed by a body corporate and is proved to have been so committed with the consent or connivance of or to be attributable to any neglect on the part of any person,

being a director, manager, secretary or other officer of the body corporate, or a person who was purporting to act in such capacity, that person shall, as well as the body corporate, be guilty of an offence and shall be liable to be proceeded against and punished as if he or she were guilty of the first-mentioned offence.

7.— (1) Where a person who is an Irish citizen or ordinarily resident in the State does an act in a place other than the State that, if done in the State, would constitute an offence under section 2 or 4, or section 3 (other than subsections (2A) and (2B)) of the Act of 1998, he or she shall be guilty of an offence and shall be liable on conviction on indictment to a fine, or imprisonment for life, or both.

(2) Where a person does an act in relation to an Irish citizen in a place other than the State that, if done in the State, would constitute an offence under section 2 or 4, or section 3 (other than subsections (2A) and (2B)) of the Act of 1998, he or she shall be guilty of an offence and shall be liable on conviction on indictment to a fine, or imprisonment for life, or both.

(3) Where a person conspires with, or incites, in the State, another person to do an act in a place other than the State that, if done in the State, would constitute an offence under section 2 or 4, or section 3 (other than subsections (2A) and (2B)) of the Act of 1998, he or she shall be guilty of an offence and shall be liable on conviction on indictment to a fine, or imprisonment for life, or both.

(4) Where a person who is an Irish citizen or ordinarily resident in the State conspires with, or incites, in a place other than the State, another person to do an act in a place other than the State that, if done in the State, would constitute an offence under section 2 or 4, or section 3 (other than subsections (2A) and (2B)) of the Act of 1998, he or she shall be guilty of an offence and shall be liable on conviction on indictment to a fine, or imprisonment for life, or both.

(5) Where a person conspires with, or incites, in the State or in a place other than the State, another person to do an act in relation to an Irish citizen in a place other than the State that, if done in the State, would constitute an offence under section 2 or 4, or section 3 (other than subsections (2A) and (2B)) of the Act of 1998, he or she shall be guilty of an offence and shall be liable on conviction on indictment to a fine, or imprisonment for life, or both.

(6) Where a person conspires with, or incites, in a place other than the State, a person who is an Irish citizen or ordinarily resident in the State to do an act in a place other than the State that, if done in the State, would constitute an offence under section 2 or 4, or section 3 (other than subsections (2A) and (2B)) of the Act of 1998, he or she shall be guilty of an offence and shall be liable on conviction on indictment to a fine, or imprisonment for life, or both.

(7) Where a person attempts to commit an offence under subsection (1), (2), (3), (4), (5) or (6), he or she shall be guilty of an offence and shall be liable on conviction on indictment to a fine, or imprisonmentfor life, or both.

(8) For the purposes of this section a person shall be deemed to be ordinarily resident in the State if—

(a) he or she has had his or her principal residence in the State for the period of 12 months immediately preceding the alleged commission of the offence,(b) it is a company registered under the Companies Acts, or(c) in the case of any other body corporate, it is established under the law of the State.

8.— Proceedings for an offence under section 7 may be taken in any place in the State and the offence may for all incidental purposes be treated as having been committed in that place.

9.— (1) Where a person has been acquitted of an offence in a place other than the State, he or she shall not be proceeded against for an offence under this Act consisting of the alleged act or acts constituting the first-mentioned offence.

(2) Where a person has been convicted of an offence in a place other than the State, he or she shall not be proceeded against for an offence under this Act consisting of the act or acts

constituting the first-mentioned offence.

10.— (1) In proceedings for an offence under section 2 or 4, or section 3 (other than subsections (2A) and (2B)) of the Act of 1998, or incitement or conspiracy to commit any such offence, all persons, other than officers of the court, persons directly concerned in the proceedings and such other persons (if any) as the judge of the court may determine, shall be excluded from the court during the proceedings.

(2) In proceedings to which this section applies the verdict or decision and the sentence (if any) shall be pronounced in public.

11.— (1) Where a person is charged with an offence under section 2 or 4, or section 3 (other than subsections (2A) and (2B)) of the Act of 1998, any person who publishes or broadcasts any information, including—

(a) any photograph of, or that includes a depiction of, the alleged victim of the offence, or(b) any other representation of the physical likeness, or any representation that includes a depiction of the physical likeness, of the alleged victim of the offence, that is likely to enable the identification of the alleged victim of the offence, shall, subject to any direction under subsection (2), be guilty of an offence and shall be liable upon conviction on indictment to a fine, or imprisonment for a term not exceeding 10 years, or both.

(2) The judge of the court in which proceedings for an offence under section 2 or 4, or section 3 (other than subsections (2A) and (2B)) of the Act of 1998, are brought may, where he or she considers that the interests of justice so require, direct that such information to which subsection (1) applies as he or she shall specify in the direction may be published or broadcast in such manner and subject to such conditions as he or she may specify in the direction.

(3) A direction under this section shall be in writing.

(4) A person who contravenes a direction under this section, including a condition in such a direction, shall be guilty of an offence and shall be liable upon conviction on indictment to a fine, or imprisonment for a term not exceeding 10 years, or both.

(5) In this section—“broadcasts” means transmits, relays or distributes by wireless telegraphy or by any other means, or by wireless telegraphy in conjunction with any other means, of communications, sounds, signs, visual images or signals intended for reception by any person whether such communications, sounds, signs, visual images or signals are received by that person or not;“publishes” means publishes to any person, and includes publishes on the internet.

12.—The Criminal Evidence Act 1992 is amended—(a) in the definition of “sexual offence” (inserted by section 16 of the Criminal Justice (Miscellaneous Provisions) Act 1997) in section 2, by—

(i) the deletion of paragraph (iv) (inserted by section 7(2) of the Criminal Law (Sexual Offences) Act 2006), and(ii) the substitution of the following paragraph for paragraph (e):

“(e) the Criminal Law (Sexual Offences) Act 2006;”,and

(b) by the substitution of the following section for section 12 (amended by section 10 of the Act of 1998):

“12.—This Part applies to—(a) a sexual offence,(b) an offence involving violence or the threat of violence to a person,(c) an offence under section 3, 4, 5 or 6 of the Child Trafficking and Pornography Act 1998,(d) an offence under section 2, 4 or 7 of the Criminal Law (Human Trafficking) Act 2008, or(e) an offence consisting of attempting or conspiring to commit, or of aiding or abetting,

counselling, procuring or inciting the commission of, an offence mentioned in paragraph (a), (b), (c) or (d).”.

13.— The Act of 2001 is amended—(a) in section 3, by—

(i) the substitution of the following paragraph for paragraph (a) of subsection (2):“(a) paragraph 2 of the Schedule (sexual assault or indecent assault), other than an offence of sexual assault or indecent assault of a person who, at the time of the commission of the offence, was mentally impaired,”,(ii) the substitution of the following paragraph for paragraph (ii) of subsection (2):“(ii) the person guilty of the offence— (I) is, for the time being, the subject of an order of the court remanding him or her on bail or in custody pending the passing of sentence, or (II) has not, in respect of the offence, been sentenced to any punishment involving deprivation of liberty for a limited or unlimited period of time or been made subject to any measure involving such deprivation of liberty.”, and(iii) the insertion of the following subsection:“(4) In this section ‘mentally impaired’ has the same meaning as it has in section 5 of the Criminal Law (Sexual Offences) Act 1993.”,

(b) in section 12, by the substitution of the following subsection for subsection (3):“(3) A person guilty of an offence under this section shall be liable—(a) on summary conviction, to a fine not exceeding €5,000, or imprisonment for a term not exceeding 12 months, or both, or(b) on conviction on indictment to a fine not exceeding €10,000, or imprisonment for a term not exceeding 5 years, or both.”,

(c) in section 33, by the insertion of the following subsection:“(4) Proceedings for an offence under subsection (1) may be brought and prosecuted by a probation and welfare officer.”, and

(d) in the Schedule, by the insertion of the following paragraph:“16A. An offence under the Criminal Law (Human Trafficking) Act 2008 in so far as the offence is committed for the purposes of the sexual exploitation of a person.”.

14.— The Schedule to the Bail Act 1997 is amended by the insertion of the following paragraph:“8A. An offence under the Criminal Law (Human Trafficking) Act 2008.”.

15.— (1) This Act may be cited as the Criminal Law (Human Trafficking) Act 2008.

(2) This Act shall come into operation one month after its passing.

Appendix E: Criminal Law (Human Trafficking) (Amendment) Act 2013

————————

Number 24 of 2013————————

CRIMINAL LAW (HUMAN TRAFFICKING) (AMENDMENT)ACT 2013

————————ARRANGEMENT OF SECTIONS

Section1. Amendment of section 1 of Criminal Law (HumanTrafficking) Act 2008.2. Amendment of Criminal Law (Human Trafficking) Act 2008.3. Amendment of Child Trafficking and Pornography Act 1998.4. Amendment of Criminal Evidence Act 1992.5. Short title and commencement.

————————

[ No. 24. ] Criminal Law (Human Trafficking) Amendment Act 2013 [2013.]

Acts Referred toChild Trafficking and Pornography Act 1998 1998, No. 22Criminal Evidence Act 1992 1992, No. 12Criminal Justice (Public Order) Act 2011 2011, No. 5Criminal Law (Human Trafficking) Act 2008 2008, No. 8Criminal Procedure Act 1967 1967, No. 12Ethics in Public Office Act 1995 1995, No. 22

————————Number 24 of 2013————————

CRIMINAL LAW (HUMAN TRAFFICKING) (AMENDMENT)ACT 2013

————————AN ACT TO GIVE EFFECT TO CERTAIN PROVISIONS OF DIRECTIVE 2011/36/EU OF THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT AND OF THE COUNCIL OF 5 APRIL 20111 ON PREVENTING AND COMBATING TRAFFICKING IN HUMAN BEINGS AND PROTECTING ITS VICTIMS, AND REPLACING COUNCIL FRAMEWORK DECISION 2002/629/JHA; FOR THOSE AND OTHER PURPOSES TO AMEND AND EXTEND THE CRIMINAL LAW (HUMAN TRAFFICKING) ACT 2008, THE CHILD TRAFFICKING AND PORNOGRAPHY ACT 1998 AND THE CRIMINAL EVIDENCE ACT 1992; AND TO PROVIDE FOR RELATED MATTERS.

[9th July, 2013]BE IT ENACTED BY THE OIREACHTAS AS FOLLOWS:

1.—Section 1 of the Criminal Law (Human Trafficking) Act 2008is amended—

(a) by substituting the following definition for the definition of “exploitation”:“ ‘exploitation’ means—

(a) labour exploitation,(b) sexual exploitation,

(c) exploitation consisting of the removal of one or more of the organs of a person, or(d) exploitation consisting of forcing a person to engage in—

(i) an activity that constitutes an offence and that is engaged in for financial gain or that by implication is engaged in for financial gain, or(ii) an activity in a place other than the State that—

(I) constitutes an offence under the law of that place and would, if done in the State, constitute an offence, and(II) is engaged in for financial gain or that by implication is engaged in for financial gain;”,

(b) by substituting the following definition for the definition of “labour exploitation”:“ ‘labour exploitation’ means, in relation to a person (including a child)—

(a) subjecting the person to forced labour (including forcing him or her to beg),(b) forcing the person to render services to another person, or(c) enslavement of the person or subjecting him or her to servitude or a similar condition or state;”,and

(c) by inserting the following definitions:“ ‘beg’ has the same meaning as it has in section 1(2) of the Criminal Justice (Public Order) Act 2011;

‘forced labour’ means a work or service which is exacted from a person under the menace of any penalty and for which the person has not offered himself or herself voluntarily, but shall not include any of the following:

(a) a work or service exacted by virtue of compulsory military service laws for work of a purely military character;(b) a work or service which forms part of the normal civic obligations of the citizens of a fully self-governing country;(c) a work or service exacted from a person as a consequence of a conviction in a court of law if—

(i) the work or service is carried out under the supervision and control of a public authority,and(ii) the person is not hired to, or placed at the disposal of, a person who is not a public authority;

(d) a work or service exacted in a case of an emergency that endangers or that may endanger the existence or the well-being of the whole or part of the population, including war, fire, flood,famine, earthquake, violent epidemic or epizootic diseases or invasion by animal, insect or vegetable pests;(e) a minor communal service of a kind which, being performed by the members of the community in the direct interest of the community, can be considered as a normal civic obligation incumbent upon the members of the community, and where the members of the community, or their direct representatives, have the right to be consulted in regard to the need for that service;”.

2.—The Criminal Law (Human Trafficking) Act 2008 is amended by inserting the following section after section 4:

4A.— (1) Where a court is determining the sentence to be imposed on a person for an offence under section 2 or 4, the fact that the offence was committed by a public official during the performance of his or her duties as such public official shall be treated for the purpose of determining the sentence as an aggravating factor.(2) Accordingly, the court shall (except where the sentence for the offence is one of imprisonment for life or where the court considers that there are exceptional circumstances justifying its not doing so) impose a sentence that is greater than that which would have been imposed in the absence of such factor.(3) The sentence imposed shall not be greater than the maximum sentence permissible for the offence.(4) In this section—‘public body’ shall be construed in accordance with the Ethics in Public Office Act

1995;‘public official’ means an officer or employee of a public body.”.

3.—The Child Trafficking and Pornography Act 1998 is amended by inserting the following section after section 3:

3A.— (1) Where a court is determining the sentence to be imposed on a person for an offence under section 3 (other than an offence under subsection (2A) or (2B) of that section), the fact that the offence was committed by a public official during the performance of his or her duties as such public official shall be treated for the purpose of determining the sentence as an aggravating factor.(2) Accordingly, the court shall (except where the sentence for the offence is one of imprisonment for life or where the court considers that not doing so) impose a sentence that is greater than that which would have been imposed in the absence of such factor.(3) The sentence imposed shall not be greater than the maximum sentence permissible for the offence.(4) In this section—‘public body’ shall be construed in accordance with the Ethics in Public Office Act 995;‘public official’ means an officer or employee of a public body.”.

4.—The Criminal Evidence Act 1992 is amended—(a) in section 15—

(i) in subsection (1), by substituting the following paragraphs for paragraphs (a), (b) and (c):

“(a) under Part IA of the Criminal Procedure Act 1967, the prosecutor consents to the sending forward for trial of an accused person who is charged with an offence to which this Part applies, (b) the person in respect of whom the offence is alleged to have been committed, or a person who has made a video-recording under section 16(1)(b)(ii), is under 18 years of age on the date consent is given to the accused being sent forward for trial, and(c) it is proposed that a video-recording of a statement made by the person concerned during an interview as mentioned in section 16(1)(b) shall be given in evidence pursuant to that section,”,

and(ii) by substituting the following subsection for subsection (2):

“(2) The judge hearing an application under section 4E of the Criminal Procedure Act 1967 may consider any statement made, in relation to an offence, by a person in a video-recording mentioned in section

16(1) (b) if the person is available for cross-examination at the hearing of the application.”,

(b) in section 16(1), by substituting the following paragraph for paragraph (b):“(b) a video-recording of any statement made during an interview with a member of the Garda Síochána or any other person who is competent for the purpose—

(i) by a person under 14 years of age (being a person in respect of whom such an offence is alleged to have been committed), or(ii) by a person under 18 years of age (being a person other than the accused) in relation to an offence under—

(I) section 3(1), (2) or (3) of the Child Trafficking and Pornography Act 1998, or(II) section 2, 4 or 7 of the Criminal Law (Human Trafficking) Act 2008,”,

and(c) in section 19, by substituting “16(1)(a) and (b)(ii) to a person under 18 years of age and the reference in section 16(1)(b)(i)” for “16(1)(a) to a person under 18 years of age and the reference in section 16(1)(b)”.

5.— (1) This Act may be cited as the Criminal Law (Human Trafficking) (Amendment) Act 2013.

(2) This Act shall come into operation one month after its passing.

Appendix F: European Commission Proposal to Ratify the Protocol of

2014 to the Forced Labour Convention, 1930

COM(2014) 563 final 2014/0259 (NLE) Brussels, 11.9.2014

Proposal for aCOUNCIL DECISION

authorising Member States to ratify, in the interest of the European Union, the Protocol of 2014 to the Forced Labour Convention, 1930, of the International Labour

Organisation with regard to matters related to social policy

EXPLANATORY MEMORANDUM

CONTEXT OF THE PROPOSALThe proposed Council Decisions will enable Member States to ratify the Protocol to theForced Labour Convention, 1930, of the International Labour Organisation (ILO), hereinafter ‘the Protocol’.The Forced Labour Convention, 1930 (No 29) of the ILO (‘the Convention’) is one of the ILO’s eight fundamental Conventions that make up the core international labour standards, and it is considered a human rights instrument. In adopting the Convention in 1930, the International Labour Conference (‘the Conference’) called upon States to end the use of forced labour within the shortest possible period, and to criminalise the offence. Yet, more than 80 years later, despite almost universal ratification of the Convention, the practice still exists, albeit in different forms to those that provoked such concern in the early twentieth century. The ILO estimates that at least 20.9 million people globally are victims of forced labour.The Protocol, adopted by the 103rd session of the Conference, seeks to address gaps inimplementation and to make progress on preventing trafficking for labour exploitation and protecting and compensating victims of forced labour.The European Union (EU) is committed to promoting human rights and decent work and to eradicating trafficking in human beings, both internally and in its external relations. Of particular importance in the context of the Protocol is also the commitment of the EU to the promotion of the protection of the rights of the child and gender equality, as women may be particularly vulnerable to some forms of forced labour. Rights at work are a key pillar of decent work. In ratifying ILO Conventions and related Protocols, EU Member States send an important signal on the coherence of the EU’s policy in promoting fundamental principles and rights at work and improving working conditions worldwide.In addition, as part of the EU’s strategy on eradicating trafficking in human beings, the Commission urged EU Member States to ratify all relevant international instruments, agreements and legal obligations. This will help address trafficking in human beings in a more effective, coordinated and coherent manner. Strengthening victims' rights in the EU has also been a strategic priority of the Commission over the past few years. The horizontal Victims' Rights Directive will ensure that victims of crime benefit from common minimum standards of rights during police investigations and court proceedings. The Protocol should be seen as part of this work.It is therefore necessary that any legal impediments at EU level to ratification of the Protocol by EU Member States be removed at EU level. The Protocol’s substance does not cause any concern in the light of the existing EU acquis.The Protocol’s provisions strengthen the international legal framework by establishing obligations to prevent forced labour and to provide victims with protection and access to remedies, such as compensation.The Protocol, in its Articles 1 and 6, requires ILO Member States to develop a national policy and plan of action for the effective and sustained suppression of forced labour and to take measures to apply the Protocol’s provisions, in consultation with employers’ and workers’ organisations. Article 2 of the Protocol sets out the measures that ILO Member States must take to prevent forced labour, namely:• educating and informing people, especially those who are particularly vulnerable, and employers;• making efforts to ensure that the coverage and enforcement of legislation relevant to the

prevention of forced labour apply to all workers and all sectors of the economy and that labour inspection services are strengthened;• protecting people, especially migrant workers, from potentially abusive and fraudulent recruitment and placement practices;• supporting due diligence by both the public and private sectors; and • addressing the root causes heightening the risks of forced labour.As regards the victims of forced labour, Article 3 provides that effective measures are to be taken for their identification, release, protection, recovery and rehabilitation and other forms of assistance and support. Article 4 requires ILO Member States to ensure that all victims have access to remedies, such as compensation, and that competent authorities are entitled not to prosecute victims for unlawful activities that they have been compelled to commit. In addition, Article 5 provides for international cooperation to prevent and eliminate forced labour and Article 7 deletes the transitional provisions from the Convention.The Protocol addresses areas of EU law that are already subject to an advanced degree of regulation.In its provisions on preventing forced labour, the Protocol deals with aspects covered by EU social policy, in respect of which EU law sets minimum rules on working conditions. In its provisions on protection of victims and access to remedies, the Protocol deals with aspects relating to judicial cooperation in criminal matters, in respect of which EU law sets minimum standards on anti-trafficking and victims’ rights. Parts of the Protocol also interplay with freedom of movement for workers and rules on asylum and immigration. In addition, the Protocol interplays with rules under the common commercial policy, EU international agreements, development cooperation and trade instruments that make reference to core labour standards and the ratification and effective implementation of fundamental ILO Conventions by third countries and in the EU.

2014/0259 (NLE)Proposal for a

COUNCIL DECISIONauthorising Member States to ratify, in the interest of the European Union, the Protocol of 2014 to the Forced Labour Convention, 1930, of the International

Labour Organisation with regard to matters related to social policy

THE COUNCIL OF THE EUROPEAN UNION,Having regard to the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union, and in particularArticle 153 (1) (a) and (b) TFEU in conjunction with Article 218(6) (a) (v) thereof,Having regard to the proposal from the European Commission,Having regard to the consent of the European Parliament14,Whereas:(1) The European Union is promoting the ratification of international labour conventionsthat have been classified by the International Labour Organisation as up-to-date, tocontribute to the European Union’s efforts to promote human rights and decent workfor all as well as to eradicate trafficking in human beings both inside and outside theEU, of which the protection of fundamental principles and rights at work is a keyaspect.(2) Parts of the rules under the Protocol of 2014 to the Forced Labour Convention, 1930,of the International Labour Organisation (ILO), hereinafter ‘the Protocol’, fall withinthe competences of the Union in accordance with Article 153(1) (a) and (b) TFEU. Inparticular, some rules of the Protocol are already covered by the EU acquis in the areaof social policy15.(3) As a consequence, Member States may not enter into commitments in relation to theseparts outside the framework of the European Union’s institutions16.(4) Article 19(4) of the ILO Constitution, on the adoption and ratification of Conventions,similarly applies to a Protocol, which is a binding international agreement, subject toratification and linked to a Convention.(5) The European Union cannot ratify the Protocol, as only States can be parties thereto.(6) It is therefore necessary that Member States are authorised to ratify the Protocol,acting jointly in the interests of the European Union, for the parts falling under Unioncompetence in accordance with Article 153(1) (a) and (b) TFEU.(7) The provisions of the draft Protocol other than the provisions related to social policywill be subject to a Decision adopted in parallel to this Decision.

HAS ADOPTED THIS DECISION:

Article 1Member States are hereby authorised to ratify, for the parts falling under the competenceconferred upon the European Union in Article 153(1) (a) and (b) TFEU, the Protocol of 2014 to the Forced Labour Convention, 1930, of the International Labour Organisation.

Article 2Member States should take the necessary steps to deposit their instruments of ratification of the Protocol with the Director-General of the International Labour Office as soon as possible, preferably by 31 December 2016.

Article 3This Decision is addressed to the Member States.Done at Brussels,

For the CouncilThe President

__________________________________________________________________________________________________________

14 OJ C , , p. .15 In particular, Articles 1(1), 2(a) and 2(d) of the Protocol concern matters governed by Directive 91/533/EEC on an employer’s obligation to inform employees on the conditions applicable to the contract or employment relationship (“written statement”), Directive 2008/104/EC on temporary agency work, as well as Directive on health and safety at work, including the Framework Directive 89/391/EEC, the working time Directive 2003/88/EC, the protection of young people at work Directive 94/33/EEC and the maternity protection Directive 92/85/EEC.16 ECJ, Case 22/70 Commission vs Council ("AETR") [ECR] 1971, 263, paragraph 22, Opinion 2/91 ("ILO"), ECR 1993-I, 1061, paragraph 26 and Case C-45/07, Commission vs Greece [ECR] 2009 I-701, paragraph 31.

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