A Rationale for Design for Routine Contactwith Nature in Cities of the C21st

Michael Herrmann

VOLUME 2

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A Rationale for Design for Routine Contact with Nature in Cities ofthe C21stThe Physical and Mental Effects on Individuals and Society of Auto-Centric vs.'Human-Powered' Urban Lifestyles

Michael Herrmann, Leeds Metropolitan University, United Kingdom

Abstract: Throughout the world the prioritisation of the automobile has had a huge negative impact on the form of townsand cities, and hence the quality of life of the inhabitants. The author maintains that this predominance of cars causes bothphysical and mental fractures in our urban society. Presented as an alternative, 'human powered' urban mobility offers awide range of benefits; from personal physical and mental well-being through to less tangible, but none-the-less vital benefits,such as to our sense of identity, community and to our deeper relationship with the natural world. It is argued that for ourcities to be truly democratic and convivial places we need to work with nature to re-introduce Enchantment and Delight tothe daily lives of metropolitan inhabitants. Progressive and sustainable design can assist in cultivating a renewed awarenessof natural processes, forms and cycles.

Keywords: Urban Mobility, Walking, Cycling, Urban Morphology, Automobiles, Mental Health, Wellbeing, Quality ofLife, Sustainable Design, Enchantment, Democracy, Natural Processes

Introduction: The Urban Century and theAutomobile

PRESENTEDHEREARE the initial findingsof literature review into the problems manifestin the global tendency toward ‘auto-centriclifestyles’, with a parallel analysis of the nu-

merous benefits of non-motorised modes of urbantransportation. These non-motorised modes oftransportation (also known as Active Transportation)include walking, cycling, small-wheeled transport(such as skates, skateboards, push scooters and handcarts) as well as wheelchair travel. A wide range ofresearch studies, notably that of Newman and Ken-worthy (1999), have established the social, economicand environmental imperatives for urban alternativesto the automobile. Building upon their conclusions,the relevance of other, sometimes intangible, benefitswill be explored. These relate to quality of life indic-ators, mental health, as well as less tangible issuessuch as citizens' perceptions of their own 'happiness'and sense of belonging. The World Health Organisa-tion is now contemplating the rise of mental healthto the top of the list of global health priorities.

We have now entered the 'urban century'; for thefirst time in history, more than half of the globalpopulation lives in cities and towns. The UnitedNations Centre for Human Settlements estimates thatwithin thirty years urban populations will be twicethat of rural populations. What does this mean forthe experience of these metropolitan inhabitants?What are the problems and opportunities presented?

How should the design and planning professions re-spond? Many of the 600 million urbanites of the'developing' world live in poverty, suffering appallinglevels of pollution and threats to health from inad-equate provision of water, sanitation and drainage.(Girardet 1999) Even in the metropolises of the 'de-veloped' world, quality of life is often poor, and evenin the most affluent nations, urban centres continueto contain high proportions of people living inpoverty and squalor.

It is suggested here that of great relevance to themental and physical wellbeing of the swelling urbanpopulations of the world are the dual roles of contactwith nature and good quality social interaction withother people. It is argued that each of these can befacilitated through the prioritisation of humanpowered transport modes in the design and planningpolicies of our cities as they continue to evolve.These benefits are then available to all urban inhab-itants, regardless of relative prosperity or poverty.

This study explores the overlapping benefits thatrelate to modes of urban mobility that are ‘humanpowered’ (primarily walking and cycling). It doesnot directly address issues that relate to the use oftransit (public transport), taxis or two-wheeledpowered transport, however, as it tends to be theprevalent mode of transport within the cities andtowns of the world, there is also a select critique ofthe use and impacts of the automobile. This raisespertinent issues that cannot be addressed here, butthat merit further examination - the attachment that

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people have to their (motorised) vehicles, the pleas-ure that many take in inhabiting their own personal,customised space, and the parallel sense of discom-fort they may have developed for sharing space withstrangers as they travel about the city. It is perhapsnot stretching a point to refer to the private car as amobile extension of the private living room. A failureto address the product semantics of this relationshipbetween a driver and their car may well result inmany well-intentioned policy changes failing to de-liver the progress towards sustainable integratedtransport systems that is so urgently needed on envir-onmental grounds. Whilst this paper does focusprimarily on the enormous environmental costs ofmotor transport, it must be acknowledged that thisin itself represents an enormous challenge as we facethe spectre of clime change and local atmosphericpollution of the global conurbations.

There is an expression commonly used in English;‘If it ain’t broke, don’t fix it’. In the process of ex-ploring some of the benefits of human poweredtransport modes, the prevailing situation will alsoneed to be examined; do most cities work well interms of their form, and the consequential implica-tions for transport, and are the inhabitants largelyhealthy and content as a result?

Urban Form and Transport IssuesThe historical tendency to favour the automobileover alternative transport modes in town planninghas led to huge and often undesirable consequencesfor the inhabitants of many cities of the developedworld. Prioritising roads as the primary conduit forurban transport directly led to the ‘sprawl’ of con-urbations as separate activity zones were created;‘designing in’ the need for travel between places ofwork, home, leisure and shopping. This tendencyhas continued in many countries, in part, as powerfullobbies and vested interests influence governmentpolicy. Most people are apparently comfortable withan half hour commute to their place of work (New-man and Kenworthy 1999), and so, as politicians andplanners prioritised roads with ever increasing trafficcapacities and speed limits, the population movedoutwards to the suburbs that were allowed to evolveat the urban fringe. The consequence has been thatmany people have now grown accustomed to a dailycar journey to and from work, and thus, accordingto the Worldwatch Institute (2004) the average U.S.adult now spends 72 minutes a day behind the wheelof their car, frequently alone.

Is this the optimum way in which to get aroundurban environments? What costs, both direct andhidden, should we be weighing against this ‘auto-centricity’? What are the alternatives? The respectedauthors on transport policy, Tolley and Turton(1995), conclude in their research that walking is the

most important form of urban transport. They sum-marise with these points:

• Nearly everyone walks. Most trips are multi-modal and walking is almost always part of that,even if it is only to and from a parked car

• More than one in three of all journeys are madeon foot

• Walking is entirely appropriate for many typesof urban trips and is often the most efficient

It would seem that the key is to create truly integ-rated transport systems that encourage the uptake ofthose modes that have minimum negative environ-mental and social impact. Some cities are now real-ising that opting for flexible and well-integratedtransport systems that can encourage travel by avariety of modes, including human powered forms,actually offers huge potential benefits as well as re-ducing negative consequences of direct as well as‘hidden costs’ of the use of the automobile.

True Cost AccountingMany of the environmental, social and economiccosts of motor transport can be difficult to measureor attribute, however they are at least as significantas direct costs. Drivers are not directly charged forthe cost of the death and injury that directly resultsfrom their chosen mode of transport, to say nothingof the costs less-easily attributable, such as noisepollution or bronchial disease. In the UK between1982 and 1994 there was a 64% increase in com-plaints about road noise. The contribution of atmo-spheric pollution by motor transport in London is97% of all carbon-monoxide pollution, 75 % of allnitrogen oxides, 83% of benzene and 77% of carci-nogenic particulates (Health Education Authority1998, cited in Andrews et al, 2003).

The advocate of car-free cities, Joel Crawford(2002), suggests that we ought to measure transportsystems against the area of land that they consume,calculating that cars are up to 20 times more landintensive than trains (and that’s before any of balanceis made for car parking). It should come as no sur-prise to hear that the total proportion of the area ofthe city given over to the car in is 20% in London,45% in New York, and an astonishing 60% for LosAngeles.

Some authors have argued that society desperatelyneeds a radical rethink of our economic principlesin order that these external costs are internalised inthe prices of goods, services and energy. It is arguedthat only then can ‘true cost accounting’ allow mar-ket mechanisms to respect the commons (Van derRyn, 1996). It would of course be a tricky and con-troversial move: after all what price could you puton several additionally years of life, or the ability of

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your children to breathe freely without risk of suddendeath by asthma attack or road traffic accident?

Even in conventional financial terms, Newmanand Kenworthy (1999) have shown that those citieswith the highest automobile dependence (U.S. andAustralian cities) also have the greatest relativetransportation costs. They conclude that cities deriveno obvious gain from developing automobile depend-ence: journey times are no better, transit costs arehigher, pollution is greater, that there are more deathsand casualties associated with traffic. By contrast,they state that cities that implement plans for improv-ing the contribution made by non-motorized modesof transport are likely to see immediate and long-term benefits. Of course a progressive and en-lightened city will plough a proportion of any finan-cial benefits back into the (re)design of the transportinfrastructure – particularly facilities, incentives andawareness for human powered transport modes.

Overcoming Sedentary LifestylesIn 1999, an estimated 65% of U.S. adults wereoverweight or obese, leading to an annual loss of300,000 lives and at least $117 billion in health carecosts (Worldwatch Institute 2004). In the U.K. thegovernment recommends 30 minutes of moderateexercise each day for five days of the week, howeveronly 37% of U.K. men and to just 25% of U.K. wo-men achieve these levels. (Andrews et al, 2003)Despite a recent reported fall in the rate of coronaryheart disease, death circulatory disease remains thebiggest killer in the UK, responsible for 37% of alldeaths (BBC News 2005).

Could there be a link between these bald statisticsand the form and transport tendencies of our cities?A study of more than 200,000 U.S. citizens revealedthat those living in low-density suburban communit-ies spent less time walking, and weighed, on average,nearly three kilos more than those living in denselypopulated city centres. They found that non-smokingsuburban dwellers were also as likely as cigarettesmokers to have high blood pressure (WorldwatchInstitute 2004).

Regular, even gentle exercise offers the possibilityof total health, described by the World Health Organ-isation as not merely an absence of disease and in-firmity, but a state of complete physical, mental andsocial wellbeing. Amongst the health benefits of ex-ercise through human powered transport modes arethat:

• Physical Activity improves respiration, the bloodbecomes richer, the heart muscle grows strongerand it reacts to increased effort more moderatelyand with quicker recovery

• Blood flows smoothly through the arteries andveins and more easily reaches all tissues and cells

• Of people caught in polluted traffic, cyclists tendto accumulate less toxins than pedestrians ormotorists, who suffer most as interior air qualityis worse in jams than outside

• Exercise improves appetite and digestion as thebody makes better use of its nourishment. It al-lows greater consumption of food without weightgain

• Cycling and walking can ease stress and producea pleasant fatigue resulting in a deeper, morerestorative sleep

• Cycling and walking can have a meditative as-pect, relieving tension, and can produce a positivemindset in contrast to the stress of being ratherhelplessly confined in a car stuck in traffic

The inherent utility of cycling and walking makesit easy to incorporate exercise into a daily, year-roundroutine. The human body responds well to routineexercise, and the distances involved need not begreat; a daily commute to work or nearby shops maywell meet the recommended quota of exercise. Reg-ular cyclists typically enjoy a fitness level equivalentto that of an average U.K. citizen ten years youngerthan them. The fact that half of all trips made in acity such as London of a distance less than two miles,easily within cycling distance (Andrews et al 2003),indicates the huge opportunity for synergies betweentransport and health. Evidence from Denmarkdemonstrates that bicycle commuters there have a40% reduction in mortality compared with peoplewho do not cycle to work, suggesting that the incre-mental risks of bicycle transportation are far out-weighed by health benefits (Andersen et al, 2000).It is worth noting other physiological benefits ofregular exercise such as the greater energy and vital-ity that a fit person will generally experience, as wellas the phenomenon whereby they come to associatetheir routine physical activity with a sense of pleasurethrough the release of natural hormonal stimulants.These are the body’s natural 'feel good' drugs, suchas dopamine and endorphins.

Affluence, Happiness and WellbeingAlthough cities may hold the appeal of economicopportunity, migrants from rural areas will not neces-sarily find mental wellbeing in their new urban envir-onment. Findings from the World Values Survey(2000), an assessment of life satisfaction between1990 and 2000 in more than 65 countries, indicatedthat income and happiness tend to relate closely untilabout US$13,000 of annual income per person (in1995 purchasing power parity). Beyond that, addi-tional income appears to yield only modest additionsin self-reported happiness. The Worldwatch Institute(2004) confirms this when they report that, thoughinhabitants of one of the richest countries, increased

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consumption has not necessarily brought U.S. cit-izens great happiness. About a third of U.S. citizensnow describe themselves as being "very happy," thesame proportion as in 1957, when they were onlyhalf as wealthy in relative terms. The Institute sug-gests that higher levels of obesity, chronic timeshortages, and a degraded environment are evidencethat the quality of life for many urbanites is diminish-ing. Not only does quality of life suffer in the auto-centric city; there is also a significant deteriorationin health, with a rising risk to individuals of debilit-ating disease and an early death.

Even disregarding the actual task of driving perse, research has demonstrated that a daily commuteby car can be a stressful activity with negative con-sequences on both health and quality of life (Novacoet al, 1979, cited in Parsons et al, 1998). Other re-search has drawn similar conclusions for those whouse other modes of transport (Singer et al., 1978;Takano, 1983, both cited in Parsons et al, 1998). Itmay come as no surprise then to discover that a sur-vey by the international development charity, VSO(2004), found that 66% of UK commuters “don’tthink their journey to work is worth it” (admittedlya slightly ambiguous response given that it is notentirely clear what is not worthwile, the journey orthe work). Given the apparently accurate predictionof Karl Marx that a key feature in the developmentof capitalistic societies would involve a speeding upof activities, the “raging standstill” of modern societymust be a cause of great frustration for many people.This is the term that the author Paul Virilio (1992)uses to describe the decoupling of mobility potentialsand movement. Clinical psychologist and author,Oliver James, commenting on the VSO, 850 person,online survey regarding work-life balance, suggeststhat this provides evidence that “Commuting, in orderto earn more in order to be able to pursue advertisingand culturally stimulated wants that have becomeconfused with needs, is a classic work-life imbal-ance” (VSO 2004). The VSO survey also found that68% of respondents had not spoken to a neighbourin the previous week.

As cyclists ride at 12- 25 mph, and are relativelyunaffected by traffic congestion, the average speedfor door-to-door journeys by bicycle (includingparking) in central London is 5.5 mph. Even averagepedestrians speeds will be considerably quicker thanthe 3.5 mph for public transport and 2.5 mph for cars(Andrews et al, 2003). The consequently shorterjourney times, as well as greater reliability of walkingand cycling, are certainly incentives worth promot-ing. How confident can one be of the duration of ajourney by car or public transport in a city such asLondon? The walker or cyclist on the other hand hasa fair idea of just how quickly they can complete ajourney. Of course it should not be assumed that

crowded inner-city locations are representative ofthe metropolitan area as a whole; in some largemetropolitan areas with chronic traffic problems(such as Bangkok or Sao Paulo) this might be thecase, but it does not necessarily follow that the innercity experience is representative of an entire metro-politan area. However, regardless of this, it doesseem reasonable to assume that in an increasinglytime-poor urban society, mastering the managementof travel time is likely to reduce stress and add to asense of wellbeing and control. It is possible to attrib-ute an economic cost to meet additional time thattravel by car might typically warrant; for some atleast, as the saying goes, ‘time is money’.

The direct financial implications of an individualspreferred means of transport ought to be considered.The annual running costs of a car can be over 12times that of a bicycle (for a year's average mileage),and massively more than the cost of walking (suchas replacement shoes and additional food intake).Still a reasonable approximation today, Ivan Illich(1974) calculated that each year the average U.S.citizen puts in 1600 hours of work to ‘support’ theircar use, and gets 7500 miles travel from it. It canthus be said that they get less than 5 miles travel perhour worked!

Active CitizenshipIllich (1974) wrote that progress towards truedemocracy was hindered if the average mobility ofa population involved speeds greater than that ofwalking or cycling; “People on their feet are moreor less equal”, and, “Beyond a certain speed, motor-ized vehicles create remoteness which they alonecan shrink. They create distances for all and shrinkthem for only a few.” The German commentator andauthor, Wolfgang Sachs, echoes this comment onequity when he points out that “The joy of drivingrests largely on relative advantages – that is, on ad-vantages that others do not enjoy, because they donot possess an automobile and are therefore relativelyimmobile and slow” (Sachs 1984). Of course theirony is that urban drivers seem to become normal-ized to the phenomenon whereby, as car ownershipswells, roads choke with traffic, and the overall util-ity of car ownership is relatively diminished. Theycarry on sitting alone in their vehicles for hour onend, nose to tail, frequently immobile, and all thewhile burning money in the form of expensive andpolluting fossil fuels.

Citizens who travel through their locality ‘undertheir own steam’ are more likely to be active in thelocal economy and social community. This is becausethe human-scale speed and nature of their mobilityallows them to pause on their journey; to read a no-tice about a lost pet or local jumble sale, to buy some

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home-made jam, or talk to a neighbour. The experi-ence of natural diversity in an urban setting also playsa vital role as it brings together peoples of diverseethnic and cultural backgrounds. Urban parks, gar-dens and greenways allow people of all types, regard-less of colour, creed, social background, age, orability to share ‘common ground’; to share the sea-sonally un-folding displays put on by nature, to watchand interact with one another as witnesses to thesephenomena. It is, after all, the very landscape thatphysically links us all. The urban landscape can bedesigned to contain elements that offer a foil to allowthe engagement of people with each other. In a studyof community gardens in upstate New York, it wasfound that in 54 of the 63 gardens surveyed, peoplechose to work cooperatively – for example sharingwork, tools, or indeed their harvest. It was found thathaving a garden seemed to foster a sense of neighbor-hood pride, evidence of which could be seen in re-duced rates of littering and improved maintenanceof properties in the neighborhood. In a third of thegardens, participants took community empowermentinitiatives even further, in one case creating a newpark (Assadourian 2003). In his book, the 'Re-en-chantment of the World', Morris Berman (1981) hassuggested that cultivating the ability to identify withone’s surroundings creates a participating or collect-ive consciousness between us.

An ethical or moral dimension may also come toeffect on an individual's preferences for mode oftransport. For many cyclists and walkers, consider-able comfort comes to them through the sense thatthey have a conviction that they are ‘doing the rightthing', and hence may feel less guilt regarding theircontribution to carbon emissions and other environ-mental problems associated with the internal combus-tion engine. They may also share a sense of belong-ing and solidarity in this and in their common interestwith the wider community (of other cyclists, walkers,local shop keepers etc.).

Virtual MobilityDespite describing how the modern notion of mobil-ity sees “physical movement as a vehicle of creativityand self-fulfilment” (Bonß and Kesselring 2004), itis also maintained by the same mobility experts; “inthe age of the internet people can be mobile withoutphysical movement.” Other advocates of the apparentwonders of a digital future, such as digital strategyconsultant, Danny Meadows (RSA 2006), makeclaims for electronic communication such that theInternet “will give us the permanent and total free-dom from the tyranny of distance”, finally breakingthe “barriers of isolation“ and giving us a “democrat-isation of access”. Questions must surely be askedof this brave new world; can everyone afford the

hardware and/or service costs of accessing it, andeven for those that are able, can relations in cyber-space really be a healthy substitute for direct humancontact? Does the trend towards digital social rela-tions not risk ‘de-humanising’ society as peoplewithdraw from ‘true’ social interaction: interactionthat is more multi-sensory and is not constrained bythe rules of a chat-room or limits of bandwidth? Acompromise envisioned by many designers andplanners is the mixed development where home-working and digital lifestyles are complemented bylocal, social and community facilities, green openspace, and flexible places to work outside of the tra-ditional office environment. Such developments maytake the form of an out-of-town ‘tele-village’ (allow-ing ‘tele-commuting’, i.e. work from home via ICT),or may form part of high-density urban development(vertical sprawl!).

Slowing Down: Reconnecting with Natureand our Inner-SelvesJust five or six generations have passed since weemerged, as an industrialising society from lives inthe ‘wild’, surrounded by nature, to an increasinglyartificial, technological society. Do we thus findourselves struggling to interpret an urban world anddaily phenomena beyond the range of our innatehuman experience? The clinical psychologist, ChellisGlendinning (1995) suggests that evidence for thislies in increasing signs of psychological distress,ecological destruction, and a sense of need for tech-nological control. Glendinning describes a processwhereby “as the world has become less organic andmore dependent on techno-fixes for problems createdby earlier techno-fixes, humans have substituted anew worldview for one once filled with clean rushingwaters, coyotes, constellations of stars, tales of theancestors, and people working together in sacredpurpose.” Could the loss from our lives of thesenatural wonders posed any threat to mental health?In their exploration of human wellbeing, some re-searchers have focussed on the distinction betweennatural and urban or artefact-dominated environ-ments. This derives from habitat selection theory(Orians & Heerwagen, 1992) and other evolutionarytheories (e.g. Ulrich, 1983; Kaplan & Kaplan, 1989)that we manifest “genetic predispositions to visuallyprefer and feel more comfortable in environmentsthat approximate those of human speciation.” Thusit is argued that such environments afford long-termsurvivability”, and have thus developed theories thatpredict, “natural environments will be visually pre-ferred and more calming than their artefact-domin-ated counterparts” (Ulrich et al, 1991). It would seemto be intelligent design to cater to any such ‘emotion-al hard-wiring’, that is ‘programmed’ within us as

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innate preferences and instincts. Urban greenwaysthat allow the safe movement of people about thecity can accommodate these innate urges, (perhapseven psychological needs), and so perhaps reduceany sense of urban alienation.

The distinguished author on spiritual and philo-sophical matters, Alan Watts (2000) describes theway in which, through the “relentless pursuit of speedand convenience” (in mobility), modern man is ex-periencing a law of diminishing returns. As we at-tempt to reduce the time taken to travel betweenplaces, “we begin to think about our goals in life asdestinations, as points to which we must arrive”. Hegoes on to say, “This thinking begins to cut out allthat makes a point worth having. It is as if insteadof giving you a full banana to eat, I gave you just thetwo tiny ends of the banana and that would not be,in any sense, a satisfactory meal.” Thus it is impliedthat as “we fight our environment in our tendencyto get rid of the limitations of time and space”, werisk losing sight of a ‘sense of belonging’ in theworld. If we are to make a reconnection with thenatural world (upon which we depend, after all),what better way in our busy urban lives to enablethis than to travel about the city via ‘urban green-ways’, linear parks, and nature spaces? Here wewould incidentally find the opportunity to smell thescent of the blossom on the trees, to witness the un-furling fronds of a spring fern, and to become awareof the stage of the moon in its cycle. The great oppor-tunities to explore and discover unknown delightswhilst travelling to and fro could then be experiencedas a tonic to the dust and noise, aggravation anddiscomfort that can so often form a large part ofurban life.

The introduction of 'natural environments' to harshcityscapes is a factor of particular importance for theemotional nourishment of all urbanites, most notablyin the educational and emotional development ofchildren, and there’s no reason that even toddlerscannot move around their urban environment,powered by their own or their parents legs. Contactwith nature in the form of trees, grass, water, flowers,insects etc. is well documented for its therapeuticand calming effects. (Kaplan & Kaplan 1990; Ulrich1979, 1984, Baines 2000) From their extensive re-search into the subject, Kaplan & Kaplan (1989)concluded, "When viewed as an amenity, nature maybe replaced by some greater technological achieve-ment. Viewed as an essential bond between humansand other living things, the natural environment hasno substitutes." People are attracted to natural ele-ments within cities; gardens, street trees, and othervegetation are highly valued. (Francis 1987; Spirn1984; Ulrich 1979) Some commentators go further,implying an unconscious need within the humanpsyche for 'wilderness' areas within reach of urban

centres. Tuan (1974) describes the ironic reversal ofimages, whereby "the wilderness stands for (ecolo-gical) order and freedom, whereas the central city ischaotic, a jungle ruled by social outcasts." There isevidence that the existence of a neighbouring regionwith wilderness quality offers something intangibleto the urban populations. Millward & Mostyn (1989)found that even some of those who would not visitsuch a site still place a high value on it in theirpsyche. Marion Shoard (1982) had anticipated thiswhen she said "Wilderness does not even have to bevisited for human beings to draw strength from it."The human imagination can have great power and itmay only take a 'green oasis' in the heart of concretesurroundings to evoke much wilder landscapes.Central Park in New York City was thus conceivedas a 'recreation' of the experience of the spectacleand majesty of the landscapes of the nearby Arindon-dack Mountains, but one that would be accessible tothe Nineteenth Century urban masses. (Williams1995)

The routine access to vegetated pockets of natureas we travel about the city, has the potential to re-mind us of our connection with the natural world,cycles of birth and death, and the inevitability ofchange. Carr et al (1992) concur with this sentimentin their observation that a "level of biological connec-tion can be found in the natural cycles of life, thedaily cycles reflected in the passage of hours, thecycle of seasons, and the progression of birth, aging,and death. While these can be seen directly innature…they can also be components of publicspaces making conscious the biological clock that ispart of all life." Any free lessons and that enable usto maintain humility and acceptance when consider-ing our own mortality must surely be welcomed bothas a comfort and a as a boon to mental health.

The appreciation of the natural world is multi-sensory and multi-dimensional, as things ebb andflow, wax and wane, are born, die and decay, onlyto be ‘re-born’ in alternative forms and seasons. Bycontrast, the car potentially reduces the occupant’sperception of the outside world to dependence onjust one sense – that of sight. It has been describedas a ‘sealed bubble’, offering apparent protectionand a degree of privacy, audio entertainment, and,if the windows are kept shut, a temperature controlledenvironment. Perhaps this sense of enclosure contrib-utes to extremely rude, often aggressive and hugelydangerous behaviour by drivers; behaviour that theywould almost certainly not exhibit if walking in thehigh street.

Cycling and SafetyBehaviour change may, in this instance, require ashift in perception. So long as an urban cycling is

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perceived as a high-risk option, uptake may be lim-ited. Good design, public information and awarenessraising campaigns can go some way to changing thisculture, however the perception of risk of accidentsremains a factor in keeping many people from thesaddle. So, just how dangerous is cycling in citycentres? Of course design plays a large role in safety:not just the design of the cycle itself (including forease of maintenance), but also the design of the in-tended route for cyclists, particularly the nature ofthe interface with motorised traffic. Of course cyc-lists in countries with a long and proud history ofexcellent provision, such as in Scandinavia and theNetherlands, are at an advantage. However even ina city such as London, which is only in recent yearsbeen rolling out a system of cycle lanes and signedroutes on quieter roads; cycle casualties fell by 11%in 2002 while the amount of cycling increased by5%. By the end of 2004 pedal cycle fatal and seriouscasualties were 40.0% below the 1994 to 1998 aver-age - on Greater London’s roads last year, thosekilled in road traffic accidents numbered 53 for caroccupants, 92 pedestrians, but just 8 cyclists.(Transport for London 2005) The extent to whichimprovements in safe cycling provision is difficultto ascertain, but seems likely to be significant. Ofcourse pedestrian and cycle routes also need to bedesigned in a way that reduces the actual and per-ceived risks of attack or mugging. This means simplemeasures such as ensuring clear ‘sight lines’, or en-couraging ‘eyes on the street’ (design so that openspaces and pavements are overlooked and inhabitedby people, thus deterring crime).

What of the conflict between pedestrians andcyclists that is often mentioned in the letters pagesof UK newspapers at least? Cyclists frequently findthemselves the objects of criticism as they ‘creat-ively’ engage with the city roads. Although flagrantlaw breaking, particularly at junctions and for use ofthe pavements, does little to enhance the reputationof cyclists, accidents are uncommon and rarely fatal.By contrast, studies show that over two-thirds ofurban drivers will break the 30 mph speed limit infree-flowing traffic (Andrews et al, 2003). The UKDepartment for Transport, “THINK!” road safetycampaign aims to shock with the consequences ofspeeding; ”If you hit an adult pedestrian while driv-ing at 30mph, the survival chance is 80%. But if youhit a pedestrian while driving at 40mph, the chancesof a pedestrian dying rises to 90% (and lowers to80% for a child)” (DfT 2006). They also admit that“By many, speed is almost approved of - people canhandle it, it's often necessary and many enjoy it -driving at 40mph in a 30mph zone was seen in onestudy (Taylor Nelson Sofres) as more acceptablethan dropping litter” (DfT 2006). According to theTransport for London, whilst 69% of pedestrians in-

volved in accidents in London during 2004 involvedcars, just 1.2% involved bicycles (Transport forLondon 2005).

The Role of DesignWhen I see an adult on a bicycle, I do not despairfor the future of the human race. (H.G. Wells)

According to Mackett (2000), 5-10% of urban carjourneys can be replaced by human powered trans-port modes. He claims that “when driving disincent-ives such as Parking Pricing or other Market Reformsreduce automobile travel, typically 10-35% of thereduced trips shift to walking and cycling”, further-more pointing out that a relatively short, non-motor-ised trip often substitutes for a longer car trip, andso for example, a shopper might choose betweenwalking to a small local store and driving a longerdistance to shop at a supermarket. Of course this willalso then stimulate the small-scale local economy aswell as potentially bolstering a sense of community.How then can intelligent design facilitate progress?

The way towards solving the complex and in-volved problems outlined here undoubtedly lies ina multi-disciplinary, multi-tool approach, beyondthe remit of any single profession. In addressing theissues we need to be aware of the combination ofvested interests in the status quo, not least of whichare the powerful motor and road construction lob-bies). Achieving behaviour change as we progresstowards healthier, happier and more cohesive citiesmeans that cultural barriers also need to be addressed.Thus the policy makers also need to consider theaspirations of many consumers to own and use theultimate product: the latest, highest specification carthat they can afford.

Often what passes for ‘Public Open Space’ in ourcities is really little more than what is sometimescynically referred to as ‘SLOAP’ - Space Left OverAfter Planning (that is town planning). In otherwords, its fitness for purpose is not well scrutinised,and it may well be an inappropriate size or locationto serve the local population effectively. Interven-tions made without the consultation of the local in-habitants risk being inappropriate and neglected, ifnot abused. Participatory (community) decisionmaking processes however can foster the develop-ment of a sense of public spirit and citizenship. So-cial democracy can be greatly enhanced throughparticipation in the design and planning processes:together community groups can thus create 'places'(with a genius loci and greater meaning to individu-als), not just suffer anonymous and ill-conceived'spaces'.

As a mediator between the client (industry) andthe consumer, the designer and planner can play aninfluential role. Society will increasingly need pro-

MICHAEL HERRMANN

fessionals who are aware of the actual and potentialimpacts of their proposals, who are prepared to takeon a sense of moral responsibility, and who are adeptat communicating the issues to clients, colleaguesand the public alike. (Papanek 1995) There is a realneed to involve all stakeholders in the decisionmaking process in a meaningful way, not just ‘goingthrough the motions’ of public consultation. Throughsuch a dialogue awareness is raised as people realisethat there are options in the way in which we useland and materials; people can only begin to makeintelligent choices once furnished with the requisiteinformation, experience and knowledge on which tobase decisions. Capacity building will often be neces-sary to build the confidence of community groupsand individuals who may have previously consideredthemselves disenfranchised in the planning anddesign processes.

Revealing the natural forms and processes that areat work, even in the apparently 'man-made' urbanstreetscape is a skill of an urban designer or land-scape architect practising sustainable design. As thework of Frank Lloyd Wright and Ian McHargdemonstrates, urban design need not necessarily lookecological in order to communicate environmentalprinciples to people. Michael Laurie (1997) calls for'ecological expressionism' to emphasise a sense ofplace and to reveal natural processes that are at work,or that would have been, had the site not been trans-formed by urbanisation. Mark Johnson goes furtherwhen he calls for designers to "create an aestheticthat brings the natural landscape into the convention-al notions of beauty in the city" and argues that anew "aesthetic that includes cultural disorder and the'accidents' of nature can inform the public of thesubstance of the human condition and the signific-ance of natural processes that modernism excluded."(Johnson 1997)

Modernism may have a lot to answer for if indeedit can be blamed for the dearth of organic forms and'unimproved' natural materials that inhabit our cities.Instead we generally find predominance of rectilinearforms that are rarely welcoming or of human-scale.The traditional, sometimes idiosyncratic, designforms and elements described by Christopher Alex-ander (1977) and the 'New Urbanists' may actuallyoffer urbanites a more comfortable and aestheticallydiverse environment to inhabit. This is achieved inpart because the work that he did with his colleaguesdoes provide a social and contextual exploration ofthe ways in which we humans relate to our built en-vironment. His philosophy maybe characterized ashumanistic and holistic, certainly responsive, as itcelebrates interconnections and subconscious urges.Likewise the landscape plans for our cities that townplanner and landscape architect, Tom Turner (1998)advocates. These would help us to identify and then

protect and enhance various aspects of our commonspace. Thus plans would be drawn up to demonstratethe value within the urban fabric of natural habitats,water space, landform, air movement, green space,outdoor recreation, cultural and heritage value, sus-tainability issues, resource use, accessibility oftransportation, as well as visual matters at that con-sider spatial patterns, skylines, and image maps thatdescribe the legibility and meaning to individuals ofthe urban environment, as advocated by Kevin Lynch(1960). The urban design professions need to learnand implement best practice in the design of safe andconvenient routes and facilities for human poweredtransport modes. Those concerned need to availthemselves of the best information regarding goodpractice for the design and specification of saferoutes for walking and cycling, such as that offeredin the extensive European Commissions ADONISreport and design guidelines. (ADONIS 1998 &1999)

If we are to move beyond 'dumb design' that takeslittle or no account of either natural systems or thehuman cultural systems within which they reside,We need to ensure that in the design of the urbanenvironment we need to consider impacts on theprocesses of the natural world, and the extent towhich human made interventions can be organisedso as to make a positive contribution to the presentand future of all species. (Van der Ryn 1997) Asdesigners we need to work with nature, designingnot only for the human population, but also thecommensals with which we share our cities. Cateringfor all species we can help to introduce enchantmentand delight into the daily lives of metropolitan inhab-itants. By engaging with these issues we can enableour cities to evolve into more convivial, evendemocratic places. Progressive and sustainabledesign can assist in cultivating a renewed awarenessof natural processes, forms and cycles. The profes-sions that are involved with the design, specification,and management of urban space have the responsib-ility of identifying ways in which we can try to makeurban life more fair, self supporting, energy and re-source efficient; but also rewarding and fun. In thewords of Herbert Girardet (1999), "The cities of the21st century are where human destiny will be playedout, and where the future of the biosphere will bedetermined. There will be no sustainable worldwithout sustainable cities." The architect RichardRogers (1997) reinforces this sentiment when hestates, "The benefits to be derived from this approachare so great that environmental sustainability shouldbecome the guiding principle of modern urbandesign."

If we are ever again to see the stars, and otherwonders of the night sky from our cities, the design-ers and planners need to ensure the specification of

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lighting keeps light pollution (which is also wastedenergy) to an absolute minimum. As the globalpopulation becomes increasingly urban we need tofocus on the successful integration of nature withour conurbations and the promotion of routine con-tact with nature. As our city planners can learn fromthe huge success of progressive cities such asStockholm, they need to begin to prioritise humanpowered transport modes, creating ‘green fingers’fanning out from the city centre, allowing movementalong natural corridors such as rivers, valleys andbelts of woodland. This will allow citizens, as theytravel about the city, the opportunity of chance en-

counters with the natural world. These chance en-counters have the potential to induce feelings of en-chantment, curiosity, delight, discovery, surprise,even love and tranquility. Children growing upwithout experiencing the wonders of nature in itsmany manifestations, such as spotting a shootingstar, watching the insects, pond-dipping, tasting aripe cherry picked straight from the tree, playingwith sticks and mud, risks being both ignorant ofnature (and hence at risk of perpetuating the tendencyto always subjugate it in favour of human activity),as well as having the potential to suffer greater stressand a lack of wellbeing throughout their lives.

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About the AuthorMr. Michael HerrmannOriginally trained as a landscape architect, i have had wide ranging, international work experience in the fieldsof urban regeneration and ecological landscape design. I contributed a chapter to the UK's first publication onSustainable Landscape Architecture (Herrmann, M., Millard, A., & Royffe, 2000). Over the last five years ihave lectured and published widely whilst working within the Design Department at Leeds Metropolitan Uni-versity, developing a specialism in sustainable product design and the teaching of this vital topic. I am currentlydividing my time between teaching and my own research towards a Doctorate on the theme of SustainableDesign for the Built Environment.

INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF ENVIRONMENTAL, CULTURAL, ECONOMIC AND SOCIALSUSTAINABILITY, VOLUME 2

THE INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF ENVIRONMENTAL, CULTURAL, ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL SUSTAINABILITY EDITORS Amareswar Galla, Australian National University, Australia. Mary Kalantzis, University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign, USA. EDITORIAL ADVISORY BOARD Dang Van Bai, Ministry of Culture and Information, Vietnam. Diane Bell, The George Washington University, Washington DC, USA. Richard M. Clugston, Center for the Respect of Life and the Environment, and University Leaders for a Sustainable Future, Washington DC, USA. Bill Cope, University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign, USA. John Dryzek, Australian National University, Canberra, Australia. Robyn Eckersley, University of Melbourne, Australia. Steven Engelsman, Rijksmuseum voor Volkenkunde, The Netherlands. John Fien, RMIT University, Melbourne, Australia. Steve Hemnett, University of South Australia, Australia. Paul James, RMIT University, Melbourne, Australia. Lily Kong, National University of Singapore, Singapore. Thangavelu Vasantha Kumaran, University of Madras, India. Steffen Lehmann, Queensland University of Technology, Australia. Jim McAllister, Central Queensland University, Australia. Helena Norberg-Hodge, The International Society for Ecology and Culture (ISEC). Reed Perkins, Queens University of Charlotte, USA. Peter Phipps, RMIT University, Melbourne, Australia. Koteswara Prasad, University of Madras, India. Surekha Rao, Indiana University Northwest, USA. Judy Spokes, Cultural Development Network, Melbourne, Australia. Manfred Steger, Illinois State University, USA and RMIT University, Australia. David Wood, University of Waterloo, Canada. Lyuba Zarsky, RMIT University, Australia, and Tufts University, USA. Please visit the Journal website at http://www.Sustainability-Journal.com for further information:

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