"Your Kids or Your Job": Navigating Low Wage Work and Parenting in Contexts of Poverty

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“Your Kids or Your Job”

Navigating Low Wage Work and Parenting in Contexts of Poverty

Michelle Miller-Day

Contexts of poverty seem to magnify vulnerabilities in mothers, espe-cially women who have few resources for coping and little support in parenting. Adding to the challenges of poverty are government man-dates to move women off of welfare into the workforce. Focusing on the experiences of four mothers who moved from welfare into the low-wage workforce and then back to unemployment, this study offers a description of how these mothers and their adoles-cent children navigate and make sense of low-wage work, family life, and cumulative disadvantage.

Keywords: communication, poverty, work-family, parenting, adolescence, qualitative research

Intheirstudyofwomennavigatingthetransitionfromwelfareintolow-wageemployment,Miller-DayandMcManus(2009)describedamotheroffour,Monica,who,whenaskedaboutmanagingworkandherfamilyreplied,

What’s important is that mothers are warm, firm, and responsiveand—mostofall—conveytotheirchildrenthattheyarethemother’s

Qualitative Communication Research, Volume 1, Number 1, Spring 2012, pp. 7–36. Copyright © 2012 Left Coast Press, Inc. All rights reserved.

“YouR KIds oR YouR Job”8 Michelle Miller-Day “YouR KIds oR YouR Job” 9

priority.Nomatterwhatthestruggle,alwaysletthekidsknowthattheyarewhatmattermorethananythingelse.(p.75)

Yet,asthemothersinthisstudyrevealed,itisdifficulttoconveytoyourchildrenthattheymattermorethananythingelsewhen“thereisnowheretogo.Can’taffordyourrent.Gottatakecareofthekids.Tryingtokeepthisjob.Don’thavenotransportation….You’rebackattheshelter[and]youfeelstuck”(p.70).

Someresearchonlow-incomefamiliessuggeststhatcontextsofpovertyseemtomagnifyvulnerabilitiesinparents,especiallymothers,andthisisexacerbatedbyaccesstofewresourcesforcoping,makingitdifficultformanymotherstoactivelyparenttheirchildren(Sharlin&Shamai,2000).Moreover,asmanymothersstrugglewithpovertyandmovingintolowwageemployment,oncetheyareworking,theirdifficultworksituationsandjobinstabilitytendtoincreasestressanddecrease maternal availability, reduce parental monitoring, weakenmother-youthrelations,andincreasethelikelihoodthattheiradoles-centchildrenwillexperiencenegativeoutcomes(Hsueh&Yoshikawa,2007;Morris,Huston,Duncan,Crosby,&Bos,2001),withoutmucheconomic benefit to the household (Hildebrandt & Stevens, 2009;Ziliak,2009).Researchinsocialepidemiologyarguesthattheremaybecumulativedisadvantagefortheseyouth,wherebyvariousindepen-dentrisks(e.g.,absentparent,pooreducation,riskyneighborhoods)accumulate,resultinginthepsycho-socialanddevelopmentaldisad-vantagesthatpoorchildrentendtoexperience(Berkman&Kawachi,2000; Evans, 2004; Merton, 1975). Yet, little is known about howthecontextofcumulativedisadvantageimpactswomen’sdecisionstoworkoutsidethehomeandtheirmaternalpractices.

In a larger quantitative study of low-wage maternal work andmother-adolescentrelations,Miller-DayandMcManus(2009)foundthatasignificantnumberofwomenmovedinandoutofemploymentduringthecourseoftheirstudy,withmanychoosingtolivebelowthepovertylevelwithnowelfaresupportatall,ratherthanstayinlow-wagejobs.Yet,therewasnoclearreasonforthispatternoranyclearpictureofhowdailylifewasforthesefamilies.Therefore,Iembarkedonthiscurrentstudytodigdeeperandgainmoreofanin-depthandnuancedunderstandingoftheseissues.Tounderstandsomethingingeneral,wemustfirstexaminetheparticular.Therefore,thepurpose

ofthecurrentstudyistodescribeandunderstandtheexperiencesoffourpairsofmothersandadolescentsfromthis largerstudyastheynavigatework,familylife,andcumulativedisadvantage.

Background

In an effort to address poverty, the passage of the PersonalResponsibilityandWorkOpportunityReconciliationAct(PRWOR)inthe1990schangedtheecologyofmanyfamiliesbycreatingincen-tives for welfare recipients by influencing them to enter the work-force as quickly as possible (PRWOR, 1996). The impact has beenmarked,withwelfarerecipientsdecreasingby51%attheendofthe20thcentury,butultimatelyincreasingtheranksoflow-incomeandworking poor families (Fremstad, 2004). As Hastings, Taylor, andAustin(2005)note,thegeneraltendencyto“constrainpublicwelfareprogramshas forcedpoor families into a continuous survivalmodeinvolvingtemporaryjobsandtime-limitedpublicbenefits”(p.56).

Intheyearsfollowingthe1996welfarereforms,laborforcepar-ticipationamongunmarriedmothersincreasedbynearly20%(Blank& Haskins, 2002; Mishel, Bernstein, & Boushey, 2003). No othergroup of women (single women without children, married womenwithorwithoutchildren)ormenexperiencedsuchadramaticincreasein employment (Kaushal,Gao,& Waldfogal, 2006). Thisdramaticchangehasfueledconcernabouttheeffectsofpovertyonchildren.

Fluctuating welfare and employment rates, however, do notadequatelyillustratethecomplexlivedexperiencesofsinglemotherslivinginpovertyintheUnitedStatesastheynavigateparentingandemployment.AsColeyetal.(2007)stated,amorenuancedunder-standingofhowthesefamiliesarefaringpost-PRWORAisnecessary,and this requires that we dig more deeply. In the wake of the 1996welfarereform,manywonderedhowpoorchildrenandfamilieswouldbeimpacted,withmostoftheconcerndirectedatfamilieswithyoungchildren(Brooks,Hair,&Zaslow,2001;Morrisetal.,2001).Yet,morethanadecadeofresearchhasrevealedthatadolescentstendtobenega-tivelyaffectedbytheirmother’stransitionintothelow-wageworkforce,citingincreasesinadolescentdruguse,delinquentactivity,anddecreas-esinschoolachievement(Brooksetal.,2001;Knitzer,2000).


Why Adolescents?

Early adolescence is a developmental period characterized by bothnew opportunities for growth and heightened risk. For example,delinquent behavior approximately doubles between ages 9 and 15,beforebeginningtodeclineatage17(Achenbach,Howell,Quay,&Conners,1991).Thetransitionintohighschool isassociatedwithadeclineingradesandschoolengagement(Seidman,Aber,Allen,&French,1996).Substanceuseincreasesrapidlyfromthesixthtotheninthgrade(Oetting&Beauvais,1990;Wills,McNamara,Vacarro,& Hinkey, 1996), and between ages 10 and 15, youth also experi-enceathree-foldincreaseindepressedmoodandadramaticincreasein affective disorders (Compas, Ey, & Grant, 1993; Kazdin, 1989).Approximately13%of teenshavehadsexual intercoursebyage15,withsexualactivitycommonbythelateteenyearsandaccompaniedbyincreasesinsexuallytransmitteddiseaseandunintendedpregnan-cy(Abma,Martinez,Mosher,&Dawson,2010).

Although there may be cultural perceptions that during ado-lescence parents no longer exert any influence on their children,researchershavefoundthatparent-adolescentrelationshipsarehighlyconsequentialforyouth.Parentingpracticessuchasparentalinvolve-mentandmonitoringandrelationalfactorssuchassocialsupportandeffectivecommunicationcontinuetoinfluenceadolescents’academicachievement, substanceuse, and conduct problems (Allen&Land,1999;Jacobson&Crockett,2000;Miller-Day&Kam,2010;Ripple& Luthar, 2000). A strong commitment to education and bond-ingtoschool,alongwithmeaningfulinclusionofyouthinactivitiesoutsidethehome,arerelatedtolater initiationandlowerfrequencyof sexual activity (Ayers, Williams, Hawkins, Peterson, & Abbott,1999;Youniss,Yates,&Su,1997).However,asrecentresearchsug-gests,low-incomeworkingmothersinparticulartendtohavelimitedopportunities to monitor their adolescents’ schoolwork or get theminvolvedinactivitiesoutsidethehome(Lareau,2003).

Theoretical Lens

Understanding how family relationships have an impact on adoles-cents’well-beingisofgreatconcernsincefamilyprocessesplayakeyroleinshapingchildren’sdevelopmentaltrajectories(Repetti,Robles,

& Reynolds, 2011). Adolescents’ mental and physical functioninghinge,inpart,onthequalityofparent-childinteractionandparents’rolesassocializingagents,modelsandmanagersofbehavior(Davies,Cummings,&Winter,2004).Acrossallsocio-economicstrata,expo-suretoparentalprocessessuchasparentalmonitoringhasbeenfoundinnumerousstudiestopromotechildren’swell-beingandlessenpar-ticipationinriskyproblembehaviorssuchassubstanceuseanddelin-quency(Cummings&Davies,2010).

Variable-analyticstudiesoftheseprocesseshaveledtothedevel-opmentofvarioustheoriessuchasemotionalsecuritytheory(Davies&Sturge-Apple,2007)andthefamilyresilienceframework(Walsh,2002),explaininghowfamilyprocessesarecentraltopredictingado-lescentoutcomes.Yet,muchofthisworkhashadlittletosayabouthow parents and adolescents experience the phenomenon of livingandgrowinginafamilycontextimpactedbypoverty.Therefore,wearefacedwiththechallengeofunderstandingmoreabouthowfamilyprocessesareenactedandexperiencedbyparentsandadolescentsandhowtheseshapefamilymembers’wellbeing.

Toaddress this challenge froma communicationperspective, Iapplythelensofsocialconstructionismtoview,describe,andorga-nize the interpretations of those participating in this investigation.Social constructionism is a sociological theory of knowledge thatargues that we create understandings of social phenomena such as“mothering”insocialcontexts,andthatinteractionswithothersservetoconstructournotionsofwhatisreal(Hacking,1999).Byapplyingaconstructionisttheoreticallensinthisstudy,Iseektodiscoverhowmothersassignmeaningtomaternalworkandhowbothmothersandadolescentsenactmother-childrelationsincontextsofpoverty.

Methods

Todescribetheexperiencesofdisadvantagedmother-adolescentdyadsandprovideadetailedunderstandingofhowmothersandadolescentsinthesefamiliesinterprettheirdailylives,Iconductedaqualitativestudyoffourmother-adolescentpairsparticipatinginalargerstudyofmaternallow-wageworkandmother-adolescentrelations(Miller-Day&McManus,2009),employinganethnographicapproach.Thewordethnography literallymeanstowriteaboutpeopleorcultures,fromtheGreekwordsethnos(people)andgraphei(towrite),andatthe


heartofthistypeofqualitativeresearcharethreethings:involvementwiththepeopleandtopicbeingstudied,attentiontothesocialcontextofdatacollection,andsensitivitytohowthesubjectsarerepresentedintheresearchtext(Marvasti,2004).

Iaskedallmothersandadolescents inthelargerstudy(Miller-Day&Day,2011;Miller-Day&McManus,2009)(N=94)iftheywould be willing to participate in a follow-up three month study.Seven dyads agreed to participate. Because one of the aims of thisstudywastomorecloselyexaminetheexperiencesofwomeninthelargerstudywhomovedinandoutofemployment,Iselectedthefourofthesevenmother-adolescentpairsthatmetthiscriteriontopartici-pateinthisstudy.

Co-Researcher Participants

All participants in this study functioned as informants and also asco-researchers,assistingwithprovidingandinterpretinginformationthroughouttheresearchprocess.Allmothersinthestudy(a)residedinBurgville,1(b)hadmadethetransitionfromwelfaretolow-wage

workwithinthepastfiveyears,butwereagainunemployedatthestartofthisstudy;(c)reportedanannualhouseholdincomethatwaslessthantheFederalPovertyLevelguidelines(e.g.,lessthan$22,350forafamilyoffour).Table1outlinessomebasicinformationoneachofthemother-adolescent pairs participating in this study, including ages,genders,numberofchildreninthehousehold,presenceofaparentingpartner,andhouseholdincome.

Burgvilleitselfisasmallurbancenterinthemid-Atlanticregionof the United States. According to the Census of Population andHousing(2010),Burgvillehasaminoritypopulationofnearlyhalf,andmorethan60%ofBurgvillehouseholdsaresingle-parent-headedhouseholds.Themeanannualincomeforafemale-headed-householdwithchildreninBurgvilleislessthan$12,000.Aquarterofthefami-liesinBurgvilleliveinpovertyandnearlyallofthoseincludechildrenundertheageof18.Its residentsareemployedmainly in laborandserviceindustriesandsalesandsupport.

Procedures

Adheringtoall requirementsestablishedbymyuniversity’sInstitu-tionalReviewBoard,Itrackedeachfamilyforatotalofthreemonths.Duringthosemonths,Ispentanaverageoftwodaysperweek,twotosixhourspervisit,inthehomesofthesefamiliesobservingtheirinteraction,talkingwiththem,learningtheirfamilyroutines,andlis-teningtotheirconcerns.

Tocaptureanddocumentmyobservations,Iemployedthreespe-cificpractices.First,whenphysicallypresentintheparticipants’homeItookextensivefieldnotes,transcribingasmuchconversationverbatimaspossible.Whenthatwasnotpossible,Iwouldparaphraseorsum-marizeanyobservedinteractions.Myfieldnotesincludedrawdescrip-tions, conceptualmemos (thoughts and interpretations aboutwhat Iwasobserving),andresearchermemos(self-reflectionsonmyownper-sonalreactionsandinterpretations).Second,wheneverpossible,IaudiorecordedexchangeswithaportabledigitalrecorderthatIkeptinmypocket.Participants alwaysknewwhen the recorderwas turnedon,andtheyalwayshadtheoptionofaskingmetoturnitoff.Theaudiorecordingsallowedmetotranscribesomeinteractionsverbatim.

Historically,therehasbeenscholarlydebatesurroundingreactivi-tyofparticipantswhenanoutsideobserveristakingnotesorrecordingTable 1: Participating Mothers and Adolescents

Family A

Mother: Kim (Female, age 40)

Adolescent: Caiden (Male, age 13)

# of children in household: 3

Parenting partner: No

Household annual income: $7,000

Family B

Mother: Angie (Female, age 35)

Adolescent: Yolanda (Female, age 12)



Household income: $4,000–$6,000

Family C

Mother: Wanda (Female, age 33)

Adolescent: Judah (Male, age 12)




Family D

Mother: Lisa (Female, age 35)

Adolescent: Mary (Female, age 13)


Parenting partner: Yes



conversation(Davis,1986;Johnson&Bolstad,1975).Thereisampleevidenceatthispointsuggestingthatiftheresearchertakesstepstominimizethedisruptiveinfluenceofthesebehaviors(e.g.,introducingnotetaking as anormativeprocess in researcher-participant interac-tion, using jottings instead of long narrative descriptions when eyecontact is important,usingasmall inconspicuousrecordingdevice),thenreactivitycanbeminimal(Gittelsohn,Shankar,Ram,Gnywali,& West, 1997; Jacob, Tennenbaum, Seilhamer, Bargiel, & Sharon,1994;Paterson,1994).

Inadditiontothefieldnotes,Iconductedoneortwoindividualunstructured,in-depthinterviewswitheachmotherandadolescentspecifically focused on the parenting processes control and care.These interviewswereaudio recorded, ranged from30 (anadoles-cent)to120minutes(amother),andwerealwaysconductedinapri-vatelocationawayfromotherfamilymembers(e.g.,outsideonapic-nicbenchorinthekitchenwithnooneelseathome).Allinterviewsweretranscribedverbatimbyatranscriptionist,andIcheckedeachtranscriptforaccuracybyreadingitwhilelisteningtotheaudiore-cording,correctinganyerrors.

Supplementing the observations and interviews, each motherand adolescent participated in producing a daily self-report diaryover a 10-dayperiod. Iwould call thehome at a designated timein theeveningandaska seriesofquestionsabouthisorherdailyactivities, communicationpartners, personalwell-being, anddailystruggles.Thesedatawereuseful insupplementingthedescriptiveobservationaldatabyfillingingapsofinformationfortimeswhenIcouldnotobserve(e.g.,earlymornings,bedtimerules,andrituals).

So, what to do with all of this information? Interpreting thewealth of information (empirical materials/data) generated duringthisprocessinvolvedmakingsenseoftheinformationinsensoryaswellasintellectualways.Listeningtobothmothersandadolescents,I tried to be reflexive about my own sensory input and emotionalreactionsduringobservations,andIsoughttobeopentomultiplevoicesandinterpretations.

Trustworthiness

I am a working mother. I believe it is important for the reader tounderstandthissoastopositionmeinthisresearchandthisresearch

report.AsaworkingmotherIhavemyownexperiences,expectations,andmomentsofprideandguilt.IneverbelieveIdoenoughformychildrenandsometimesfantasizeaboutwhatlifewouldbelikeasastay-at-homemom.Thatsaid,asIembarkedonthisstudy,Imadeaconcertedefforttomaintaininterpretivechecksandbalancessoasnotto(entirely)imposemyownvaluesontotheexperiencesofthemoth-ers inthisstudy.Toenhancethetrustworthinessofthisresearch,Iemployedstrategicsampling,triangulationofmethods(observation,semi- and un-structured interviewing, and diary reports), extendedengagement in thefield (threemonths),peerdebriefingwith a col-leaguenotinvolvedwiththeresearch,memberchecking,andsystem-aticmanagementofdata.SowhatdidIlearn?

“There Comes a Time [When] You Gotta Choose”: Your Kids or Your JobThefirst time Iwalked intoFelizManor, the10-block-longpublichousingneighborhood inBurgville, Iwassurprisedbythecolors.Isawwhite,red,blue,andyellowsheets,shirts,andpantsonclothes-lines extending from one yard to the next. The array of red brickfacadessportedmulti-colorgraffiti,lovelyandornate—withamuralononewallandharshandjaggedscriptonanother.

Isawamanusingaleafblowertoblowallofthetrashintheyardsandsidewalksintothestreet,andthencleanitup.Istoppedtotalktohimandaskiftherewasusuallyalotoftrashlyingabout.Hesaid,“Yep.It’shardtokeepthisneighborhoodclear.Onlyafewresidentstakethetimetocleanuptheiryards.Therestisleftforme.It’ssad.”But,whenIreachedthehousingunitforAngie(FamilyB),Ifoundhersweepingtheconcrete landinginfrontofherdoor.AsIwastolaterlearn,herapartmentwasalmostalwaysmeticulouslyclean.

Angiegreetedmeandinvitedmetositinoneoftwoplasticchairssetoutonthegrassbythefrontofherunit.Inoticedtwolittleboysundertheageof2playingoutsideinthegrass.Neitherchildhadacoatonanditwasverycoldoutside.Afteraboutfiveminutes,theirmotherappearedfromahouseacrosstheparkinglot.Angietoldmethatthemotheroftenleftthechildrenoutsidetoplaybythemselves.Apparentlyseveralmonthsbackanotherpersontookoneoftheboysandhidhiminherapartment“toteach[themother]a lesson,”andwhenthemomcamehome,shepanickedlookingforherson.Angie


sighed,saying,“Herfriendcamebackwiththelittleboy,butthemomstilldoesthesamething.Ithinktheirgrandmaistryingtogetcus-todyofthem.”

Livingsituationswereverysimilarforallfamiliesinthisstudy.AlllivedinFelizManor,buteachperson’soutlookonhisorherlifein theprojectswasunique. InFamilyB,Angiehome schooledherthreechildrenandwasnotemployedoutsidethehome.Shehadnocurrent relationalorparentingpartner.Sheno longer receivedwel-farepaymentsandlivedwithminimalincome.Whendiscussingherbrief transition into low-wageemployment several years earlier, sheexplained,

AsIbecamepermanentinmyjob,itseemedliketheproblemsthatmychildrenwerehavinginschoolintensified.Theygotgreater.Thebabysitterhad tokeep callingme formy son,whowasbornwithasthma, and he was on a machine, and she could not control hisasthmaanymorebyputtinghimonthemachine.…Shewouldhavetocallme,soitwaslikeeveryday.Ifnoteveryday,theneveryotherday, either the babysitter was calling, or my children’s school wascalling,andIhadtokeepleavingwork.Itseemedliketherewasnootheranswerbuttoleavemyjob.Mykidsneededme.Mysonespe-cially,Iwastheonlythingthatcouldcalmhimdowninorderforthetreatmenttotakeeffect.

Whendiscussingthepublicassistanceshereceivedseveralyearsago,sheshared,

Welfarereformisgood,but,notpractical.Everycaseisindividual,buthowdoyoudo it?Moving fromwelfare towork ismore thanjust trading in a welfare check for a pay check. It’s about keepin’things. Keeping your family together, keepin’ everyone safe, and,um,keepin’yoursanity.It’saboutdoingthemostimportantwork—“HOMEwork”…theworkofparenting.Forme, I just couldn’tdoboth.

Angiedidnotworkoutsidethehomeanddidnotreceivewelfarepayments.Shelivedonwhatevermoneyherdaughter’sfathersentherandherself-reportedincomeofbetween$4,000and$6,000peryear.Thisincomewassubstantiallybelowthefederalpovertylineforafam-ilyoffour.Shelivedverymodestly,yetsharedwhatlittleshehadwith

neighborchildren.BecauseofpastexperienceswiththeDepartmentofPublicWelfare,shewouldnotapplyforanykindofassistanceorfoodstamps.Shetrulylivedwiththebareminimum.Angiewascom-mitted to staying home with her children and home schooling allthree;however,shewasconcernedaboutherchronicinabilitytopaybills.Shedisclosedthefollowing:

IfIamatajob,Iworrythathe’llhaveanasthmaattack.Heusesthismachinetobreath.Notaninhaler,butanoxygenmachine.Lastyearwhentheyshutoffmyelectricity,Iwasscaredtodeath.Iaskedtheelectriccompany,“WhatdoIdoifhehasanattack?”Theysaid,“That’syourproblem.”

Mothers, likeAngie, learnto“workthesystem”inordertogetbasicneedsmet.Forexample,Angiewenttoavarietyoffoodbanksandhadafavoriteshelikedmorethanothersbecause“theygiveyoumoremeatsandmeals.”Manyofthesefamiliesfoundseveralobstaclestogettingfoodatfoodbanks.Theproblemwasthatinordertogotothefoodbank,youhadtogetavoucherfromanothersocialserviceorganization.Also,thesefamiliestendedtonothavetransportationtopickupthevouchers,letalonepickupthefood.Therewereservicesoffered,butamajorityoffamilieshadnotransportationandnomoneytouseforpublictransportation.Itwasdifficult.Oneday,whenIgaveAngiearidetothefoodbank,theygavehertwolargeboxes,abag,andsomebakedgoods.WhenItookherhome,thekidscameoutandhelpedcarryeverythinginside.Theywereveryexcitedabouthelpingunpackthefood.Basedonmyobservation,theydidreceivealotmoreitemsthatdaythantheyhadpreviouslyfromotherfoodbanks.Therewerequiteafewthingsshecouldmakemealswith,includingfreshfruits and vegetables. When IhelpedAngie unpack the food, theyhadgivenherasmallpackageofhamburger,andwhensheopenedherfreezer,itwascompletelyempty.Infact,asIwatchedherputthefoodaway,Isawthathercupboardswerealmostdevoidoffood.TheonlyitemsInoticedwereaboxofbakingsodaandatinofratpoison.

Angie believed that not working outside the home was “worthit”sothatshecouldbepresentforherchildrenandeducatethemathome.Tome,Iwonderedifsheheldtightlytoherchildrensoastoworkoutsomeofherownpersonalissues.Shesaidthatshe


alwayswantedtobetherefor[mydaughter].Iwantedourrelationshiptobedifferent fromthe relationship that Ihad,ornon-relationshipthatIhadwithmymother.Mymomwasasinglemotherraisingninechildren,mebeingthebabyofthenine.

Havingverylittleinthewayofmaterialpossessions,herchildrenwerejustthat—hers.Herstocarefor,protect,andmanage.ForAngie,mandatestoleavewelfareandentertheworkforcedidnotwork.Sheleftthewelfarerolls,yes,butdrifteddeeperintopoverty.

FourbuildingsawaylivedWandaandJudah(FamilyC).Theyhadlivedintheircurrentneighborhoodforalittleoveroneyear.Wandafelt safe anddidnotbelieve therewere anyproblems inherneigh-borhood.Shealsohadnoparentingpartner andwasnot employedoutsidethehome.Wandawasonwelfareforoneandahalfyearsandcurrentlyreceivedonlyamedicalassistancebenefit.Shebelievedthatfoodstampsdidhelpwithfood,butWandasaidthebadpartwasthatthe“caseworkeractedlikeshewasgivingthemoneyoutofherownpocket.”Wandaarguedthat“IpaytaxesandhavebeenworkingsinceIwas15.So,Ishouldn’tbetreatedthatway.”Atonepoint,Wandarecountedthatthestatecutoffhermedicalassistance,andshewasnotabletogetherson’smedicationforhisattentiondeficitdisorder.Hewashospitalizedasaresult.

Wandaworkedforawhileinthefastfoodindustry,butwhenshewaslaidoff,shemovedtotheprojects.Shemadeapointofremindingmethat:

We’reall justastepawayfrombeingthere.Youneverknowwhatlife’sgoingtothrowatyou;whatsituationyou’regoingtoputyour-selfinorthatyou’llbeputinto.Youjustneverknow.Youloseyourjob,youknow,youjustneverknow.Nothing’sstableanymore.Nojobisstableanymore.

She actively sought job opportunities, completing job applica-tionswhenevershecould.Shebelieved,though,thatheremploymenteffortshadbeenthwarted.Shesharedthefollowingexperiencewithmeonedayoverlunch.

AboutsixmonthsagoIwassohappythatIgotajobandtheywantedmetostartworkin’ASAP.But,withthethreekidsIgottafindaday-care,getmypaperworkdonewithwelfare,thenwaitin’forwelfareto

getmeatransportationallowancesoIcangettomyjob.Igotthejob,and,um,Icalled,Isaid,please…Ineedtransportationnow,soIcangetmykidsbackandforthandgetbackandforthtowork.Iwaitedtwoweeks,twoweeks,beforeIgotthattransportationallowance.Bythen,IalreadylostmyjobbecauseIcouldn’tgetthere.Rightnow,meandmythreekids,weliveonabout$170amonth.

Evenifonegetsajob,motherslikeKim(FamilyA)arguethatthewagespaidinthosepositionsmaynotmakemovingoffwelfare“worthit.”Whenlivinginpublichousing,rentisbasedonincome.AccordingtoKim,

[publichousing]helpsyougetbackonyourfeet.Thenyougetagoodjob.…Thenonceyouhavework,yourrentgoessky-high ina fewmonths.Theyevenwant toknowwhatgiftsyougetatChristmastimefromwho,andtheyuse thatas income.This leavesyoubackwhereyouleftoffat.Nowhere.

Living in similar circumstances and not far from Wanda livedKimandhersonCaiden.KimworkedatVerizonforseveralyearsandenjoyedherwork.Shealsohasnoparentingpartner.Whenshefirststartedworking atVerizon, shehadmorninghours from7 a.m. to3:30p.m.Shewouldbehomeahalfhouraftertheolderkidsgothomefromschool.Shehelpedthemwiththeirhomework.Everythingwasfine until Verizon switched her hours. She was working from 9:30a.m.to8:30p.m.—10-hourdays.Thekidsweregettingreadyforbedwhenshecamehome.Shefeltshehadnotimetospendwiththem,andCaidenwasresponsibleforcaringfortheyoungerchildrenwhileshewasatwork.Shelearnedthattheywereactingupinschool.Shehadtomakeadecision—herkidsorherjob.Soshedecidedtoresign.Sheexplainedherreasoningbysaying,

Iwasn’ttherewiththekids.Youcanalwaysfindsomeonetowatchthem,buttheytendtodothingstheyaren’tsupposedtowhenMomisnotaround.TheystartedthinkingIcaredmoreaboutmyjobthanthem,andtheystartedactingout.

Shesaidthatheremployerunderstoodthatshehadtoleave.Nowthatshe’sbeenhome,shereportedthatCaidenisdoingmuchbetterinschooland“mybeinghomehasmadeabigdifference.”


increasedrentinpublichousingandloweroverallmonthlyincome,asisoftenthecaseforlow-incomefamilies(Hastings,Taylor,&Austin,2005).Themothersinthisstudyconstructedthetransitionintolow-wage work as not worth the losses incurred: loss of income overall,lossofflexibility,andlossinparentingoversight.Thesewomenseemedto be placed in the position of deciding to juggle the challenges ofmaintaininglow-wageworkandparenting(almostexclusivelyalone)orelectingtomoveoutoftheworkforce,beamoreactiveparent,butshiftbackintopoverty.Inthesefamilies,asshowninotherstudiesoftheworkingpoor,thoselivingjustaboveorbelowthepovertylineareusually familiesheadedbywomenwhowork in low-paying service-sectorjobs,arelesseducated,andhavepersonalhealthconstraintsorproblemswiththeirchildren’shealth(O’Neil&Hill,2003).

Parenting in Contexts of Poverty

At the timeof this study,mostof themothers studiedmadeaconscious choice not to seek employment outside the home and allendeavored to be good mothers. But parenting adolescents in con-textsofpovertymaybeunlikeparentingadolescentsinothercontexts(Duncan&Brooks-Gunn,1997).

From my vantage point, at first glance the adolescents in thisstudyseemednodifferentfromyouthinothercontexts.Theyattendedschool(mostly),theywerenotdrugdealers(buttheysometimesused),and theywatcheda lotof television (orwhat I classifiedasa lot)—averaging four hours of television on a school day and seven hoursofviewingonaweekendday.But,asAngie(FamilyB)stated,“thechildrenlivingheremustnavigatemoredangerouswatersthanotherkids.”AsillustrationIofferoneofmyobservations.Oneday,IhadtheopportunitytobesittingwithLisa(FamilyD)andKim(FamilyA)onchairsinfrontofKim’shousingunitwhenwesawaneighborsittingonhisporchandrollingwhatlookedlikeajoint(marijuana).Thefollowingisarecordeddialoguefromthisvisit:

Lisa: Iseetransact,drugtransactionstakin’placejustoutsidemydoor.

Kim: Andthereain’tnothin’youcandoaboutit.

LisaandherdaughterMary(FamilyD)livedsevenbuildingsawayfromKim,andtheirexperiencewasabitdifferent.Lisawasnotmar-riedbuthadarelationalpartner,Maurice,whocouldostensiblyassistwithparenting.YetduringmytimewiththisfamilyIwitnessedverylittlemaleparenting.Heisthebiologicalparentofthenewbornchildinthefamily,butnotoftheothertwochildren.Theyhavelivedintheircurrentneighborhoodforalmostayear.Lisareportedthattheirprevi-ousneighborhoodhadbeenniceyearsago,butitwasnowrundownanddruginfested.Shefelthopefulabouthercurrentneighborhood.Shesaid,“Itusedtobebad,buttheyarerehabbingit.Herewehaveaneighborhoodwatch,andthekidsfeelsafer.”Marysharedwithmethatshefeltsafesometimes,butshelikedtostayclosetothehouse.Shehadseenpeopleusingandsellingdrugs,andshecharacterizedherlivingspaceashavingalotofbrokenbottlesandtrashlyingaround,withabandonedorboardedupbuildings.Duringmyfirstmonthwiththisfamily,Lisawastryingtoacquireakittentohelpwiththeproblemtheyhadwithmice.Sheeventuallyfoundasmalltabbykitten,andshealsoboughtratpoisonandblockedtheholesinherbasement.

Before the new baby was born, Lisa had been working 20 to30 hours on the weekends. Her partner worked Mondays throughFridays.Shetalkedabouthowitwasdifficulttonothaveweekendswithherchildren.ShewouldsometimeskeepthemhomefromschoolonaTuesdayoraWednesdayjusttospendadaywiththem.Butafterthebabywasborn,LisaandMauricedecidedasacouple thatLisawouldstayhomewiththechildrenbecause“itwouldcostmore fordaycareforthebabythanwhatIwouldmake.”Theyalsodecidedthathewouldtakeasecondjobasanightjanitor.Consequently,hisworkschedulerequiredhimtowork14to18hoursperdayandoneweek-endday.Hewasrarelyathome.

I learned from these mothers that the types of low paying jobsavailable to them were somewhat insecure, with unpredictable orinconvenienthours.Childcarepresentedaproblembecauseofyoungerchildrenor theneed to supervise the adolescent.As found in otherstudies,althoughmothersmayfindemployment,theirwageratesandtotalearningsremainfairlylow(Hildebrand&Stevens,2009).Somescholars refer to this process as moving from economic dependenceonstateandfederalprogramstoworkingpoverty(O’Connor,2001).Anyeconomicgainfromlowwageemploymenttendedtobeoffsetby


Lisa: I’m tiredof that.And, it’s, like, I can’t justupand leave.I,‘causeIdon’thave…thatchoicerightnow.ButwhydoIhavetolivelikethat?

Kim: Youcansmellitall;yousmellitallthroughyourhouseallnight.

Lisa: Mydaughter ripsup,uh, sugarpaper, anykindofpaper.She’llripitup;she’llgolikethis,andshe’llgo[mimesroll-ingajoint].

MeandKim:Mmmm.Lisa: “Iwarnedyou.”Isaytoher,butshepretendstobesmoking.Kim: See!Lisa: Like she knows…When they play together in the house,

herandherfriend,thisiswhattheydo.“Youwantsomeofthisweed?Isthatbeeryou’redrinkin’?You’redrinkin’beer.”That’showtheyplaytogether.Whenthey’reoutside,they,they’ll, they’llpickupsticksand they’llwalkaround likethis.[Pretendingtosmoke]“Wegotsomeweed.”

Kim: Becausetheyseeeverybodydoin’it.Lisa: …shetakesthepaper…thentakesgrassandgoeslikethis,

rollsitupandthen,w,w,whatcracksmeupisshelicksit.Shelicksitandthengoeslikethis.[Pretendingthatshe’ssmoking] “I will hurt you,” I say [pretending to smoke].Whatis,whatisshedoin’?[Chuckles]

Kim: That’sfunny.[Laughs]Lisa: It’s,it’snotfunny.It’sreallynot.Kim: It’s,it’sashame.Lisa: Andshe’sfour.Andshe’sjustfouryearsold.

Indeed,theadolescentsinthisstudynavigatedwatersthatdif-feredfromwhatmyownchildrenhavefaced.AsAngiearticulated,fortheseyouth“theirfearsareverydifferentthanmanychildren.”Herdaughterprovidedfurtherinsightsaying,“Iworryaboutsome-bodyjustwalkinguptomeandshootingme.Myneighborhoodisbad.”This is similar towhat Judahshared, “Iworryaboutgettingshot.Mymom.Iworryabouther,too.Ijuststayinthehouse‘cause

itssafer.”Alloftheseadolescentsspentmuchoftheirtimesindoorswatchingtelevision.

Wanda(FamilyC)consistentlyurgedherchildrentoplayoutsideorgototheBoysandGirlsClub.But,shedidadmitthattheBoysandGirlsClubsdidnotprovideenoughsupervision,“sothekidsendupleavingandgettingintotrouble.”Sheexplained,

My[sevenyearold]daughterwasoutsideintheplaygroundand,um,shecamehomescreamin,’hollerin’,andcryin’.Someboyjustwalkeduptoher—hadtobeaboutaneight-year-oldboy—cameuptoherandpunchedherinherface.Her,herfacewasjustblackforacoupleof days. He just punchedher, just dead inher face for no reason.Deadinherface.

One day, while walking past a nearby playground, Caiden(FamilyA)reportedthatonanotherdayhehadbeen“playin’whensomeboycameupandjustwhippedmeinthebackwithabelt.Ihadalongweltacrossmyback.Fornoreason!”Theseapparentrandomactsofneighborhoodviolenceseemedtopropelfamilymembersintothe safety of their homes and increase parental uncertainty abouthowtokeeptheirchildrensafe.

Angie, specifically, expressed ongoing concern about not onlykeepingherchildrensafe,butalsoabouthowtocommunicatemessag-esofsecurityandsafetytoherchildren.Oneweekinlatespring,theneighborhoodswereabuzzwithnewsofarecentshooting.ItturnedoutthattheshootingvictimwasAngie’snephew.Sheexplained,

The kids are comin’ home from school, people are running theirerrandsandthen…hegetsshot.Yesterday.Mynephew.Mynephewgotshot.Heandhiscousinweresittingintheircarandthisthug,thisgangsterwhippedoutagunandshotthemintheircar.Mynephewwaskilled.Theywerebehindaschoolbusfilledwithkindergarten-ers,andwhenhewasshotthecarhitthebuswiththesebabies.Theshootergotaway.Thisboy,mysister’sboy,waskilledonthesamedaythathisgrandfatherdiedsome20yearsago.Hewasjustinthewrongplaceatthewrongtime.

Thiswasadifficulttimeformanyofthefamiliesparticipatinginthestudy.Theshooterswerecaughtbythepolice,butnotuntilnearly


twoweekshadpassed.Everyoneseemedtobestayingindoors.Angiesharedhersenseofhelplessnesswithme.Shesaid,

Mybabyaskedme,“Mom,Idreamtlastnightofbeingshotinmystomach. Are they gonna shoot tonight? Mom, are they comingaroundhere?”AndtheonlythingIcouldtellhimis,“Honey,Ican’tpromiseyouanything,butwhatevergoesdown,Mommy’sgoingtobehereandmakesureyou’reprotected.”Iwantedtopullhimbackinto me; to be one with him again. You know, I cannot tell him,“No,they’renotgoingtoshoottonight.Gotosleep.”Whenwehearshootingouthereeverythreedays.Ican’tsaythat…no.

Thechallengesofparentinginthecontextofpovertyweremany,butasKimstated,“itmakesusastronger,closerfamily.”Thesefam-ily members have each other and, for most of these mothers, theyembrace a pattern of mothering that Arditti, Burton, and Neeves-Botelho(2010)refertoassurvivalist mothering.

Survivalist Mothering

Firstidentifiedindisadvantagedfamilies(Ardittietal.,2010),surviv-alistmothersembodyaparentingstylethatencompassesfirmcontrol,care,andadvocacybehaviors.Firmnessandhighlevelsofcontrolwereevidentintwoofthehouseholdsinthisstudy.Thesemotherstendedto regulate and monitor their children’s chores, responsibilities, andleisuretimeveryclosely.

Thereisawealthofevidencethatyoungadolescentswhospendunsupervisedtimeaffiliatingwithdeviantpeersareatincreasedriskforschooldropout,problembehaviors,earlysubstanceuse,andcrimi-nal activity (Ary,Duncan,Duncan,&Hops,1999;Griffin,2000).Parentswhomonitortheiradolescents’activities—knowingwhotheyarewith,wheretheyare,andwhattheyaredoing—aremorelikelytoimplementrulesandcurfewsandnoticewhethertheiradolescentsaregettingintotrouble.Alloftheadolescents inthis investigationhadcurfewsandrulesabouthomeworkandotherchores.Yet, theboys’motherswerenotasvigilantintheirmonitoringasthegirls’moth-ers.Kim,whohadfourolderchildrennotlivingathome,statedheropinionwasthatherson“isoldenoughtotakecareofhimself ”and“Idon’taskhimtodotoomucharoundthehouse.It’stooexhaust-ingtotryandgethimtodoit.”ItwasmyopinionthatKimwasnot

apatheticaboutmonitoringCaiden,butwasnotverynervousaboutthetroubleCaidenmightgetintoonhisown.Shewasmorerelaxedinherparentingthansomeoftheothermothers.

Interestingly, both of the boys—Caiden and Judah—indicatedthattheirmothersdidnotreallyknowasmuchabouttheiractivitiesastheirmothersthoughttheydid.Bothoftheseadolescentsperceivedthat theirmothersdidnotmonitor their lives asmuchas thegirls’mothersdid,andtheboysalsoreportedthattheirmothersusedmuchmoreaggressivecommunicationstrategieswiththemwhentheyhadconflictwiththeirmothersthantheothermothersdidwiththegirlsin the study. Pretty consistently, the arguments in all families sur-roundedtheserulesorchores,butthearguments infamiliesAandCwerecertainlylouderandmorefrequent.AccordingtoCaidenandJudah, theirmotherswouldhit, slap,kick,swear,andthrowthingsduringconflictsandarguments.WandaandLisaweregenerallyveryvocalwomen,andIdidhearLisascreamonnumerousoccasions,butinmynotesIwrote“whatparentdoesn’t?”CaidenandJudahreportedlower levels of perceived maternal monitoring and actual maternalknowledgeof their activities andhigher levelsof aggressionduringconflictwith theirmothers thandid thegirls in this study.AlmosteverytimeIvisitedWandaandJudah,Wandawasissuingdirectivesinasternfashionandoneorbothofthemwouldargueaboutsome-thing,suchaschoresorsiblingrelationships.Therewasnophysicalviolenceduringmyobservations,butJudahdiscussedwithmehowhe“hateswhenhismomthinkssheisalwaysright.Shewillyell,swear,andthrowstuffjusttogetherway.”

Bothboysinthis investigationalsohadmuchhigherincidentsofproblembehaviors thandid thegirls.Whenaskedtofilloutaninventoryofbehaviors,Caidenreportedthathewasalreadysexuallyactive at the ageof13,washaving academicdifficulties,hadbeensuspendedfromschool,hadbeencaughtstealingmorethan$50,andhadbeenonprobationforcriminaltrespass,buthereportednoalco-holorotherdruguse.Judah,attheageof12,reportedthathewasnotsexuallyactive,butwashavingacademicdifficulties,hadbeensus-pendedfromschool,selfreportedtheftofover$500,violentcrimes,andalcoholuse.Incontrast,thegirlsdidnotreportthesekindsofaggressive behavior during conflicts with their mothers, reportedhigherlevelsofmaternalmonitoring,andfewerproblembehaviors.


Yolanda,forexample,hadhighlevelsofacademicachievement,wasnotsexuallyactive,andhadnottriedalcoholoranyotherdrug.Shedid,however,self-reporttheftoflessthan$50.Similarly,Maryhadhighlevelsofacademicachievementandwasnotsexuallyactive.Shehad, though, experimented with alcohol, tobacco, and marijuana,andsheself-reportedtheftoflessthan$50.FromwhatIobserved,the association between maternal aggressive conflict communica-tionandmaternalmonitoringremindsmeofthemaritalresearchbyGottman(1994)thatrevealedconflictinarelationship—perse—isnotindicativeofmaritaldifficultyanddoesnotpredictdivorce.Hisfindingssuggestedthatitisthemannerinwhichargumentsarecon-ductedthatismostpredictiveofmaritaldifficulty.Ipostulatethatasimilarphenomenonmaybeoccurringinparent-childrelationships.Conflict alone may not negatively affect the parent-child relation-ship;indeed,therewasplentyofconflictaroundchoresandsiblingrelationshipsinallofthesehouseholds.But,theaggressiveconflictstrategiesemployedbytheboys’motherssuchaskicking,swearing,andthrowingthingsseemedtohaveanegativeeffectonadolescentsatisfactionwith themother-adolescent relationship. It is not clearwhethermothersaremoreaggressivebecausetheirchildisperceivedasmore“difficult”orwhetherthechildismore“difficult”becauseofaggressivewaysofinteractingwithMom.Yet,quantitativedatafromthelargerstudyandthesequalitativedatasuggestthatitisnotjustmaternalmonitoringthatseemstocontributetonegativeoutcomesforadolescents,regardlessofmaternalemploymentstatus.Thesedatasuggest that the ways in which adolescents interact with mothersduringconflictsituationsmaybeconsequential.

Themomsinthisstudydidn’tjustfightwiththeirchildren,theyfoughtforthem.Wandaexplained,“MykidsareallIgotandIamalltheygot.Whywouldn’tIfightfor them?”Iwashavinghotchoco-lateonemorningwithAngiewhenshetoldmethefollowingstoryofadvocatingforherdaughter:

MydaughterhasneverspokenSpanish.ButtheyputherintheESLclass. Now, here my daughter’s like terrified. She’s like, “They’reteaching, speaking to me in Spanish. I have no idea what they’resaying”. She’s like, “I don’t speak Spanish. Why are they makingme take thatclass?”Theydidn’t listen toher. I even talked to theprincipal,buttheyassumesinceshehasaSpanishlastnamethatshe

speaksit.Mydaughter’scryingeveryday.She’slike,“Well,theytookmetoalowerEnglishclassandIdon’tunderstandwhy.”Iseeherbringinginherhomework,andIseeher,youknow,Ihelpherout,andsheknowsmaybeliketwowordsinSpanish.

Iwastoldthatthere’sfundingavailablefortheseEnglishasaSecondLanguageclassesandiftheycandemonstrateapercentileoftheschoolisofLatinodescentthentheycanapplyforthosespecialfunds,see,tohireanotherperson.That’sfine,that’stheirpreroga-tive.Butwhyshouldtheybringmydaughter’sgradesdowntogetmoremoney.[Shepausesincontemplation.]Makeherfeelbadtogetmoremoney?Itriedtohelpherout,butshe’sstillinthatclass.Doyouknowanyonewhocanhelp?

Schools were often constructed as adversarial rather than sup-portive.Evenwhenenlistingtheassistanceofherschoolwhentryingtoadvocateforherson,Kimdiscoveredthattheremaybe“afinelinebetweenhelpingandhurting”yourchild.AfterseveralmonthsofvisitswithKimandCaiden,InoticedthatCaidenwouldsleepthedayaway,refusetogotoschool,andthathebarelyate.WhenKimwouldtravelonthebustoherchurchinaninformal(underthetable)job,Caidenwouldnotattendschoolatall.Heappearedtometobedepressed.OnedayIgotacallfromKimwhowascrying.IdroveovertoherhomeasquicklyasIcould,andinaquiveringvoicesheexplained,

Itooktodayofffromthechurchandtookthebustohisschool.ItoldtheprincipalthatCaidenrefusedtocometoschool,butitwas‘causehe’sdepressed.Hesaidhewouldhavetogotomyhouseandphysicallypickmybabyupandbringhimtoschool.Hecalledforthreesecurityofficerstomeethimatmyhouse.Theoneofficerhadtoldmethatifhegivesthemahardtime,hewouldhavetohandcuffhimtobringhimin.

Theyallwenttohisbedroomandtoldhimtogetup.Theytoldhim he had four minutes to get ready, and however he looked inthosefourminutes,that’showhewasgoingtoschool.

[Caiden]said“Ican’tgo,Istillneedahaircut.Ididn’tgetmyhaircut.”Isaid,“gelitdown,baby.Gowiththem.”

Hedidn’targue.Hejustwentwiththem.Ijustwantedtodotherightthing.Wouldn’tyou?


Allthemothersinthisstudyinvestedconsiderableenergyintheirchildren.Onaverage,whennotemployed,thesemothersspentfivetosevenhoursperdaywiththeirchildren,andevenwhendoingvolun-teerorotherwork,wouldspendasmuchtimeaspossiblewiththem,oftenjustwatchingtelevisiontogetherordoingchores.Kim(FamilyA)monitoredherchild’sactivitieslessoftenthantheothermothers,butsheadvocatedforhimaswellasshecould.InfollowingupwithCaidenafterthesecurityguardescortincident,hestartedattendingschoolagain,workedwithatutor,andslowlygainedbacksomeener-gyandinterestforschool.TheschoolcounselorworkedtogetherwithKimtogetCaidensomementalhealthcounseling.Myunderstandingisthatthiscounselingisongoing.

Summary and Conclusions

Informedbyresearchon familyprocessandsocialconstructionism,this study described and examined how four mothers living in thecontextofpovertynavigatedlowwageemploymentoutsidethehomeand parenting in the face of poverty and cumulative disadvantage.Echoingpreviousresearch,thisstudyfindsthatcontextsofpovertymay magnify vulnerabilities in mothers and impact their ability toparent effectively (Sharlin & Shamai, 2000). As this study found,environmentalrisksandalackofresourcesmayalsoservetopropelmothersintosurvivalistmothering,providingcareandadvocacy,butwithfirmcontrol.

For most of the mothers in this study, the financial and rela-tional costs of employment outside the home were constructed as“notworth”theincome.Becauseofalackoftransportation,unstableemployment opportunities, and unpredictable hours, employmentwasconstructedbymostofthesewomenastakingthemawayfromtheworkthatwasmostimportantintheirworld—HOMEwork2—theworkofparenting.Allmothersconstructedtheirmaternalroleasthesolesupporteroftheirchildren,andotherchallengesdistract-edfromthatrole.Oneofthemothers,Lisa,madewhatIbelieveisanexcellentpointwhenshesaid,

Doyouknowwhatthedifferenceisthoughbetweenmostparentsand[working]poorparents?Mostparentsworkonejobwithsteadyhoursandcanplantheirlives.It’snotuncertaineveryday;everydarn

month.Iftheirchildgetssidetrackedwhilefindinghisway,thereareusuallyothersaroundtocatchhim.Forus,weworktwotothreejobsjusttoputfoodonthetableandourchildren…well,ifour childrenlosetheirwaytheyfall.Theyjustfall.

Formostofthesemothers,theymadeaconsciouschoicetoworkin the home providing support for their children, instead of work-ingoutsidethehomeinlowwagepositions.Theconsequencesofthatchoicewerethatthesemothers learnedtoworkthesystemandrelyonthekindnessofstrangersandsocialservices.Publichousingwastheonlythingthatkeptallthesefamiliesoffthestreets,butrentwasincome-basedandsoanyextrajobsorevengiftsthreatenedlowrents,dissuadingmothersfromreportinganyextraincome.

HOMEwork,theworkofparenting,wassubstantiallyinfluencedbylivinginenvironmentsofpoverty.Maternalconstructionsofneigh-borhoodsafetyanddangershapedthemessagestheysharedwiththeirchildren, often casting themselves in the role of the protector andmonitor,keeping the family safe in theenclaveof thehousehold.Achildbeingtoldnottoanswerdoorsbecause“someonemightwanttorapeyou”mayserveapowerfulfunctioninco-constructingthehouse-holdasasanctuaryprotectingitsmembersfromadangerousexternalenvironment.Thisisnottosaythattheseconstructionswerenotwar-ranted.Theseneighborhoodsdidhavedangerouselements.Thestoriestoldtochildrenandtherulesregulatingtimeoutsidethehomeservedtoconstruct theworldoutside thehouseholdas threateningandtheworldinsideasahaven.Mostofthesemothersmadeasignificantefforttocontrolandmanageasecurehouseholdandprotecttheiradolescentfromtherisksoftheneighborhood.

Those women who were survivalist mothers exerted firm con-trolovertheiradolescents,alongwithcaringandadvocacy.Maternalcontrolservedtoprotecttheyouthfromenvironmentalrisks,suchasviolenceanddrugs,bymanagingandmonitoringwhat,when,where,andtowhomtheyouthwereexposedinthisoutsideworld.Intheserelationships,the“we”ofthefamilywasperceivedasdistinctandsep-aratefromthe“them”whoexistedoutsidethewallsofthehome.Yet,inthosetimeswhenharshrealitiesreachedintothehome,maternaladvocacyattemptedtobufferthechildfromtheserealities.

Finally,itseemsthatmother-adolescentconflictcommunicationmaybeveryconsequentialforunderstandinghowfamilyinteraction


influencesyouthoutcomes.Inthisresearch,thequantitativeanalysisfromthelargerstudy(Miller-Day&Day,2010)andthisqualitativestudy reveal that aggressionduring conflict (e.g.,hitting, slapping,swearing)alongwithlowlevelsofmaternalmonitoringwerelinkedto problem behaviors such as delinquency for male adolescents asyoungas12yearsold.Becausethisisadescriptivestudy,Icannotbecertainthatmaternalaggressionandlowlevelsofmaternalmonitor-ingarestatisticallycorrelatedwithproblembehaviorsforboys;but,thisfindingissuggestiveofapattern.Perhaps,assertive(ratherthanaggressive)andvigilantparentingmayrespectthedevelopmentalandemotionalneedsof thechildwhileprotectinghimorher fromtherisksofpoverty.

There are no easy answers. For the women and children whoparticipated in this studyandhelpedme see theworld from theirperspective,homeisapowerfulplace.AsaworkingparentIwanttostayhomewithmychildrenonmanydays,andonothersIneedtogotoworktogetawayfromthecrazinessofchildren,dogs,husband,and the chores thatbeckon.But Ibelieve that Ihave choices andthat,mostofthetime,myfamilybenefitsfrommyworkoutsidethehome.FormotherssuchasKim,Wanda,Lisa,andYolanda,how-ever,navigatingworkandparentingincontextsofpovertyismuch,muchmore complicated than for thoseofus livingwith adequatemeans. In the end, this study adds to the richwork-life literatureinourfield(e.g.,Buzzanell,2005;Medved,2007;Tracy&Rivera,2010).Althoughmuchofthework-lifeliteratureillustratesthecom-plexitiesofwork-lifeissuesformiddle-classCaucasianwomen,thisstudyextendstheconversationtoreflecttheexperiencesofworkingclass,minoritywomenandtheiradolescentchildren.

Notes

1 Burgvilleisafictionalnameusedtoprotecttheprivacyoftheparticipants.2 “HOMEwork” was the title of the ethnodrama that came out of this

research.Totheparticipants(andme)thisphraseemphasizesthatworkoccursathomeandnotjustinotherworkplaces.

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“YouR KIds oR YouR Job”36 Michelle Miller-Day

Michelle Miller-Day, Department of Communication Arts and Sciences, Pennsylvania State University. This research was supported by a grant from the William T. Grant Foundation to The Pennsylvania State University (Michelle Miller-Day, Principal Investigator). Its contents are solely the responsibility of the author and do not necessarily represent the official views of the William T. Grant Foundation. These experiences were previously represented in a live ethnodramatic performance titled “HOMEwork” in Burgville, USA. The author is indebted to the “Burgville” Housing Authority and the families who allowed me into their lives. Correspondence to: Michelle Miller-Day, Department of Communication, Pennsylvania State University, 234 Sparks Building, University Park, PA 16802, USA. E-mail: [email protected].

"Your Kids or Your Job": Navigating Low Wage Work and Parenting in Contexts of Poverty

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