Wing and a Prayer: An Ethnological and Iconographic Comparison of Animal Symbolism and Spiritual...

Giulianti/Animal Symbolism

Wing and a Prayer:

An Ethnological and Iconographic Comparison

of Animal Symbolism and Spiritual Belief

in Pre-Columbian South and Mesoamerica

Stacey A. Giulianti

Burlington College

Animal Symbolism / Giulianti 2

Introduction: The Pre-Columbian World of Symbols

and Sacraments

"On top of this there was a column like those of Castile,

surmounted by an animal resembling a lion, also made of marble.

It had a hole in its head in which they put perfume, and its

tongue was stretched out of its mouth. Near it there was a stone

vase containing blood..."

-- Juan Diaz, Chaplain of the Expedition of Juan

de Grijalva, approaching the Island of Sacrifices

near Veracruz, Mexico, in 1518. (Nuttall, citing

Juan Diaz, p.257, 1910)

The Pre-Columbian world was filled with gods and

supernatural powers that influenced the lives of mortals from

cradle to grave -- and beyond. As creators of the 'natural

world' -- the plants and animals upon which such people relied

for survival -- the gods often had animal forms or familiars to

represent them in man's earthly court. The power of the gods'

animalistic strength, as carved into stone by Pre-Columbian

artisans, was obvious even to the arriving conquistadors as Juan

Diaz expressed above. The native cultures "sought their

ancestors and origins in the close relationships between humans

and animals." (Legast, p.122, 1998) Man lived closer to the


environment in Pre-Columbian times than in much of our modern

world. The ancient people's "dependency on the environment gave

rise to a sense of awe and respect for the entire universe."

(Peterson and Green, p.10, 1991)

Certainly, it cannot be said that all Pre-Columbian peoples

held the same views of the world and their place within it.

There was, however, a "share[d] constellation of beliefs and

practices" in Mesoamerica, and another group orientation within

northern South America. (Miller, p.9, 1997) Each culture

contained its own specific worldview -- tangents of a related

theme -- which it represented through various signs and symbols.

"A symbol system orients a society to a particular conception of

its phenomenological universe." (Saunders, p.13, 1998) As pre-

industrial civilizations, these communities utilized those

images which appeared daily before their own eyes: wild

creatures. For some cultures, however, the symbolism was based

not on elements of the natural world from their own vicinity,

but of far-off lands. Aztec royal headdresses often contained

the beautiful and colorful quetzal feathers, yet "no quetzal

ever flew near the cool and high capital of the Aztecs at

Tenochtitlan[.]" (Miller, p.11, 1997)

More than mere natural representations for illustrative

purposes, myriad plants and animals furnished direct evidence of

a world-behind-the-world; a land of deities and spirits, of


ghosts and ancestors. "The animal kingdom furnishes a vast

majority of the motives, and every department is represented,

mammals, birds, fishes, reptiles, insects and mollusks."

(Holmes, p.301, 1897) It is important to understand, however,

that such animals are used to represent ideas, not necessarily

their actuality. "Animals are thus concepts, not natural

kinds." (Saunders, p.13, citing Douglas, 1998) The use of

animal iconography to represent specific people or professions

refers to "a cluster of human attributes ascribed to the

'constructed animal.'" (Saunders, p.25, 1998) Depending upon

the specific culture or time period, such constructions were

used either independently or joined together. Animal symbols

were not always displayed singly, but joined with other natural

figures, including both men and animals. As an example, "[t]he

reptilian motive is also, at times, combined with other

concepts, as the bird and the man, indicating complexity of

symbolism." (Holmes, p.310, 1897) Additionally, the duality of

nature was inherent even in animal symbolism; the Aztec military

divisions of the Jaguar and Eagle Warriors were considered

complementary opposites -- jaguars protecting the night, eagles

guarding the day. (Miller, p.183, 1997) Animals took on "both

creative and destructive meanings." (Peterson and Green, p.108,

1991) Due to such intricacy, researchers are forced to combine

archaeological, anthropological, zoological, and other


disciplines in order to link specific symbols to particular

concepts.

Animal images were pushed even further in South America,

and were used to illustrate the concept of "the

interconnectedness of all forms of life." Universal energy

could be found in every type of natural feature, from mountains

and rivers to humans and animals. (Moraga, pp.6-7, 2005)

Mesoamericans, similiarly, believed that "all phenomena were

animated by a life force[.]" (Peterson and Green, p.10, 1991)

The largest animal representations are "etched directly into the

sandy floor" of the earth at Nasca, Peru -- visible in their

entirety only from the sky above. (Moraga, pp.6-7, 2005) This

should come as no surprise, based on the sheer volume of species

in the Amazon basin and tropical Andes, which "account ... for

more than 20 percent of the world's birds and 10 percent of its

mammals and reptiles." (Moraga, p.8, 2005)

Symbols can be found in both paintings and drawings, as

well as in sculpture and modeled clay. Each mode of artistic

production possesses its own unique ability to express the

culture's iconography, and translating such meaning can be a

difficult affair. "Symbolism is not necessarily lost as the

change from picture to formal device takes place, but when

employed in non-symbolic associations confusion of symbols

necessarily results[.]" (Holmes, p.318, 1897)


Rationale for the use of symbolism in artistic production

and religious life has been linked to a preference for order and

predictability in the world. "Man's suspicion of prevailing

moral incoherence is allayed when symbols are employed in

rituals." (Myerhoff, p.231, 1974) Moreover, symbolism permits a

conceptual theory to be 'seen' and 'heard,' rather than merely

referenced abstractly. "[S]ymbols are conceptions made concrete

and tangible, often (but not always) in the form of an object" -

- and frequently as a living entity. Such symbols permitted

Pre-Columbian societies to physically see and experience the

concept, "rather than contemplate[]" the idea. (Myerhoff, p.237,

1974) Modern researchers are cognizant of the fact that the

"meanings attached to icons or symbols may change over time."

(Saunders, p.5, 1998)

It is important, however, to distinguish a symbol from an

"index." Symbols are "based on arbitrary or conventional

connections between words and what they represent." A weapon

might symbolize a warrior. Ultimately, such a symbolic

attachment is arbitrary, although certainly logical. With an

"index," the meaning is "implicit or inherent in the thing

itself." A horn, claw, or antler is a physical part of the

actual animal. When analyzing animal symbolism in Pre-Columbian

contexts, this difference can be crucial in order to have a full

understanding. With an index, the meaning is "embedded in


nature itself instead of constructed by a specific culture."

(Fikes, pp.151-152, 2011)

Shamans were closely related to animals throughout much of

Pre-Columbian history. Both secular and spiritual leaders

literally took on non-human form by wearing animal skins or

likenesses, including "fox skins, jaguar pelts, plumed

headdresses, bird-shaped diadems and whiskered masks[.]"

(Moraga, p.7, 2005) Many engaged in 'shamanic flight,' defined

as "a disassociation during which the 'spirit' of the shaman is

separated from his body and penetrates other dimensions of the

cosmos ... in an action that symbolizes death followed by

rebirth in a state of knowledge." (Cooke, citing Reichel-

Dolmatoff, p.100, 1998) Such actions were made possible, in

part, through the use of hallucinogens, many of which "derive

from fish, amphibians and reptiles." (Moraga, p.10, 2005) The

utilization by the shaman, during such mental states, of "animal

traits" permitted them to "traverse the Otherworld without

harm." (Moraga, p.9, 2005) Animal imagery was prevalent

throughout each and every stage of shamanic spiritual travel,

whether such creatures acted as familiars, guards, or joined the

shaman's very soul. "Shamanism, the world's oldest and most

elemental form of religion, has as its core a need to mediate

the unseen forces of nature so as to ensure stability in the

world." Nature's most enduring feature -- the power and cunning


of animals -- represents the power of the shaman to "command the

unknown forces of nature." (Cordy-Collins, p.167, 1998) Pre-

Columbian Americans felt that there existed a "fluid

relationship between man and animal[,]" and nowhere was this

more evident than in shamanic spiritual movement. (Moraga, p.9,

2005)

Apart from its connection to spiritual leaders, animal

symbolism was used by Pre-Columbian peoples to "illuminate human

mores and activities." (Moraga, p.9, 2005) In cultures

typically without courts or jails, symbolic tales explained

proper ethical constraints and group social expectations.

Animals were often employed for such methods. Regardless of the

particular end being sought by the relevant culture, animals

have found their likenesses in stone, clay, metal, paper, and

indeed the very earth itself.

The Serpent Symbol in Pre-Columbian America

In Pre-Columbian America, "serpents ... are symbols of the

earth's regenerative powers." Shedding their skins on a regular

basis was "a powerful symbol of transformation." (Peterson and

Green, p.34, 1991) The snake is part of the very symbolism of

Mexico itself – refer to the country’s flag -- in which the

Aztec legions moved through the region "impelled by the legend

which was to bring [them] to the place where the eagle would


devour the snake." (Sherwell, p.69, 1922)

In certain parts of early Mexico, "the central idea

involved is the death symbol or concept, embodied in or

associated with a reptilian form[.]" (Holmes, p.313, 1897) As

snakes can kill with bite, poison, or strangulation, they are

often connected with "evil or danger." (Peterson and Green,

p.36, 1991) Human heads, hearts, and severed hands form the

necklace of Coatlicue -- "She of the Serpent Skirt."

Rattlesnakes act as her clothing. Her head is non-existent,

instead replaced by two huge coral snakes -- a symbol of "blood

gushing" from an open neck. (Miller, p.64, 1997) "[S]erpent and

blood images are all but synonymous[.]" (Stuart, p.206, 1988)

The serpent yet again represents death, blood, and sacrifice.

In addition to mere death, the iconography of serpent-as-blood

represented the importance of "bloodline and ancestry." (Stuart,

p.221, 1988) Elites were placed on the globe, by the gods, to

administer the earthly realm; in their veins ran the life-force

necessary to sustain the cosmos. Yet the snake further

represented "rebirth," based on its ability to shed its old skin

and grow anew. (Miller, p.149, 1997) Its blood was a "metaphor

for rain," giving sustenance to the native peoples. (Peterson

and Green, p.34, 1991)

During the later portions of the Pre-Columbian period in

Central Mexico, important buildings contained a "wall of


serpents" which announced to all that the area within was

"sacred[.]" The figures spiritually protected the temple and

its occupants, and some depictions show human skeletons being

consumed by rattlesnakes. (Miller, pp.63-64, 1997) In the

Andean world, snake carvings are often found "encircling and

guarding a ritual or sacred enclosure[.]" (Moraga, p,92, 2005)

Quetzalcoatl, a feather-covered snake-deity, was "a deified

culture hero, a divine priest-shaman and a shaman-healer." Many

of his symbolic attributes cross cultural lines within

Mesoamerica; he is depicted as "bearded, with a long square-

ended nose and a pointed bucal mask with a prominently curved

canine. The profile of the face has a curved, vertical stripe

of facial paint behind the eye, and he wears a jaguar helmet."

(Ursid, p.133, 2014) His name, which literally means "bird-

snake," refers to the "opposition of air and earth," which was a

prime spiritual concern in Mesoamerica. (Miller, p.11, 1997)

Like a snake, his exploits included traveling underground -- to

the Underworld itself -- where he "stole the bones out of which

people were created[.]" (Miller, p.30, 1997) The Mayans

believed in the duality of the serpent, and that it was

"simultaneously amphibious and celestial." (Hellmuth, p.171,

1988) Taking the best of creatures from two worlds, this deity

"paired metaphors for the eternal cycle of the hot dry season

and the lush, rainy season." (Peterson and Green, p.36, 1991)


The spiritual snake was no earth-bound creature, but able to

slither through the ground, water, and sky. In Mayan, the word

for "snake and sky are identical." (Miller, p.141, 1997;

actually the words are homophones, see Miller, p.150, 1997) The

relationship between the serpent, moving through its habitat,

and the cloud-filled skies moving across the horizon was evident

to the people of Mesoamerica. Many cultures believed that the

celestial snake was "the vehicle for the movement of the sun[.]"

(Miller, p.151, 1997) In one manifestation, the Feathered

Serpent is considered the God of the Winds, and snakes his way

through the forests and villages wearing a "mask resembling a

duck beak" and sporting a conch shell pectoral -- well known for

producing the sound of wind when placed against the ear.

(Miller, p.186, 1997) Such a "fusion" of a land-based predator

and a bird of prey "combined the forces of sky and earth into

one powerful supernatural." (Peterson and Green, p.34, 1991)

Its primary namesake, the quetzal bird, lived only in the high

altitude rain forests yet was revered as a bird of beauty and

prestige throughout much of the Pre-Columbian world. Royal

feather collectors were prohibited from killing the birds;

instead, they "stunned them with a blowgun, removed the

feathers, and set them free." (Miller, pp.140-141, 1997)

Serpents have long symbolized storms and natural "forms of

light." (Moraga, p.94, 2005) Chac, a Mayan rain deity most


notably connected with water organisms, is often depicted with a

staff in the form of a snake -- "a widespread metaphor for

lightning in Mesoamerica[.]" (Miller, p.59, 1997; see also

Peterson and Green, p.36, 1991) Similarly, for the people of

the Andes, snakes represented "thunderbolts and lightning."

(Moraga, p.94, 2005)

Throughout much of the Americas, the snake carried

"shamanistic and cosmological implications[.]" The ability to

shed skin appeared like immortality, to "slough off their horny

skins" and to "emerge reborn[.]" (Moraga, p.93, 2005) For the

Pre-Columbian religious specialist, the rising smoke from a fire

-- burning the bits of blood-stained papers tossed in --

appeared like a serpent, twisting and rising into the sky.

(Miller, p.150, 1997) Such blood was often taken from the

practitioner's tongue or penis. (Miller, p.181, 1997) By

appearing as smoke, this "vision serpent" brought "ancestors or

deities" into view for the population, especially for the shaman

or priest. (Miller, p.150, 1997) In South America, the serpent

had the ability to move, like a shaman in a trance, "between the

levels of the universe or arch rainbowlike across the heavens."

(Moraga, p.9. 2005) In a more direct symbolic connection, the

Andean boa constrictor was long considered the "mother and

guardian spirit" of the hallucinogenic ayahuasca vine. (Moraga,

pp.93-94, 2005)


Under the Sea: Amphibians and Water Creatures in

Pre-Columbian Iconography

Throughout much of the ancient Americas, the ability of a

tadpole to change into a frog, and for amphibious creatures to

live among the waters as well as the land, "captivated" the

inhabitants. (Moraga, p.109, 2005) Large water-based predators,

skillful at hunting and dispatching prey, were respected and

feared throughout the Americas. Each oceanic or riverine

creature possessed symbolic meaning for these cultures.

Reptiles, which typically inhabited both land and water

domains, were thought to live "in two cosmic zones by swimming

underwater and moving onto land with equal dexterity." (Peterson

and Green, p.16, 1991) So respected was the caiman -- a

crocodilian cousin -- that it symbolized the very earth itself.

"[A]mong the Ancient Maya, the earth was thought of ... as a

great caiman, or as the rounded circular back of a great

tortoise." (Miller, p.31, 1997) As Pre-Columbian peoples noted,

the back or "shell of a crocodile or turtle resembles an

island." They saw it as a "graphic metaphor for the earth's

surface." (Peterson and Green, p.42, 1991) Some cultures

connected the caiman to the trunk of the World Tree or the "axis

mundi" of the Pre-Columbian cosmos. The caiman's backside

appears "spiny," and is green in color, much like the

Mesoamerican ceiba tree. (Miller, p.48, 1997) In Izapa (modern-


day Chiapas), the Maya painted a ceiba tree growing out of the

back of a caiman. (Miller, p.57, 1997) The caiman's back thus

resembled the "thorny trunk of the Tree of Life[.]" (Moraga,

p.100, 2005) As denizens of moist "swamps and rivers," the

crocodile and caiman were "natural metaphor[s] for fertility."

Mesoamerican calendar systems included parts of crocodilian

forms for signs representing "water and abundance." (Peterson

and Green, p.42, 1991) Rulers of the Peten Maya of the early

Classic Period were protected by crocodiles -- "a central

feature in official state religion." (Hellmuth, p.171, 1988)

The Maya further associated rain, and rain gods, with water

creatures. Chac, the pre-eminent Mayan rain and storm god, is

often shown with a "reptilian snout and body scales." In

Classic period representations, Chac's mustache resembles

catfish whiskers. (Miller, p.59, 1997) At the Aztec's Templo

Mayor, the sea-rain connection ran even stronger; the Tlaloc

(Aztec's version of Chac) portion "contained sea shells, coral,

and even marine fish." (Miller, p.148, 1997)

The giant toad, a hungry amphibian native to Mesoamerica,

stalks its prey on both land and water. To the Pre-Columbian

people, it represented a human element as -- like us -- they

"possess 20 digits." Stone monuments have been discovered

showing rulers being born from the mouths of these toads. To

the Classic Maya, toads were connected symbolically with


jaguars, since toads are "considered great predators in their

diminutive world." (Miller, p.168, 1997) The Toad Monster,

known to the Aztecs as Tlatecuhtli ("Earth-Lord"), used its huge

maw to "swallow the sun at dusk[.]" (Peterson and Green, p.46,

1991)

Like jaguars, toads were linked to shamanistic trances and

spiritual travel -- although even more directly. The giant toad

"produces a powerful hallucinogen" via skin glands, and artistic

representations show the chemical floating off the toad's back.

(Miller, p.168, 1997) In parts of Pre-Columbian America, the

substance was "essential to the shaman's art and practice."

(Moraga, p.110, 2005) Evil sorcerers used the toad's poison in

large quantities to "kill people." (Moraga, p.110, 2005)

Researchers have found evidence that the Olmecs of Mexico

actually "farmed" this animal-based narcotic. (Peterson and

Green, p.46, 1991) Within the Andean world, toads and frogs

symbolized the "dangerous fluid that can transport takers to

another dimension." Such creatures were shamanistic symbols,

representing "supernatural experiences." Andean farmers were

aware of the frogs' ability to predict future weather, based on

the "loudness and fervency" of their "croaks and trills[.]"

(Moraga, p.109, 2005) Moreover, the frogs' change from "egg to

fish to four-legged" creature is a "dramatic metamorphosis" --

much like shamanic transformation. (Peterson and Green, p.46,


1991)

The shark, a powerful, ocean-faring predator, was held in

high esteem by the coastal peoples of Pre-Columbian South

America. The creature was linked to shamanism, where

practitioners were believed to morph into shark form, with

"extended jaws and serrated teeth." The shaman then obtains the

power to swim through the celestial sea, where he "defies

gravity." In such form, the shaman takes on the role of the

shark as the "Master or Mistress of Fish." Myriad textiles have

been found containing images of shark-men in various stages of

metamorphosis. (Moraga, p.75, 2005) In Mesoamerica, the Bull

shark was considered a "demon," as it often swam up rivers to

interior lakes where it attacked humans. Its thirst for blood,

while symbolic of death, doubly represented the "life-affirming"

value of blood (Peterson and Green, p.78, 1991), both within the

human body and as a sacrificial element to the gods.

Similarly, the Orca, or killer whale -- with its "stark

juxtapositions of dark and light" exterior -- symbolized

important dual elements to the Pacific coastal inhabitants.

Light and dark, night and day, male and female -- each contrast

represented the two sides of life found in this "visual

metaphor." Further, its sword-like dorsal fin symbolized the

hunter's or warrior's bladed weapon, moving in the shadowy seas

like a "quasi-human" in a "quest for ritual blood." (Moraga,


p.77, 2005) Orcas were powerful "reapers of blood" and skillful

"takers of life." Religiously, the killer whale's power was

connected to the shaman's spiritual strength. Within the Pre-

Incan empires of the Nasca and Paracas, the killer whale

"symbolize[d] the realm of death that shamans must enter if they

are to gain spiritual power." A shaman is metaphorically

swallowed by the whale and assumes animal form as he enters the

cosmic realm of spirits and ancestors. (Moraga, p.78, 2005)

Into the Great Yonder: The Symbolism of Flight

The ability to fly -- a skill which eluded man until

recently -- was considered to be an act intimately linked with

the world above; the residence of many gods. For that reason,

birds were originally believed to be "messengers between humans

and the divine." (Miller, p.128, 1997) In South America, birds

were "celestial companions and winged attendants." Scholars

link such "primordial fascination to the mystery of flight."

(Moraga, p.9, 2005) As typical of many other creatures, shamans

had the ability to tap into animal powers, with the bird an

especially common manifestation. In the Andes, "shamans

transform[ed] into birds[.]" By use of "hallucinogenic brews,"

the shaman "sprouted wings ... tail feathers ... [and] sharp

eyes to see beyond the visible." "Iridescent feathers," often

attached to clothing, headdresses or other regalia, symbolized


"vitalizing solar light and fire." (Moraga, p.115, 2005) In

Pre-Columbian Mesoamerica, each of the thirteen levels of heaven

had a bird associated with it. (Peterson and Green, p.18, 1991)

Eagles were of such importance to the Aztecs that the

container for sacrificial human hearts was known as an "eagle

gourd" (cuauhxicalli). Eagle feathers were typically attached

to this natural or stone bowl. (Miller, p.71, 1997) Human

hearts, ripped out of the chest of a victim and offered to the

gods, were known as "Eagle cactus fruit." Aztecs referred to

the rising sun as "ascending eagle" and the setting sun as

"descending eagle." Harpy Eagles, which swoop down on

unsuspecting monkeys and tear them apart with their talons, lend

their name to the fierce Aztec warrior division -- the Eagle

Warriors. (Miller, pp.82-83, 1997) The eagle further connected

the Aztec nobility to the sun, thus directly "relating the king

to the solar divinity." (Peterson and Green, p.10, 1991) In the

Andes, eagle feathers symbolized "prestige, regality, [and]

authority." (Moraga, p.115, 2005)

Celestial and heavenly symbolism are natural connections

for such high-flying, strong birds of prey. Large eagles,

soaring high above the clouds, were considered by Andean peoples

as "the companion and messenger of Thunder[.]" (Moraga, p.117,

2005) Based on their ability to fly high, locate prey, and then

dive quickly for the catch, birds of prey in Mesoamerica were


"thought best suited to communicate with the celestial gods."

(Peterson and Green, p.18, 1991) As shamanistic helpers, eagles

"escort shamans to the upper levels of the cosmos." (Moraga,

p.117, 2005) In the Wari culture (Huari, 500CE-1000CE), eagles

are shown in textiles with sprouting seeds from the Vilca tree,

which contain hallucinogenic properties and were used by shamans

to enter into trance-like states. Today, scientists have found

that the substance produces "a strong sensation of flying" --

perfectly symbolic of the eagle holding it within its beak.

(Moraga, p.119, 2005) Similarly, the falcon is shown "perched

on the vision-inducing San Pedro cactus." In many Pre-Columbian

Andean representations, the bird's bones are visible, which

"symbolize the trials of death and rebirth that shamans endure

in their quest for spiritual transcendence." (Moraga, p.121,

2005) Like shamans, these birds possessed "mystical powers to

'see and hear everything.'" (Peterson and Green, citing

Lumholtz, p.18, 1991).

Even the tiny hummingbird was revered by Pre-Columbian

cultures, and symbolized the top deity of the Aztec pantheon:

Huitzilopochtli. This feared warrior god's name meant

"hummingbird of the left/south," and he wore a headdress of

hummingbird feathers. (Miller, p.92, 1997) This diminutive

animal was "known to attack creatures many times its size" and

was thus linked to bravery. This avian was so important


symbolically that soldiers who died in combat turned into

hummingbirds and helped the sun on its journey across the sky.

The Maya and Aztecs were fascinated with its ability to suck the

nectar from flowers with its "needle-like beak." Such an action

appeared like a needle removing blood, and the hummingbird was

associated directly with "blood and war." Bloodletting

"perforators" were commonly rendered in the shape of a

hummingbird. (Miller, p.98, 1997) Similarly, the Andean peoples

respected the hummingbird's "lance-like bill" as a "weapon," and

its strong predilection for defending its home turf. Such

displays symbolized "speed, ferocity, [and] tenacity" which many

pre-Incan cultures linked to their warriors. (Moraga, pp.131-

132, 2005) Based on the hummingbird's ability to suspend itself

mid-air -- "hovering" -- Mesoamericans found it "a perfect solar

metaphor." Mayans regarded the long, probing snout of the bird

as a "sexual connotation[.]" (Peterson and Green, p.20, 1991)

Further, its natural job as a pollinator "endowed it with

fertility symbolism." (Peterson and Green, p.22, 1991)

As a shamanistic symbol, the hummingbird connected the

human practitioner to the multi-level cosmos. Able to change

direction quickly -- flying in all "dimensions" quite easily --

it "mediate[d] between the skyworld and the world below."

Moreover, their use of mouth appendages to enter a flower and

remove the nectar was an "analogy for the way [the shaman]


extracts the deadly but invisible 'spirit darts' from the sick

and wounded." In the art of the Chavin culture (900BCE-200CE),

hummingbirds are depicted flying above hallucinogenic plants

including the vilca tree and the San Pedro cactus. (Moraga,

p.132, 2005)

The bat, a mammal with the ability to fly, figured

prominently as a sinister form in the Pre-Columbian world. "As

a nocturnal creature, the bat is commonly identified with the

forces of death and darkness in Mesoamerican thought." Classic

Mayan artifacts often show bats with "crossed bones." Later

civilizations depict bats carrying "severed human head[s]" --

yet another image of "death and sacrifice." (Miller, p.44, 1997;

Peterson and Green, p.10, 1991) The Popol Vuh contains a scene

in which the "death bat" flies down and decapitates one of the

protagonists. (Miller, p.44, 1997) Bats live in caves where

"the blackness and putrefying odor ... made it a fitting

underworld metaphor." Mesoamericans believed in the bats'

supreme "potency," in that they appear to fly into caverns solo

but "emerge in large swarms." (Peterson and Green, p.91, 1991)

Owls, especially the screech owl, appear in Mayan drawings

and on pottery vessels. They are commonly associated with

"rain, maize and the underworld," (Miller, p.121, 1997) as many

species live within "caves and underground burrows." Artifacts

of the Teotihuacan period show owls perching atop mirrors --


another symbol of "supernatural caves[.]" Hunting at night --

during the darkest part of the earth's rotational journey --

linked owls to "the dark and deathly Underworld." The Nahua

Lord of Death, Mictlantecuhtli, "wears an owl-feather crest."

(Miller, p.128, 1997) Mesoamerican cultures were known to bury

their dead with representations of owls. (Peterson and Green,

p.91, 1991) Should an owl perch on an Aztec residence, and make

its infamous nighttime call, it was believed that "someone in

that house would soon die." (Peterson and Green, citing

Motolinia, p.90, 1991) Evil Aztec shamanistic practitioners --

better known as "sorcerers" -- were referred to as "human owls"

as they turned into such a bird prior to using "black magic."

(Peterson and Green, p.90, 1991) Hunting at night and emitting

"eerie screeching sounds" made the owl a clear representation of

the afterlife in the Andes. (Moraga, p.125, 2005) On the

opposite end of the spectrum, associations in parts of coastal

eastern Mexico linked the owl to "clouds, rain, and mist" -- and

often in the company of Chac, the Mayan storm god. The owl was

believed to bring rain, helping the crops grow; it was drawn

with "maize foliage upon its head." (Miller, p.121, 1997) As

with many iconographic elements in the Pre-Columbian Americas,

the owl represented a duality of opposing forces -- "fertility

and death." Even in the Popol Vuh, owls -- residents of Death -

- helped the wife of one of the Hero Twins escape from the


Underworld and travel back to the land of the living. (Miller,

p.128, 1997)

Parrots -- colorful inhabitants of Mesoamerican tree tops -

- were prized for their "multi-hued plumage" and traded in areas

remote from their tropical breeding grounds. Associated with

fire, parrots (as well as the larger macaws) were shown "holding

flaming torches." The Mayan pantheon contained a deity named

the "Sun-Faded Fire Macaw" that was thought to fly down from the

heavens at noon and "consume sacrificial offerings." (Miller,

p.132, 1997) In South American mythology, parrots assisted

humankind by "stealing fire" from the heavens. (Moraga, p.135,

2005) The reds, oranges, and yellows of the actual animal are

mirrored by the rays of the sun.

An amorphous bird-god "based on the king vulture," the

Principal Bird Deity was revered and feared beginning in the

early proto-Mayan period. Before the emergence of man -- even

before the creation of the earth -- the Principal Bird Deity

makes himself into "a false sun," whereby the Hero Twins knock

him out of the sky with blowguns. Thereafter, the world is

ready for the coming of the "true sun" and ultimately mankind.

Early rulers of Mayan polities "adopted the Principal Bird as an

important symbol of power[,]" although later kings failed to do

so. (Miller, p.137, 1997) The vulture -- similar to the condor

of South America -- became the early symbol for "lord" in Mayan


writings. In most Pre-Columbian regions, it is one of the

largest and most powerful avians. (Miller, p.182, 1997) Unlike

other predatory birds, the condor does not kill; it merely

scavenges. For that reason, those societies depicted the condor

"gorging on severed human heads and dismembered bodies[.]" The

symbolism thus connected condors, as pickers of dead organisms,

with the "physical and spiritual change that occurs with death."

(Moraga, p.122, 2005) Mayan histories tell of a colorful

vulture, a "vain" animal that spent too much time enamored with

its own good looks. As punishment, the gods flung the vulture

into the sun where it was "singed coal black." Thereafter, the

gods permitted it to eat only "carrion or dead animals."

(Peterson and Green, p.20, 1991) For that reason, the ancient

Oaxacans believed the vulture (and condor) represented "human

sacrifice." (Peterson and Green, p.20, 1991)

Small Size, Large Meaning: Insect Symbolism in the

Americas

Though often small, insects played a key symbolic role in

Pre-Columbian art and religion. Size did not always connote

power or importance; tiny creatures often represented universal

and wide-ranging concepts. For instance, cultures of the

Central Valley of Mexico depicted butterflies in various art

forms. Often mixed with jaguars, they possessed fang-filled


mouths. Such imagery spread to the "Classic period Zapotecs and

Maya, frequently in the contexts of war." Later civilizations

used the butterfly as a symbol for "both fire and the souls of

dead warriors" -- additional indication of the insect's

relationship to war. (Miller, p.48, 1997) Butterflies with

weapons and shields have been found on tomb walls in the

Yucatan. (Miller, p.49, 1997) Itzpapalotl, which translates to

either "obsidian butterfly" or "clawed butterfly," was a

nightmarish goddess outfitted with "jaguar talons" and "knife-

tipped wings." (Miller, p.100, 1997) The Aztecs believed she

had several key aspects, including being one of the cihuateteo,

the "demonic women who died in childbirth" and stalked the dark

roadways of the capital. Secondly, she was "one of the

tzitzimime, star demons that threatened to devour people during

solar eclipses." (Miller, p.100, 1997) To the Pre-Columbian

mind, butterflies were not necessarily symbols of delicate,

fluttering creatures, but instead blood-starved night-wings

ready to attack.

In Pre-Columbian South America, butterflies are rarely

depicted artistically. Strange, in that the Andes region has

"the richest concentration and diversity of butterflies in the

world." Scholars believe that the paucity of representations is

due to the belief in such cultures that the butterfly was

"unlucky," as reported by post-Incan nobleman Guaman Poma in


1613. (Moraga, citing, Guaman Poma, p.153, 2005) In several

Incan representations, though, butterfly-like appendages are

"draped over [noblewomen's] backs like wings." This has been

linked symbolically to the Andean belief that "[t]he ethereal

beauty of the insect's wings evokes a feminine ideal." (Moraga,

p.154, 2005)

Spiders in Pre-Columbian Mesoamerica were typically

associated with female deities. In Teotihuacan, the earth

goddess was connected to spider iconography. The elderly Mayan

moon goddess, Ixchel, was "identified with the spider."

Adherents prayed to her using "divination stones," which they

referred to as "spiders." (Miller, p.156, 1997) Typical

symbolism of the spider related to the woman's role in sewing

and weaving textiles, like a spider weaves its web. (Moraga,

p.154, 2005) In parts of the Incan empire, the practice of

"spider divination" was common; oracles flung large spiders onto

pieces of cloth, and examined the spider's "position" afterward

to foretell events. (Moraga, p.158, 2005)

Mammals: Keepers of the Earth

Pre-Columbian South and Mesoamerica were -- and continue to

be -- home for myriad species of mammals that reside in the

forests, tree canopies, underground, and in open fields.

Virtually every animal had symbolic meaning for these cultures,


often sharing iconographic attributes with other animals and

even humans.

The deer -- artistically represented in numerous Pre-

Columbian cultures -- often symbolizes man's desire to roam and

control his territory. "It is this past of freedom, autonomy,

potence, masculine domination and dignity ... which the deer

represents[.]" (Myerhoff, p.225, 1974) A deer is a physical,

living representation of "hunting, masculinity, independence,

adventure, and freedom" (Myerhoff, pp.227-228, 1974) and often

represents "gods of the hunt." (Miller, p.75, 1997) In Mexico,

the deer represented "the hunter and warrior." (Peterson and

Green, p.10, 1991) Captured enemies were "bound hand and foot

like captured deer." (Peterson and Green, p.22, 1991) In Peru

and Ecuador, the deer was the property -- and a pet -- of the

mountain deities. (Moraga, p.10, 2005) In addition, the deer's

antlers are shed and re-grown yearly, tracking the "rainy and

dry seasons" of Mesoamerica. Symbolically, such shedding and

re-growth represent the "regenerat[tion] of life" (Fikes, p.144,

2011)

Antlers, as a direct representation -- an "index" of the

organism -- may have multiple levels of meaning. First, an

antler might represent "the particular deer that was killed by

the hunters." Its soul lives on and is manifest in the antlers.

Second, an antler might represent the deer gods, or a hunting


deity. Third, antlers -- shed and re-grown as noted previously

-- may represent the natural world and the change of seasons

necessary to sustain life. (Fikes, p.152, 2011)

The white-tailed deer, one of the largest land mammals in

Mexico and Central America, served as both a source of food as

well as spiritual inspiration. Due to its physical strength and

mating habits, myriad societies linked the deer to procreation.

"[A]mong the Maya, the stag was identified with sexuality." The

deer is depicted in numerous scenes as the rescuer of the moon

goddess, where she lovingly holds the deer as he carries her

away from her pursuers. (Miller, p.75, 1997) To the Mopan Maya

of Belize and Guatemala, sexual symbolism is directly imaged, as

the "hoof prints of the deer make vulva-like tracks." (Peterson

and Green, p.22, 1991) In other contexts, the hunted deer is

associated with sacrificial victims, especially those that are

killed by arrows while tied to a "scaffold." Some

representations show the victim with a "deer headdress." The

"executioners were identified in writings as deer-slayers[.]"

The blood of the victim, shot with arrows, flows to the earth

like rain to nourish and sustain life. (Miller, pp.333-334,

1988) Spanish colonials wrote of the powerful, antler-clad deer

as a symbolic predator; in a past world, deer hunted and ate

humans. (Moraga, p.65, 2005)

The shaman was long associated with deer, especially within


the pre-Incan empires. Archaeologists studied the Paracas

culture (300BCE-100CE) and found deer pelts in "the burials of

shamans[.]" Deer were associated in the Mocha culture with the

acacia tree which "bears seeds that were consumed in

hallucinogenic rites." (Moraga, p.67, 2005) Deer, able to

travel swiftly and quietly, were perfect symbolic companions of

the shaman.

While domesticated dogs are commonly represented in West

Mexican artifacts, scant evidence links such depictions to

precise spiritual beliefs. Dogs in that region were principally

raised as food, and breeders typically "castrated and force-fed"

the animals. Many "naturalistic representations" were created

by artisans, although a small number appear to be wearing masks.

Archaeological sites have included dogs buried with the elite,

indicating that such animals may have acted as "guides" on the

journey to the afterlife. Writings of several Central and Gulf

Coast cultures support such conclusions. (Miller, p.80, 1997)

Artistic representation of such underworld guard dogs depicted

them with rib cages showing through taut, corpse-like skin.

(Peterson and Green, p.66, 1991) Conquistadors reported that

dogs were sacrificed when their masters passed away, in order to

"carry his soul across a sinister river in the journey to the

Land of the Dead." (Coe, p.230, 1988) Many tombs reveal the

inclusion ceramic dogs, which researchers believe were placed


there similarly as "guides for the dead spirit." (Miller, p.178,

1997) Aztecs believed that the Lord of the Underworld,

Mictlantecuhtli, was "the patron of the day Itzcuintl, or dog."

(Miller, p.113, 1988) The marketplace in Tlatelolco, part of

the Aztec empire, was reported by Diego Duran in the 1500's to

have had "hundreds of dogs of all sizes that were up for

sale[.]" (Peterson and Green, citing Duran, p.66, 1991) Other

"colonial reports" state that dogs were used as sacrificial

offerings "long after human sacrifice was outlawed."

Ultimately, dogs in many Pre-Columbian societies acted as

"guardian[s] of the hearth and the dead[.]" (Peterson and Green,

p.66, 1991)

Monkeys were common residents of the lowland areas of

Mexico and Central America, including spider, howler, and

capuchin species. Children born on any day with "monkey" in the

date, ozomatli, were believed to become "lucky and happy

persons." Traveling merchants, known as pochteca, carried a

"monkey's hand [as a] talisman of good luck." (Miller, pp.117-

118, 1988)

The Mayan mythos used monkeys as proto-humans in an earlier

incarnation of the earth that was ultimately wiped clean by the

gods. (Peterson and Green, p.52, 1991) To them, the monkey was

considered a symbol of "licentiousness and sexual abandon." The

original brothers of the Hero Twins were turned into monkeys


after climbing a tree and found themselves unable to return to

the ground; they later became the creative gods of "art,

writing, and calculating." (Miller, pp.117-118, 1988) Scholars

link the symbolism of creativity to their "entertaining traits."

Monkeys seem to fly through the trees like trapeze artists,

produce varied sounds, and appear to have the manual "dexterity"

of an artist. (Peterson and Green, p.52, 1991) In ancient South

America, monkeys were often kept as pets and used in rituals.

Of primary importance was the monkey's ability to 'predict' the

rain. Howler monkeys - which make loud noises from the trees --

are most active just "before the onset of rain." To Pre-

Columbian South Americans, rains were a key "concern for Andean

societies." Monkeys, therefore, were respected for this

"magical ability." For shamans, this 'magic' provided a part of

their own power arsenal. Like hairy monkeys, Inca shamans "wore

their own hair long and unkempt." Even today, modern shamans of

the South American rain forests must be extremely hairy;

"hairiness is a requisite attribute[.]" (Moraga, pp.51-53, 2005)

The cunning fox rates high among Pre-Columbian cultures for

inclusion in a symbolic system. Across regions and time frames,

the fox is well known as a "thief and trickster." In parts of

the Andes, the fox was "considered a shaman or diviner," able to

predict the coming of the rains. Shamanic tools which included

"fox fur and tails" have been discovered by archaeologists


studying the Pre-Columbian Paracas culture. Among the Inca, the

fox acted as the "guardian of newly planted fields." Men,

wearing fox pelts, ran through the fields scaring off birds and

other harmful creatures. (Moraga, p.41, 2005) The origin of the

fox-as-agricultural-protector stems from legends which came out

of the Chancay culture and other Peruvian Central Coast

civilizations. After a party in the sky among the spirits, the

fox is refused return passage on the back of a condor due to his

uncivilized behavior. The fox, not to be left behind, makes a

grass rope and begins descending toward earth. On the way down,

he insults a group of parrots, who chew and break the rope,

causing the fox to fall to the earth below. Upon impact, the

fox literally explodes, and his insides scatter like seeds

across the landscape, growing into life-giving crops for humans.

(Moraga, p.43, 2005)

Pre-Columbian peoples are well known to have not used the

wheel, as they had no draft animals available to pull carts or

agricultural implements. In the Andes, however, the llama (and

its relatives, the vicuna and alpaca, known collectively as

camelids) acted as pack animals for transporting goods between

key imperial centers. "Llama caravans ... traveled in all

directions between coast, altiplano, sierra and jungle" which in

part fuel the growth of the large-scale Andean kingdoms. Wool

provided clothing; meat acted as food; tendons became ropes; and


feces was used to fertilize the fields. Llamas come in many

color varieties, and each color and combination held specific

meanings for the Andean cultures. Within the Chimu kingdom,

multicolored llamas were "associated with rain rituals."

(Moraga, p.58, 2005) To the Inca, white llamas were needed for

plentiful rains. To Viracocha, the overarching Incan deity,

1,000 animals were sacrificed "to protect the maize crop." Vast

numbers of llamas and alpacas were sacrificed to the multitude

of gods, seeking assistance with numerous natural phenomenon as

well as community needs. Once sacrificed, the animal's fat was

removed and "burned for ancestral offerings." Its blood was

drained into the ground in order to "propitiate earth deities."

(Moraga, pp.59-60, 2005) Wild camelids, including the vicuna

and the guanaco, could not be killed or used as a food source,

but only captured, sheared for wool, and released. The Andean

cultures understood the need for such "a sustainable resource."

(Moraga, p.62, 2005) The llama was even held in lofty esteem --

literally -- as a constellation of stars, moving across the

milky way during the course of the year. The Incans believed

that the celestial llama consumed the excess water, avoiding

floods, and then moved the water up to the head of the "cosmic

river" in order to both rain down and "fill the empty rivers."

The symbolism extended to the use of a "pure white llama" at the

start of the rainy season to "kick over" a vessel of water which


then soaked into the dry earth. (Moraga, pp.59-60, 2005)

The Cat is Out of the Bag: Feline Symbolism and

the Pre-Columbian Americas

From the earliest recorded cultures in Mesoamerica --

including the Olmec "mother culture" -- jungle cats have been

utilized for symbolic purposes. The importance of feline

imagery cannot be understated: "Felines are one of the most

frequently encountered images in Pre-Columbian art and

mythology." (Saunders, p.12, 1998) Feline images acted "as

metaphors to express human qualities and symbolize human

relations." (Saunders, p.1, 1998) For the Olmec, such

iconography was the main feature of their artistic

representations. "The central theme of Olmec art is a jaguar-

human or were-jaguar being. The concept is nearly always

expressed as more human, in total characteristics, than jaguar."

(Wiley, p.2, 1962)

Thousands of miles away, in the northern Andean highlands

of modern-day Peru, Pre-Incan peoples utilized predatory feline

imagery in much the same way, although the Chavin (900BCE-

200BCE) went further and combined feline features with other

designs. "With Chavin the dominant motif is either the feline

or the fusion of feline elements, such as fangs and claws, with

other beings[.]" (Wiley, p.3, 1962) The Chavin experimented


with mixing and matching forms, and modern scholars have found

"great variations in the combination of jaguar or puma and other

animal elements." (Wiley, p.4, 1962) Cats were not just

animals, but represented "transfigured humans, supernatural

allies, [or] paramount deities." (Moraga, p.13, 2005)

In South America, the cultures that arose simultaneously or

following the rise of the Chavin contain heavy usage of such

imagery. "Nearly all post-Chavin styles show some Chavin feline

elements. Mochica art, of the north coast, depicts a feline or

anthropomorphic feline as an apparent deity. Feline symbolism

has an important part in Recuay, Pucara, and Nazca cultures."

(Wiley, p.4, 1962) Such symbolism was not merely

representational, but used to "express fundamental cosmological

ideas." (Moraga, p.13, 2005) To the classic period Incas, the

elite "claimed descent from puma and falcon[.]" The puma was a

direct spiritual ancestor of the Incan royalty. The larger,

more powerful jaguar, however, symbolized the "unconquered

jungle northeast of their empire[.]" Legend tells of an Incan

military commander (and son of the king) who turned into a

jaguar to lead his army in victory against the 'uncivilized'

jungle inhabitants. (Moraga, p.37, 2005)

Certainly, the fact that such images have been discovered

in myriad locations and vastly differing historical layers "over

more than two thousand years indicates that its role was


significant and pervasive." (Cordy-Collins, p.155, 1998)

Anthropologists theorize that the diffusion of feline symbolism

arose from a number of factors, including that, "apart from

humans, felines are the most widespread and successful land-

bound predators that evolution has produced." Human

intelligence emerged, in part, by our "interaction with

predators which ... were stronger, faster, more agile, and

equipped with deadly natural weaponry." (Saunders, p.1, 1998)

Prior to the rise of the modern human race, predatory cats were

"the dominant carnivores in the Americas[.]" (Saunders, p.16,

1998) Humans, typically hunters, were also attacked and killed

by large predators, including jungle cats. (Moraga, p.10, 2005)

A natural respect, along with a healthy dose of reasonable fear,

combined to produce a spiritual connection between our two

species.

In most Pre-Columbian cultures, the feline predator was

primarily a symbol of "kings, chiefs, warriors and priests."

(Saunders, p.3, 1998) For the Maya of the Classic Period, the

jaguar was "identified with gods and rulers and royal symbols."

(Benson, p.53, 1998) The jaguar is considered to be the "Master

of Animals," which can spiritually control all other animals in

the region. (Saunders, p.21, 1998) As a further generality, the

use of the jaguar symbol in the Pre-Columbian Americas was

"associated with aggression, the qualities of strength and


fierceness, supernatural protections, and pre-eminent social

status -- all of which are closely intertwined." (Saunders,

p.25, 1998)

Hunters and warriors have a clear association with jaguars,

as each is the "'jaguar' of its prey." (Saunders, p.24, 1998)

The jaguar, with its "paradigm of stealth, size and strength,"

made it a natural emblem for those groups. (Moraga, p.17, 2005)

In the latter part of the Pre-Columbian era, the predatory cat

"became important as a military emblem." (Benson, p.53, 1998)

These men could further harness that animal's power by

"decorating [their] body with the animal's regalia[.]" Such

accoutrement have historically included "wearing pelts, ...

necklaces and bracelets of teeth and/or claws, [and] ... masks

and headdresses.” (Saunders, p.26, 1998) Carib warriors from

northern South America drank "manioc-beer" which was infused

with the "brain, liver, and heart of a jaguar," in order to give

the fighter the "cunning, courage, and energy" of the creature.

(Saunders, p.28, 1998) Wari soldiers that were associated with

the jaguar "possess[ed] jaguar instinct and ferocity," which

could be "unleashed for battle[.]" (Moraga, p.16, 2005) One of

the highest military orders that an Aztec warrior could join was

known as the "Jaguar Warriors." (Benson, p.57, 1998) For the

Maya, the jaguar itself was specifically the "symbol of war."

(Benson, p.57, 1998)


Pre-Columbian royalty often attached itself to the power of

the predatory felines. In the 1500's, the ruler of the Tunja

(modern day Columbia) was named "The Long-Tailed Chief" by the

conquistadors because he "dragged the tail of a jaguar or puma

along the ground" when he walked. (Saunders, p.26, 1998) For

the Aztec, the jaguar was "par excellence," and associated with

one of their pre-eminent gods of the elite, Tezcatlipoca

(Smoking Mirror). (Saunders, p.37, 1998) Mayan kings often

named themselves after jaguars: Shield-Jaguar, Bird-Jaguar,

Serpent-Jaguar, Jaguar-Paw, and Jaguar-Lord-Sky each reigned

over Mayan polities. (Benson, p.54, 1998) The honorific title

of "He of [the] Jaguar Mat" was used only by the highest level

Mayan rulers. (Peterson and Green, p.90, 1991) As the Maya

ruled within the "tropical rain forest," their art contains more

"jaguar associations than any other Mesoamerican peoples."

(Miller, p.104, 1997) Royals wore "jaguar pelts, jaguar

sandals, headdresses fashioned of jaguar heads, and necklaces

made of jaguar teeth[.]" Even at death, the jaguar-elite

connection remained; rulers have been discovered buried with

sacrificed and beheaded jaguar corpses. (Miller, p.102, 1997)

"[T]he dead go to the underworld realm of the jaguars." (Benson,

p.66, 1998) Jaguars are shown on pottery found in Mayan tombs,

further illustrating the connection between death and the

iconography of the jaguar. The afterlife is linked to the


"Jaguar God of the Underworld[.]" (Benson, p.64, 1998) During

Mayan funeral rituals of the Pre-Columbian era, "participants

wore jaguar costumes." The dead have even been discovered

wearing "jaguar pelts." (Benson, p.66, 1998) Death, like night,

is the realm of the jaguar.

Jaguars, in particular, have been linked to shamans and

animal transformation. Jaguars were "the most common animals

adopted by the shaman or sorcerer." (Peterson and Green, p.90,

1991) "[F]eline imagery transcended the physical to include the

magico-religious." (Legast, p.122, 1998) Predatory cats are

universally acknowledged as a "widespread and age-old symbol of

the shaman and shamanic power of transcendence." (Cordy-Collins,

p.166, 1998) Jaguars are believed to be the "Master of the

Animals," to which the shaman must entreat for "fertility and

success in hunting." (Moraga, p.17, 2005) Specifically,

scholars have found a "link between shamans, jaguars, and

hallucinogens." (Saunders, p.5, 1998) The highland Tzotzil Maya

continue to associate the jaguar with "the most powerful

shamans[.]" (Saunders, p.29, 1998) Even the early Olmec

civilizations apparently believed that "powerful individuals ...

[were] able to transform themselves into jaguars." (Miller,

p.28, 1997) Matthew Stirling's famous study of Olmec artifacts

and stone representations argued that "were-jaguars" were

particular super-natural beings, although modern scholars have


tempered that hypothesis to include shamanic-jaguar

transformations. (Miller, p.185, 1997) Like a carnivorous

jungle cat, "the shaman, as master of the group's cosmological

identity and spiritual well-being, must be strong, and able to

dominate the spirits, in the same was as a predator dominates

its prey." The shaman is both a protector of his own people, as

well as a feared source of dangerous magic to opposition forces.

While curing spiritual maladies, the shaman attacks and defeats

-- as a jaguar does to its prey -- the "illness-bringing

spirits." (Saunders, pp.30-31, 1998) Practitioners often

preferred the jaguar for transformation, "to acquire all of its

potency and ferocity." (Benson, p.69, 1998) Tezcatlipoca, the

Smoking Mirror, was a patron of shamans (as well as the elite)

and "had the jaguar as his spiritual co-essence." (Miller,

p.152, 1997) Shamans are required to 'see' into the spirit

realm; a darkened world of ghosts and shadows. Few predators

have night vision comparable to the jaguar and similar felines,

making such a symbolic connection even greater. (Saunders, p.33,

1998) As typically nocturnal hunters, jaguars have eyes that

are "luminous gold disks at night[.]" (Miller, p.102, 1997)

Such "night vision and prowess" linked it spiritually to the

shamanic arts. During the Aztec era, shamans and other magico-

religious practitioners "carried jaguar hide, tails, and claws

in order to acquire the animal's daring." Among the Maya, the


words for "jaguar" and "priest" were interchangeable. (Peterson

and Green, p.90, 1991)

South American artifacts with jaguar imagery are often seen

adjacent to cactus imagery, an association which strengthens the

connection between jaguars, shamans, and hallucinogens. (Cordy-

Collins, p.159, 1998) Anthropologists believe the cactus

represented is the San Pedro cactus -- "a plant botanically and

pharmacologically known to be hallucinogenic ... [and] ingested

by shamans to achieve an altered state of consciousness[.]"

During the trance, the shamans were known to enter the

"supernatural world." (Cordy-Collins, p.166, 1998) The cactus-

based narcotic led to a "state of metamorphosis from human to

feline during an ecstatic trance." (Moraga, p.12, 2005) Jaguar

imagery in Andean textiles shows such cats with "trance-dilated

eyes[.]" (Moraga, p.14, 2005) "Drug paraphernalia" for

preparing and ingesting hallucinogens are often jaguar-shaped or

"etched with their image." (Moraga, pp.17-18, 2005) Some

researchers have suggested that shamans are not merely

representing the essence of jaguars, but that Pre-Columbian

societies actually believed that "each is at the same time the

other." (Benson, citing Furst, p.70, 1998) Such

transmogrification could have occurred in one of two different

manners. First, the shaman can undergo and "abrupt biological

mutation" into a jaguar, or second, the shaman remains human but


"acquires jaguar traits[.]" (Cooke, p.97, 1998) Many South

American tribes continue to believe that shamans are in fact

jaguars, merely "disguised as humans." Once they ingest

hallucinogens and enter an altered state, the shamans "can

reveal their inner, feline selves." (Cordy-Collins, p.167, 1998)

Such predatory cats are in effect the "alter egos of shamans and

sorcerers." Many jaguars, prowling the Andean highlands, are

believed to be, in fact, "transformed shamans or sorcerers."

(Moraga, p.17, 2005) Such shamanic connection with jaguars has

existed "from at least Olmec times onward." (Miller, p.102,

1997) In the Aztec era, shamans -- referred to by the

conquistadors as "conjurers" -- could be seen lugging jaguar

pelts with them, giving them awesome power and strength.

(Miller, p.102, 1997) Strong civil and religious leaders were

considered to have jaguar uay, or "co-essence" -- perhaps a

"spirit companion." (Miller, p.176, 1997) The symbolism is

fairly evident: the jaguar moves easily between caves, streams,

earth, and trees, much like the shaman spiritually moving

between heaven, underworld, and earth. (Benson, p.70, 1998)

The South American Puma, typically smaller and thinner than

its feline cousin, was associated with ritual practitioners

"specializing in divination and healing." Unlike the "vision

seeking" aspect of the Jaguar Shamans, the Puma specialists

concentrated on the "well-being of the community[.]" Pumas were


honored and considered "elders" of the environment. Pumas, as

patrons of the "fertilizing rains," were offered llamas in

sacrifice -- a favorite prey. Puma faces, sewn into Incan

textiles or painted on vessels, symbolized earthly portals where

"rainbows emerge like springs." Water was intimately linked to

the puma; the Incan capital of Cuzco was home to the joining of

small rivers, known as "The Tail of the Puma." Fresh water was

literally the lifeblood of the local population, and the puma

was honored as its keeper and provider. (Moraga, p.19, 2005)

In addition to its predatory aspect, jungle cats symbolized

protection against evil spirits and enemy forces. Jaguar

symbols were used to "protect sacred places." The entrance of

temples and palaces were often adorned with such images.

(Benson, p.57, 1998) In Mesoamerica, the jaguar "was retained

as the guardian of human society and its rulers." (Peterson and

Green, p.90, 1991) In South America, "[c]olossal feline heads

with bared fangs stood guard over many of the earliest Andean

pyramids and temples." To the native population, this fearsome

display would have been "awe-inspiring and intimidating."

(Moraga, p.13, 2005)

Not entirely obvious is the "association of jaguar imagery

with rain, water, and fertility[.]" (Saunders, p.37, 1998)

Jaguars are one of the few felines not afraid of the water; to

the contrary, they hunt near lakes and streams, eating "fish,


turtles, caimans, and crocodiles." (Benson, p.67, 1998; see also

Cooke, p.84, 1998) A favorite perch of jaguars includes

"branches that extend over water." (Miller, p.102, 1997)

Ancient Peruvians ascribed profound "mythological value" to

creatures -- like the jaguar -- that had the dualistic ability

to hunt on both land and water. (Moraga, p.10, 2005) That power

gave this animal the ability to cosmically travel from the earth

to the darkness below. "The water of streams and pools,

necessary for life, comes from -- and goes to -- the

underworld." (Benson, p.67, 1998) To the Maya, "gods with

jaguar attributes or garments are underworld gods." (Benson,

p.64, 1998) Some species have "spotted black on gold" coats,

mimicking the "night sky" full of stars to the Central Mexican

cultures. Since the sun went to the Underworld at night, the

jaguar was therefore symbolic of that same place of darkness.

In artistic representations, jaguars assist in human sacrifice,

often shown "carrying staffs of execution." (Peterson and Green,

p.90, 1991)

At the other extreme, jaguars have been associated

symbolically with the heavens above. Often living within trees,

jaguars and other predatory felines were associated with the

"upper level of the world." To the Mochica of South America,

the jaguar was associated with the sun. To the Maya, the jaguar

was a resident -- and symbol -- of "the night sky." Its spotted


coat resembled the stars in the night sky. (Benson, pp.68-69,

1998) In Central Mexico, the spiritual jaguar lived as "a solar

creature[.]" (Miller, p.156, 1997) To the Aztecs, the storm god

Tlaloc had feline features, and the population may have believed

that thunder was the sound of a roaring jaguar. (Miller, p.166,

1997)

Above all, the "prehistoric symbolism" of large felines

illustrates a direct connection to "dominant power," whether

that strength arises in the context of "hunting, warfare,

supernatural aggression [or] ... pre-eminent social status."

(Saunders, p.33, 1998) Historical sources show that large cats

"symbolized ancient and potent qualities of aggression and

ferocity." (Saunders, p.38, 1998) A perfect manifestation of

Pre-Columbian tenacity and fortitude, the visage of the jaguar

peers at us from past millennia, defending the empires from

irrelevance and the fog of history.

Conclusion: The Natural Environment and Symbolism

in Pre-Columbian America

Man has long attempted to attach itself to the power,

cunning, and strength of nature. Animals were omnipresent

reminders of man's connection to the natural world to Pre-

Columbian peoples -- and to their "interdependence" on the

environment. (Peterson and Green, p.108, 1991) They built stone


edifices with protective animal inlay; designed temples in which

passing water "'roars' like a jaguar;" and carved predatory

images directory into the hillsides. (Moraga, pp.7-8, 2005)

Even early Pre-Columbian empires utilized animal symbolism to

link its ancestors and rulers with the power of the natural

world. "[T]he Olmecs identified with the powerful animals that,

like humans, occupied the top of the food chain -- felines,

eagles, caimans, and snakes[.]" (Miller, p.15, 1997)

To the researcher, however, it is clear that there are

"limitations [on] our attempts to penetrate the symbolic logic

of a dead society." (Legast, p.144, 1998) We understand much

about the animals depicted -- how they reproduce, hunt, defend,

and live -- yet attaching them to precise meanings "is often

less accessible." Items found in burials might be related to

their role in the heavens or conversely the person's prior

"earthly activities." (Peterson and Green, p.108, 1991) Much of

this difficulty is compounded by the "diligent efforts of the

Spanish conquerors and priests who sought to destroy all

indigenous traditions after gaining control" of the Pre-

Columbian Americas. (Moraga, p.11, 2005) Added to that cultural

carnage are the continuing effects of modern archaeological

looting. (Peterson and Green, p.108, 1991)

Still, decades of applied research has yielded vast amounts

of information on the symbolism of the natural world within Pre-


Columbian ethnology. Some appear rather straightforward, while

others mix and match body parts and physical characteristics.

Thus, in addition to direct representations of animals, "there

are also strange mergings of animals species," which may

indicate that even early Pre-Columbian peoples "were attempting

to amalgamate the sky, earth, and sea into a dynamic and

coherent whole." (Miller, p.28, 1997) "Natural forces," in this

manner, were "transcendent" and appeared to cross "different

cosmic zones." (Peterson and Green, p.108, 1991) The

environment -- and all of its might and fury -- was clearly a

source of both danger and admiration for the peoples of South

and Mesoamerica. For the inhabitants of the Pre-Columbian

world, "animals were their original, and essential, metaphors."

(Moraga, p.11, 2005) Researchers continue to probe the

archaeological, anthropological, and art history record for more

connection and meaning.


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