Giulianti/Animal Symbolism
Wing and a Prayer:
An Ethnological and Iconographic Comparison
of Animal Symbolism and Spiritual Belief
in Pre-Columbian South and Mesoamerica
Stacey A. Giulianti
Burlington College
Animal Symbolism / Giulianti 2
Introduction: The Pre-Columbian World of Symbols
and Sacraments
"On top of this there was a column like those of Castile,
surmounted by an animal resembling a lion, also made of marble.
It had a hole in its head in which they put perfume, and its
tongue was stretched out of its mouth. Near it there was a stone
vase containing blood..."
-- Juan Diaz, Chaplain of the Expedition of Juan
de Grijalva, approaching the Island of Sacrifices
near Veracruz, Mexico, in 1518. (Nuttall, citing
Juan Diaz, p.257, 1910)
The Pre-Columbian world was filled with gods and
supernatural powers that influenced the lives of mortals from
cradle to grave -- and beyond. As creators of the 'natural
world' -- the plants and animals upon which such people relied
for survival -- the gods often had animal forms or familiars to
represent them in man's earthly court. The power of the gods'
animalistic strength, as carved into stone by Pre-Columbian
artisans, was obvious even to the arriving conquistadors as Juan
Diaz expressed above. The native cultures "sought their
ancestors and origins in the close relationships between humans
and animals." (Legast, p.122, 1998) Man lived closer to the
Animal Symbolism / Giulianti 3
environment in Pre-Columbian times than in much of our modern
world. The ancient people's "dependency on the environment gave
rise to a sense of awe and respect for the entire universe."
(Peterson and Green, p.10, 1991)
Certainly, it cannot be said that all Pre-Columbian peoples
held the same views of the world and their place within it.
There was, however, a "share[d] constellation of beliefs and
practices" in Mesoamerica, and another group orientation within
northern South America. (Miller, p.9, 1997) Each culture
contained its own specific worldview -- tangents of a related
theme -- which it represented through various signs and symbols.
"A symbol system orients a society to a particular conception of
its phenomenological universe." (Saunders, p.13, 1998) As pre-
industrial civilizations, these communities utilized those
images which appeared daily before their own eyes: wild
creatures. For some cultures, however, the symbolism was based
not on elements of the natural world from their own vicinity,
but of far-off lands. Aztec royal headdresses often contained
the beautiful and colorful quetzal feathers, yet "no quetzal
ever flew near the cool and high capital of the Aztecs at
Tenochtitlan[.]" (Miller, p.11, 1997)
More than mere natural representations for illustrative
purposes, myriad plants and animals furnished direct evidence of
a world-behind-the-world; a land of deities and spirits, of
Animal Symbolism / Giulianti 4
ghosts and ancestors. "The animal kingdom furnishes a vast
majority of the motives, and every department is represented,
mammals, birds, fishes, reptiles, insects and mollusks."
(Holmes, p.301, 1897) It is important to understand, however,
that such animals are used to represent ideas, not necessarily
their actuality. "Animals are thus concepts, not natural
kinds." (Saunders, p.13, citing Douglas, 1998) The use of
animal iconography to represent specific people or professions
refers to "a cluster of human attributes ascribed to the
'constructed animal.'" (Saunders, p.25, 1998) Depending upon
the specific culture or time period, such constructions were
used either independently or joined together. Animal symbols
were not always displayed singly, but joined with other natural
figures, including both men and animals. As an example, "[t]he
reptilian motive is also, at times, combined with other
concepts, as the bird and the man, indicating complexity of
symbolism." (Holmes, p.310, 1897) Additionally, the duality of
nature was inherent even in animal symbolism; the Aztec military
divisions of the Jaguar and Eagle Warriors were considered
complementary opposites -- jaguars protecting the night, eagles
guarding the day. (Miller, p.183, 1997) Animals took on "both
creative and destructive meanings." (Peterson and Green, p.108,
1991) Due to such intricacy, researchers are forced to combine
archaeological, anthropological, zoological, and other
Animal Symbolism / Giulianti 5
disciplines in order to link specific symbols to particular
concepts.
Animal images were pushed even further in South America,
and were used to illustrate the concept of "the
interconnectedness of all forms of life." Universal energy
could be found in every type of natural feature, from mountains
and rivers to humans and animals. (Moraga, pp.6-7, 2005)
Mesoamericans, similiarly, believed that "all phenomena were
animated by a life force[.]" (Peterson and Green, p.10, 1991)
The largest animal representations are "etched directly into the
sandy floor" of the earth at Nasca, Peru -- visible in their
entirety only from the sky above. (Moraga, pp.6-7, 2005) This
should come as no surprise, based on the sheer volume of species
in the Amazon basin and tropical Andes, which "account ... for
more than 20 percent of the world's birds and 10 percent of its
mammals and reptiles." (Moraga, p.8, 2005)
Symbols can be found in both paintings and drawings, as
well as in sculpture and modeled clay. Each mode of artistic
production possesses its own unique ability to express the
culture's iconography, and translating such meaning can be a
difficult affair. "Symbolism is not necessarily lost as the
change from picture to formal device takes place, but when
employed in non-symbolic associations confusion of symbols
necessarily results[.]" (Holmes, p.318, 1897)
Animal Symbolism / Giulianti 6
Rationale for the use of symbolism in artistic production
and religious life has been linked to a preference for order and
predictability in the world. "Man's suspicion of prevailing
moral incoherence is allayed when symbols are employed in
rituals." (Myerhoff, p.231, 1974) Moreover, symbolism permits a
conceptual theory to be 'seen' and 'heard,' rather than merely
referenced abstractly. "[S]ymbols are conceptions made concrete
and tangible, often (but not always) in the form of an object" -
- and frequently as a living entity. Such symbols permitted
Pre-Columbian societies to physically see and experience the
concept, "rather than contemplate[]" the idea. (Myerhoff, p.237,
1974) Modern researchers are cognizant of the fact that the
"meanings attached to icons or symbols may change over time."
(Saunders, p.5, 1998)
It is important, however, to distinguish a symbol from an
"index." Symbols are "based on arbitrary or conventional
connections between words and what they represent." A weapon
might symbolize a warrior. Ultimately, such a symbolic
attachment is arbitrary, although certainly logical. With an
"index," the meaning is "implicit or inherent in the thing
itself." A horn, claw, or antler is a physical part of the
actual animal. When analyzing animal symbolism in Pre-Columbian
contexts, this difference can be crucial in order to have a full
understanding. With an index, the meaning is "embedded in
Animal Symbolism / Giulianti 7
nature itself instead of constructed by a specific culture."
(Fikes, pp.151-152, 2011)
Shamans were closely related to animals throughout much of
Pre-Columbian history. Both secular and spiritual leaders
literally took on non-human form by wearing animal skins or
likenesses, including "fox skins, jaguar pelts, plumed
headdresses, bird-shaped diadems and whiskered masks[.]"
(Moraga, p.7, 2005) Many engaged in 'shamanic flight,' defined
as "a disassociation during which the 'spirit' of the shaman is
separated from his body and penetrates other dimensions of the
cosmos ... in an action that symbolizes death followed by
rebirth in a state of knowledge." (Cooke, citing Reichel-
Dolmatoff, p.100, 1998) Such actions were made possible, in
part, through the use of hallucinogens, many of which "derive
from fish, amphibians and reptiles." (Moraga, p.10, 2005) The
utilization by the shaman, during such mental states, of "animal
traits" permitted them to "traverse the Otherworld without
harm." (Moraga, p.9, 2005) Animal imagery was prevalent
throughout each and every stage of shamanic spiritual travel,
whether such creatures acted as familiars, guards, or joined the
shaman's very soul. "Shamanism, the world's oldest and most
elemental form of religion, has as its core a need to mediate
the unseen forces of nature so as to ensure stability in the
world." Nature's most enduring feature -- the power and cunning
Animal Symbolism / Giulianti 8
of animals -- represents the power of the shaman to "command the
unknown forces of nature." (Cordy-Collins, p.167, 1998) Pre-
Columbian Americans felt that there existed a "fluid
relationship between man and animal[,]" and nowhere was this
more evident than in shamanic spiritual movement. (Moraga, p.9,
2005)
Apart from its connection to spiritual leaders, animal
symbolism was used by Pre-Columbian peoples to "illuminate human
mores and activities." (Moraga, p.9, 2005) In cultures
typically without courts or jails, symbolic tales explained
proper ethical constraints and group social expectations.
Animals were often employed for such methods. Regardless of the
particular end being sought by the relevant culture, animals
have found their likenesses in stone, clay, metal, paper, and
indeed the very earth itself.
The Serpent Symbol in Pre-Columbian America
In Pre-Columbian America, "serpents ... are symbols of the
earth's regenerative powers." Shedding their skins on a regular
basis was "a powerful symbol of transformation." (Peterson and
Green, p.34, 1991) The snake is part of the very symbolism of
Mexico itself – refer to the country’s flag -- in which the
Aztec legions moved through the region "impelled by the legend
which was to bring [them] to the place where the eagle would
Animal Symbolism / Giulianti 9
devour the snake." (Sherwell, p.69, 1922)
In certain parts of early Mexico, "the central idea
involved is the death symbol or concept, embodied in or
associated with a reptilian form[.]" (Holmes, p.313, 1897) As
snakes can kill with bite, poison, or strangulation, they are
often connected with "evil or danger." (Peterson and Green,
p.36, 1991) Human heads, hearts, and severed hands form the
necklace of Coatlicue -- "She of the Serpent Skirt."
Rattlesnakes act as her clothing. Her head is non-existent,
instead replaced by two huge coral snakes -- a symbol of "blood
gushing" from an open neck. (Miller, p.64, 1997) "[S]erpent and
blood images are all but synonymous[.]" (Stuart, p.206, 1988)
The serpent yet again represents death, blood, and sacrifice.
In addition to mere death, the iconography of serpent-as-blood
represented the importance of "bloodline and ancestry." (Stuart,
p.221, 1988) Elites were placed on the globe, by the gods, to
administer the earthly realm; in their veins ran the life-force
necessary to sustain the cosmos. Yet the snake further
represented "rebirth," based on its ability to shed its old skin
and grow anew. (Miller, p.149, 1997) Its blood was a "metaphor
for rain," giving sustenance to the native peoples. (Peterson
and Green, p.34, 1991)
During the later portions of the Pre-Columbian period in
Central Mexico, important buildings contained a "wall of
Animal Symbolism / Giulianti 10
serpents" which announced to all that the area within was
"sacred[.]" The figures spiritually protected the temple and
its occupants, and some depictions show human skeletons being
consumed by rattlesnakes. (Miller, pp.63-64, 1997) In the
Andean world, snake carvings are often found "encircling and
guarding a ritual or sacred enclosure[.]" (Moraga, p,92, 2005)
Quetzalcoatl, a feather-covered snake-deity, was "a deified
culture hero, a divine priest-shaman and a shaman-healer." Many
of his symbolic attributes cross cultural lines within
Mesoamerica; he is depicted as "bearded, with a long square-
ended nose and a pointed bucal mask with a prominently curved
canine. The profile of the face has a curved, vertical stripe
of facial paint behind the eye, and he wears a jaguar helmet."
(Ursid, p.133, 2014) His name, which literally means "bird-
snake," refers to the "opposition of air and earth," which was a
prime spiritual concern in Mesoamerica. (Miller, p.11, 1997)
Like a snake, his exploits included traveling underground -- to
the Underworld itself -- where he "stole the bones out of which
people were created[.]" (Miller, p.30, 1997) The Mayans
believed in the duality of the serpent, and that it was
"simultaneously amphibious and celestial." (Hellmuth, p.171,
1988) Taking the best of creatures from two worlds, this deity
"paired metaphors for the eternal cycle of the hot dry season
and the lush, rainy season." (Peterson and Green, p.36, 1991)
Animal Symbolism / Giulianti 11
The spiritual snake was no earth-bound creature, but able to
slither through the ground, water, and sky. In Mayan, the word
for "snake and sky are identical." (Miller, p.141, 1997;
actually the words are homophones, see Miller, p.150, 1997) The
relationship between the serpent, moving through its habitat,
and the cloud-filled skies moving across the horizon was evident
to the people of Mesoamerica. Many cultures believed that the
celestial snake was "the vehicle for the movement of the sun[.]"
(Miller, p.151, 1997) In one manifestation, the Feathered
Serpent is considered the God of the Winds, and snakes his way
through the forests and villages wearing a "mask resembling a
duck beak" and sporting a conch shell pectoral -- well known for
producing the sound of wind when placed against the ear.
(Miller, p.186, 1997) Such a "fusion" of a land-based predator
and a bird of prey "combined the forces of sky and earth into
one powerful supernatural." (Peterson and Green, p.34, 1991)
Its primary namesake, the quetzal bird, lived only in the high
altitude rain forests yet was revered as a bird of beauty and
prestige throughout much of the Pre-Columbian world. Royal
feather collectors were prohibited from killing the birds;
instead, they "stunned them with a blowgun, removed the
feathers, and set them free." (Miller, pp.140-141, 1997)
Serpents have long symbolized storms and natural "forms of
light." (Moraga, p.94, 2005) Chac, a Mayan rain deity most
Animal Symbolism / Giulianti 12
notably connected with water organisms, is often depicted with a
staff in the form of a snake -- "a widespread metaphor for
lightning in Mesoamerica[.]" (Miller, p.59, 1997; see also
Peterson and Green, p.36, 1991) Similarly, for the people of
the Andes, snakes represented "thunderbolts and lightning."
(Moraga, p.94, 2005)
Throughout much of the Americas, the snake carried
"shamanistic and cosmological implications[.]" The ability to
shed skin appeared like immortality, to "slough off their horny
skins" and to "emerge reborn[.]" (Moraga, p.93, 2005) For the
Pre-Columbian religious specialist, the rising smoke from a fire
-- burning the bits of blood-stained papers tossed in --
appeared like a serpent, twisting and rising into the sky.
(Miller, p.150, 1997) Such blood was often taken from the
practitioner's tongue or penis. (Miller, p.181, 1997) By
appearing as smoke, this "vision serpent" brought "ancestors or
deities" into view for the population, especially for the shaman
or priest. (Miller, p.150, 1997) In South America, the serpent
had the ability to move, like a shaman in a trance, "between the
levels of the universe or arch rainbowlike across the heavens."
(Moraga, p.9. 2005) In a more direct symbolic connection, the
Andean boa constrictor was long considered the "mother and
guardian spirit" of the hallucinogenic ayahuasca vine. (Moraga,
pp.93-94, 2005)
Animal Symbolism / Giulianti 13
Under the Sea: Amphibians and Water Creatures in
Pre-Columbian Iconography
Throughout much of the ancient Americas, the ability of a
tadpole to change into a frog, and for amphibious creatures to
live among the waters as well as the land, "captivated" the
inhabitants. (Moraga, p.109, 2005) Large water-based predators,
skillful at hunting and dispatching prey, were respected and
feared throughout the Americas. Each oceanic or riverine
creature possessed symbolic meaning for these cultures.
Reptiles, which typically inhabited both land and water
domains, were thought to live "in two cosmic zones by swimming
underwater and moving onto land with equal dexterity." (Peterson
and Green, p.16, 1991) So respected was the caiman -- a
crocodilian cousin -- that it symbolized the very earth itself.
"[A]mong the Ancient Maya, the earth was thought of ... as a
great caiman, or as the rounded circular back of a great
tortoise." (Miller, p.31, 1997) As Pre-Columbian peoples noted,
the back or "shell of a crocodile or turtle resembles an
island." They saw it as a "graphic metaphor for the earth's
surface." (Peterson and Green, p.42, 1991) Some cultures
connected the caiman to the trunk of the World Tree or the "axis
mundi" of the Pre-Columbian cosmos. The caiman's backside
appears "spiny," and is green in color, much like the
Mesoamerican ceiba tree. (Miller, p.48, 1997) In Izapa (modern-
Animal Symbolism / Giulianti 14
day Chiapas), the Maya painted a ceiba tree growing out of the
back of a caiman. (Miller, p.57, 1997) The caiman's back thus
resembled the "thorny trunk of the Tree of Life[.]" (Moraga,
p.100, 2005) As denizens of moist "swamps and rivers," the
crocodile and caiman were "natural metaphor[s] for fertility."
Mesoamerican calendar systems included parts of crocodilian
forms for signs representing "water and abundance." (Peterson
and Green, p.42, 1991) Rulers of the Peten Maya of the early
Classic Period were protected by crocodiles -- "a central
feature in official state religion." (Hellmuth, p.171, 1988)
The Maya further associated rain, and rain gods, with water
creatures. Chac, the pre-eminent Mayan rain and storm god, is
often shown with a "reptilian snout and body scales." In
Classic period representations, Chac's mustache resembles
catfish whiskers. (Miller, p.59, 1997) At the Aztec's Templo
Mayor, the sea-rain connection ran even stronger; the Tlaloc
(Aztec's version of Chac) portion "contained sea shells, coral,
and even marine fish." (Miller, p.148, 1997)
The giant toad, a hungry amphibian native to Mesoamerica,
stalks its prey on both land and water. To the Pre-Columbian
people, it represented a human element as -- like us -- they
"possess 20 digits." Stone monuments have been discovered
showing rulers being born from the mouths of these toads. To
the Classic Maya, toads were connected symbolically with
Animal Symbolism / Giulianti 15
jaguars, since toads are "considered great predators in their
diminutive world." (Miller, p.168, 1997) The Toad Monster,
known to the Aztecs as Tlatecuhtli ("Earth-Lord"), used its huge
maw to "swallow the sun at dusk[.]" (Peterson and Green, p.46,
1991)
Like jaguars, toads were linked to shamanistic trances and
spiritual travel -- although even more directly. The giant toad
"produces a powerful hallucinogen" via skin glands, and artistic
representations show the chemical floating off the toad's back.
(Miller, p.168, 1997) In parts of Pre-Columbian America, the
substance was "essential to the shaman's art and practice."
(Moraga, p.110, 2005) Evil sorcerers used the toad's poison in
large quantities to "kill people." (Moraga, p.110, 2005)
Researchers have found evidence that the Olmecs of Mexico
actually "farmed" this animal-based narcotic. (Peterson and
Green, p.46, 1991) Within the Andean world, toads and frogs
symbolized the "dangerous fluid that can transport takers to
another dimension." Such creatures were shamanistic symbols,
representing "supernatural experiences." Andean farmers were
aware of the frogs' ability to predict future weather, based on
the "loudness and fervency" of their "croaks and trills[.]"
(Moraga, p.109, 2005) Moreover, the frogs' change from "egg to
fish to four-legged" creature is a "dramatic metamorphosis" --
much like shamanic transformation. (Peterson and Green, p.46,
Animal Symbolism / Giulianti 16
1991)
The shark, a powerful, ocean-faring predator, was held in
high esteem by the coastal peoples of Pre-Columbian South
America. The creature was linked to shamanism, where
practitioners were believed to morph into shark form, with
"extended jaws and serrated teeth." The shaman then obtains the
power to swim through the celestial sea, where he "defies
gravity." In such form, the shaman takes on the role of the
shark as the "Master or Mistress of Fish." Myriad textiles have
been found containing images of shark-men in various stages of
metamorphosis. (Moraga, p.75, 2005) In Mesoamerica, the Bull
shark was considered a "demon," as it often swam up rivers to
interior lakes where it attacked humans. Its thirst for blood,
while symbolic of death, doubly represented the "life-affirming"
value of blood (Peterson and Green, p.78, 1991), both within the
human body and as a sacrificial element to the gods.
Similarly, the Orca, or killer whale -- with its "stark
juxtapositions of dark and light" exterior -- symbolized
important dual elements to the Pacific coastal inhabitants.
Light and dark, night and day, male and female -- each contrast
represented the two sides of life found in this "visual
metaphor." Further, its sword-like dorsal fin symbolized the
hunter's or warrior's bladed weapon, moving in the shadowy seas
like a "quasi-human" in a "quest for ritual blood." (Moraga,
Animal Symbolism / Giulianti 17
p.77, 2005) Orcas were powerful "reapers of blood" and skillful
"takers of life." Religiously, the killer whale's power was
connected to the shaman's spiritual strength. Within the Pre-
Incan empires of the Nasca and Paracas, the killer whale
"symbolize[d] the realm of death that shamans must enter if they
are to gain spiritual power." A shaman is metaphorically
swallowed by the whale and assumes animal form as he enters the
cosmic realm of spirits and ancestors. (Moraga, p.78, 2005)
Into the Great Yonder: The Symbolism of Flight
The ability to fly -- a skill which eluded man until
recently -- was considered to be an act intimately linked with
the world above; the residence of many gods. For that reason,
birds were originally believed to be "messengers between humans
and the divine." (Miller, p.128, 1997) In South America, birds
were "celestial companions and winged attendants." Scholars
link such "primordial fascination to the mystery of flight."
(Moraga, p.9, 2005) As typical of many other creatures, shamans
had the ability to tap into animal powers, with the bird an
especially common manifestation. In the Andes, "shamans
transform[ed] into birds[.]" By use of "hallucinogenic brews,"
the shaman "sprouted wings ... tail feathers ... [and] sharp
eyes to see beyond the visible." "Iridescent feathers," often
attached to clothing, headdresses or other regalia, symbolized
Animal Symbolism / Giulianti 18
"vitalizing solar light and fire." (Moraga, p.115, 2005) In
Pre-Columbian Mesoamerica, each of the thirteen levels of heaven
had a bird associated with it. (Peterson and Green, p.18, 1991)
Eagles were of such importance to the Aztecs that the
container for sacrificial human hearts was known as an "eagle
gourd" (cuauhxicalli). Eagle feathers were typically attached
to this natural or stone bowl. (Miller, p.71, 1997) Human
hearts, ripped out of the chest of a victim and offered to the
gods, were known as "Eagle cactus fruit." Aztecs referred to
the rising sun as "ascending eagle" and the setting sun as
"descending eagle." Harpy Eagles, which swoop down on
unsuspecting monkeys and tear them apart with their talons, lend
their name to the fierce Aztec warrior division -- the Eagle
Warriors. (Miller, pp.82-83, 1997) The eagle further connected
the Aztec nobility to the sun, thus directly "relating the king
to the solar divinity." (Peterson and Green, p.10, 1991) In the
Andes, eagle feathers symbolized "prestige, regality, [and]
authority." (Moraga, p.115, 2005)
Celestial and heavenly symbolism are natural connections
for such high-flying, strong birds of prey. Large eagles,
soaring high above the clouds, were considered by Andean peoples
as "the companion and messenger of Thunder[.]" (Moraga, p.117,
2005) Based on their ability to fly high, locate prey, and then
dive quickly for the catch, birds of prey in Mesoamerica were
Animal Symbolism / Giulianti 19
"thought best suited to communicate with the celestial gods."
(Peterson and Green, p.18, 1991) As shamanistic helpers, eagles
"escort shamans to the upper levels of the cosmos." (Moraga,
p.117, 2005) In the Wari culture (Huari, 500CE-1000CE), eagles
are shown in textiles with sprouting seeds from the Vilca tree,
which contain hallucinogenic properties and were used by shamans
to enter into trance-like states. Today, scientists have found
that the substance produces "a strong sensation of flying" --
perfectly symbolic of the eagle holding it within its beak.
(Moraga, p.119, 2005) Similarly, the falcon is shown "perched
on the vision-inducing San Pedro cactus." In many Pre-Columbian
Andean representations, the bird's bones are visible, which
"symbolize the trials of death and rebirth that shamans endure
in their quest for spiritual transcendence." (Moraga, p.121,
2005) Like shamans, these birds possessed "mystical powers to
'see and hear everything.'" (Peterson and Green, citing
Lumholtz, p.18, 1991).
Even the tiny hummingbird was revered by Pre-Columbian
cultures, and symbolized the top deity of the Aztec pantheon:
Huitzilopochtli. This feared warrior god's name meant
"hummingbird of the left/south," and he wore a headdress of
hummingbird feathers. (Miller, p.92, 1997) This diminutive
animal was "known to attack creatures many times its size" and
was thus linked to bravery. This avian was so important
Animal Symbolism / Giulianti 20
symbolically that soldiers who died in combat turned into
hummingbirds and helped the sun on its journey across the sky.
The Maya and Aztecs were fascinated with its ability to suck the
nectar from flowers with its "needle-like beak." Such an action
appeared like a needle removing blood, and the hummingbird was
associated directly with "blood and war." Bloodletting
"perforators" were commonly rendered in the shape of a
hummingbird. (Miller, p.98, 1997) Similarly, the Andean peoples
respected the hummingbird's "lance-like bill" as a "weapon," and
its strong predilection for defending its home turf. Such
displays symbolized "speed, ferocity, [and] tenacity" which many
pre-Incan cultures linked to their warriors. (Moraga, pp.131-
132, 2005) Based on the hummingbird's ability to suspend itself
mid-air -- "hovering" -- Mesoamericans found it "a perfect solar
metaphor." Mayans regarded the long, probing snout of the bird
as a "sexual connotation[.]" (Peterson and Green, p.20, 1991)
Further, its natural job as a pollinator "endowed it with
fertility symbolism." (Peterson and Green, p.22, 1991)
As a shamanistic symbol, the hummingbird connected the
human practitioner to the multi-level cosmos. Able to change
direction quickly -- flying in all "dimensions" quite easily --
it "mediate[d] between the skyworld and the world below."
Moreover, their use of mouth appendages to enter a flower and
remove the nectar was an "analogy for the way [the shaman]
Animal Symbolism / Giulianti 21
extracts the deadly but invisible 'spirit darts' from the sick
and wounded." In the art of the Chavin culture (900BCE-200CE),
hummingbirds are depicted flying above hallucinogenic plants
including the vilca tree and the San Pedro cactus. (Moraga,
p.132, 2005)
The bat, a mammal with the ability to fly, figured
prominently as a sinister form in the Pre-Columbian world. "As
a nocturnal creature, the bat is commonly identified with the
forces of death and darkness in Mesoamerican thought." Classic
Mayan artifacts often show bats with "crossed bones." Later
civilizations depict bats carrying "severed human head[s]" --
yet another image of "death and sacrifice." (Miller, p.44, 1997;
Peterson and Green, p.10, 1991) The Popol Vuh contains a scene
in which the "death bat" flies down and decapitates one of the
protagonists. (Miller, p.44, 1997) Bats live in caves where
"the blackness and putrefying odor ... made it a fitting
underworld metaphor." Mesoamericans believed in the bats'
supreme "potency," in that they appear to fly into caverns solo
but "emerge in large swarms." (Peterson and Green, p.91, 1991)
Owls, especially the screech owl, appear in Mayan drawings
and on pottery vessels. They are commonly associated with
"rain, maize and the underworld," (Miller, p.121, 1997) as many
species live within "caves and underground burrows." Artifacts
of the Teotihuacan period show owls perching atop mirrors --
Animal Symbolism / Giulianti 22
another symbol of "supernatural caves[.]" Hunting at night --
during the darkest part of the earth's rotational journey --
linked owls to "the dark and deathly Underworld." The Nahua
Lord of Death, Mictlantecuhtli, "wears an owl-feather crest."
(Miller, p.128, 1997) Mesoamerican cultures were known to bury
their dead with representations of owls. (Peterson and Green,
p.91, 1991) Should an owl perch on an Aztec residence, and make
its infamous nighttime call, it was believed that "someone in
that house would soon die." (Peterson and Green, citing
Motolinia, p.90, 1991) Evil Aztec shamanistic practitioners --
better known as "sorcerers" -- were referred to as "human owls"
as they turned into such a bird prior to using "black magic."
(Peterson and Green, p.90, 1991) Hunting at night and emitting
"eerie screeching sounds" made the owl a clear representation of
the afterlife in the Andes. (Moraga, p.125, 2005) On the
opposite end of the spectrum, associations in parts of coastal
eastern Mexico linked the owl to "clouds, rain, and mist" -- and
often in the company of Chac, the Mayan storm god. The owl was
believed to bring rain, helping the crops grow; it was drawn
with "maize foliage upon its head." (Miller, p.121, 1997) As
with many iconographic elements in the Pre-Columbian Americas,
the owl represented a duality of opposing forces -- "fertility
and death." Even in the Popol Vuh, owls -- residents of Death -
- helped the wife of one of the Hero Twins escape from the
Animal Symbolism / Giulianti 23
Underworld and travel back to the land of the living. (Miller,
p.128, 1997)
Parrots -- colorful inhabitants of Mesoamerican tree tops -
- were prized for their "multi-hued plumage" and traded in areas
remote from their tropical breeding grounds. Associated with
fire, parrots (as well as the larger macaws) were shown "holding
flaming torches." The Mayan pantheon contained a deity named
the "Sun-Faded Fire Macaw" that was thought to fly down from the
heavens at noon and "consume sacrificial offerings." (Miller,
p.132, 1997) In South American mythology, parrots assisted
humankind by "stealing fire" from the heavens. (Moraga, p.135,
2005) The reds, oranges, and yellows of the actual animal are
mirrored by the rays of the sun.
An amorphous bird-god "based on the king vulture," the
Principal Bird Deity was revered and feared beginning in the
early proto-Mayan period. Before the emergence of man -- even
before the creation of the earth -- the Principal Bird Deity
makes himself into "a false sun," whereby the Hero Twins knock
him out of the sky with blowguns. Thereafter, the world is
ready for the coming of the "true sun" and ultimately mankind.
Early rulers of Mayan polities "adopted the Principal Bird as an
important symbol of power[,]" although later kings failed to do
so. (Miller, p.137, 1997) The vulture -- similar to the condor
of South America -- became the early symbol for "lord" in Mayan
Animal Symbolism / Giulianti 24
writings. In most Pre-Columbian regions, it is one of the
largest and most powerful avians. (Miller, p.182, 1997) Unlike
other predatory birds, the condor does not kill; it merely
scavenges. For that reason, those societies depicted the condor
"gorging on severed human heads and dismembered bodies[.]" The
symbolism thus connected condors, as pickers of dead organisms,
with the "physical and spiritual change that occurs with death."
(Moraga, p.122, 2005) Mayan histories tell of a colorful
vulture, a "vain" animal that spent too much time enamored with
its own good looks. As punishment, the gods flung the vulture
into the sun where it was "singed coal black." Thereafter, the
gods permitted it to eat only "carrion or dead animals."
(Peterson and Green, p.20, 1991) For that reason, the ancient
Oaxacans believed the vulture (and condor) represented "human
sacrifice." (Peterson and Green, p.20, 1991)
Small Size, Large Meaning: Insect Symbolism in the
Americas
Though often small, insects played a key symbolic role in
Pre-Columbian art and religion. Size did not always connote
power or importance; tiny creatures often represented universal
and wide-ranging concepts. For instance, cultures of the
Central Valley of Mexico depicted butterflies in various art
forms. Often mixed with jaguars, they possessed fang-filled
Animal Symbolism / Giulianti 25
mouths. Such imagery spread to the "Classic period Zapotecs and
Maya, frequently in the contexts of war." Later civilizations
used the butterfly as a symbol for "both fire and the souls of
dead warriors" -- additional indication of the insect's
relationship to war. (Miller, p.48, 1997) Butterflies with
weapons and shields have been found on tomb walls in the
Yucatan. (Miller, p.49, 1997) Itzpapalotl, which translates to
either "obsidian butterfly" or "clawed butterfly," was a
nightmarish goddess outfitted with "jaguar talons" and "knife-
tipped wings." (Miller, p.100, 1997) The Aztecs believed she
had several key aspects, including being one of the cihuateteo,
the "demonic women who died in childbirth" and stalked the dark
roadways of the capital. Secondly, she was "one of the
tzitzimime, star demons that threatened to devour people during
solar eclipses." (Miller, p.100, 1997) To the Pre-Columbian
mind, butterflies were not necessarily symbols of delicate,
fluttering creatures, but instead blood-starved night-wings
ready to attack.
In Pre-Columbian South America, butterflies are rarely
depicted artistically. Strange, in that the Andes region has
"the richest concentration and diversity of butterflies in the
world." Scholars believe that the paucity of representations is
due to the belief in such cultures that the butterfly was
"unlucky," as reported by post-Incan nobleman Guaman Poma in
Animal Symbolism / Giulianti 26
1613. (Moraga, citing, Guaman Poma, p.153, 2005) In several
Incan representations, though, butterfly-like appendages are
"draped over [noblewomen's] backs like wings." This has been
linked symbolically to the Andean belief that "[t]he ethereal
beauty of the insect's wings evokes a feminine ideal." (Moraga,
p.154, 2005)
Spiders in Pre-Columbian Mesoamerica were typically
associated with female deities. In Teotihuacan, the earth
goddess was connected to spider iconography. The elderly Mayan
moon goddess, Ixchel, was "identified with the spider."
Adherents prayed to her using "divination stones," which they
referred to as "spiders." (Miller, p.156, 1997) Typical
symbolism of the spider related to the woman's role in sewing
and weaving textiles, like a spider weaves its web. (Moraga,
p.154, 2005) In parts of the Incan empire, the practice of
"spider divination" was common; oracles flung large spiders onto
pieces of cloth, and examined the spider's "position" afterward
to foretell events. (Moraga, p.158, 2005)
Mammals: Keepers of the Earth
Pre-Columbian South and Mesoamerica were -- and continue to
be -- home for myriad species of mammals that reside in the
forests, tree canopies, underground, and in open fields.
Virtually every animal had symbolic meaning for these cultures,
Animal Symbolism / Giulianti 27
often sharing iconographic attributes with other animals and
even humans.
The deer -- artistically represented in numerous Pre-
Columbian cultures -- often symbolizes man's desire to roam and
control his territory. "It is this past of freedom, autonomy,
potence, masculine domination and dignity ... which the deer
represents[.]" (Myerhoff, p.225, 1974) A deer is a physical,
living representation of "hunting, masculinity, independence,
adventure, and freedom" (Myerhoff, pp.227-228, 1974) and often
represents "gods of the hunt." (Miller, p.75, 1997) In Mexico,
the deer represented "the hunter and warrior." (Peterson and
Green, p.10, 1991) Captured enemies were "bound hand and foot
like captured deer." (Peterson and Green, p.22, 1991) In Peru
and Ecuador, the deer was the property -- and a pet -- of the
mountain deities. (Moraga, p.10, 2005) In addition, the deer's
antlers are shed and re-grown yearly, tracking the "rainy and
dry seasons" of Mesoamerica. Symbolically, such shedding and
re-growth represent the "regenerat[tion] of life" (Fikes, p.144,
2011)
Antlers, as a direct representation -- an "index" of the
organism -- may have multiple levels of meaning. First, an
antler might represent "the particular deer that was killed by
the hunters." Its soul lives on and is manifest in the antlers.
Second, an antler might represent the deer gods, or a hunting
Animal Symbolism / Giulianti 28
deity. Third, antlers -- shed and re-grown as noted previously
-- may represent the natural world and the change of seasons
necessary to sustain life. (Fikes, p.152, 2011)
The white-tailed deer, one of the largest land mammals in
Mexico and Central America, served as both a source of food as
well as spiritual inspiration. Due to its physical strength and
mating habits, myriad societies linked the deer to procreation.
"[A]mong the Maya, the stag was identified with sexuality." The
deer is depicted in numerous scenes as the rescuer of the moon
goddess, where she lovingly holds the deer as he carries her
away from her pursuers. (Miller, p.75, 1997) To the Mopan Maya
of Belize and Guatemala, sexual symbolism is directly imaged, as
the "hoof prints of the deer make vulva-like tracks." (Peterson
and Green, p.22, 1991) In other contexts, the hunted deer is
associated with sacrificial victims, especially those that are
killed by arrows while tied to a "scaffold." Some
representations show the victim with a "deer headdress." The
"executioners were identified in writings as deer-slayers[.]"
The blood of the victim, shot with arrows, flows to the earth
like rain to nourish and sustain life. (Miller, pp.333-334,
1988) Spanish colonials wrote of the powerful, antler-clad deer
as a symbolic predator; in a past world, deer hunted and ate
humans. (Moraga, p.65, 2005)
The shaman was long associated with deer, especially within
Animal Symbolism / Giulianti 29
the pre-Incan empires. Archaeologists studied the Paracas
culture (300BCE-100CE) and found deer pelts in "the burials of
shamans[.]" Deer were associated in the Mocha culture with the
acacia tree which "bears seeds that were consumed in
hallucinogenic rites." (Moraga, p.67, 2005) Deer, able to
travel swiftly and quietly, were perfect symbolic companions of
the shaman.
While domesticated dogs are commonly represented in West
Mexican artifacts, scant evidence links such depictions to
precise spiritual beliefs. Dogs in that region were principally
raised as food, and breeders typically "castrated and force-fed"
the animals. Many "naturalistic representations" were created
by artisans, although a small number appear to be wearing masks.
Archaeological sites have included dogs buried with the elite,
indicating that such animals may have acted as "guides" on the
journey to the afterlife. Writings of several Central and Gulf
Coast cultures support such conclusions. (Miller, p.80, 1997)
Artistic representation of such underworld guard dogs depicted
them with rib cages showing through taut, corpse-like skin.
(Peterson and Green, p.66, 1991) Conquistadors reported that
dogs were sacrificed when their masters passed away, in order to
"carry his soul across a sinister river in the journey to the
Land of the Dead." (Coe, p.230, 1988) Many tombs reveal the
inclusion ceramic dogs, which researchers believe were placed
Animal Symbolism / Giulianti 30
there similarly as "guides for the dead spirit." (Miller, p.178,
1997) Aztecs believed that the Lord of the Underworld,
Mictlantecuhtli, was "the patron of the day Itzcuintl, or dog."
(Miller, p.113, 1988) The marketplace in Tlatelolco, part of
the Aztec empire, was reported by Diego Duran in the 1500's to
have had "hundreds of dogs of all sizes that were up for
sale[.]" (Peterson and Green, citing Duran, p.66, 1991) Other
"colonial reports" state that dogs were used as sacrificial
offerings "long after human sacrifice was outlawed."
Ultimately, dogs in many Pre-Columbian societies acted as
"guardian[s] of the hearth and the dead[.]" (Peterson and Green,
p.66, 1991)
Monkeys were common residents of the lowland areas of
Mexico and Central America, including spider, howler, and
capuchin species. Children born on any day with "monkey" in the
date, ozomatli, were believed to become "lucky and happy
persons." Traveling merchants, known as pochteca, carried a
"monkey's hand [as a] talisman of good luck." (Miller, pp.117-
118, 1988)
The Mayan mythos used monkeys as proto-humans in an earlier
incarnation of the earth that was ultimately wiped clean by the
gods. (Peterson and Green, p.52, 1991) To them, the monkey was
considered a symbol of "licentiousness and sexual abandon." The
original brothers of the Hero Twins were turned into monkeys
Animal Symbolism / Giulianti 31
after climbing a tree and found themselves unable to return to
the ground; they later became the creative gods of "art,
writing, and calculating." (Miller, pp.117-118, 1988) Scholars
link the symbolism of creativity to their "entertaining traits."
Monkeys seem to fly through the trees like trapeze artists,
produce varied sounds, and appear to have the manual "dexterity"
of an artist. (Peterson and Green, p.52, 1991) In ancient South
America, monkeys were often kept as pets and used in rituals.
Of primary importance was the monkey's ability to 'predict' the
rain. Howler monkeys - which make loud noises from the trees --
are most active just "before the onset of rain." To Pre-
Columbian South Americans, rains were a key "concern for Andean
societies." Monkeys, therefore, were respected for this
"magical ability." For shamans, this 'magic' provided a part of
their own power arsenal. Like hairy monkeys, Inca shamans "wore
their own hair long and unkempt." Even today, modern shamans of
the South American rain forests must be extremely hairy;
"hairiness is a requisite attribute[.]" (Moraga, pp.51-53, 2005)
The cunning fox rates high among Pre-Columbian cultures for
inclusion in a symbolic system. Across regions and time frames,
the fox is well known as a "thief and trickster." In parts of
the Andes, the fox was "considered a shaman or diviner," able to
predict the coming of the rains. Shamanic tools which included
"fox fur and tails" have been discovered by archaeologists
Animal Symbolism / Giulianti 32
studying the Pre-Columbian Paracas culture. Among the Inca, the
fox acted as the "guardian of newly planted fields." Men,
wearing fox pelts, ran through the fields scaring off birds and
other harmful creatures. (Moraga, p.41, 2005) The origin of the
fox-as-agricultural-protector stems from legends which came out
of the Chancay culture and other Peruvian Central Coast
civilizations. After a party in the sky among the spirits, the
fox is refused return passage on the back of a condor due to his
uncivilized behavior. The fox, not to be left behind, makes a
grass rope and begins descending toward earth. On the way down,
he insults a group of parrots, who chew and break the rope,
causing the fox to fall to the earth below. Upon impact, the
fox literally explodes, and his insides scatter like seeds
across the landscape, growing into life-giving crops for humans.
(Moraga, p.43, 2005)
Pre-Columbian peoples are well known to have not used the
wheel, as they had no draft animals available to pull carts or
agricultural implements. In the Andes, however, the llama (and
its relatives, the vicuna and alpaca, known collectively as
camelids) acted as pack animals for transporting goods between
key imperial centers. "Llama caravans ... traveled in all
directions between coast, altiplano, sierra and jungle" which in
part fuel the growth of the large-scale Andean kingdoms. Wool
provided clothing; meat acted as food; tendons became ropes; and
Animal Symbolism / Giulianti 33
feces was used to fertilize the fields. Llamas come in many
color varieties, and each color and combination held specific
meanings for the Andean cultures. Within the Chimu kingdom,
multicolored llamas were "associated with rain rituals."
(Moraga, p.58, 2005) To the Inca, white llamas were needed for
plentiful rains. To Viracocha, the overarching Incan deity,
1,000 animals were sacrificed "to protect the maize crop." Vast
numbers of llamas and alpacas were sacrificed to the multitude
of gods, seeking assistance with numerous natural phenomenon as
well as community needs. Once sacrificed, the animal's fat was
removed and "burned for ancestral offerings." Its blood was
drained into the ground in order to "propitiate earth deities."
(Moraga, pp.59-60, 2005) Wild camelids, including the vicuna
and the guanaco, could not be killed or used as a food source,
but only captured, sheared for wool, and released. The Andean
cultures understood the need for such "a sustainable resource."
(Moraga, p.62, 2005) The llama was even held in lofty esteem --
literally -- as a constellation of stars, moving across the
milky way during the course of the year. The Incans believed
that the celestial llama consumed the excess water, avoiding
floods, and then moved the water up to the head of the "cosmic
river" in order to both rain down and "fill the empty rivers."
The symbolism extended to the use of a "pure white llama" at the
start of the rainy season to "kick over" a vessel of water which
Animal Symbolism / Giulianti 34
then soaked into the dry earth. (Moraga, pp.59-60, 2005)
The Cat is Out of the Bag: Feline Symbolism and
the Pre-Columbian Americas
From the earliest recorded cultures in Mesoamerica --
including the Olmec "mother culture" -- jungle cats have been
utilized for symbolic purposes. The importance of feline
imagery cannot be understated: "Felines are one of the most
frequently encountered images in Pre-Columbian art and
mythology." (Saunders, p.12, 1998) Feline images acted "as
metaphors to express human qualities and symbolize human
relations." (Saunders, p.1, 1998) For the Olmec, such
iconography was the main feature of their artistic
representations. "The central theme of Olmec art is a jaguar-
human or were-jaguar being. The concept is nearly always
expressed as more human, in total characteristics, than jaguar."
(Wiley, p.2, 1962)
Thousands of miles away, in the northern Andean highlands
of modern-day Peru, Pre-Incan peoples utilized predatory feline
imagery in much the same way, although the Chavin (900BCE-
200BCE) went further and combined feline features with other
designs. "With Chavin the dominant motif is either the feline
or the fusion of feline elements, such as fangs and claws, with
other beings[.]" (Wiley, p.3, 1962) The Chavin experimented
Animal Symbolism / Giulianti 35
with mixing and matching forms, and modern scholars have found
"great variations in the combination of jaguar or puma and other
animal elements." (Wiley, p.4, 1962) Cats were not just
animals, but represented "transfigured humans, supernatural
allies, [or] paramount deities." (Moraga, p.13, 2005)
In South America, the cultures that arose simultaneously or
following the rise of the Chavin contain heavy usage of such
imagery. "Nearly all post-Chavin styles show some Chavin feline
elements. Mochica art, of the north coast, depicts a feline or
anthropomorphic feline as an apparent deity. Feline symbolism
has an important part in Recuay, Pucara, and Nazca cultures."
(Wiley, p.4, 1962) Such symbolism was not merely
representational, but used to "express fundamental cosmological
ideas." (Moraga, p.13, 2005) To the classic period Incas, the
elite "claimed descent from puma and falcon[.]" The puma was a
direct spiritual ancestor of the Incan royalty. The larger,
more powerful jaguar, however, symbolized the "unconquered
jungle northeast of their empire[.]" Legend tells of an Incan
military commander (and son of the king) who turned into a
jaguar to lead his army in victory against the 'uncivilized'
jungle inhabitants. (Moraga, p.37, 2005)
Certainly, the fact that such images have been discovered
in myriad locations and vastly differing historical layers "over
more than two thousand years indicates that its role was
Animal Symbolism / Giulianti 36
significant and pervasive." (Cordy-Collins, p.155, 1998)
Anthropologists theorize that the diffusion of feline symbolism
arose from a number of factors, including that, "apart from
humans, felines are the most widespread and successful land-
bound predators that evolution has produced." Human
intelligence emerged, in part, by our "interaction with
predators which ... were stronger, faster, more agile, and
equipped with deadly natural weaponry." (Saunders, p.1, 1998)
Prior to the rise of the modern human race, predatory cats were
"the dominant carnivores in the Americas[.]" (Saunders, p.16,
1998) Humans, typically hunters, were also attacked and killed
by large predators, including jungle cats. (Moraga, p.10, 2005)
A natural respect, along with a healthy dose of reasonable fear,
combined to produce a spiritual connection between our two
species.
In most Pre-Columbian cultures, the feline predator was
primarily a symbol of "kings, chiefs, warriors and priests."
(Saunders, p.3, 1998) For the Maya of the Classic Period, the
jaguar was "identified with gods and rulers and royal symbols."
(Benson, p.53, 1998) The jaguar is considered to be the "Master
of Animals," which can spiritually control all other animals in
the region. (Saunders, p.21, 1998) As a further generality, the
use of the jaguar symbol in the Pre-Columbian Americas was
"associated with aggression, the qualities of strength and
Animal Symbolism / Giulianti 37
fierceness, supernatural protections, and pre-eminent social
status -- all of which are closely intertwined." (Saunders,
p.25, 1998)
Hunters and warriors have a clear association with jaguars,
as each is the "'jaguar' of its prey." (Saunders, p.24, 1998)
The jaguar, with its "paradigm of stealth, size and strength,"
made it a natural emblem for those groups. (Moraga, p.17, 2005)
In the latter part of the Pre-Columbian era, the predatory cat
"became important as a military emblem." (Benson, p.53, 1998)
These men could further harness that animal's power by
"decorating [their] body with the animal's regalia[.]" Such
accoutrement have historically included "wearing pelts, ...
necklaces and bracelets of teeth and/or claws, [and] ... masks
and headdresses.” (Saunders, p.26, 1998) Carib warriors from
northern South America drank "manioc-beer" which was infused
with the "brain, liver, and heart of a jaguar," in order to give
the fighter the "cunning, courage, and energy" of the creature.
(Saunders, p.28, 1998) Wari soldiers that were associated with
the jaguar "possess[ed] jaguar instinct and ferocity," which
could be "unleashed for battle[.]" (Moraga, p.16, 2005) One of
the highest military orders that an Aztec warrior could join was
known as the "Jaguar Warriors." (Benson, p.57, 1998) For the
Maya, the jaguar itself was specifically the "symbol of war."
(Benson, p.57, 1998)
Animal Symbolism / Giulianti 38
Pre-Columbian royalty often attached itself to the power of
the predatory felines. In the 1500's, the ruler of the Tunja
(modern day Columbia) was named "The Long-Tailed Chief" by the
conquistadors because he "dragged the tail of a jaguar or puma
along the ground" when he walked. (Saunders, p.26, 1998) For
the Aztec, the jaguar was "par excellence," and associated with
one of their pre-eminent gods of the elite, Tezcatlipoca
(Smoking Mirror). (Saunders, p.37, 1998) Mayan kings often
named themselves after jaguars: Shield-Jaguar, Bird-Jaguar,
Serpent-Jaguar, Jaguar-Paw, and Jaguar-Lord-Sky each reigned
over Mayan polities. (Benson, p.54, 1998) The honorific title
of "He of [the] Jaguar Mat" was used only by the highest level
Mayan rulers. (Peterson and Green, p.90, 1991) As the Maya
ruled within the "tropical rain forest," their art contains more
"jaguar associations than any other Mesoamerican peoples."
(Miller, p.104, 1997) Royals wore "jaguar pelts, jaguar
sandals, headdresses fashioned of jaguar heads, and necklaces
made of jaguar teeth[.]" Even at death, the jaguar-elite
connection remained; rulers have been discovered buried with
sacrificed and beheaded jaguar corpses. (Miller, p.102, 1997)
"[T]he dead go to the underworld realm of the jaguars." (Benson,
p.66, 1998) Jaguars are shown on pottery found in Mayan tombs,
further illustrating the connection between death and the
iconography of the jaguar. The afterlife is linked to the
Animal Symbolism / Giulianti 39
"Jaguar God of the Underworld[.]" (Benson, p.64, 1998) During
Mayan funeral rituals of the Pre-Columbian era, "participants
wore jaguar costumes." The dead have even been discovered
wearing "jaguar pelts." (Benson, p.66, 1998) Death, like night,
is the realm of the jaguar.
Jaguars, in particular, have been linked to shamans and
animal transformation. Jaguars were "the most common animals
adopted by the shaman or sorcerer." (Peterson and Green, p.90,
1991) "[F]eline imagery transcended the physical to include the
magico-religious." (Legast, p.122, 1998) Predatory cats are
universally acknowledged as a "widespread and age-old symbol of
the shaman and shamanic power of transcendence." (Cordy-Collins,
p.166, 1998) Jaguars are believed to be the "Master of the
Animals," to which the shaman must entreat for "fertility and
success in hunting." (Moraga, p.17, 2005) Specifically,
scholars have found a "link between shamans, jaguars, and
hallucinogens." (Saunders, p.5, 1998) The highland Tzotzil Maya
continue to associate the jaguar with "the most powerful
shamans[.]" (Saunders, p.29, 1998) Even the early Olmec
civilizations apparently believed that "powerful individuals ...
[were] able to transform themselves into jaguars." (Miller,
p.28, 1997) Matthew Stirling's famous study of Olmec artifacts
and stone representations argued that "were-jaguars" were
particular super-natural beings, although modern scholars have
Animal Symbolism / Giulianti 40
tempered that hypothesis to include shamanic-jaguar
transformations. (Miller, p.185, 1997) Like a carnivorous
jungle cat, "the shaman, as master of the group's cosmological
identity and spiritual well-being, must be strong, and able to
dominate the spirits, in the same was as a predator dominates
its prey." The shaman is both a protector of his own people, as
well as a feared source of dangerous magic to opposition forces.
While curing spiritual maladies, the shaman attacks and defeats
-- as a jaguar does to its prey -- the "illness-bringing
spirits." (Saunders, pp.30-31, 1998) Practitioners often
preferred the jaguar for transformation, "to acquire all of its
potency and ferocity." (Benson, p.69, 1998) Tezcatlipoca, the
Smoking Mirror, was a patron of shamans (as well as the elite)
and "had the jaguar as his spiritual co-essence." (Miller,
p.152, 1997) Shamans are required to 'see' into the spirit
realm; a darkened world of ghosts and shadows. Few predators
have night vision comparable to the jaguar and similar felines,
making such a symbolic connection even greater. (Saunders, p.33,
1998) As typically nocturnal hunters, jaguars have eyes that
are "luminous gold disks at night[.]" (Miller, p.102, 1997)
Such "night vision and prowess" linked it spiritually to the
shamanic arts. During the Aztec era, shamans and other magico-
religious practitioners "carried jaguar hide, tails, and claws
in order to acquire the animal's daring." Among the Maya, the
Animal Symbolism / Giulianti 41
words for "jaguar" and "priest" were interchangeable. (Peterson
and Green, p.90, 1991)
South American artifacts with jaguar imagery are often seen
adjacent to cactus imagery, an association which strengthens the
connection between jaguars, shamans, and hallucinogens. (Cordy-
Collins, p.159, 1998) Anthropologists believe the cactus
represented is the San Pedro cactus -- "a plant botanically and
pharmacologically known to be hallucinogenic ... [and] ingested
by shamans to achieve an altered state of consciousness[.]"
During the trance, the shamans were known to enter the
"supernatural world." (Cordy-Collins, p.166, 1998) The cactus-
based narcotic led to a "state of metamorphosis from human to
feline during an ecstatic trance." (Moraga, p.12, 2005) Jaguar
imagery in Andean textiles shows such cats with "trance-dilated
eyes[.]" (Moraga, p.14, 2005) "Drug paraphernalia" for
preparing and ingesting hallucinogens are often jaguar-shaped or
"etched with their image." (Moraga, pp.17-18, 2005) Some
researchers have suggested that shamans are not merely
representing the essence of jaguars, but that Pre-Columbian
societies actually believed that "each is at the same time the
other." (Benson, citing Furst, p.70, 1998) Such
transmogrification could have occurred in one of two different
manners. First, the shaman can undergo and "abrupt biological
mutation" into a jaguar, or second, the shaman remains human but
Animal Symbolism / Giulianti 42
"acquires jaguar traits[.]" (Cooke, p.97, 1998) Many South
American tribes continue to believe that shamans are in fact
jaguars, merely "disguised as humans." Once they ingest
hallucinogens and enter an altered state, the shamans "can
reveal their inner, feline selves." (Cordy-Collins, p.167, 1998)
Such predatory cats are in effect the "alter egos of shamans and
sorcerers." Many jaguars, prowling the Andean highlands, are
believed to be, in fact, "transformed shamans or sorcerers."
(Moraga, p.17, 2005) Such shamanic connection with jaguars has
existed "from at least Olmec times onward." (Miller, p.102,
1997) In the Aztec era, shamans -- referred to by the
conquistadors as "conjurers" -- could be seen lugging jaguar
pelts with them, giving them awesome power and strength.
(Miller, p.102, 1997) Strong civil and religious leaders were
considered to have jaguar uay, or "co-essence" -- perhaps a
"spirit companion." (Miller, p.176, 1997) The symbolism is
fairly evident: the jaguar moves easily between caves, streams,
earth, and trees, much like the shaman spiritually moving
between heaven, underworld, and earth. (Benson, p.70, 1998)
The South American Puma, typically smaller and thinner than
its feline cousin, was associated with ritual practitioners
"specializing in divination and healing." Unlike the "vision
seeking" aspect of the Jaguar Shamans, the Puma specialists
concentrated on the "well-being of the community[.]" Pumas were
Animal Symbolism / Giulianti 43
honored and considered "elders" of the environment. Pumas, as
patrons of the "fertilizing rains," were offered llamas in
sacrifice -- a favorite prey. Puma faces, sewn into Incan
textiles or painted on vessels, symbolized earthly portals where
"rainbows emerge like springs." Water was intimately linked to
the puma; the Incan capital of Cuzco was home to the joining of
small rivers, known as "The Tail of the Puma." Fresh water was
literally the lifeblood of the local population, and the puma
was honored as its keeper and provider. (Moraga, p.19, 2005)
In addition to its predatory aspect, jungle cats symbolized
protection against evil spirits and enemy forces. Jaguar
symbols were used to "protect sacred places." The entrance of
temples and palaces were often adorned with such images.
(Benson, p.57, 1998) In Mesoamerica, the jaguar "was retained
as the guardian of human society and its rulers." (Peterson and
Green, p.90, 1991) In South America, "[c]olossal feline heads
with bared fangs stood guard over many of the earliest Andean
pyramids and temples." To the native population, this fearsome
display would have been "awe-inspiring and intimidating."
(Moraga, p.13, 2005)
Not entirely obvious is the "association of jaguar imagery
with rain, water, and fertility[.]" (Saunders, p.37, 1998)
Jaguars are one of the few felines not afraid of the water; to
the contrary, they hunt near lakes and streams, eating "fish,
Animal Symbolism / Giulianti 44
turtles, caimans, and crocodiles." (Benson, p.67, 1998; see also
Cooke, p.84, 1998) A favorite perch of jaguars includes
"branches that extend over water." (Miller, p.102, 1997)
Ancient Peruvians ascribed profound "mythological value" to
creatures -- like the jaguar -- that had the dualistic ability
to hunt on both land and water. (Moraga, p.10, 2005) That power
gave this animal the ability to cosmically travel from the earth
to the darkness below. "The water of streams and pools,
necessary for life, comes from -- and goes to -- the
underworld." (Benson, p.67, 1998) To the Maya, "gods with
jaguar attributes or garments are underworld gods." (Benson,
p.64, 1998) Some species have "spotted black on gold" coats,
mimicking the "night sky" full of stars to the Central Mexican
cultures. Since the sun went to the Underworld at night, the
jaguar was therefore symbolic of that same place of darkness.
In artistic representations, jaguars assist in human sacrifice,
often shown "carrying staffs of execution." (Peterson and Green,
p.90, 1991)
At the other extreme, jaguars have been associated
symbolically with the heavens above. Often living within trees,
jaguars and other predatory felines were associated with the
"upper level of the world." To the Mochica of South America,
the jaguar was associated with the sun. To the Maya, the jaguar
was a resident -- and symbol -- of "the night sky." Its spotted
Animal Symbolism / Giulianti 45
coat resembled the stars in the night sky. (Benson, pp.68-69,
1998) In Central Mexico, the spiritual jaguar lived as "a solar
creature[.]" (Miller, p.156, 1997) To the Aztecs, the storm god
Tlaloc had feline features, and the population may have believed
that thunder was the sound of a roaring jaguar. (Miller, p.166,
1997)
Above all, the "prehistoric symbolism" of large felines
illustrates a direct connection to "dominant power," whether
that strength arises in the context of "hunting, warfare,
supernatural aggression [or] ... pre-eminent social status."
(Saunders, p.33, 1998) Historical sources show that large cats
"symbolized ancient and potent qualities of aggression and
ferocity." (Saunders, p.38, 1998) A perfect manifestation of
Pre-Columbian tenacity and fortitude, the visage of the jaguar
peers at us from past millennia, defending the empires from
irrelevance and the fog of history.
Conclusion: The Natural Environment and Symbolism
in Pre-Columbian America
Man has long attempted to attach itself to the power,
cunning, and strength of nature. Animals were omnipresent
reminders of man's connection to the natural world to Pre-
Columbian peoples -- and to their "interdependence" on the
environment. (Peterson and Green, p.108, 1991) They built stone
Animal Symbolism / Giulianti 46
edifices with protective animal inlay; designed temples in which
passing water "'roars' like a jaguar;" and carved predatory
images directory into the hillsides. (Moraga, pp.7-8, 2005)
Even early Pre-Columbian empires utilized animal symbolism to
link its ancestors and rulers with the power of the natural
world. "[T]he Olmecs identified with the powerful animals that,
like humans, occupied the top of the food chain -- felines,
eagles, caimans, and snakes[.]" (Miller, p.15, 1997)
To the researcher, however, it is clear that there are
"limitations [on] our attempts to penetrate the symbolic logic
of a dead society." (Legast, p.144, 1998) We understand much
about the animals depicted -- how they reproduce, hunt, defend,
and live -- yet attaching them to precise meanings "is often
less accessible." Items found in burials might be related to
their role in the heavens or conversely the person's prior
"earthly activities." (Peterson and Green, p.108, 1991) Much of
this difficulty is compounded by the "diligent efforts of the
Spanish conquerors and priests who sought to destroy all
indigenous traditions after gaining control" of the Pre-
Columbian Americas. (Moraga, p.11, 2005) Added to that cultural
carnage are the continuing effects of modern archaeological
looting. (Peterson and Green, p.108, 1991)
Still, decades of applied research has yielded vast amounts
of information on the symbolism of the natural world within Pre-
Animal Symbolism / Giulianti 47
Columbian ethnology. Some appear rather straightforward, while
others mix and match body parts and physical characteristics.
Thus, in addition to direct representations of animals, "there
are also strange mergings of animals species," which may
indicate that even early Pre-Columbian peoples "were attempting
to amalgamate the sky, earth, and sea into a dynamic and
coherent whole." (Miller, p.28, 1997) "Natural forces," in this
manner, were "transcendent" and appeared to cross "different
cosmic zones." (Peterson and Green, p.108, 1991) The
environment -- and all of its might and fury -- was clearly a
source of both danger and admiration for the peoples of South
and Mesoamerica. For the inhabitants of the Pre-Columbian
world, "animals were their original, and essential, metaphors."
(Moraga, p.11, 2005) Researchers continue to probe the
archaeological, anthropological, and art history record for more
connection and meaning.
Animal Symbolism / Giulianti 48
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