William J. Dominik, ‘Statius’, in J. M. Foley (ed.), A Companion to Ancient Epic (Chichester:...

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Library ofCollgress Catalogiug-in-Publimtioll Data

A companion to ancient epic/edited by John Miles Foley. p. em. (Blackwell companions to the ancient world. Literature and culture)

Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-1-4051-0524-8 (alk. paper), ISBN 978-1-4051-8838-8 (pbk.: alk. Paper)

l. Epic poetry-History and criticism. 2. Epic literature-History and criticism. 3. Epic poetry, Classical-History and criticism. I. Foley, John Miles. II. Series.

PN1317.C66 2005 809.1'32-dc22

2004018322

A catalogue record for this title is available from the British Library.

Set in 9.5 on llpt Galliard by SPi Publisher Services, Pondicherry, India Printed in Singapore by C.O.S. Printers Pte Ltd

01 2009

Contents

List of Figures ix

Notes on Contributors x

Acknowledgments xvi

Abbreviations of Ancient Authors and Works xvii

Abbreviations of Modern Reference Works xxiii

Map: The ancient epic territories xxv

Introduction 1John Miles Foley

Part I Issues and Perspectives 7

1 Epic as Genre 9Richard P. Martin

2 The Indo-European Context 20Joshua T. Katz

3 Epic and Myth 31Lowell Edmunds

4 Performance 45Minna Skafte Jensen

5 Epic and History 55Kurt A. Raaflaub

6 The Epic Hero 71Gregory Nagy

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7 The Gods in Epic, or the Divine Economy 90Bruce Louden

8 Women in Ancient Epic 105Helene P. Foley

9 Archaeological Contexts 119Susan Sherratt

10 The Physical Media: Tablet, Scroll, Codex 142Michael W. Haslam

11 Ancient Reception 164Robert Lamberton

12 Translating Ancient Epic 174Richard Hamilton Armstrong

13 Analogues: Modern Oral Epics 196John Miles Foley

Part II Near Eastern Epic 213

14 Comparative Observations on the Near Eastern Epic Traditions 215Jack M. Sasson

15 Mesopotamian Epic 233Scott B. Noegel

16 Epic in Ugaritic Literature 246N. Wyatt

17 Hittite and Hurrian Epic 255Gary Beckman

18 Persian/Iranian Epic 264Olga M. Davidson

19 The Challenge of Israelite Epic 277Susan Niditch

Part III Ancient Greek Epic 289

20 Near Eastern Connections 291Walter Burkert

21 Homer’s Iliad 302Mark W. Edwards

22 Homer’s Odyssey 315Laura M. Slatkin

23 Hesiod 330Stephanie Nelson


vi Contents

24 The Epic Cycle and Fragments 344Jonathan S. Burgess

25 Apollonius of Rhodes 353D. P. Nelis

26 Quintus of Smyrna 364Alan James

27 Nonnus 374Robert Shorrock

28 Epic and Other Genres in the Ancient Greek World 386R. Scott Garner

29 Homer’s Post-classical Legacy 397Casey Due

Part IV Roman Epic 415

30 The Origins and Essence of Roman Epic 417Joseph Farrell

31 Early Republican Epic 429Sander M. Goldberg

32 Lucretius 440Monica R. Gale

33 Virgil’s Aeneid 452Michael C. J. Putnam

34 Ovid 476Carole E. Newlands

35 Lucan 492Shadi Bartsch

36 Valerius Flaccus 503Andrew Zissos

37 Statius 514William J. Dominik

38 Silius Italicus 528Raymond D. Marks

39 Claudian 538Michael H. Barnes

40 Latin Christian Epics of Late Antiquity 550Dennis E. Trout

41 Epic and Other Genres in the Roman World 562R. Jenkyns


Contents vii

42 Virgil’s Post-classical Legacy 574Craig Kallendorf

Bibliography 589

Index 651


viii Contents

Notes on Contributors

Richard Hamilton Armstrong is Associate Professor of Classical Studies at the Univer-sity of Houston. He studied literary theory, classical and medieval literature at YaleUniversity (MPhil., PhD), and his main interests lie in the reception of classical culture,the history of psychoanalysis, and translation studies. He is author of Compulsion forAntiquity: Freud and the Ancient World and is currently co-editing a volume of essays onthe translation of classical poetry.

Michael H. Barnes is currently Visiting Assistant Professor of Classics at the University ofMissouri, Columbia. He has held a postdoctoral fellowship at the Honors College of theUniversity of Houston, and has contributed articles to Oral Tradition and the Enzyklo-padie des Marchens in addition to serving as assistant editor of this Companion to AncientEpic. His research interests include comparative epic poetry, particularly ancient Greek,and Hellenistic literature.

Shadi Bartsch is Professor in the Department of Classics and the Committee on theHistory of Culture at the University of Chicago. Her publications include Decoding theAncient Novel; Actors in the Audience; Ideology in Cold Blood; and The Mirror of the Self:Specularity, Sexuality, and Self-Knowledge in the Roman Empire (forthcoming). She is alsoco-editor of the Oxford Encyclopedia of Rhetoric and Erotikon: Essays on Eros, Ancient andModern.

Gary Beckman is Professor of Hittite and Mesopotamian Studies and Chair of NearEastern Studies at the University of Michigan. He is author of Hittite Birth Rituals andHittite Diplomatic Texts as well as co-editor of the Norton Epic of Gilgamesh, and iscurrently completing an edition of Gilgamesh texts found at the Hittite capital. He alsoserves as an editor of the Journal of Cuneiform Studies and the Journal of the AmericanOriental Society.

Jonathan S. Burgess is an associate professor in the Department of Classics at theUniversity of Toronto whose research focuses on early Greek epic and myth. His majorbook is The Tradition of the Trojan War in Homer and the Epic Cycle, and he has publishedarticles in Classical Philology, the American Journal of Philology, and Transactions of theAmerican Philological Association. He is currently working on a project about the deathand afterlife of Achilles.

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Walter Burkert studied classics, history, and philosophy at Erlangen and Munich andhas taught classics as professor at Berlin (1966–9) and Zurich (1969–96), and asvisiting professor at Harvard University, the University of California, Berkeley, and otherinstitutions in the United States. His research and publications concentrate on ancientGreek philosophy and religion, including oriental contacts and perspectives from anthro-pology. Among his publications are Homo Necans, Greek Religion, and The OrientalizingRevolution.

Olga M. Davidson is currently Associate Professor of Women’s Studies at BrandeisUniversity. Her teaching interests center on Persian and Arabic languages and literatures.She is author of Poet and Hero in the Persian Book of Kings, and Comparative Literatureand Classical Persian Poetry. Her articles include ‘‘Formulaic analysis of samples takenfrom the Shahnama of Ferdowsi,’’ in Oral Tradition, as well as papers in the Journal of theAmerican Oriental Society and Arethusa.

William J. Dominik is Professor of Classics at the University of Otago and has taughtwidely in classics and the humanities at a number of universities. He is the author andeditor of numerous books and other publications on such topics as Statius, Flavian Rome,Roman rhetoric, and Roman verse satire, including Speech and Rhetoric in Statius’ Thebaidand The Mythic Voice of Statius. He is also the founding editor of the classical journalScholia.

Casey Due serves as an assistant professor of Classical Studies in the Department ofModern and Classical Languages at the University of Houston. She holds an MA andPhD in Classical Philology from Harvard University, and her teaching and researchinterests include ancient Greek oral traditions, Homeric poetry, and Greek tragedy.Among her publications are Homeric Variations on a Lament by Briseis and The CaptiveWoman’s Lament in Greek Tragedy.

Lowell Edmunds is Professor of Classics at Rutgers University. Among his publicationsare Myth in Homer: A Handbook, Theatrical Space and Historical Place in Sophocles’Oedipus at Colonus, and an edited volume entitled Approaches to Greek Myth. His mostrecent book is Intertextuality and the Reading of Roman Poetry, and he is at work on avolume on Oedipus for the Routledge series, ‘‘Gods and Heroes of the Ancient World.’’

Mark W. Edwards is Emeritus Professor of Classics at Stanford University. He is theauthor of Sound, Sense, and Rhythm: Listening to Greek and Latin Poetry, Homer: Poet ofthe Iliad, and Volume 5 (Books 17–20) of the six-volume Cambridge Commentary on theIliad, as well as a series of three articles on formulaic phraseology and narrative patterningin the Homeric poems, published in Oral Tradition.

Joseph Farrell is Professor of Classical Studies and Edmund J. and Louise W. KahnEndowed Term Chair in Humanities at the University of Pennsylvania. He is author ofVergil’s Georgics and the Traditions of Ancient Epic, Latin Language and Latin Culture,and ‘‘The Vergilian intertext’’ in the Cambridge Companion to Vergil, as well as numerousarticles in such journals as Classical Quarterly, Classical World, the American Journal ofPhilology, and Harvard Studies in Classical Philology.

Helene P. Foley is Professor and Chair of Classics, Barnard College, Columbia University.She holds MA degrees in Classics and English from Yale University and a PhD in Classicsfrom Harvard University. She is the author of numerous publications on Greek epic anddrama, on women and gender in antiquity, and on modern performance and adaptation ofGreek drama. Her books include Ritual Irony: Poetry and Sacrifice in Euripides, TheHomeric Hymn to Demeter, and Female Acts in Greek Tragedy.


Notes on Contributors xi

John Miles Foley is W. H. Byler Endowed Chair in the Humanities, Curators’ Professorof Classical Studies and English, and Director of the Center for Studies in Oral Traditionat the University of Missouri, Columbia. His research interests include ancient Greek,medieval English, and South Slavic oral traditions. Recent publications include Homer’sTraditional Art, How to Read an Oral Poem, and an experimental edition-translation of aSouth Slavic oral epic, The Wedding of Mustajbey’s Son Becirbey as Performed by HalilBajgoric.

Monica R. Gale is a Senior Lecturer in Classics at Trinity College, Dublin. Her researchinterests include the poetry of the late Roman Republic and the Augustan period; she isthe author of Myth and Poetry in Lucretius, Virgil on the Nature of Things, and Lucretiusand the Didactic Epic, as well as editor of Latin Epic and Didactic Poetry: Genre, Traditionand Individuality. She is currently working on a commentary on the poems of Catullus.

R. Scott Garner received his PhD from Princeton University and is currently an assistantprofessor in the Department of the Classics at the University of Illinois at Urbana,Champaign. In addition to his primary research, which focuses on traditional oral tech-niques of composition within non-epic archaic Greek poetry, he has also written on theancient novel as well as features of oral-formulaic performance within the South Slavic oralepic tradition.

Sander M. Goldberg is Professor of Classics at the University of California, Los Angeles.He is the author of The Making of Menander’s Comedy, Understanding Terence, Epic inRepublican Rome, and other studies of Greek and Roman literature. His current researchcenters on the developing idea of literature in the Roman Republic and, with ProfessorTom Beghin, the relationship of classical rhetorical theory to eighteenth-century music.

Michael W. Haslam is Professor of Classics at the University of California, Los Angeles.Special areas of interest include archaic Greek lyric, Homer, tragedy, and Hellenisticpoetry; also textual transmission as well as literary criticism and exegesis both ancientand modern. He has edited Greek papyri in the Oxyrhynchus Papyri series and elsewhere,and contributed ‘‘Homeric Papyri and the transmission of the text’’ to A New Companionto Homer.

Alan James received his PhD from King’s College, Cambridge. He has served as Fellowand Lecturer in Classics, Selwyn College, Cambridge University; and as Senior Lecturer inClassics at the University of Sydney. His research specialties are early and later Greek epicpoetry and didactic poetry, poetry of the Hellenistic period, and translation of the Iliad,and his major publications include two books on Oppian, a translation of Malalas, and acommentary on Quintus Book 5.

Richard Jenkyns is Professor of the Classical Tradition in the University of Oxford and aFellow of Lady Margaret Hall. He also serves as Public Orator at Oxford. His most recentbooks are Dignity and Decadence: Victorian Art and the Classical Inheritance; Virgil’sExperience: Nature and History: Times, Names, and Places; Westminster Abbey; and A FineBrush on Ivory: An Appreciation of Jane Austen.

Minna Skafte Jensen is Professor Emerita of Greek and Latin at the University ofSouthern Denmark, having also taught at the University of Copenhagen. Amongher major publications are The Homeric Question and the Oral-Formulaic Theory andA History of Nordic Neo-Latin Literature. She has also contributed to collective volumessuch as Translators and Translations and The Kalevala and the World’s Traditional Epics,as well as to the Symbolae Osloensis debate over the divisions in the Homeric epics.


xii Notes on Contributors

Craig Kallendorf is Professor of Classics and English at Texas A&M University. He is theauthor of eleven books and several dozen articles, mostly on the reception of Virgil in earlymodern Europe. His latest books are Virgil and the Myth of Venice: Books and Readers inthe Italian Renaissance, Humanist Educational Treatises, and In Praise of Aeneas: Virgiland Epideictic Rhetoric in the Early Italian Renaissance.

Joshua T. Katz is a linguist by training, a classicist by profession, and a comparativephilologist at heart. An assistant professor of Classics, the John Witherspoon BicentennialPreceptor, and a member of the Program in Linguistics at Princeton University, he iswidely published in Indo-European studies and has a particular interest in the languages,literatures, and cultures of Greece and the Ancient Near East.

Robert Lamberton received his PhD from Yale University and currently serves as Pro-fessor and Chair in the Department of Classics at Washington University in St. Louis.Among his publications are Homer the Theologian: Neoplatonist Allegorical Reading andthe Growth of the Epic Tradition, Hesiod, and ‘‘Homer in antiquity,’’ which appeared in ANew Companion to Homer. Together with J. Keaney, he has also edited Homer’s AncientReaders: The Hermeneutics of Greek Epic’s Earliest Exegetes.

Bruce Louden received his PhD from the University of California at Berkeley andhas written widely on Homeric epic, including a book entitled The Odyssey: Structure,Narration, and Meaning. He has also published on Indo-European myth and poetics,Bacchylides, Roman drama, Beowulf, Shakespeare, and Milton. He is currently finishing abook on the Iliad, as well as pursuing parallels between Greek myth and the OldTestament.

Raymond D. Marks received his PhD in Classics from Brown University and is currentlyan assistant professor of Classical Studies at the University of Missouri, Columbia. Hisresearch interests include post-Augustan epic poetry and literature of the Flavian period;the latter will be the subject of his next research project, supported by a Loeb Fellowship.He is presently preparing a book tentatively entitled In Defense of Empire: Scipio Africanusin the Punica of Silius Italicus.

Richard P. Martin holds the Antony and Isabelle Raubitschek Chair in Classics atStanford University. He received his PhD in Classical Philology from Harvard University,and is the author of Healing, Sacrifice, and Battle: Amechania and Related Concepts inEarly Greek Poetry, The Language of Heroes: Speech and Performance in the Iliad, and Mythsof the Ancient Greeks. His research interests include ancient and modern poetics, Irishlanguage and literature, modern Greek culture, and oral epic traditions worldwide.

Gregory Nagy is the author of The Best of the Achaeans: Concepts of the Hero in ArchaicGreek Poetry and Pindar’s Homer: The Lyric Possession of an Epic Past, among many otherbooks. Since 2000, he has been the Director of the Harvard Center for Hellenic Studies inWashington, DC, while continuing to teach at the Harvard campus in Cambridge asthe Francis Jones Professor of Classical Greek Literature and Professor of ComparativeLiterature.

D. P. Nelis is Professor of Latin in Trinity College Dublin. His central research interest isthe influence of Hellenistic Greek poetry at Rome. He is the author of Vergil’s Aeneid andthe Argonautica of Apollonius Rhodius, editor (with D. S. Levene) of Clio and the Poets:Augustan Poetry and the Traditions of Ancient Historiography, and author of a number ofarticles on Apollonius Rhodius.


Notes on Contributors xiii

Stephanie Nelson received her MA and PhD from the University of Chicago andpresently serves as an assistant professor in the Department of Classical Studies at BostonUniversity. She has published God and the Land: The Metaphysics of Farming in Hesiod andVergil and a wide range of articles on Homer, James Joyce, and other subjects. Her mostrecent book is Aristophanes’ Tragic Muse: Tragedy, Comedy, and the Polis in ClassicalAthens.

Carole E. Newlands is Professor of Classics at the University of Wisconsin, Madison. Sheis the author of Playing with Time: Ovid and the Fasti and of Statius’ Silvae and the Poeticsof Empire, and has also written articles on Roman poetry and early Roman literature aswell as on the reception of Ovid. She currently serves as an associate editor of theAmerican Journal of Philology.

Susan Niditch, who specializes in the traditions of ancient Israel, is the Samuel GreenProfessor of Religion at Amherst College, where she has taught since 1978. Her booksinclude War in the Hebrew Bible: A Study in the Ethics of Violence, Ancient IsraeliteReligion, and Oral World and Written Word: Ancient Israelite Literature. Current projectsare a new translation/commentary for the biblical Book of Judges and a study of ‘‘Hair inancient Israel.’’

Scott B. Noegel is Associate Professor of Ancient Near Eastern Languages and Civiliza-tions at the University of Washington. His recent works include Nocturnal Ciphers: TheAllusive Language of Dreams in the Ancient Near East, A Historical Dictionary of Prophetsin Islam and Judaism, and Prayer, Magic, and the Stars in the Ancient and Late AntiqueWorld. He is currently co-editing The Linguistic Cycle: Selected Writings of Carleton T.Hodge and writing a monograph on magic and the Bible.

Michael C. J. Putnam is MacMillan Professor of Classics and Professor of ComparativeLiterature at Brown University. His books, including Virgil’s Epic Designs and The Poetryof the Aeneid, have been largely concerned with Latin literature of the Republican andAugustan periods, especially with the poetry of Virgil, Horace, and Tibullus. A formerpresident of the American Philological Association, he is a trustee of the AmericanAcademy in Rome and Fellow of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences.

Kurt A. Raaflaub is David Herlihy University Professor and Professor of Classics andHistory at Brown University. His main research interests include archaic and classicalGreek and Roman Republican political, social, and intellectual history, war and society,the cultural interaction between Egypt, the Near East, and Greece, and the comparativehistory of ancient civilizations. He recently published The Discovery of Freedom in AncientGreece and is working on a history of early Greek political thought.

Jack M. Sasson is the Mary Jane Werthan Professor of Judaic Studies and Hebrew Bible,Professor of Classics, and Director of the Program in Jewish Studies at VanderbiltUniversity. He writes on the archives from Mari in the early second millennium BCE andhas produced commentaries on the biblical books of Ruth and Jonah. He is past editor ofthe Journal of the American Oriental Society and editor-in-chief of Civilizations of theAncient Near East.

Susan Sherratt is Honorary Research Associate, Department of Antiquities, AshmoleanMuseum, University of Oxford. She is author of Arthur Evans, Knossos, and the Priest-kingand the Catalogue of Cycladic Antiquities in the Ashmolean Museum: The Captive Spirit, aswell as ‘‘ ‘Reading the texts’: archaeology and the Homeric question,’’ published inAntiquity. She is also editor of the three-volume collection, The Wall Paintings of Thera.


xiv Notes on Contributors

Robert Shorrock read classics at University College, Durham and Christ’s College,Cambridge, where he obtained his PhD. He is the author of The Challenge of Epic:Allusive Engagement in the Dionysiaca of Nonnus and of a number of articles on ancientliterature and the classical tradition. He teaches at Eton College, Windsor.

Laura M. Slatkin teaches classical studies at New York University (Gallatin School) andthe University of Chicago. Her research interests include ancient Greek and Romanpoetry, especially epic and drama; wisdom traditions in classical and Near Eastern an-tiquity; comparative mythology; gender studies; anthropological approaches to the litera-ture of the ancient Mediterranean world; and cultural poetics. Among her publications isThe Power of Thetis: Allusion and Interpretation in the Iliad.

Dennis E. Trout is an associate professor of Classical Studies at the University ofMissouri, Columbia. He is the author of Paulinus of Nola: Life, Letters, and Poems and,most recently, ‘‘Damasus and the invention of early Christian Rome’’ in The CulturalTurn in Late Ancient Studies. At present he is working on Latin epigraphic poetry of thefourth and fifth centuries, giving special attention to the poems of Damasus, bishop ofRome from 366 to 384.

Nicholas Wyatt has a personal chair in ancient Near Eastern religions in the University ofEdinburgh. He is the author of Myths of Power: A Study of Royal Myth and Ideology inUgaritic and Biblical Tradition, Religious Texts from Ugarit: The Works of Ilimilku and hisColleagues, and Space and Time in the Religious Life of the Near East. He has also writtennumerous articles on Old Testament, Ugaritic, Indian, and comparative topics.

Andrew Zissos received his PhD from Princeton University and was Fellow of theAmerican Academy in Rome in 2000–1. He presently serves as an assistant professor ofLatin Literature and Graduate Director in the Department of Classics, University ofCalifornia, Irvine. He has published numerous articles on Latin epic, primarily on ValeriusFlaccus’ Argonautica and Ovid’s Metamorphoses, and is currently completing a commen-tary on Book 1 of the Argonautica.


Notes on Contributors xv

CHAPTER THIRTY-SEVEN

Statius

William J. Dominik

Stazio la gente ancor di la mi noma:cantai di Tebe, e poi del grande Achille;ma caddi in via con la seconda soma.

(Dante, Purgatorio 21.85–7)

Statius is what people on earth still call me:I sang of Thebes and then of mighty Achilles,but I fell by the wayside with the second burden.

Thus speaks Statius when Dante and his guide Virgil encounter him in the Purgatorio. Inthese few lines Dante Alighieri refers to the Thebaid and Achilleid, the epics for whichPublius Papinius Statius (ca. 45–ca. 96 CE) was widely known and admired in the MiddleAges. The Thebaid is unique for a Roman epic in that it survives in a completed andpolished form, whereas only a little over a book of the Achilleid was written before thepoet died. Although the Thebaid and Achilleid are very different types of epics, they bothadopt a theme from Greek mythology and contain a recusatio to the emperor Domitian fornot writing an epic on the emperor and his deeds (Theb. 1.14–19, Achil. 1.14–19). Statiusdid write a historical poem, On the German War, which dealt with Domitian’s Germancampaign (see Sil. 4.2.63–7). Since only four lines are extant, however, it is impossible toknow if this was the poem about his exploits promised to Domitian (Theb. 1.32–3, Achil.1.18–19). The Silvae, a collection of Statius’ occasional poems rediscovered in the earlyfifteenth century, refers frequently not only to his life and his circumstances but also to thecomposition of his epics. It is here we learn that Statius was guided by his father, anaccomplished poet who died around 79 CE, when he undertook to compose the Thebaid(Sil. 5.3.234–8). This is significant since its themes seem to have been anticipated in anepic by the elder Statius on the civil war of 69 (Sil. 5.3.195–208), which unfortunatelydoes not survive.

Subject and Background of the Thebaid

The subject of Statius’ Thebaid is the attempt of Polynices, son of Oedipus and Jocasta, togain control of the throne from his brother Eteocles. The brothers agree to alternate rulein Thebes on an annual basis, but Eteocles declines to step down from the throne after hisfirst year of rule. Polynices then seeks the aid of neighboring monarchs in an attempt to

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regain power. The subject of the Thebaid formed part of a long literary tradition thatseems to have commenced with the Epic Cycle, a collection of Greek poems written in theseventh and sixth centuries BCE (see Chapter 24, by Burgess). Although the Thebaid ofthe Epic Cycle has not survived, its subject seems to have provided an important stimulusto later poets, including Antimachus, whose Thebaid of the fifth century BCE consisted oftwenty-four books in the Homeric fashion. While Antimachus’ epic and numerous Greektragedies of roughly the same period are lost to us today, a number of Greek tragediesdealing with the Theban saga do survive, namely Aeschylus’ Seven Against Thebes, Euripi-des’ Suppliant Women and Phoenician Women, and Sophocles’ Oedipus Tyrannus, Oedipusat Colonus, and Antigone, as do the Roman tragedies of Seneca, notably Oedipus and theincomplete Phoenician Women. From these and other sources it is apparent that Statiusderived aspects of the plot and treatment of his themes and characters in his own Thebaid,which was completed after a dozen years in the early 90s CE.

Narrative Structure of the Thebaid

In addition to the programmatic prologue (Theb. 1.1–45) and the highly allusiveepilogue (12.810–19), three broad movements or divisions to Statius’ Thebaid can beidentified: (1) the initial impetus of the narrative toward war (1.46–4.645), (2) the delayin Nemea (4.646–6.946), and (3) the reactuation of the narrative toward war followed bythe actual fighting (7.1–12.809). Statius indicates his intent of altering the direction orimpetus of the narrative by inserting within each of these broad narrative divisionsan invocation to the Muses (1.1–45, 7.628–31) or Apollo (4.649–51) for divine inspir-ation in relating the subsequent events of the movement. On a more basic level thenarrative structure (or plot) of the work is divided into twelve books, each with its owninternal structure and unity. Significantly, eight of these books (1, 2, 4, 7–11) open with ascene highlighting the causative and destructive role of the gods in the forward movementof the narrative. Four consecutive books (7–10) in the third movement commence witha scene stressing the harmful nature of supernatural intervention and culminate inthe death of one of the Seven, the demise in each case serving as an illustration of thesupreme manifestation of divine interference in human affairs. Thus the structure itself ofthese books becomes a reflection of the supernatural cause–human effect relationshipin which divine intervention precipitates human death and suffering. Elsewhere inthe narrative Statius frequently juxtaposes scenes showing the harmful effects of divineintervention in human affairs with passages highlighting this disastrous interference ofthe higher powers. This juxtapositional technique is effective in suggesting thedestructive nature of the divine cause-human effect relationship that defines the rest ofthe poem.

Prologue and invocation (Thebaid 1.1–45): setting the theme

The major function of the opening book is to draw immediate attention to the role ofthe supernatural powers in contriving to effect widespread human destruction and suffer-ing. The prologue and invocation to the Muses (Theb. 1.1–45) is consistent withthis purpose. This introductory section allows Statius to provide essentialbackground information relevant to his theme of fraternas acies (‘‘fraternal strife,’’ 1.1):the description of the immense suffering that the gods have inflicted upon Thebes in thepast and the suffering that her citizens are yet to endure immediately establishes anatmosphere of despair and hopelessness by pointing forward to the inevitability of tragicevents.


Statius 515

First movement (Thebaid 1.46–4.645): preparations for war

The first movement of the epic narrates Polynices’ recruitment of an army led by the Sevenagainst Thebes, including Adrastus, king of Argos, who is the only leader among the Sevento survive the war. After the motivating speech of Jupiter, in which he declares that he willset the brothers against each other (Theb. 1.214–47, esp. 224–5, 241–6), there is thearrival of Polynices at Argos and his clash with Tydeus (Theb. 1); the marriages of Polynicesand Tydeus to Adrastus’ daughters, Antigone and Ismene; Tydeus’ mission to Eteoclesand his slaying of the ambushers sent against him by Eteocles (Theb. 2); the account andsuicide of Maeon, the lone survivor from the ambush; the return of Tydeus to Argos andhis exhortation to war; the taking of the auspices for war (Theb. 3); the catalogue of theArgive armies; the necromancy to find out the result of the ensuing conflict; and the arrivalof the troops at Nemea (Theb. 4).

Second movement: delay in Nemea (Thebaid 4.646–6.946)

The second movement includes the story of Hypsipyle (Theb. 5.49–498), formerQueen of Lemnos, which involves the Lemnian massacre and her enslavement at thecourt of King Lycurgus as the nurse of Opheltes (Theb. 5), and the funeral games held inhonor of Opheltes, who is slain by a serpent as Hypsipyle tells her tale to Adrastus andthe Argives (Theb. 6). The insertion of this metadiegetic narrative so arrests the flow of thechronological narrative that the impression of a long delay in the progress of theArgive army toward Thebes is created. Hypsipyle’s tale parallels the themes and eventstreated in the main narrative. The fluctuating fortunes of the Lemnian women resemblethe frequent change in circumstances of the Argives and Thebans in the main narrative. Aswith the scheme of Jupiter, the plan of Venus to exact retribution sets family membersagainst one another and involves the guiltless in its fulfillment. This episode featuresone of the most gruesome examples of supernaturally inspired violence and bloodshedin the poem. Venus instigates the women’s human sacrifice (5.157–65) and massacreof their Lemnian husbands, fathers, and children with the assistance of the Furies(190–240; cf. 85–169). The massacre related by Hypsipyle, a scene of total desolationand bizarre morbidity, is horrific and pathetic (212–61). The focus of the entire episode ison the heroic action of Hypsipyle in rescuing her father from the frenzied Lemnianwomen (240–95).

Third movement (Thebaid 7.1–12.809): war between Thebes and Argos

The second half of the epic commences with Jupiter’s motivating speech in which hecommands Mars to stir up war (Theb. 7.6–33, esp. 27–32). The narrative accelerates with aseries of battles between the Argive and Theban sides as it moves toward the inevitableduel between Polynices and Eteocles. These deaths include nearly all of the rest of theSeven: Amphiaraus, an Argive prophet, who is engulfed by the earth and plunges to hisdoom in the Underworld (Theb. 7); Tydeus, king of Calydon, who gnaws on the skull ofhis victim at the point of his own death (Theb. 8); the Argive Hippomedon, who isweakened by the onslaught of the river Ismenus and falls to the Thebans’ projectiles;Parthenopaeus, the son of Atalanta, who falls mysteriously in battle and entreats hismother for a proper burial (Theb. 9); and the Argive Capaneus, who challenges the godsand is struck down by Jupiter (Theb. 10). These deaths build up to the mutual fratricide ofPolynices and Eteocles and to Creon’s banishment of Oedipus from Thebes (Theb. 11).The rest of the action in the epic is taken up with the lamentations of the widows, thefuneral rites of the Thebans, the cremation of the brothers, the military intervention of


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Theseus at Thebes on behalf of the unburied Seven, and his rout of Creon on thebattlefield (Theb. 12).

Epilogue (Thebaid 12.810–19): literary predecessors

Statius mentions Virgil’s Aeneid in his epilogue and declares that his Thebaid is not to rivalit but to follow its path reverently: ‘‘uiue, precor; nec tu diuinam Aeneida tempta, / sedlonge sequere et uestigia semper adora’’ (‘‘Live, I pray; nor challenge the divine Aeneid,but follow from afar and always venerate its tracks,’’ Theb. 12.816–17). These lines aresignificant for their acknowledgment of poetic indebtedness to Virgil, for their self-conscious, self-referential acknowledgment of the Thebaid’s own belatedness in the poeticand epic traditions, and for their self-positioning, self-memorializing statement regardingthe Thebaid’s own contribution to these traditions. The reference to the Aeneid in thisenvoi clarifies the role of the Thebaid and its intellectual focus in relation to the Aeneid andother texts, especially its relation to earlier poetry and epic and its role within thesetraditions. The Thebaid pointedly follows the lead of Virgil’s epic in its construction of amythical framework with contemporary meaning and relevance. Statius stresses his debtdirectly to the Aeneid and through various intertexual allusions to this and other works ofsuch precursory poets as Homer, Pindar, Callimachus, Apollonius Rhodius, Ennius,Lucretius, Catullus, Livy, Propertius, Horace, Virgil, Ovid, Lucan, Valerius Flaccus, andMartial.

Thebaid 12.817 (‘‘sed longe sequere et uestigia semper adora’’, ‘‘but follow from afarand always venerate its tracks’’) recalls Aeneid 2.711 (‘‘et longe seruet uestigia coniunx’’,‘‘and from afar let my wife [Creusa] stay in my footsteps’’), an intertextual reference thatsuggests the relationship between the Thebaid and the Aeneid should be viewed not somuch as one of master and epigone but rather in cultural terms of husband and wife(Nugent 1996: 70–1), that is, as different and later in the tradition. Thebaid 12.817 alsorecalls the story of Eurydice in the narratives of Virgil’s Georgics (4.453–527, esp. 485–502) and Ovid’s Metamorphoses (10.1–85, esp. 48–63), where she follows her husbandwith the same result as Creusa in the Aeneid. Furthermore, Theb. 12.816–17 brings tomind examples in Greek lyric and elegy where a poet refers to his groundbreaking role inthe poetic craft, for instance in Pyth. 4, where Pindar mentions that he is a guide toothers in the poetic art and can set an example of the short path, that is, concise narrative(247–8), and in the prologue to Callimachus’ Aetia, where Apollo bids Callimachus not tofollow the common paths of other poets but to tread an unworn path (Aet. fr. 1.25–8).Unlike these poets, however, Statius bids his epic to follow in the tracks of a precursor,even if it is at a distance.

The ratis of Statius (Theb. 12.809), a ‘‘ship’’ of poetry, which recalls others such asthose of Pindar (e.g., Nem. 3.26–7, Ol. 6.101, Pyth. 10.51–2), Apollonius (Arg. 4.1773–5), Propertius (3.3.22–3, 3.9.3–4), Horace (Carm. 2.10.1–24, 4.15.1–4), Virgil (Geo.2.39–46, 4.116–17), Ovid (Tr. 3.329–30, AA 3.26), and Valerius Flaccus (Arg. 1.1–4), isdescribed by the poet as being deserving of a haven (portum, ‘‘harbor,’’ Theb. 12.809; cf.Sil. 4.4.88–9), ostensibly from the apparently endless tale of epic grief, despair, andruination it describes. While Statius’ employment of the nautical metaphor to refer tothe end of the Thebaid’s journey is reminiscent of Pindar’s use of the anchor to indicatethe end of an ode (Ol. 6.101), it also recalls Ennius’ self-conscious statement (possibly) ator towards the end of his Annals’ original epilogue to the fifteenth book (Ann. sed. inc. fr.69), where he likens a distinguished poeta finishing a demanding literary task to achampion racing steed in retirement (Dominik 1993: 44–5).

The sentiments in the Thebaid’s epilogue regarding the epic’s immortality (‘‘iam certepraesens tibi Fama benignum / strauit iter coepitque nouam monstrare futuris’’ (‘‘Indeed,


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already present Fame has laid a kindly path for you and begun to parade you as a newcreation before the future’’) 12.812–13) and especially its popularity among Italian youth(‘‘Itala iam studio discit memoratque iuuentus’’ (‘‘and Italian youth avidly learn andremember you’’) 815) bring to mind similar statements of epic poets preceding Statius,including the bold prediction of Ennius that his subject and poem would win renownamong peoples far and wide (Ann. 1 fr. 11 (Skutsch 1985)), Apollonius’ expression ofhope that his Argonautica would grow in poetic appeal through the years (Arg. 4.1773–5), and Lucan’s bold prediction on the future immortality of his epic (BC 9.986). Thisdidactic aspect of the Thebaid’s epilogue also recalls Lucretius’ De rerum natura, espe-cially 3.1–30 and 5.55–90, and verbal reminiscences emphasize the thematic link (Mala-mud 1995: 26–7).

But the epilogue also recalls similar pronouncements in non-epic texts, includingPindar, Ol. 6, where he appeals to Poseidon to prosper his poems (105); Catullus 1.1,where the poet expresses the hope that his libellus (‘‘little book’’) would live and last formore than one century (9–10); Horace, Carm. 2.20 and 3.30, especially the line where hedeclares confidently that through the composition of his poetry he has erected a monu-ment more lasting than bronze (3.30.1); and Martial 1.1, where he states his name andobserves that his readers have given him more fame throughout the world while he is alivethan many poets have after their deaths (1–6). The strongest allusion to poetic immor-tality in the Thebaid’s epilogue is to Statius’ precursor Ovid, whose reference to a poem’sdominus (‘‘master’’) in the opening lines of the Tristia (1.1.1–2) is echoed in Theb.12.810: ‘‘Durabisne procul dominoque legere superstes’’ (‘‘Will you long endure andsurvive your master to be read?’’). Ovid predicts in the epilogue to the Metamorphoses(15.871–9, esp. 875–9) and in the last poem of Amores 1 (1.15.41–2; cf. Am. 1.15.7–9,3.15.19–20; Tr. 3.7.49–54) that his name will be immortalized in the memory of futuregenerations. Like the epic of Ovid (Met. 15.874–9), the already well-known work ofStatius will continue to grow in fame (Theb. 12.812–19); like the envy that afflicts thepoetry of Ovid (Am. 1.15.39–42, Pont. 4.16) and Callimachus (Ap. 105–13), the envyobscuring the Thebaid will pass away (or be spurned) and the epic will receive its duehonors (Theb. 12.818–19).

Virgilian and Lucanian Reminiscences in the Thebaid

As the epilogue emphasizes, the Thebaid does follow directly in the footsteps of theAeneid, as many scenes from the Aeneid are rewritten into the Thebaid. Statius also stresseshis poetic debt to Virgil in the prologue through an intertextual reference to the Aeneid inhis use of arma (‘‘arms,’’ Theb. 1.33), an image-symbol of internecine war (cf. 1.33–40).It recalls the Aeneid’s opening words, arma uirumque (‘‘arms and the man [Aeneas]’’),which are themselves pointed allusions to the Iliad (the Trojan War) and the Odyssey (thehero Odysseus) respectively. In the narrative between the proemial and concluding ac-knowledgments of poetic indebtedness to Virgil, resemblances between the Thebaid andAeneid abound.

Statius’ narration of the origins of the war (Theb. 1.390–400) is reminiscent of Virgil’saccount of the cause of the war in Latium (Aen. 7.45–106); Adrastus’ banquet (Theb.1.515–56) and telling of the tale of Coroebus (557–668) resemble Dido’s banquet (Aen.1.695–756) and Evander’s account of the Cacus myth (8.185–279) respectively; theappearance of the shade of Laius (Theb. 2.1–25) recalls the appearances of the ghosts ofHector (Aen. 2.268–97) and Anchises (5.719–45); the presentation of the irreverentCapaneus (Theb. 3.602) is similar to Mezentius (Aen. 7.648); the serpent that slaysArchemorus (Theb. 5.538–54) recalls the snake that kills Laocoon and his two sons(Aen. 2.201–24); the funeral games for Opheltes (Theb. 6.296–946) evoke the memory



of those held in honor of Anchises (Aen. 5.104–544); Jupiter’s dispatching of Mars toincite the Argives to a furious war-lust against Thebes (Theb. 7.22–33) correspondsto Juno’s incitement of Allecto (Aen. 7.330–40); the incident featuring Bacchus’ tigers(Theb. 7.564–607) resembles the episode of Iulus’ hounds (Aen. 7.475–510); the missionof Hopleus and Dymas (Theb. 10.347–448) emulates the Nisus and Euryalus episode(Aen. 9.176–449); the fate of Parthenopaeus, slain by the Theban warrior Dryas (Theb.9.856–907), brings to mind the similar fates of Eurylaus (Aen. 9.420–7) and Pallas(10.479–99), while the solicitude of Atalanta, Parthenopaeus’ mother (Theb. 9.570–635) resembles the similar states of Euryalus’ mother (Aen. 9.284–90; cf. 12.805–7)and Evander, Pallas’ father (8.558–84); and the duel between Theseus and Creon (Theb.11.768–81) recalls the duel between Aeneas and Turnus (Aen. 12.928–52). Through thisrewriting of these and other scenes from the Aeneid, Statius suggests that the histories ofThebes and Argos have important parallels in the history of the Roman nation.

The Thebaid sings too, as the prologue pronounces (Theb. 1.33–4), in the Lucanianfashion of the sceptrum (‘‘scepter’’; cf., e.g., Luc. BC 8.489–90, 558–60, 692–9; 10.87–9,138–40), which is transmuted by Statius into a symbol of manic, irreverent power (Theb.11.655–6; cf. 1.33–40, 11.654–5). Statius is inspired to relate fraternas acies (‘‘fraternalstrife,’’ Theb. 1.1) between Eteocles and Polynices, which specifically recalls Lucan’scognatas acies (‘‘familial strife,’’ 1.4) between Pompey and Caesar. There is much ofLucan elsewhere in the Thebaid, including its apostrophes, especially the one condemningEteocles and Polynices to Tartarus after the description of their mutual fratricide (Theb.11.574–9; cf. BC 7.552–6), which is just one of a number of passages in the Thebaidcontaining an implicit reference to the responsibilities of a monarch and a subtle warningagainst failing to heed them. The influence of Lucan is palpably evident in the Thebaid’snumerous descriptions of human violence featuring dismemberment and the rending ofhuman flesh (e.g., 7.760–70, 9.259–65, 10.515–18), internecine images that are antici-pated in the Thebaid’s prologue (1.33–40).

Themes of the Thebaid

The Thebaid is a meditation primarily on the theme of power. The subject chosen byStatius was an ideal vehicle for an exploration on this topic. Virtually every event in theepic is related in some way to the unfavorable aspects of the exercise of power onthe supernatural and monarchal levels. Prominent is the issue of its pursuit and abuse,the consequent suffering and impotence of its victims. Scholars in the twentieth centurytended to shape their view of the Thebaid according to the Judeo-Christian concept ofretribution and guilt, which is usually based on Jupiter’s opening, programmatic speechasserting that human criminality demands divine retribution (Theb. 1.214–47). But thereis little evidence to sustain such an interpretation since the crimes cited by him (esp. in227–47) were either committed unintentionally, or were motivated primarily by thesupernatural powers, or had already been avenged.

Use and abuse of supernatural power

The Thebaid is a tale of the supernaturally engineered annihilation of humanity. Thedivine apparatus of the Thebaid underpins its thematic structure, as the destructive impactupon mankind of its relationship with the gods is the focus of the entire epic. Abuseof supernatural power is the predominant, pervasive motif in the Thebaid. Thenumerous cruel and unjust actions of the higher powers bear testimony, as does theirfrequent lack of compassion and concern for humanity. Although the gods occasionallytake a fleeting interest in the misfortune of a favorite person or express a selfish – if mostly


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justifiable – concern over the fate of a special city, their attitude toward the human race isgenerally one of hostility or indifference. Through their actions the various supernaturalpowers are instrumental in inciting humanity to violence and bloodshed. Without theirfrequent harmful interventions, especially those of Jupiter, Pluto, and the Furies, themotivation for much of the human action in the Thebaid would be lacking. Jupiter playsthe critical motivating role in the epic since his stated purpose in instigating the conflictbetween the Thebans and Argives is the destruction of the Theban and Argive races andalmost every major incident of the poem works toward this end. The fulfillment of hisdecrees (Theb. 1.214–47, 3.229–52, 7.6–33) and those of his brother Pluto (8.34–79)demands the death and suffering of countless innocent victims, who are caught up in atragic war incited primarily by malevolent supernatural forces. Mankind’s subsequentirrational and impious conduct is often shown to be inspired by divine powers who areessentially antagonistic to the human race and are shown propelling it headlong towarddestruction.

Olympians such as Juno (e.g., Theb. 10.131), Venus (e.g., 5.157–8), Apollo (e.g.,1.596–604, 627–33), Diana (e.g., 9.665–7), and Bacchus (cf., e.g., 7.211–14) areshown on many occasions inspiring various human figures to commit hideous crimes orcontriving to create a situation favorable to the perpetration of inhuman deeds. Mars, oneof the most frightening deities in the Thebaid, is shown on numerous occasions destroyingnations or inflaming people to violence (e.g., 3.577–93, 7.131–9, 8.383–7), but Tisi-phone and Megaera are portrayed directly as imposing their will on various human figuresmore frequently than any of the other supernatural powers in the main narrative. Theseincidents include conspiring to prompt Oedipus’ curse on his sons (cf. 1.51–2), settingupon Eteocles and Polynices and infusing them with jealousy and hatred of each other andan insatiable lust for power (1.123–30, 7.466–7), and bringing about the fratricide ofPolynices and Eteocles by influencing their actions (11.150–4, 197–209, 383–92). Theseand other scenes attest to the general powerlessness of mankind and its lack of free will in aworld dominated by malevolent and uncaring deities. The concentration of Statius in thebattle narrative (7.632–11.572) upon the Seven, whose destructive behavior is divinelymotivated and whose deaths – with the exception of those of Tydeus and of courseAdrastus, who survives the war – can be attributed to the harmful intervention of thegods, bears testimony to the ultimate futility of human life in the face of overwhelmingsupernatural opposition. The Thebaid depicts a hostile universe in which the innocent arelikely to become the victims of supernatural vindictiveness just as much as the flagitious.

Use and abuse of monarchal power

The attitude of Statius toward the institution of monarchy is unequivocal even though themotivation for the actions of monarchs in the Thebaid is usually attributable to theharmful intervention of supernatural powers. The picture of monarchy that emergesfrom the Thebaid is predominantly negative despite the generally favorable portrait ofAdrastus and the ambiguous presentation of Theseus. This negative impression is basedmostly upon the conduct of Eteocles and Creon, with occasional references to actionsof previous monarchs such as Oedipus and Laius. A cruel and oppressive institution,monarchy inflicts widespread and long-standing suffering upon subjects who arelargely innocent of any wrongdoing. Major episodes (Theb. 1.164–95, 2.384–3.113,10.268–314, 11.648–761) – the first two accompanied by a suitable apostrophe oreditorial comment (1.165–8, 3.99–113) – exemplify his hostile attitude toward theinevitable tyranny of monarchy. In each scene words of reproach directed at the reigningmonarch by one of his subjects represent the hostility of the populace toward their ruler.A vivid picture of the lust for nuda potestas (‘‘raw power,’’ 1.150) and its destructive



consequences is framed around the claim of Polynices to the throne and determination ofEteocles to maintain sovereignty over Thebes. The debasement of the brothers resultsfrom Polynices’ insatiable quest for monarchal power (see 1.314–23, 2.307–21, 4.88–9)and Eteocles’ abuse of his position and desire to retain the throne (cf. 2.399). This pictureof a corrupt monarchy extends to Eteocles’ predecessors and successor. The actions ofOedipus, Laius, and Creon are consistent with the pattern of monarchal cruelty estab-lished over successive generations of rule in Thebes.

The actions of Adrastus and Theseus do not on the surface conform to this pattern oftyrannical monarchy. But the monarchs are not immune from destructive influences.Statius occasionally emphasizes the benevolence, piety, and self-restraint of Adrastus aswell as the civilizing role of Theseus, but overall this plays a relatively minor part in thepresentation of institutional monarchy in the poem. In fact Statius extends his despairingpicture of institutional monarchy to include the actions of these seemingly just andbenevolent regents; for not even they are untainted by the madness that afflicts partici-pants in war. Adrastus ignores omens that portend disaster for Argos by warring againstThebes (cf. Theb. 3.456–8, 499–551, 619–47) and enthusiastically sanctions the cowardlynocturnal attack on the Theban camp in which the victims are mercilessly slain whilesleeping (10.227–44, esp. 236–44, 266–8). Theseus shows a similar eagerness for theslaughter of war (12.595). When the Athenians mow down the helpless Thebans onthe battlefield, Theseus is at the forefront of the conflict and wreaks destruction amongthe Thebans on the battlefield. The Athenian monarch easily slays a multitude of Thebanwarriors (741–51), including Creon, whom he dispatches quickly without showing even atrace of mercy (768–82). The question of whether Theseus’ alleged purpose of ensuringthe burial of the Argive corpses justifies the violent means of its attainment raises questionssimilar to those on the necessity of Aeneas’ slaying of Turnus at the end of the Aeneid.Perhaps Theseus’ action is justified (cf. 12.711–14, esp. 714), but his conduct comparesunfavorably with the behavior of Virgil’s Aeneas, who at least pauses briefly and gives somethought to sparing Turnus before dispatching him in a blind rage (Aen. 12.928–52,esp. 946, 951).

Consequences of the abuse of power

The Thebaid is a compelling statement of the horrifying and sorrowful consequences ofthe imprudent pursuit and exercise of power. Its opening words – fraternas acies (‘‘fra-ternal strife’’, Theb. 1.1) – allude to what is to Statius the worst kind of human violence:that which is directed against one’s own flesh and blood. Statius moves in reaction towarfare and its horrors; his abhorrence of war is suggested in the violent atmosphere, gorydescriptions, and tragic results of the fighting. The mass destruction and suffering causedby the fighting that takes place in the poem is evidence of the futility of war, since virtuallyno one emerges unscathed from its devastating effects and little seems to be achieved. Thepathetic effect of the lament scenes contributes greatly to the overall impression of despairand ruination that pervades the narrative. The tragic consequences of war are evident inthe deaths of men of all ages and from every walk of life; the women, children, elderly, andinfirm are left only to vent their grief and bear their losses. Fittingly, the epic narrative endswith the depiction of the intense grief of war’s survivors (788–807), thus giving finalemphasis to the ultimate futility of human violence and bloodshed.

Statius goes to considerable lengths to establish a consistent picture of the weakness andsuffering of the human race in an oppressive universe. The Thebans and Argives are largelyportrayed as the helpless victims of a war instigated by Jupiter (e.g., Theb. 1.241–6; cf.1.224–5, 3.248–51) to destroy their races. The imposition of divine will upon humanity isseen consistently to be the major factor behind the weak and helpless state of mankind and


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the inability of mankind to control its own destiny. Dante, who valued the companionshipof Statius on his spiritual journey and admired his moral framework, believed him to havebeen a Christian (Purgatorio 22.73, 89–90), perhaps because the Thebaid reveals anobvious sympathy for the lot of mankind and sensitivity to human suffering. The perse-cution, suffering, lamentation, and fear attributed to the emperor Domitian in thePurgatorio (22.83–4, 90) reflects the climate of terror, death, destruction, and grief atThebes, which foreshadows Dante’s city of Dis, a metaphoric model for Hell. An air ofguarded hope and optimism for the future of mankind does emerge midway through thefinal book (Theb. 12.481–518) in the description of the altar of Clementia (‘‘Clemency’’),which in its presentation of the ideal of humanity and compassion constitutes a solemnentreaty to a ruler to adopt a conciliatory approach to his subjects, but the appearance ofthis benevolent goddess is not enough to dispel the pall of gloom and despair thatoverhangs the epic.

Characterization in the Thebaid

Perhaps because there is no central figure in the Thebaid, none of the figures in the epicundergoes the type of sustained development of character that Aeneas experiences in theAeneid. Polynices is perhaps the most memorable figure. He has a great many uniquepersonal qualities but is also portrayed as a typically corrupt aspirant to the throne; hischaracter ranges from an affectionate concern for his wife Argia (Theb. 2.352–62) toextreme cruelty and vindictiveness (cf., e.g., 1.316–23; 2.313–32; 3.365–82; 6.316–26;11.97–112, 497–573). There is often a dramatic change in the personalities of humanswhen they are made subject to the influence of supernatural powers or released from theircontrol. In general a certain pattern of behavior and attitude emerges among the varioushuman characters in the speeches and narrative, which is then undermined by the laterspeeches and actions of these figures in reaction to the harmful influences of the super-natural powers or the absence of these forces, and this phenomenon finally is perceived as apattern of the entire characterizing process in the epic. Oedipus is portrayed as bitter andvindictive when he is under the control of the Furies (cf. 1.51–2, 7.466–9, 11.617–19),but is an entirely different person when these powers leave him alone (cf. 11.599–633,esp. 617–21). Amphiaraus is depicted as a pious and peace-loving priest (e.g., 3.620–47,5.731–52) until he is filled with a desire for war and an insatiable bloodlust under theinfluence and watchful gaze of the higher powers (7.703–12, 695–704, 736–59; cf. 779–80). This transition in the personalities of the various characters occurs at many differentpoints in the progression of the narrative. While Oedipus and Amphiaraus undergo aradical transformation of character just prior to their final appearances, characters such asPolynices and his brother are barely allowed to show even a hint of their real nature beforethey are set against each other by supernatural forces and their personalities are trans-muted (1.123–43).

Contemporary Relevance of the Thebaid

Statius creates in the Thebaid a mythic cosmos that reflects his contemporary Rome. Thedespairing portrait of the divine powers, institutional monarchy, the great war, and thehuman condition evidenced in the Thebaid necessarily invites a comparison with eventsand personalities in Rome during the turbulent reigns of the Julio-Claudian andFlavian emperors, most of whom were portrayed as inflicting long-standing sufferingupon the citizenry during and after the civil wars. The Zeitgeist of the Julio-Claudianand Flavian periods, which were alleged by ancient writers to be gloomy and violent,pervades and infects the Thebaid. In the Thebaid the abuse of power on the supernatural



and human levels and the condemnation of the violation of justice are applicable to thecontemporary political situation under the Julio-Claudians and Flavians. The Thebaidreflects not only the heart of Statius’ pessimistic world view but also his concern andthat of his contemporaries about the harsh and oppressive atmosphere and terriblepolitical uncertainties of his age.

Since the Thebaid was not pure allegory, correspondences between contemporarypersonalities and events in Rome and the characters and incidents in the Thebaid are notclear-cut. In his composition Statius set about expressing the concerns of his age throughgeneral rather than specific reminiscences of events and characters. Nevertheless numerousscenes and figures in the Thebaid invite a comparison with the contemporary politicalsituation at Rome and to specific historical figures under the Principate. During theMiddle Ages commentators and glossators frequently commented on the contemporaryrelevance of the Thebaid from a sociopolitical perspective. One of the most compellingidentifications made in medieval accessus (introductions to the poets and their works) wasbetween the sons of Oedipus and those of Vespasian. In the eyes of these medievalscholars, the Thebaid was a serious study on kingship and its responsibilities. Accordingly,Statius was viewed as providing a message and a lesson on the pursuit and abuse of powerfor the Roman public and emperors through the theme of fraternas acies (‘‘fraternalstrife’’).

Attention is directed immediately toward this theme and comparison between theTheban and imperial brothers in the opening line of the Thebaid (cf. Theb. 1.184). Thisanalogy is based mainly on the antipathy between the Theban brothers and their mutualfratricide, which not only recall the rumored hostility between the sons of Vespasian andthe alleged poisoning of Titus by Domitian (Suet. Dom. 2.3; cf. Tit. 9.3) but also thelong-standing feud between Jupiter and his brothers (cf. Theb. 8.34–79). The similarity incircumstances between all three sets of brothers (Theban, imperial, and Olympian) servesto identify Domitian all the more closely with his Theban and Olympian counterparts. Thesuggested parallel between Eteocles and Domitian, who is described in an accessus (Bern,cod. 528, and London, BL, Burney 258) to the Thebaid as nequissimus imperator (‘‘a mostwicked emperor’’), is strengthened by the reference to Eteocles as princeps (‘‘first citizen,’’Theb. 1.169). Indeed the theme of fraternas acies in the imperial house was a political locuscommunis in the first century CE. Although represented as flesh and blood characters inthe Thebaid, Eteocles and Polynices exemplify the type of leaders who have driven Rometo political ruin and intellectual despair. The enmity and fratricide of the brothers couldeasily invite a comparison with any number of other examples of familial discord andbloodshed among the Julio-Claudians.

Other links between the Theban and imperial courts are suggested in the speech of theanonymous Theban (Theb. 1.173–96), the exile of Polynices (1.312–89), and the treach-erous ambush of Tydeus and its aftermath (2.482–3.217). Numerous scenes of terror andbrutality in the Thebaid reflect the atmosphere of despair, fear, and violence that markedthe anarchy of 68–9 CE. The sentiments of the anonymous Theban concerning thepolitical uncertainties and vagaries of quickly changing rulers surely would have struck asympathetic chord with Statius’ audience (cf. Tac. Hist. 1.85). Many in it would havesuffered through the quick succession of five emperors – Nero, Galba, Otho, Vitellius, andVespasian – during this chaotic period and experienced the reigns of three emperors –Vespasian, Titus, and Domitian – from 79 to 81. Especially compelling to an audience ofthe late first century would have been Statius’ suggestion that the destruction arising fromthe sowing of the serpent’s teeth by Cadmus had destined Thebes to endure civil discordforever (Theb. 1.180–5). In mythological terms the obvious Roman parallel is Romulusand Remus, for the founding of Rome upon Romulus’ slaying of Remus seemed to laterRomans to foredoom her to eternal civil strife (cf. Liv. 1.6.4–2.7.3, Hor. Epod. 7.17–20,


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Luc. BC 1.95–7). The recent civil wars would only have served to confirm this politicalparallel between Thebes and Rome. The exile of Polynices and instigation of the ambushby Eteocles naturally bring to mind the many cases involving exile or violent elimination ofimagined, potential, or actual political opposition under the Julio-Claudian and Flavianemperors. This connection between the Theban and imperial courts is further stressedwhen Maeon, the sole Theban survivor of the ambush, takes his own life in the presence ofthe Theban monarch (Theb. 3.81–91). The reaction can be said reasonably to reflect thetype of response one would expect of an imperial audience under similar circumstances:the leading citizens are unnerved (92) and the shaken councilors can only raise a murmur(92–3).

The Achilleid

In the prologue to the Achilleid, Statius recuses himself from writing an epic on Domi-tian’s life and instead begs the emperor’s indulgence to write an epic on Achilles (Achil.1.14–19). Unfortunately Statius completed only 1,100 lines before he died, probablyearlier in the same year (96 CE) as the emperor Domitian’s death. The accessus to theAchilleid in the Liber Catonianus, a medieval schoolbook, maintains that the poem had anethical purpose, which was shown in Thetis’ concern for her son and Achilles’ obedienceto his mother.

Outline of the Achilleid

Statius declares that the subject matter and scope of the Achilleid is the whole lifeof Achilles from his upbringing in Scyros, whereas Homer had told only of Achilles’confrontation with Hector in the Iliad (Achil. 1.3–7). In the narrative Thetis,Achilles’ divine mother, fearing that Achilles will be persuaded to join the expedition toTroy, hides Achilles at the house of Lycomedes in Scyros (1.198–282). She persuades himto wear feminine clothing and instructs him how to impersonate a maiden to avoiddetection (318–48). As the Greeks prepare for war, Calchas divulges where Thetishas concealed Achilles, whereupon Ulysses and Diomedes depart for Scyros to findhim (397–559). Achilles, who has fallen in love with Deidamia, forces himself upon her(560–674). Achilles is discovered when he selects armor from an array of gifts offered tothe maidens of the court by Ulysses and Diomedes (841–84). After Deidamia bemoansAchilles’ impending departure (1.927–60), he leaves with Ulysses and Diomedes for Troy(2.1–22). Ulysses diverts Achilles’ thoughts from Deidamia by reciting the origins of theTrojan War (2.23–85), after which Achilles relates the story of his youth (2.86–167).The manuscript breaks off at this point.

Themes and allusions in the Achilleid

The Achilleid seems to be an attempt at a new type of epic. In comparison with the darkand somber mood of the Thebaid, the Achilleid is lighthearted, even romantic in tone. Thehero Achilles is portrayed in an untraditional manner by Statius, who in contrast to theHomeric presentation of Achilles as an intrepid, warlike, and pitiless hero, depicts him as acomplex and subtle figure. Statius combines the idyllic-pathetic and sexual elements ofelegy with traditional heroic elements in a subtle play of ambiguity and sentimentalchiaroscuro. The epic has erotic and clearly Ovidian overtones in the sexual ambiguity ofAchilles. The tension between the masculine and feminine is evident in an emergentmasculinity that struggles to be kept under control by the androgynous qualities ofboyhood (e.g., Achil. 1.335–7). Thetis shows both the foreknowledge of a goddess and



the love and solicitude of a human mother for her son. While the youthful appearance ofAchilles makes it possible for him to impersonate a daughter of King Lycomedes, hisunderlying masculinity constantly threatens to expose his real identity, as shown by themaidens’ attraction to him (Achil. 1.366–78, 566–7), his love for and rape of Deidamia(1.560–636), and his instinctive longing to pursue his heroic destiny on the battlefield ofTroy (1.852–66). In the end Achilles’ discovery and departure for Troy proves inevitable.Deidamia is portrayed as a pathetic and tragic victim of fate (1.929–55, 2.23–6), remin-iscent of the tragic circumstances of Dido in Virgil’s Aeneid. Although he loves Deidamiaand regrets his departure, these feelings are not enough to override his impulsive desire tomeet his destiny on the battlefields of Troy.

As in the Thebaid, Statius frequently alludes in the Achilleid to numerous other poeticpredecessors, including Homer, Euripides, Horace, Propertius, Catullus, Virgil, andespecially Ovid. Possible allusions in the Achilleid to the contemporary political situationat Rome are not as easy to establish as they are for the Thebaid. Benker (1987: 87–9) hasattempted to draw a connection between Achilles and Domitian by suggesting, forexample, that Achilles’ concealment in female dress among the daughters of King Lyco-medes is reminiscent of Domitian’s flight from the Capitol in 69 CE when he disguisedhimself as a priestess of Isis in order to escape from the fighting against the Vitellians.Given the unfinished state and the very different nature of the Achilleid, however, a casefor its political allusiveness cannot be made with the same degree of plausibility as for theThebaid. Medieval commentators themselves did not suggest it.

Reception of the Thebaid and Achilleid

As is evident from the epilogue to the Thebaid (12.812–15) and Juvenal’s fourth Satire(4.82–7), Statius was a popular epic poet in his own lifetime and was already being read inthe schools. During the second century CE it appears that archaizing influences contrib-uted to a decline in his popularity. The appearance of the Thebaid and Achilleid in latefourth-century glosses and commentaries suggests that he had regained his popularity asan epic poet by this time. Statius greatly influenced the style and language of Ausonius,Prudentius, Paulinus of Nola, and especially Claudian, who modeled aspects of hisincomplete epic Rape of Prosperina on the Achilleid (see Chapters 39 and 40, by Barnesand Trout). During the fifth century this popularity was maintained, as is evident in thefigure of Sidonius Apollinaris, who preferred Statius to Virgil, and in the importantcommentary of Lactantius Placidus on the Thebaid. After the fifth century the popularityof Statius seems to have waned until the late eighth century, when during the Carolingianrenaissance his epics were frequently copied. Although a small number of manuscripts ofthe Thebaid and Achilleid survive from the eighth to eleventh centuries, which indicatethat they were almost certainly read in the schools during this time, it was not until thetwelfth century that his epics became extremely popular as standard school texts alongsidethe works of Virgil, Ovid, and Juvenal. Thus the survival of the Thebaid and Achilleid,which have been copied and commented upon in some 112 and 95 manuscripts respec-tively, was assured.

There were two different general approaches (moral and historiographical) to the epicsof Statius in the Middle Ages, which reflected to some extent their different audiences inthe schoolroom and scholarly circles. Throughout this period Statius was regarded as apoeta doctus (‘‘learned poet’’), the standard epithet for a poet who was thought capable ofimparting wisdom in his verse. The Achilleid was more popular than the Thebaid in theclassroom and featured as one of the six elementary texts in the Liber Catonianus. One ofthe reasons for the popularity of the Achilleid had to do with its moral didacticism. Statius,who had written about the education of Achilles at the end of the Achilleid (2.96–167),


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was regarded in medieval accessus as a poeta doctor (‘‘poet-teacher’’) not only of stories butalso on the education of children; the Achilleid was considered to provide examples toRomans of how to rear their children and to behave toward their mothers and teachers.This didactic element to the Achilleid is also evident in accessus to the Thebaid. As a poetadoctor Statius was thought to provide many lessons in the Thebaid, including the need forchildren to avoid anger.

Statius was also regarded in medieval accessus as a poeta historiographus (‘‘historiograph-ical poet’’), which reflected the prevailing view of the Thebaid as a history with moralovertones. The Thebaid especially encouraged a scholarly approach and sociopoliticalinterpretations because of the issues it raised; accordingly, the epic was viewed as a lessonto teach emperors to avoid fraternal war. Although the poem was regarded as having anapplication to the imperial era, it was not specific enough to teach its readers about theperiod. Notwithstanding any possible allegorical meaning that may be ascribed tothe poem, scholarly interpretation of the poem in the Middle Ages did not seem to involveallegory, perhaps because of the anthropomorphic corporeality of supernatural powerssuch as Mars and Venus and abstract forces such as furor (‘‘Madness’’) and pietas(‘‘Piety’’) (cf. Dominik 1994a: 3, 18–19, 39, 74).

The influences of the fragmentary Achilleid and intact Thebaid upon European litera-ture have been widespread and enduring, especially during the Middle Ages, when theywere adapted by various writers. The Middle Irish Togail na Tebe (Destruction of Thebes)perhaps originated around the turn of the millennium, while there are Middle Irishversions of the Achilleid. The Super Thebaiden of pseudo-Fulgentius, which may befrom the twelfth or thirteenth century, offers an allegorical version of the Thebaid. TheAchilleid was influential upon European writers such as Dante, who accompanies Statius inthe Purgatorio (21–33). Until the sixteenth century Statius’ Thebaid served as the maininspiration for various adaptations of the Oedipus myth, including the twelfth-centuryversions known as Roman de Thebes, which relate the fratricide of Eteocles and Polynices.Giovanni Boccaccio was similarly inspired by the Thebaid in the composition of his Teseide.

Among English poets Chaucer uses the Thebaid in Troilus and Criseyde, especially in2.82–112 and 5.1478–1519, while his depiction of Troilus recalls Statius’ Oedipus.Chaucer also mentions Statius by name in The Knight’s Tale (1.2294), in House ofFame (2.1460), and in Troilus and Criseyde at the end of an apostrophe (5.1786–92,esp. 5.1791–2), which is reminiscent of the epilogue to the Thebaid (12.810–19, esp.811–12). In Anelida and Arcite Chaucer depicts the superficially positive attributes ofStatius’ Theseus. John Lydgate draws on the theme of the Thebaid for his Siege of Thebes.After the Middle Ages the Achilleid and Thebaid continued to play an important role inEuropean literature, scholarship, and in the schools. English poets and scholars of theneoclassical period, notably Alexander Pope and Thomas Gray, translated parts ofthe Thebaid into English verse. Although the popularity of the Thebaid and Achilleiddeclined after the eighteenth century, they have remained a subject of interest amongscholars. At the beginning of the twenty-first century the epics have regained some of thepopularity they held in eighteenth-century scholarship.

FURTHER READING

For critical bibliographies on the Thebaid, see Dominik 1996, who discusses the critical reception ofthe Thebaid in the twentieth century up until the mid-1990s, followed by the survey of Coleman2003, who also discusses recent scholarship on the Achilleid. The most recent editions and transla-tions of these epics are by Shackleton Bailey (2003). The standard texts of the Thebaid and Achilleidare by Hill (1983) and Dilke (1954) respectively.



The major critical studies in English on the Thebaid are by Vessey (1973), who makes considerableclaims for its stature after a couple of centuries of scholarly neglect in the Anglophone world; Ahl(1986), who deals with a wide range of thematic issues and argues for a political reading; Dominik(1994a), who treats the theme of power and its political implications; Dominik (1994b), whoexamines the role of the speeches; and McGuire (1997), who discusses the themes of civil war,tyranny, and suicide in Flavian epic.

Important studies of the Thebaid in languages other than English in the past quarter century arethose of Schubert (1984), who studies the role of Jupiter in the Flavian epics; Frings (1991), whoanalyzes aspects of Statius’ narrative technique; Frings (1992), who explores the themes of fraternalhatred and murder in comparison with Seneca’s Thyestes; Ripoll (1998), who investigates the natureof the heroic code found in Flavian epic; Franchet d’Esperey (1999), who treats the themes of war,violence, and peace in the Thebaid; and Criado (2000), who examines non-Virgilian elements ofStatius’ theological conception in the epic.

There are no book-length critical studies in English on the Achilleid, although Clogan (1968)provides an informative discussion of the medieval Achilleid. In other languages Rosati (1994)furnishes an illuminating introduction to his text and translation, while Benker (1987) argues thataspects of Achilles’ portrayal draw attention to various flaws in the emperor Domitian.

A number of modern studies in languages other than English deal with the Thebaid and Achilleid.Taisne (1994) explores the images and allusions in the works of Statius and attempts to locate theirsources. Delarue (2000) discusses how Statius alludes to and adapts the works of his predecessorsand examines the thematic and structural unity of his epics. The Epicedion of Delarue et al. (1996)contains individual essays by modern scholars of Statius from a variety of critical perspectives indifferent languages.


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William J. Dominik, ‘Statius’, in J. M. Foley (ed.), A Companion to Ancient Epic (Chichester:...

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