NANCY ISENBERG

WHITE TRASH eee

The 400-Year Untold 1-Hstory of Class in America

VIKING

2016

CONTENTS

BYNANCYISENBERG

TITLEPAGE

COPYRIGHT

DEDICATION

LISTOFILLUSTRATIONSPREFACE

INTRODUCTION

FablesWeForgetBy

PartI:ToBegintheWorldAnewCHAPTERONETakingOuttheTrash:WastePeopleintheNewWorldCHAPTERTWO

JohnLocke’sLubberland:TheSettlementsofCarolinaandGeorgiaCHAPTERTHREEBenjaminFranklin’sAmericanBreed:TheDemographicsofMediocrityCHAPTERFOURThomasJefferson’sRubbish:ACuriousTopographyofClassCHAPTERFIVEAndrewJackson’sCrackerCountry:TheSquatterasCommonMan

PartII:DegenerationoftheAmericanBreedCHAPTERSIXPedigreeandPoorWhiteTrash:BadBlood,Half-Breeds,andClay-EatersCHAPTERSEVENCowards,Poltroons,andMudsills:CivilWarasClassWarfareCHAPTEREIGHTThoroughbredsandScalawags:BloodlinesandBastardStockintheAgeof

Eugenics

CHAPTERNINEForgottenMenandPoorFolk:DownwardMobilityandtheGreatDepressionCHAPTERTENTheCultoftheCountryBoy:ElvisPresley,AndyGriffith,andLBJ’sGreat

Society

PartIII:TheWhiteTrashMakeoverCHAPTERELEVENRedneckRoots:Deliverance,BillyBeer,andTammyFayeCHAPTERTWELVE

OutingRednecks:Slumming,SlickWillie,andSarahPalinEPILOGUE

America’sStrangeBreed:TheLongLegacyofWhiteTrash

NOTES

INDEX

LISTOFILLUSTRATIONS

Image1TheMappofLubberlandortheIleofLazye(ca.1670),BritishPrint,#1953.0411.69AN48846001,TheBritishMuseum,London,England

Image2EncounterBetweenaCorncrackerandanEelskin,fromDavyCrockett’sAlmanackof1837,AmericanAntiquarianSociety,Worcester,Massachusetts

Image3“OldSug,”fromJohnRobb’sStreaksofSquatterLife(1847),AmericanAntiquarianSociety,Worcester,Massachusetts

Image4“TheBadBirdandtheMudsill,”FrankLeslie’sIllustratedNewspaper,February21,1863

Image5ChartusedatafairinKansaspromotingfitterfamiliesandeugenicmarriages(ca.1929),Scrapbook,AmericanEugenicSocietyPapers,AmericanPhilosophicalSociety,Philadelphia,Pennsylvania

Image6The10,000HookwormFamily,201HAlabama,Hookworm,Box42,Folder1044,#1107,1913,RockefellerArchiveCenter,SleepyHollow,NewYork

Image7PhotographofHenryMcLean,agetwenty-three,infectedwithhookworm,andW.C.Riddich,agetwenty-one,notinfected,236HNorthCarolina,Box53,Folder1269,#236VashtiAlexanderCounty,NorthCarolina,May29,1913,RockefellerArchiveCenter,SleepyHollow,NewYork

Image8CarrieBuckandhermother,Emma(1924),ArthurEstabrookCollection,M.E.GrenanderDepartmentofSpecialCollectionsandArchives,UniversityofAlbanyLibraries,Albany,NewYork

Image9Erodedlandontenant’sfarm,WalkerCounty,Alabama(ArthurRothstein,1937),LC-USF34-025121,LibraryofCongressPrintsandPhotographsDivision,Washington,DC

Image10Homestead,Penderlea,NorthCarolina(1936),LC-USF33-000717-M2,LibraryofCongressPrintsandPhotographsDivision,Washington,DC

Image11TheBeverlyHillbilliesasAmericanGothiconthecoveroftheSaturdayEveningPost,February2,1963

Image12TrailertrashassquattersinWinkelman,Arizona(1950),PhotographCollectionoftheHistoryandArchivesDivisionoftheArizonaStateLibrary,ArchivesandPublicRecords,Phoenix,Arizona

Image13WillCounts’sphotographofElizabethAnnEckfordandHazelBryaninLittleRock,Arkansas,September4,1957,WillCountsCollection,Indiana

UniversityArchivesImage14TaylorThornberry,Lifemagazine,September23,1957,FrancisMiller/The

LIFEPictureCollection/GettyImagesImage15LBJvisitingAppalachianfamiliesfortheTouronPoverty(1963),#215-23-

64,InezKentucky,LBJLibraryPhotographbyCecilStoughton,LyndonBainesJohnsonLibrary,Austin,Texas

Image16DollyPartonstand-upposterfromNashville,Tennessee,featuredinRoyBlountJr.,“Country’sAngels,”Esquire,March1977

Image17TammyFayeBakkeronthecoverofheralbumDon’tGiveUp(1985)Image18BillMaxwell’sarticle“Seenas‘WhiteTrash’:MaybeSomeHateClinton

BecauseHe’sTooSouthern,”Wilmington,NorthCarolina,Star-News,June19,1994

Image19CaricatureofSarahPalininoverallsbySteveBrodnerinTheNewYorker,December7,2009

Image20RitzBrothersfromtheHollywoodmovieKentuckyMoonshine(1938)andthecastofA&E’srealityTVshowDuckDynasty(2015)

O

PREFACE

neofthemostmemorablefilmsofalltimeisToKillaMockingbird(1962),aclassicportraitofthelegacyofslaveryandracialsegregationintheSouth.Itisa

filmthatIhavebeenteachingforovertwodecades,andisoneofPresidentObama’sfavoritemovies.Yetwhenmystudentswatchthisfilm(eveniftheywereexposedtoitinhighschool),theyseeforthefirsttimethatthedramawithinhasnotonebuttwodisturbingmessages.

Oneplotlineisaboutthebrave,principledlawyerAtticusFinch,whorefusestoperpetuatetheracialdoublestandard:despiteopposition,heagreestodefendanAfro-American,TomRobinson,onthechargeofrapingapoorwhitegirl,MayellaEwell.ThoughthecourtfindsRobinsonguilty,wetheviewersknowheisinnocent.Anhonorable,hardworkingfamilyman,hestandswellabovethedegradedEwells,hisaccusers.TheshabbilyattiredMayellaiscowedbyherbullyofafather,ascrawnymanseeninoveralls,whoisdevoidofmeritormorality.BobEwelldemandsthattheall-whitejuryofcommonmentakehisside,whichtheydointheend.Heinsiststhattheyhelphimavengehisdaughter’shonor.NotsatisfiedwhenRobinsoniskilledtryingtoescapefromprison,heattacksAtticusFinch’stwochildrenonHalloweennight.

BobEwell’sfullnameisRobertE.LeeEwell.ButheisnotanheirofoneofthearistocraticfamiliesoftheOldSouth.AsHarperLeedescribedtheminthenovelfromwhichtheclassicfilmwasadapted,theEwellsweremembersoftheterminallypoor,thosewhosestatuscouldnotbeliftedordebasedbyanyeconomicfluctuation—noteventheDepression.Theywerehumanwaste.Intheauthor’swords,“Notruantofficerscouldkeeptheirnumerousoffspringinschool;nopublichealthofficercouldfreethemfromcongenitaldefects,variousworms,anddiseasesindigenoustofilthysurroundings.”Theylivedbehindthetowndump,whichtheycombedeveryday.Theirrun-downshackwas“onceaNegrocabin.”Garbagewasstrewneverywhere,makingthecabinlooklikethe“playhouseofaninsanechild.”Nooneintheneighborhoodknewhowmanychildrenlivedthere:somethoughtnine,otherssix.TothetownofMaycomb,Alabama,theEwellchildrenweresimply“dirty-facedonesatthewindowswhenanyonepassed.”1TheEwellsareunmistakablywhatsoutherners(andalotofotherpeople)calledwhitetrash.

Americanstodayhaveanarrowandskewedunderstandingofwhitetrash.Oneofthemostpowerfulandmostfamiliarsymbolsofbackwardattitudesassociatedwiththisunfavoredgroupisthatcapturedinnewspapersandintelevisionfootageof1957,showingtheangrywhitefacesofprotestamidschoolintegrationinLittleRock,Arkansas.In2015,tattooedKKKprotestorsdefendingtheConfederateflagoutsidetheCharleston,SouthCarolina,statehouseevokedsimilarfeelings,demonstratingthepersistenceofanembarrassingsocialphenomenon.ThestockoftheFoodNetwork’spopularperformerPaulaDeen,aGeorgianativeknownforhercholesterol-richrecipes,suddenlytookanosedivein2013,whenitwasrevealedthatsheusedthe“Nword”;almostovernight,herdown-homereputationsankandshewasrebrandedasacrude,unsophisticatedredneck.Attheotherextreme,televisionviewershavebeentreatedtosuchrepackagedvaudevillecharactersasJeffersonDavis“Boss”HogginTheDukesofHazzard(1979–85),whichcouldbeseeninrerunsuntil2015,whenitwasdroppedbecauseoftheConfederateflagpaintedonBoandLukeDuke’scar,“GeneralLee.”Theverytitleofthisshowwasapunonclassidentity,sincetheDukesarepoorGeorgiamountainfolkandmoonshiners,yettheirnameimpliesEnglishroyalty.2

Thesewhitetrashsnapshotsofferanincompletepictureofaproblemthatisactuallyquiteoldandregularlygoesunrecognized.Intheirconversationsaboutviraleventssuchasthosenotedabove,Americanslackanydeeperappreciationofclass.BeyondwhiteangerandignoranceisafarmorecomplicatedhistoryofclassidentitythatdatesbacktoAmerica’scolonialperiodandBritishnotionsofpoverty.Inmanyways,ourclasssystemhashingedontheevolvingpoliticalrationalesusedtodismissordemonize(oroccasionallyreclaim)thosewhiteruraloutcastsseeminglyincapableofbecomingpartofthemainstreamsociety.

TheEwells,then,arenotbitplayersinourcountry’shistory.Theirhistorystartsinthe1500s,notthe1900s.ItderivesfromBritishcolonialpoliciesdedicatedtoresettlingthepoor,decisionsthatconditionedAmericannotionsofclassandleftapermanentimprint.Firstknownas“wastepeople,”andlater“whitetrash,”marginalizedAmericanswerestigmatizedfortheirinabilitytobeproductive,toownproperty,ortoproducehealthyandupwardlymobilechildren—thesenseofupliftonwhichtheAmericandreamispredicated.TheAmericansolutiontopovertyandsocialbackwardnesswasnotwhatwemightexpect.Wellintothetwentiethcentury,expulsionandevensterilizationsoundedrationaltothosewhowishedtoreducetheburdenof“loser”peopleonthelargereconomy.

InAmericans’evolvingattitudestowardtheseunwantedpeople,perhapsthemostdramaticlanguageattachedtothemid-nineteenthcentury,whenpoorruralwhiteswerecategorizedassomehowlessthanwhite,theiryellowishskinanddiseasedanddecrepitchildrenmarkingthemasastrangebreedapart.Thewords“waste”and

“trash”arecrucialtoanyunderstandingofthispowerfulandenduringvocabulary.Throughoutitshistory,theUnitedStateshasalwayshadaclasssystem.Itisnotonlydirectedbythetop1percentandsupportedbyacontentedmiddleclass.Wecannolongerignorethestagnant,expendablebottomlayersofsocietyinexplainingthenationalidentity.

Thepoor,thewaste,therubbish,astheyarevariouslylabeled,havestoodfrontandcenterduringAmerica’smostformativepoliticalcontests.Duringcolonialsettlement,theywereusefulpawnsaswellasrebellioustroublemakers,apatternthatpersistedamidmassmigrationsoflandlesssquatterswestwardacrossthecontinent.SouthernpoorwhitesfiguredprominentlyintheriseofAbrahamLincoln’sRepublicanParty,andintheatmosphereofdistrustthatcausedbadbloodtopercolateamongthepoorerclasseswithintheConfederacyduringtheCivilWar.WhitetrashweredangerousoutliersineffortstorebuildtheUnionduringReconstruction;andinthefirsttwodecadesofthetwentiethcentury,whentheeugenicsmovementflourished,theyweretheclassofdegeneratestargetedforsterilization.Ontheflipside,poorwhiteswerethebeneficiariesofrehabilitativeeffortsduringtheNewDealandinLBJ’s“GreatSociety.”

Atalltimes,whitetrashremindusofoneoftheAmericannation’suncomfortabletruths:thepoorarealwayswithus.ApreoccupationwithpenalizingpoorwhitesrevealsanuneasytensionbetweenwhatAmericansaretaughttothinkthecountrypromises—thedreamofupwardmobility—andthelessappealingtruththatclassbarriersalmostinvariablymakethatdreamunobtainable.Ofcourse,theintersectionofraceandclassremainsanundeniablepartoftheoverallstory.

Thestudypresentedhererevealsacomplicatedlegacy.It’snotjustaquestionoflabelingthebottomatanygiventime.Rationalizingeconomicinequalityhasbeenanunconsciouspartofthenationalcredo;povertyhasbeennaturalized,oftenseenassomethingbeyondhumancontrol.Bythismeasure,poorwhiteshadtobeclassifiedasadistinctbreed.Inotherwords,breedingwasnotaboutthecultivationofsocialmannersorskills,butsomethingfarmoresinister:animposedinheritance.ThelanguageofclassthatAmericaembracedplayedoffEnglishattitudestowardvagrancy,andmarkedatransatlanticfixationwithanimalhusbandry,demography,andpedigree.Thepoorwerenotonlydescribedaswaste,butasinferioranimalstockstoo.

Overtheyears,populistthemeshaveemergedalongsidemorefamiliarderogatoryimages,butneverwithenoughforcetodiminishthehostilityprojectedontoimpoverishedruralwhites.Wehaveseeninrecentdecadestheriseoftribalpassionsthroughtherediscoveryof“redneckroots,”aproudmovementthatcoursedthroughthe1980sand1990s.Morethanareactiontoprogressivechangesinracerelations,thisshiftwasspurredonbyalargerfascinationwithidentitypolitics.Rootsimplied

thatclasstookonthetraits(andallure)ofanethnicheritage,whichinturnreflectedthemoderndesiretomeasureclassasmerelyaculturalphenomenon.Butasevidencedinthepopularityofthe“realityTV”showsDuckDynastyandHereComesHoneyBooBooinrecentyears,whitetrashinthetwenty-firstcenturyremainsfraughtwiththeolderbaggageofstereotypesofthehopelesslyillbred.

Ahostofwell-knownandlesser-knownfigurescontributedtothelongsagaofAmerica’sembattledlowlybreed.TheseincludeBenjaminFranklin,ThomasJefferson,DavyCrockett,HarrietBeecherStowe,JeffersonDavis,AndrewJohnson,W.E.B.DuBois,TheodoreRoosevelt,ErskineCaldwell,JamesAgee,ElvisPresley,LyndonBainesJohnson,JamesDickey,BillyCarter,DollyParton,WilliamJeffersonClinton,andSarahPalin,tonameafew.Examiningtheirideas,shiftingpublicimages,andself-imageshelpsustomakegreatersenseofthecuriousandcomplicatedstoryofAmericanclassidentity.

Thisbooktellsmanystories,then.OneistheimportanceofAmerica’sruralpast.Another,andarguablythemostimportant,istheoneweasapeoplehavetroubleembracing:thepervasivenessofaclasshierarchyintheUnitedStates.Itbeginsandendswiththeconceptsoflandandpropertyownership:classidentityandthematerialandmetaphoricmeaningoflandarecloselyconnected.FormuchofAmericanhistory,theworstclasseswereseenasextrusionsoftheworstland:scrubby,barren,andswampywasteland.Homeownershipremainstodaythemeasureofsocialmobility.

Myinterestinthistopicgoesbacktograduateschool,whereIwasfortunatetohaveworkedwithtworemarkablescholarswhoseapproachtohistoryshapedmyprofessionalcareerinsignificantways.GerdaLerner,mydoctoraldissertationadviser,hadakeenpassionfordemystifyingideologies,andsheinstilledinmeawarinessforthelimitsofconventionalwisdom.PaulBoyerwasanintellectualhistorianwithanamazingrange,whowrotewithsubtletyandgraceaboutPuritanNewEngland,nineteenth-centurymoralreformers,andtwentieth-centuryreligiousfundamentalists.ThebordertownofSanBenito,Texas,figuresintomyinterestinthistopicaswell.Itwasmymother’sbirthplace.Herfather,JohnMacDougall,wasamodern-daycolonist,bringingsettlersfromCanadatofarmtheland.

Friendsandcolleagueshavehelpedthisbookalongincrucialways.Iwishtothankthosewhoreadchapters,gavesuggestions,orsentalongsources:ChrisTomlins,AlexisMcCrossen,LizVaron,MattDennis,LizzieReis,AmyGreenberg,andmyLSUcolleagueAaronSheehan-Dean.LisaFrancavillamanagingeditorofThePapersofJefferson:RetirementSeries,Charlottesville,Virginia,calledmyattentiontoavaluableletter;CharlesRobertsgraciouslysharedwithmeacrucialnewspaperarticleontheresettlementcommunityofPalmerdale,Alabama.MyVikingeditor,WendyWolf,withrootsinNewOrleans,wasinstrumentalintighteningthe

argumentandpolicingtheprose.Wendyputanextraordinaryamountoftime,skill,andcareintothemanuscript;herthoughtfuleditinghastakenacomplexhistoryandmadeitfarmorereaderfriendly,provingthatacademicrigordoesnothavetolimitaccessibility.Mostofall,IhavetothankAndyBurstein,mydearestconfidantandfellowhistorian,whosecriticaleyemadethisamuchbetterbook.

W

INTRODUCTION

FablesWeForgetBy

eknowwhatclassis.Orthinkwedo:economicstratificationcreatedbywealthandprivilege.TheproblemisthatpopularAmericanhistoryismostcommonly

told—dramatized—withoutmuchreferencetotheexistenceofsocialclasses.ItisasthoughinseparatingfromGreatBritain,theUnitedStatessomehowmagicallyescapedthebondsofclassandderivedahigherconsciousnessofenrichedpossibility.Afterall,theU.S.SenateisnottheHouseofLords.Schoolbooksteachthenationalnarrativealongthelinesof“howlandandlibertywerewon”or“howordinaryfolksseizedopportunity.”ThehallowedAmericandreamisthegoldstandardbywhichpoliticiansandvotersalikearemeanttomeasurequalityoflifeaseachgenerationpursuesitsowndefinitionofhappinessunfetteredbytherestraintsofbirth(whoyourparentsare)orstation(thepositionyoustartoutfromintheclasssystem).

Ourcherishedmythsareatoncebolsteringanddebilitating.“Allmenarecreatedequal”wassuccessfullyemployedasamottotodefinethepromiseofAmerica’sopenspacesandaunitedpeople’smoralself-regardindistinguishingthemselvesfromahostofhopelesssocietiesabroad.TheideaofAmericawaspresentedbyitschiefpromoterswithgreatpanache,avisionofhowamodernrepublicmightproveitselfrevolutionaryintermsofsocialmobilityinaworlddominatedbymonarchyandfixedaristocracy.

Allthatisbolstering.However,therealityonthegroundwasandisconsiderablydifferent.Inthemostliteralterms,asweshallsee,Britishcolonistspromotedadualagenda:oneinvolvedreducingpovertybackinEngland,andtheothercalledfortransportingtheidleandunproductivetotheNewWorld.Aftersettlement,colonialoutpostsexploitedtheirunfreelaborers(indenturedservants,slaves,andchildren)andsawsuchexpendableclassesashumanwaste.Thepoor,thewaste,didnotdisappear,andbytheearlyeighteenthcenturytheywereseenasapermanentbreed.ThiswayofclassifyinghumanfailuretookholdintheUnitedStates.Everyerainthecontinent’svaunteddevelopmentalstoryhaditsowntaxonomyofwastepeople—unwantedandunsalvageable.Eacherahaditsownmeansofdistancingitsversionofwhitetrashfromthemainstreamideal.

Bythinkingofthelowerclassesasincurable,irreparable“breeds,”thisstudyreframestherelationshipofraceandclass.Classhaditsownsingularandpowerfuldynamic,apartfromitsintersectionwithrace.ItstartswiththerichandpotentmeaningthatcamewiththedifferentnamesgiventheAmericanunderclass.Longbeforetheyweretoday’s“trailertrash”and“rednecks,”theywerecalled“lubbers”and“rubbish”and“clay-eaters”and“crackers”—andthat’sjustscratchingthesurface.

Lestthereadermisconstruethebook’spurpose,Iwanttomakethepointunambiguously:byreevaluatingtheAmericanhistoricalexperienceinclassterms,IexposewhatistoooftenignoredaboutAmericanidentity.ButI’mnotjustpointingoutwhatwe’vegottenwrongaboutthepast;IalsowanttomakeitpossibletobetterappreciatethegnawingcontradictionsstillpresentinmodernAmericansociety.

Howdoesaculturethatprizesequalityofopportunityexplain,orindeedaccommodate,itspersistentlymarginalizedpeople?Twenty-first-centuryAmericansneedtoconfrontthisenduringconundrum.Letusrecognizetheexistenceofourunderclass.IthasbeenwithussincethefirstEuropeansettlersarrivedontheseshores.Itisnotaninsignificantpartofthevastnationaldemographictoday.Thepuzzleofhowwhitetrashembodiedthistensionisoneofthekeyquestionsthebookpresumestoanswer.

•••

America’sclasslanguageandthinkingbeganwiththeforcefulimprintleftbyEnglishcolonization.Thegenerationsofthe1500sand1600sthatfirstenvisionedthebroad-scaleEnglishexploitationofAmerica’snaturalenvironmentemployedavocabularythatwasamixofpurposefuldescriptionandrawimagery.Theydidnotindulgeinprettytalk.Theideaofsettlementhadtobesoldtowaryinvestors;theplantingofNewWorldAmericancolonieshadtoserveOldWorldpurposes.Ingrandfashion,promotersimaginedAmericanotasanEdenofopportunitybutasagiantrubbishheapthatcouldbetransformedintoproductiveterrain.Expendablepeople—wastepeople—wouldbeunloadedfromEngland;theirlaborwouldgerminateadistantwasteland.Harshasitsounds,theidlepoor,dregsofsociety,weretobesentthithersimplytothrowdownmanureanddieinavacuousmuck.Beforeitbecamethatfabled“CityuponaHill,”Americawasintheeyesofsixteenth-centuryadventurersafoul,weedywilderness—a“sinkehole”suitedtoill-bredcommoners.DarkimagesoftheNewWorldaccompaniedmoreseductiveones.WhenearlyEnglishpromotersportrayedNorthAmericaasarichandfertilelandscape,theygrosslyandperhapsknowinglyexaggerated.Mostweredescribingalandtheyneverhadseen,ofcourse.Waryinvestorsandstateofficialshadtobeconvincedtotaketheplungeintoarisky

overseasventure.Butmostimportant,itwasaplaceintowhichtheycouldexporttheirownmarginalizedpeople.

TheideaofAmericaas“theworld’sbesthope”camemuchlater.Historicmemoryhascamouflagedthelessnobleoriginsof“thelandofthefreeandthehomeofthebrave.”Weallknowwhatimageryspringstomindwhenpatriotsofourdayseekconfirmationthattheircountryisandwasalwaysan“exceptional”place:modestPilgrimstaughttoplantbygenerousIndians;VirginiaCavaliersentertainingguestsattheirrefinedestatesalongtheJamesRiver.Becauseofhowhistoryistaught,AmericanstendtoassociatePlymouthandJamestownwithcooperationratherthanclassdivision.

Anditgetsevermoremisty-eyedfromthere,becausedisorderanddiscordservenopositivepurposeinburgeoningnationalpride.Classisthemostoutstanding,ifroutinelyoverlooked,elementinpresuppositionsaboutearlysettlement.Evennow,thenotionofabroadandsupplemiddleclassfunctionsasamightybalm,asmokescreen.Weclingtothecomfortofthemiddleclass,forgettingthattherecan’tbeamiddleclasswithoutalower.Itisonlyoccasionallyshakenup,aswhentheOccupyWallStreetmovementofrecentyearsshoneanembarrassinglightonthefinancialsectorandthegrotesqueseparationbetweenthe1percentandthe99percent.Andthenthemediagiantsfindnewcrisesandthenation’sinheriteddisregardforclassreboots,asthesubjectrecedesintothebackgroundagain.

Animaginaryclassless(orclass-free)AmericanpastistheAmericathatCharlesMurrayhasconjuredinhisbookComingApart:TheStateofWhiteAmerica,1960–2010(2012).ForMurray,anauthorityinthemindsofmany,thelargeandfluidsocietyof1963washeldtogetherbythesharedexperiencesofthenuclearfamily.WhentheywatchedTheAdventuresofOzzieandHarriet,averageAmericansbelievedtheywereseeingtheirlivesonthesmallscreen.1

Nothingcouldbefurtherfromthetruth.Eveninitsinnocentyouth,televisioncaricaturedpeoplebyclasstypes.Oneonlyneedconsiderafewoftheotherpopularshowsofthosehalcyonyearstoprovethepoint:PetticoatJunction(1963),whichchronicledrurallifeattheShadyRestHotelandcontrastedasimplerpeoplewiththeirsavviercityrelations;TheFarmer’sDaughter(1963),featuringaSwedishAmericanmaidfromthefarmwhogoestoworkforaU.S.congressman;GreenAcres(1965),whereArnoldthepigisthesmartestresidentofthehicktownofHooterville;and,finally,thatclassicsatireofsocialmobility,TheBeverlyHillbillies(1962),whosemountain-bredoilmillionairesseemlikeevolutionarythrowbacksintheeyesofcityfolk.Andlestweforget,OzzieandHarrietbeganitslongrunatthesametimeasTheHoneymooners,abrilliantsend-upofabusdriver,asewerworker,andtheirpoorworking-classwives.EveryonewhotunedinunderstoodperfectlywellthatOzzieand

Harriet’sworldborenoresemblancetoRalphandAliceKramden’s.ParodywasonewayAmericanssafelydigestedtheirclasspolitics.

SelectivememoryallowsustoromanticizeagoldenagethatfunctionsasatimelesstalismanofAmericanidentity.ForCharlesMurray,whoignoresthecountry’slonghistory,thegoldenageis1963,whentheessenceoftheAmericancreedwassomehowcapturedinaGalluppollinwhichrespondentsrefusedtoself-identifyaseitherpoororrich:approximatelyhalfsaidthattheywereworkingclass,whiletheotherhalfperceivedthemselvesasmiddleclass.Asifasinglestatisticcouldpossiblytellacomprehensivestory,thesocialscientistwrites,“Thoserefusalsreflectedanationalconceitthathadprevailedfromthebeginningofthenation:Americadidn’thaveclasses,or,totheextentthatitdid,Americansshouldactasifwedidn’t”(emphasisadded).Murray’sfableofclassdenialcanonlyexistbyerasingawealthofhistoricalevidencethatprovesotherwise.Theproblemis,theevidencehasneverbeeneffectivelylaidout,allowinggrossmisrepresentationstostand.2

Bygainingfirstabetterunderstandingofthecolonialcontextand,next,chartingthestepsbywhichmoderndefinitionsofclasswereestablished,wewillbeabletoseehowideasandidealscombinedovertime.ByacknowledgingtheongoinginfluenceofolderEnglishdefinitionsofpovertyandclass,wewillcometorecognizethatclassidentitywasapparentinAmerica—profoundlyso—longbeforeGeorgeGallupsawitasacreatureofpublicopinion;indeed,classresonatedlongbeforewavesofimmigrantssweptashoreinthenineteenthcenturyandanawkward,oftenheatedprocessofacculturationensued.Aboveall,wemuststopdeclaringwhatispatentlyuntrue,thatAmericans,throughsomeraregoodfortune,escapedtheburdenofclassthatprevailedinthemothercountryofEngland.Farmorethanwechoosetoacknowledge,ourrelentlessclasssystemevolvedoutofrecurringagrariannotionsregardingthecharacterandpotentialoftheland,thevalueoflabor,andcriticalconceptsofbreeding.Embarrassinglower-classpopulationshavealwaysbeennumerous,andhavealwaysbeenseenontheNorthAmericancontinentaswastepeople.

•••

Historicalmythmakingismadepossibleonlybyforgetting.Wehavetobegin,then,withthefirstrefusaltofacereality:mostcolonizingschemesthattookrootinseventeenth-andeighteenth-centuryBritishAmericawerebuiltonprivilegeandsubordination,notanykindofproto-democracy.Thegenerationof1776certainlyunderplayedthatfact.Andallsubsequentgenerationstooktheircuefromthenation’sfounders.

ApastthatreliesexclusivelyonthestoriedPilgrims,orthesaintedgenerationof1776,shortchangesusinmorewaysthanone.Wemissacrucialhistoricalcompetitionbetweennorthernandsouthernfoundingnarrativesandtheirdistinctiveparablesminimizingtheimportanceofclass.TheDeclarationofIndependenceandthefederalConstitution,principalfoundingdocuments,loomlargeasproofofnationalpaternity;thesix-foot-three-inchVirginianGeorgeWashingtonstandsheadandshouldersabovehiscountrymenasthefigurative“father”ofhisnation.WithVirginia’sclaimtoanoriginsstoryinmind,anotherfoundingfather,JohnAdams,heraldedthefirstgovernorofMassachusettsBayColony,JohnWinthrop,asanearlierandstrongermodelforanAmericanpatrician-patriarch.Thelessoniseasy:thenasnow,originsarecontestedterritory.Whatcan’tbedenied,however,aretheclassoriginsoftheanointedleaders.3

Beyondthewebofstoriesthefoundinggenerationitselfwove,ourmodernbeliefshavemosttodowiththegrandmythmakersofthenineteenthcentury.TheinspiredhistoriansofthatperiodwerenearlyallNewEnglanders;theyoutpacedallothersinshapingthehistoricalnarrative,sothatthedominantstoryoforiginsworkedintheirfavor.ThatishowwegottheprimordialPuritannarrativeofasentimentalcommunityandacommendableworkethic.Ofcourse,thetwinattributesofreligiousfreedomandhardworkerasefromtherecordallthosesettlerswhodidnotliveuptothesehighideals.Thelandless,theimpoverished,theprogenitorsoffuturegenerationsofwhitetrashconvenientlydisappearfromthefoundingsaga.

Therewereplaysandpoems,inadditiontostandardhistories,flowingfromthepensofBostoniansastheypraisedtheseparatistswhoestablishedtheearlysettlements.Asearlyas1769,NewEnglandersbegancelebrating“ForefathersDay”inPlymouth.BostonartistHenrySargentunveiledhispaintingLandingoftheFathersin1815.ButthefirstvolumeofGeorgeBancroft’swidelypraisedHistoryoftheUnitedStates(1834)maybethebestexampleofhowtheMayflowerandArbellawashedashoreandseededthegroundwhereloveoflibertyboreitsripestfruitinhubristicorationsbythelikesofDanielWebsteratwell-attendednineteenth-centuryanniversarycelebrations.TheseeffortsweremagnifiedasaresultofpromotionalskillsdemonstratedbysuchorganizationsastheColonialDames,whoworkedtoelevatetheMayflowerPilgrimsandWinthrop’sPuritansintosomeoftheforemostfiguresinournationalmemory.4

In1889,thePilgrimMonument(nowknownastheNationalMonumenttotheForefathers)wasdedicatedatPlymouth.Showingjusthow“colossal”theoriginalplanwas,theBostonarchitectandsculptorHammattBillingssubmittedadesignfora150-footmonument,whichheconceivedastheAmericanversionoftheColossusofRhodes,oneoftheSevenWondersoftheAncientWorld.Itdoesnotnullifyhispurposethatthefinalsculptureprovedtobeofasmallerscaleand(predictably)

allegorical:afemalefigureofFaithpointstoheavenandclutchesaBible,muchliketheStatueofLibertywithhertorch.5

Monumentsimperfectlyrecordthepast,asweallknow.Thereisstrangediscrepancybetweenthechiseledfemaleform(whichcouldappearalmostanywhere)andtheeventbeingrecalled.JohnGast’sfamous1872paintingAmericanProgresshasanetherealfemalespiritflyingabovethepioneers’transcontinentalmigratorymarchwestacrosstheplains;stagecoaches,wagons,railroadtracks,telegraphlinespushasideIndiansandbuffalothatstandintheirway.Billings’sstatuealsoheraldsFaith,wholoftsabovetheactualpeopleontheMayflower:theirnamesappearlessprominentlyonthesideofthestructure.ThusthefirstEnglishsettlers’personalmotivesformakingthejourneyhavebeensubsumedintoasingular,overwhelmingforceofreligiousliberty.Thesettlersremainmute.Thecomplexprocessofcolonizationiscondensedandforgotten,becauseallhumantraces(theactualpeopletiedtothosenames)arelost.Thereisnoremembranceofthosewhofailed,thosewithoutheirsorlegacies.Instead,timehasleftsubsequentgenerationswithahollowsymbol:progressonthemarch.6

Thecompressionofhistory,thewinnowingofhistory,mayseemnaturalandneutral,butitisdecidedlynot.Itisthemeansbywhichgradeschoolhistorybecomesourstandardadulthistory.AndsothegreatAmericansaga,astaught,excludestheverypertinentfactthatafterthe1630s,lessthanhalfcametoMassachusettsforreligiousreasons.Thetalltalesweunthinkinglyabsorbwhenyoungsomehowremainwithin;theresultisanarrowlyconceivedsenseofnationalbelongingproductiveofthemostuncompromisingofsatisfyingmyths:“Americanexceptionalism.”Weareuniqueanddifferent,andtheabsenceofclassisoneofourhallmarks.

Exceptionalismemergesfromahostofearliermythsofredemptionandgoodintentions.Pilgrims,persecutedintheOldWorld,bravetheAtlanticdreamingoffindingreligiousfreedomonAmerica’sshores;wagontrainsofhopefulpioneerfamiliesheadwesttostartanewlife.Nowhereelse,wearemeanttounderstand,waspersonalfreedomsotreasuredasitwasintheAmericanexperience.Theveryactofmigrationclaimstoequalizethepeopleinvolved,moldingthemintoahomogeneous,effectivelyclasslesssociety.Storiesofunitytampdownourdiscontentsandmaskevenourmostpalpabledivisions.Andwhenthesedivisionsareclassbased,astheyalmostalwaysare,apronouncedformofamnesiasetsin.Americansdonotliketotalkaboutclass.Itisnotsupposedtobeimportantinourhistory.Itisnotwhoweare.

Instead,wehavethePilgrims(apeoplewhoarecelebratedatThanksgiving,aholidaythatdidnotexistuntiltheCivilWar),whocameashoreatPlymouthRock(aplaceonlydesignatedassuchinthelateeighteenthcentury).ThequintessentialAmericanholidaywasassociatedwiththenativeturkeytohelppromotethestrugglingpoultryindustryduringtheCivilWar.Theword“Pilgrim”wasnoteven

popularizeduntil1794.Nevertheless,the“first”Thanksgivinghasbeengivenadateof1621,whenwell-meaningPilgrimsandfair-mindedWampanoagssharedameal.ThemasterofceremonieswastheirIndianinterpreter,Squanto,whohadhelpedtheEnglishsurviveadifficultwinter.Leftoutofthisstoryisthedetail(notsominor)thatSquantoonlyknewEnglishbecausehehadbeenkidnappedandsoldasaslavetoanEnglishship’scaptain.(CoercedlaborofthiskindremindsusofhowthemajorityofwhiteservantscametoAmerica.)Squanto’sfriendship,alas,wasafarmorecomplicatedaffairthanthefairytalesuggests.HediedofamysteriousfevertheverynextyearwhileengagedinapowerstrugglewithMassasoit,the“GreatSachem”oftheWampanoagconfederation.7

InspiteoftheobviousstatureofaWashingtonandaJefferson,andVirginia’ssettlementthirteenyearspre-Pilgrim,thesouthernstateslaggedbehindthescribblingnorthernersinfashioningacomprehensivecolonialmythtohighlighttheirownculturalascendancyintheNewWorld.Here’swhatwehave:Lessastorythanamystery,therepersiststothisdayamorbidcuriosityaboutthe1587“LostColony”ofRoanoke,apuzzleontheorderofAmeliaEarhart’sdisappearanceoverthePacific.Astrangealluresurroundseveryvanishingpeople—recallthewildlypopulartelevisionseriesLost.OrPlato’sAtlantis.Ghostshipsandghostcoloniesinvokeamarveloussenseoftimelessness;theyexistoutsidethenormalrulesofhistory,whichexplainswhyRoanoke’smysterymitigatestheharshrealitiesweinstinctivelyknowtheearlysettlerswereforcedtoface.8

IfRoanokeisatantalizingcurioofalostworld,Jamestown,itsmorepermanentoffspring,grewtorepresenttheVirginiacolony’soriginsinawaythatcouldcompetewiththeupliftingstoryofthePilgrims.The1607foundingofJamestownmaylackanationalholiday,butitdoesclaimafarsexierfableinthedramaticrescueofJohnSmithbythe“Indianprincess”Pocahontas.Asthestorygoes,inthemiddleofanelaborateceremony,theeleven-year-old“beloveddaughter”of“King”PowhatanrushedforwardandplacedherheadoverSmith,stoppingtribesmenfromsmashinghisskullwiththeirclubs.AmagicalbondformedbetweentheproudEnglishmanandtheyoungnaïf,cuttingthroughallthelinguisticandculturalbarriersthatseparatedtheOldandNewWorlds.

Thisbravegirlhasfascinatedpoets,playwrights,artists,andfilmmakers.Shehasbeencalledthe“patrondeity”ofJamestownandthe“mother”ofbothVirginiaandAmerica.Awriterin1908dubiouslyclaimedthatPocahontaswasactuallythedaughterofVirginiaDare,theyoungestmemberoftheRoanokecolony,makingtheIndianprincessachildofEuropeandescentlostinthewilderness,muchlikeEdgarRiceBurroughs’sTarzanoftheApes,publishedthreeyearslater.9

Thebest-known,mostrecentversionofthestoryisthe1995WaltDisneyanimatedfilm.Strikinglybeautiful,unnervinglybuxom,andmorelikeapopculture

divathanamemberoftheTsenacommacahtribe,Disney’sPocahontasfabulouslycommuneswithnature,befriendingaraccoon,talkingtoatree;sheisnearlyidenticaltootherDisneyheroinesSnowWhiteandCinderella,whoalsoboastamenagerieofanimalfriends.Why?CommuningwithnaturedrawsuponthepotentromanticimageoftheNewWorldasaprelapsarianclasslesssociety.Oldtropesmeldseamlesslywithnewcinematicforms:womeninWesternculturehavebeenconsistentlyportrayedasclosertoMotherNature,lushnessandabundance,Edenictranquilityandfertility.Thereisnorancidswamp,nofouldiseasesandstarvation,inthisJamestownre-creation.10

ScholarshavedebatedwhethertherescueofSmithevertookplace,sinceonlyhisaccountexistsanditsmostelaborateversionwaspublishedyearsafterPocahontas’sdeath.Smithwasamilitaryadventurer,aself-promoter,acommoner,whohadtheannoyinghabitofexaggeratinghisexploits.HisrescuestoryperfectlymimickedapopularScottishballadofthedayinwhichthebeautifuldaughterofaTurkishprincerescuesanEnglishadventurerwhoisabouttolosehishead.ThoughanAnglicanministerpresidedoverPrincessPocahontas’smarriagetotheplanterJohnRolfe,onememberoftheJamestowncouncildismissedherastheheathenspawnofa“cursedgeneration”andlabeledhera“barbarous[ly]mannered”girl.EvenRolfeconsideredtheunionaconvenientpoliticalallianceratherthanalovematch.11

WeshouldnotexpectDisneytogetthatrightwhenthefundamentalprincipleoftheclasslessAmericanidentity—sympatheticcommunion—isatstake.Thefilmbuildsonanothermythicstrandoftheoft-toldtale:itisJohnSmith(blondandbrawnyinhisanimatedform),notRolfe,whotakesontheroleofPocahontas’slover.ExaggeratingherbeautyandhighlightingherchoicetosaveSmithandbecomeanallyoftheEnglishisnotnew.Whenaless-than-flatteringportraitappearedin1842,makingherplumpandungainly,andnotthelovelyandpetiteIndianprincess,therewasastormofprotestoverwhatonecriticcalleda“coarseandunpoetical”rendering.HerAnglicizedbeautyisnonnegotiable;herprimitiveelegancemakesherassimilationtolerable.Indeed,itisallthatmakesacceptanceoftheIndianmaidenpossible.12

ThePocahontasstoryrequirestheprincesstorejectherownpeopleandculture.Thispowerfulthemehaspersisted,asthehistorianNancyShoemakerobserves,becauseitcontributestothelargernationalrationaleoftheIndians’willingparticipationintheirowndemise.YetthisyounggirldidnotwillinglyliveatJamestown;shewastakencaptive.InthegardenparadiseofearlyVirginiathatneverwas,warandsuffering,greedandcolonialconquestareconvenientlymissing.ClassandculturaldissonancemagicallyfadefromviewinordertoremakeAmericanoriginsintoautopianlovestory.13

•••

Canwehandlethetruth?Intheearlydaysofsettlement,intheprofit-drivenmindsofwell-connectedmeninchargeofafewprominentjoint-stockcompanies,Americawasconceivedofinparadoxicalterms:atoncealandoffertilityandpossibilityandaplaceofoutstandingwastes,“ranke”andweedybackwaters,dankandsorryswamps.HerewasEngland’sopportunitytothinoutitsprisonsandsiphonoffthousands;herewasanoutletfortheunwanted,awaytoremovevagrantsandbeggars,toberidofLondon’seyesorepopulation.ThosesentonthehazardousvoyagetoAmericawhosurvivedpresentedasimplepurposeforimperialprofiteers:toserveEnglishinterestsandperishintheprocess.Inthatsense,the“firstcomers,”astheywereknownbeforethemagical“Pilgrims”tookhold,weresomethinglessthananinspiredlot.DozenswhodisembarkedfromtheMayflowersuccumbedthatfirstyeartostarvationanddiseaselinkedtovitamindeficiency;scurvyrottedtheirgums,andtheybledfromdifferentorifices.Bythe1630s,NewEnglandersreinventedahierarchicalsocietyof“stations,”fromrulingelitetohouseholdservants.Intheirnumberwereplentyofpoorboys,meantforexploitation.Somewerereligious,buttheywereintheminorityamongthewavesofmigrantsthatfollowedWinthrop’sArbella.TheelitesownedIndianandAfricanslaves,butthepopulationtheymostexploitedweretheirchildlaborers.Eventhechurchreflectedclassrelations:designatedseatingaffirmedclassstation.14

Virginiawasevenlessaplaceofhope.HerewereEngland’srowdyandundisciplined,menwillingtogambletheirlivesawaybutnotreadytoworkforaliving.Englandperceivedthemas“manure”foramarginalland.AllthattheseidlemenunderstoodwasacrueldisciplinewhenitwasimposedupontheminthemannerofthemercenaryJohnSmith,andthelastthingtheywantedwastoworktoimprovetheland.Allthatwouldkeepthefledglingcolonyalivewasamilitary-stylelaborcampmeanttoprotectEngland’sinterestsinthecountry’songoingcompetitionwiththeequallydesigningSpanish,French,andDutchgovernments.Thatasmallfractionofcolonistssurvivedthefirsttwentyyearsofsettlementcameasnosurprisebackhome—nordidLondon’selitemuchcare.Theinvestmentwasnotinpeople,whosealreadyunrefinedhabitsdeclinedovertime,whoserudenessmagnifiedinrelationtotheirbrutalencounterswithIndians.Thecolonistsweremeanttofindgold,andtolinethepocketsoftheinvestorclassbackinEngland.Thepeoplesenttoaccomplishthistaskwerebydefinitionexpendable.15

Sonowweknowwhathappenstoourcolonialhistory.Itiswhitewashed.ThoughNewWorldsettlersweresupposedtorepresentthepromiseofsocialmobility,andthePilgrimsgeneratedourhallowedfaithinliberty,nineteenth-centuryAmericansparadoxicallycreatedalarger-than-lifecastof“democratic”royalty.Theseinheritors

foundedthefirstgenealogicalsocietiesinthe1840s,andbytheturnofthetwentiethcenturypatrioticorganizationswithanemphasisonhereditarydescent,suchastheGeneralSocietyofMayflowerDescendantsandtheOrderoftheFoundersandPatriotsofAmerica,boastedchaptersacrossthenation.ThehighlyexclusiveOrderoftheFirstFamiliesofVirginiawasestablishedin1912,itsmembersclaimingthattheirlineagecouldbetracedbacktoEnglishlordsandLadyRebeccaRolfe—whomweallknowastheennobledandAnglicizedPocahontas.16

Statuesarethecompanionsofelitesocietiesincelebratingpaternallineageandanewaristocracy.Theytellusthatsomefamilies(andsomeclasses)haveagreaterclaimasheirsofthefoundingpromise.Municipalandstateleadershavesupportedthenationalhagiographyinboldformbyconstructinggrandmonumentstoourcolonialcityfathers.TheversionofJohnWinthropthattheRevolutionaryJohnAdamshadfavored,dressedinShakespeareanorTudor-Stuartattireandwithanornateruffcollarandhose,firstgracedtheBackBayofBostonin1880.Butthelargestsuchmemorialisthetwenty-seven-tonstatueofWilliamPennperchedatopCityHallinPhiladelphia.Afteritwascompletedin1901,nostructureintheentirecitywaspermittedtobetallerthanPenn’sQuakerhatuntil1987,ensuringthatthefounder’ssovereigngazetoweredovertheCityofBrotherlyLove,commemoratingthecolonizingactofterritorialpossession.InBritishlaw,ownershipwasmeasuredbystandingone’sground—thatis,holdingandoccupyingtheland.Landitselfwasasourceofcivicidentity.Thisprincipleexplainsaswellthetotemvalueof“PlymouthRock,”thelargestonediscoveredlongafterthelastPilgrimbreathedNewEnglandair,christenedintheeighteenthcenturyasthefirstpieceoflandonwhichtheMayflowersettlersstood.17

Commemorationofthiskindbegsthefollowingquestions:Whowerethewinnersandlosersinthegreatgameofcolonialconquest?Beyondparcelingtheland,howwereestatesbounded,fortunesmade,andlaborsecured?Whatsocialstructures,whatmannerofsocialrelationshipsdidthefirstEuropeanAmericansreallysetinmotion?Findinganswerstothesequestionswillenableustofullyappreciatehowlong-ago-establishedidentitiesofhavesandhave-notsleftapermanentimprintonthecollectiveAmericanmind.

Americans’sketchyunderstandingofthenation’scolonialbeginningsreflectsthelargerculturalimpulsetoforget—oratleastglossover—centuriesofdodgydecisions,dubiousmeasures,andoutrightfailures.The“LostColony”ofRoanokewasjustoneofmanyunsuccessfulcolonialschemes.Ambitious-soundingplansforNewWorldsettlementswerenevermorethanadhocnotionsoroverblownpromotionaltracts.Therecruitsfortheseprojectsdidnotnecessarilysharethebeliefsofthoseprincipledleadersmoldedinbronze—theJohnWinthropsandWilliamPenns—whoarelionizedforhavingprojectedtheenlargeddestiniesoftheirrespectivecolonies.

Mostsettlersintheseventeenthcenturydidnotenvisiontheirforcedexileasthestartofa“CittyuponaHill.”TheydidnotexpressundyingconfidenceinPenn’s“HolyExperiment.”Dreamersdreamt,butfewsettlerscametoAmericatofulfillanydivineplan.Duringthe1600s,farfrombeingrankedasvaluedBritishsubjects,thegreatmajorityofearlycolonistswereclassifiedassurpluspopulationandexpendable“rubbish,”aruderatherthanrobustpopulation.TheEnglishsubscribedtotheideathatthepoordregswouldbeweededoutofEnglishsocietyinfourways.Eithernaturewouldreducetheburdenofthepoorthroughfoodshortages,starvation,anddisease,or,drawnintocrime,theymightenduponthegallows.Finally,somewouldbeimpressedbyforceorluredbybountiestofightanddieinforeignwars,orelsebeshippedofftothecolonies.Suchworthlessdronesasthesecouldberemovedtocolonialoutpoststhatwereinshortsupplyofable-bodiedlaborersand,lestweforget,young“fruitful”females.Oncethere,itwashoped,thedroneswouldbeenergizedasworkerbees.ThebeewasthefavoriteinsectoftheEnglish,acreatureseenaschastebut,moreimportant,highlyproductive.18

Thecolonistswereamixedlot.Onthebottomoftheheapweremenandwomenofthepoorandcriminalclasses.Amongtheseunheroictransplantswereroguishhighwaymen,meanvagrants,Irishrebels,knownwhores,andanassortmentofconvictsshippedtothecoloniesforgrandlarcenyorotherpropertycrimes,asareprieveofsorts,toescapethegallows.Notmuchbetterwerethosewhofilledtheranksofindenturedservants,whorangedinclasspositionfromlowlystreeturchinstoformerartisansburdenedwithoverwhelmingdebts.Theyhadtakenachanceinthecolonies,havingbeenimpressedintoserviceandthenchoosingexileoverpossibleincarcerationwithinthewallsofanovercrowded,disease-riddenEnglishprison.LaborshortagesledsomeshipcaptainsandagentstoroundupchildrenfromthestreetsofLondonandothertownstoselltoplantersacrosstheocean—thiswasknownas“spiriting.”Youngchildrenwereshippedoffforpettycrimes.OnesuchcaseisthatofElizabeth“LittleBess”Armstrong,senttoVirginiaforstealingtwospoons.Largenumbersofpooradultsandfatherlessboysgaveuptheirfreedom,sellingthemselvesintoindenturedservitude,wherebytheirpassagewaspaidinreturnforcontractingtoanywherefromfourtonineyearsoflabor.Theircontractsmightbesold,andoftenwere,upontheirarrival.Unabletomarryorchooseanothermaster,theycouldbepunishedorwhippedatwill.Owingtotheharshworkingconditionstheyhadtoendure,onecriticcomparedtheirlotto“Egyptianbondage.”19

Dischargedsoldiers,alsoofthelowerclasses,wereshippedofftothecolonies.Foravarietyofreasons,singlemenandwomen,andfamiliesofthelowergentry,andthoseofartisanoryeomanclassesjoinedthemassmigratoryswarm.Somelefttheirhomestoevadedebtsthatmightwellhavelandedtheminprison;others(afairnumbercomingfromGermanyandFrance)viewedthecoloniesasanasylumfrom

persecutionfortheirreligiousfaith;justasoften,resettlementwastheirescapefromeconomicrestrictionsimposedupontheirtrades.StillothersventuredtoAmericatoleavetarnishedreputationsandeconomicfailuresbehind.Asallstudentsofhistoryknow,slaveseventuallybecameoneofthelargestgroupsofunfreelaborers,transportedfromAfricaandtheCaribbean,andfromtheretothemainlandBritishAmericancolonies.Theirnumbersgrewtooversixhundredthousandbytheendoftheeighteenthcentury.Africanswerefoundineverycolony,especiallyaftertheBritishgovernmentgavefullencouragementtotheslavetradewhenitgrantedanAfricanmonopolytotheCompanyofRoyalAdventurersin1663.Theslavetradegrewevenfasterafterthemonopolyended,astheAmericancolonistsbargainedforlowerpricesandpurchasedslavesdirectlyfromforeignvendors.20

Toputclassbackintothestorywhereitbelongs,wehavetoimagineaverydifferentkindoflandscape.Notalandofequalopportunity,butamuchlessappealingterrainwheredeathandharshlaborconditionsawaitedmostmigrants.AfirmlyentrenchedBritishideologyjustifiedrigidclassstationswithnopromiseofsocialmobility.Certainly,Puritanreligiousfaithdidnotdisplaceclasshierarchyeither;theearlygenerationsofNewEnglandersdidnothingtodiminish,letalonecondemn,theroutinerelianceonservantsorslaves.Landwastheprincipalsourceofwealth,andthosewithoutanyhadlittlechancetoescapeservitude.Itwasthestigmaoflandlessnessthatwouldleaveitsmarkonwhitetrashfromthisdayforward.

So,welcometoAmericaasitwas.Theyear1776isafalsestartingpointforanyconsiderationofAmericanconditions.IndependencedidnotmagicallyerasetheBritishclasssystem,nordiditrootoutlong-entrenchedbeliefsaboutpovertyandthewillfulexploitationofhumanlabor.Anunfavoredpopulation,widelythoughtofaswasteor“rubbish,”remaineddisposableindeedwellintomoderntimes.

PartI

TOBEGINTHEWORLDANEW

I

CHAPTERONE

TakingOuttheTrash

WastePeopleintheNewWorld

ColoniesoughttobeEmunctoriesorSinkesofStates;todrayneawaythefilth.—JohnWhite,ThePlantersPlea(1630)

nthemindsofliterateEnglishmenandwomen,ascolonizationbeganinthe1500s,NorthAmericawasanuncertainworldinhabitedbymonstrouscreatures,ablank

territoryskirtedbymountainsofgold.Becauseitwasastrangelandthatfewwouldeverseefirsthand,spectaculartaleshadmoreappealthanpracticalobservation.England’stwochiefpromotersofAmericanexplorationwouldneversetfootonthecontinent.RichardHakluyttheelder(1530–91)wasalawyeratMiddleTemple,avibrantcenterofintellectuallifeandcourtpoliticsintheLondonmetropolis.Hismuchyoungercousinwiththeidenticalname(1552–1616)trainedatChristChurch,Oxford,andneverhazardedavoyagebeyondtheshoresofFrance.1

TheelderHakluytwasabookishattorneywhohappenedtobewellconnectedtothosewhodreamtofprofitfromoverseasventures.Hiscircleincludedmerchants,royalofficials,andsuchmenonthemakeasSirWalterRaleigh,SirHumphreyGilbert,andMartinFrobisher,allofwhomsoughtfameandgloryfromexploration.Thesemenofactionwereendowedwithlarger-than-lifeegos;theywereanewbreedofadventurer,knownforheroismbutalsoforill-temperedpublicbehavior.2

RichardHakluyttheyoungerwasanOxfordfellowandclergymanwhodevotedhislifetocompilingthetravelnarrativesofexplorers.In1589,hepublishedhismostambitiouswork,PrincipallNavigations,anexhaustivecatalogueofalltheaccountshecouldtrackdownofEnglishtravelerstotheEast,theNorth,andofcourseAmerica.IntheageofShakespeare,everyonewhowasanyonereadHakluyt.TheunstoppableJohnSmithquotedliberallyfromhiswritings,provinghimselfmorethanabrutesoldieroffortune.3

EvenbeforepublishingPrincipallNavigations,theyoungerHakluythadsoughtroyalfavor.HepreparedatreatiseforQueenElizabethIandhertopadvisers,laying

outhisworkingtheoryofBritishcolonization.“DiscourseofWesternPlanting”(1584)waspurepropaganda,designedtopersuadethequeenofthebenefitsofAmericansettlements.SirWalterRaleighhadcommissionedthework,hopingforthestatefinancingheneverreceivedwhenhelaunchedanexpeditionthatledtotheshort-livedRoanokecolony,offtheCarolinacoast.4

InHakluyt’sEnglishcolonialvision,distantAmericawasawildernessofanalmostinconceivabledimension.FortheFrenchintellectualMicheldeMontaigne,in1580,itwasthehabitatofasimpleanduncorruptedpeoplewhomhewhimsicallycalled“cannibals,”slylychallengingthepopularimageofbrutesgorgingonhumanflesh.LikeHakluyt,hehadneverseenNativepeoples,ofcourse.Hakluytatleastwasmorepractical(andmoreAnglican)thanMontaigneinhisoutlookontheaboriginals.Hebelievedthemneitherdangerousnorinnocent,butemptyvesselswaitingtobefilledwithChristian—and,noless,commercial—truths.HeimaginedtheIndiansasusefulalliesinfulfillingEnglishaspirations,possibletradingpartners,andsubordinate,tobesure,butaboveallanaturalresourcetobeexploitedforthegreatergood.5

Attaching“empty”asametaphortoamysteriouslandservedthelegalpurposesoftheEnglishstate.Withoutrecognizedowners,theterritorywasavailableandwaitingtobetaken.EvenforthebookishclericHakluyt,thetropeofconquestheusedpresentedAmericaasalovelywomanwaitingtobewooedandwedbytheEnglish.Theywouldbecomeherrightfulownersanddeservingcustodians.Itwasallafiction,ofcourse,becausethelandwasnotreallyinaneacuacuum—voidandvacant.AstheEnglishconceivedit,however,anylandhadtobetakenoutofitsnaturalstateandputtocommercialuse—onlythenwoulditbetrulyowned.6

Obviously,theIndianoccupantsweredeemedunabletopossessatruetitle.Combingancientlawsforconvincinganalogies,EnglishcolonizersclassifiedtheNativesassavages,andsometimesasbarbarians.TheIndiansdidnotbuildwhattheEnglishwouldacknowledgeaspermanenthomesandtowns;theydidnotenclosetheworkablegroundinsidehedgesandfences.Undertheirtenancy,thelandappearedunboundedanduntamed—whatJohnSmith,inhisaccountsofVirginia,andlaterNewEngland,describedas“veryranke”andweedy.TheIndianslivedofftheearthaspassivenomads.Profit-seekingplantersandindustrioushusbandmen,ontheotherhand,wereneededtocultivatethegroundforitsriches,andindoingsoimposeafirmhand.7

Thispowerfulconceptionoflandusewouldplayakeyroleinfuturecategorizationsofraceandclassontheexperimentalcontinent.Beforetheyevenestablishednewandbusysocieties,colonizersdenotedsomepeopleasentrepreneurial

stewardsoftheexploitableland;theydeclaredothers(thevastmajority)asmereoccupiers,apeoplewithnomeasurableinvestmentinproductivityorincommerce.

Whetherbarrenorempty,uncultivatedorrank,thelandacquiredaquintessentiallyEnglishmeaning.TheEnglishwereobsessedwithwaste,whichwaswhyAmericawasfirstandforemosta“wasteland”intheireyes.Wastelandmeantundevelopedland,landthatwasoutsidethecirculationofcommercialexchangeandapartfromtheunderstoodrulesofagriculturalproduction.Tolieinwaste,inbiblicallanguage,meanttoexistdesolateandunattended;inagrarianterms,itwastobeleftfallowandunimproved.

Wastelandwasidleland.Arabletractsofdesirablepropertycouldonlybeassociatedwithfurrowedfields,rowsofcropsandfruittrees,goldenwavesofgrain,andpastureforcattleandsheep.JohnSmithembracedthesameideologicalpremisewithaprecise(ifcrude)allusion:theEnglishman’srighttothelandwasensuredbyhiscommitmenttocarpetingthesoilwithmanure.AnEnglishelixirofanimalwastewouldmagicallytransformtheVirginiawilderness,makinguntilledwastelandintovaluableEnglishterritory.Wastewastheretobetreated,andthenexploited.Wastewaswealthasyetunrealized.8

Inhis“DiscourseofWesternPlanting,”Hakluytconfidentlydescribedtheentirecontinentasthat“wastefirmofAmerica.”Notterrafirma,butwastefirm.Hesawnaturalresourcesasrawmaterialsthatcouldbeconvertedintovaluablecommodities.LikeotherEnglishmenofhisday,heequatedwastelandswithcommons,forests,andfens—thoselandsthatsixteenth-centuryagrarianimproverseyedforprospectiveprofits.Wastelandservedtheinterestofprivateownersinthecommercialmarketplace,whenthecommonswasenclosedandsheepandcattlegrazedthere;forestscouldbecutdownfortimberandclearedforsettlements;fensormarshescouldbedrainedandreconstitutedasrich,arablefarmland.9

Itwasnotjustlandthatcouldbewaste.Peoplecouldbewastetoo.Andthisbringsustoourmostimportantpointofembarkation:Hakluyt’sAmericarequiredwhatheclassifiedas“wastepeople,”thecorpsoflaborersneededtocutdownthetrees,beatthehemp(formakingrope),gatherhoney,saltanddryfish,dressrawanimalhides,digtheearthforminerals,raiseolivesandsilk,andsortandpackbirdfeathers.10

Hepicturedpaupers,vagabonds,convicts,debtors,andlustyyoungmenwithoutemploymentdoingallsuchwork.The“fry[youngchildren]ofwanderingbeggarsthatgrowupidlyandhurtfullyandburdenoustotheRealm,mightbeunladenandbetterbredup.”MerchantswouldbesenttotradewiththeIndians,sellingtrinkets,ventingclothgoods,andgatheringmoreinformationabouttheinteriorofthecontinent.Artisanswereneeded:millwrightstoprocessthetimber;carpenters,brick

makers,andplastererstobuildthesettlement;cooks,launderers,bakers,tailors,andcobblerstoservicetheinfantcolony.11

Wherewouldtheseworkerscomefrom?Theartisans,hefelt,couldbesparedwithoutweakeningtheEnglisheconomy.Butthebulkofthelaborforcewastocomefromtheswellingnumbersofpoorandhomeless.Theywere,inHakluyt’sdisturbingallusion,“readytoeatuponeanother,”alreadycannibalizingtheBritisheconomy.Idleandunused,theywerewaitingtobetransplantedtotheAmericanlandtobebetter(albeitnomorehumanely)puttouse.12

Thisviewofpovertywaswidelyshared.Onepersistentproject,firstpromotedin1580butneverrealized,involvedraisingafleetofhundred-tonfishingvesselscomprisingtenthousandmen,halfofwhomweretobeimpoverishedvagrants.ThegalleylaborschemewasdesignedtobeatthefamouslyindustriousDutchatthefishingtrade.13LeadingmathematicianandgeographerJohnDeewasanotherwhoimaginedamaritimesolutiontopoverty.In1577,astheBritishnavyexpanded,heproposedconvertingthepoorintosailors.Otherswishedfortheindigenttobesweptfromthestreets,onewayoranother,whethergatheredupasforcedlaborersbuildinghighwaysandfortificationsorherdedintoprisonsandworkhouses.London’sBridewellPrisonwascharteredin1553,thefirstinstitutionofitskindtoproposereformationofvagrants.Bythe1570s,morehousesofcorrectionshadopenedtheirdoors.Theirfoundersofferedtotrainthechildrenofthepoortobe“broughtupinlaborandwork,”sotheywouldnotfollowinthefootstepsoftheirparentsandbecome“idlerogues.”14

Inthissense,whatHakluytforesawinacolonizedAmericawasonegiantworkhouse.Thiscannotbeemphasizedenough.Asthe“wastefirmofAmerica”wassettled,itwouldbecomeaplacewherethesurpluspoor,thewastepeopleofEngland,couldbeconvertedintoeconomicassets.Thelandandthepoorcouldbeharvestedtogether,toaddto—ratherthancontinuetosubtractfrom—thenation’swealth.Amongthefirstwavesofworkersweretheconvicts,whowouldbeemployedatheavylabor,fellingtreesandburningthemforpitch,tar,andsoapash;otherswoulddigintheminesforgold,silver,iron,andcopper.Theconvictswerenotpaidwages.Asdebtslaves,theywereobligedtorepaytheEnglishcommonwealthfortheircrimesbyproducingcommoditiesforexport.Inreturn,theywouldbekeptfromalifeofcrime,avoiding,inHakluyt’swords,being“miserablyhanged,”orpackedintoprisonsto“pitifullypineaway”anddie.15

Ashesawit,thelargerrewardwouldbereapedinthenextgeneration.ByimportingrawgoodsfromtheNewWorldandexportingclothandothercommoditiesinreturn,thepoorathomewouldfindworksothat“notonepoorcreature”wouldfeelimpelled“tosteal,tostarve,andbegastheydo.”Theywouldprosperalongwith

thegrowthofcolonialtrade.Thechildrenof“wanderingbeggars,”havingbeen“keptfromidleness,andmadeablebytheirownhonestandeasylabor,”wouldgrowupresponsibly,“withoutsurchargingothers.”Childrenwhoescapedpauperism,nolongerburdensonthestate,mightreentertheworkforceashonestlaborers.Thepoorfrysentoverseaswouldnowbe“betterbredup,”makingthelotoftheEnglishpeoplebetteroff,andtheworkingpoormoreindustrious.Itallsoundedperfectlylogicalandrealizable.16

Seeingtheindigentaswastrels,asthedregsofsociety,wascertainlynothingnew.TheEnglishhadwagedawaragainstthepoor,especiallyvagrantsandvagabonds,forgenerations.Aseriesoflawsinthefourteenthcenturyledtoaconcertedcampaigntorootoutthiswretched“motherofallvice.”Bythesixteenthcentury,harshlawsandpunishmentswerefixedinplace.Publicstockswerebuiltintownsforrunawayservants,alongwithwhippingpostsandcagesvariouslyplacedaroundLondon.Hotbrandingironsandearboringidentifiedthisunderclassandsetthemapartasacriminalcontingent.Anactof1547allowedforvagrantstobebrandedwithaVontheirbreastsandenslaved.Whilethisunusualpieceoflegislationappearsnevertohavebeenputintopractice,itwasnonethelessanaturaloutgrowthofthewidespreadvilificationofthepoor.17

By1584,whenHakluytdraftedhis“DiscourseofWesternPlanting,”thepoorwereroutinelybeingcondemnedas“thriftless”and“idle,”adiseasedanddangerouslymobile,unattachedpeople,everywhererunning“toandfrooveralltherealm.”Comparedtoswarmsofinsects,labeledasan“over-flowingmultitude,”theywereimaginedinlanguageasaneffluvialcurrent,pollutingandtaxingEngland’seconomichealth.18

SlumsenvelopedLondon.Asoneobserverremarkedin1608,theheavyconcentrationsofpoorcreatedasubterraneancolonyofdirtyanddisfigured“monsters”livingin“caves.”Theywereaccusedofbreedingrapidlyandinfectingthecitywitha“plague”ofpoverty,thusfigurativelydesignatingunemploymentacontagiousdisease.DistantAmericancolonieswerepresentedasacure.Thepoorcouldbepurged.In1622,thefamouspoetandclergymanJohnDonnewroteofVirginiainthisfashion,describingthenewcolonyasthenation’sspleenandliver,drainingthe“illhumoursofthebody...tobreedgoodbloud.”Othersusedlessdelicateimagery.Americancolonieswere“emunctories,”excretinghumanwastefromthebodypolitic.TheelderRichardHakluytunabashedlycalledthetransportablepoorthe“offalsofourpeople.”19

Thepoorwerehumanwaste.Refuse.Thesturdypoor,thosewithoutphysicalinjuries,elicitedoutrageovertheiridleness.Buthowcouldvagabonds,whoonaveragemigratedsometwentytoeightymilesinamonth,becalledidle?William

Harrison,inhispopularDescriptionofEngland(1577),offeredanexplanation.Idlenesswaswastedenergy.Thevagabonds’constantmovementlednowhere.Inmovingaround,theyfailed(liketheIndians)toputdownhealthyrootsandjointhesettledlaborforceofservants,tenants,andartisans.Harrisonthoughtofidlenessinthesamewaywemighttodayrefertotheidlingmotorofacar:themotorrunsinplace;theidlepoorweretrappedineconomicstasis.Wastepeople,likewastelands,werestagnant;theirenergyproducednothingofvalue;theywerelikefesteringweedsruininganidlegarden.20

Wasteland,then,wasaneyesore,orwhattheEnglishcalleda“sinkehole.”Wastepeoplewereanalogizedtoweedsorsicklycattlegrazingonadunghill.Butunlikethedocileherd,whichwerecarefullybredandcontainedinfencedenclosures,thepoorcouldbecomedisruptiveanddisorderly;theyoccasionallyrioted.Thecreamofsocietycouldnotbeshieldedfromthepublicnuisanceofthepoor,inthattheyseemedomnipresentatfunerals,churchservices,onhighwaysandbyways,inalehouses,andtheyloiteredaroundParliament—evenattheking’scourt.JamesIwassoannoyedwithvagrantboysmillingaroundhispalaceatNewmarketthathewrotetheLondon-basedVirginiaCompanyin1619askingforitshelpinremovingtheoffensivepopulationfromhissightbyshippingthemoverseas.21

Asmasterlessmen,detachedandunproductive,thevagrantpoorwouldacquirecolonialmasters.ForHakluytandothers,aquasi-militarymodelmadesense.IthadbeenusedinIreland.IntheNewWorld,whethersubduingtheNativepopulationorcontendingwithotherEuropeannationswithcolonialambitions,fortificationswouldhavetoberaised,trenchesdug,gunpowderproduced,andmentrainedtousebows.Militarizationservedothercrucialpurposes.Ex-soldiersformedoneofthelargestsubgroupsofEnglishvagrants.Sailorswerethevagrantsofthesea,andwereoftendrawnintopiracy.Thestyleofwarfaremostcommoninthesixteenthcenturyinvolvedattacksonnearlyimpregnablefortifications,andrequiredprolongedsiegesandlargenumbersoffootsoldiers.Eachtimewarrevived,thepoorweredrummedbackintoservice,becomingwhatonescholarhascalleda“reservearmyoftheunemployed.”22

Thelifeoftheearlymodernsoldierwasharshandunpredictable.Disbandedtroopsoftenpillagedontheirwayhome.Inthepopularliteratureoftheday,soldiers-turned-thieveswerethesubjectsofanumberofracyaccounts.JohnAwdeley’sTheFraternityofVagabonds(1561)andothersofitskinddepictedthewanderingpoorasavastnetworkofpredatorygangs.Ex-soldiersfilledemptyslotsinthegangsas“uprightmen,”orbanditleaders.“Cony-catchers”literallybaggedtheirbooty.Theseconsummaterobbershadasonetooloftheirtradethehook,whichwasjammedthroughopenwindowsinordertostealvaluablegoods.Inproposingtoship“ouridlesoldiers”overseas,Hakluytaimedtoturnconmenintoactualcony-catchers,shooting

rabbitstogiveheartysubstancetotheAmericancolonists’dailystew.Inotherwords,sendingveteransoldiersandconvictstoAmericawouldreducecrimeandpovertyinonemasterstroke.23

Whateverelsetheirlivesentailed,vagrants,childrenofbeggars,andex-soldierswhomightbetransportedtotheNewWorldandtransplantedontoitssoilwerethoughttobefertilizingwastelandwiththeirlabor.Theirvaluewascalculatednotinhumane(orevenhuman)terms,butasadisembodiedcommercialforce.Ifthatpropositionseemscoldandcalculating,itwas.Indeath,theywere,tousetheoperativemodernphrase,collateraldamage.TheyhadmorevaluetotherealmasdeadcoloniststhanasidlewasteinEngland.Inhisgrandscheme,HakluytimagineddisciplinedchildrenofEnglishbeggarswhosurvivedinthecoloniesasnothingmorethanafuturepoolofsoldiersandsailors.24

PlantingunwantedpeopleinAmericansoilmeantfewertemptationstotakeuplivesofcrime.Somemightactuallythriveintheopen,vacantlandofAmerica—becausesurelytheyhadnochanceatallintheoverpopulatedlabormarketbackhome.Still,onecannotresisttheconclusionthatthechildrenofthepoorwereregardedasrecycledwaste.Theirdestiny,oncethesesamefolkwere“bredup”assoldiersandsailors,wastofilloutacolonialreservearmyofwastemen,tobesenttodieinEngland’swars.BrutalexploitationwasthemodusoperandioftheEnglishprojectorswhoconceivedanAmericancolonialsystemattheendofthesixteenthcentury—beforetherewerecolonies.25

•••

WhenJamestown,theEnglishoutpostalongtheChesapeakeBay,wasfinallyfoundedin1607,thehardshipsitssettlersexperiencedprovedthegeneralflawinHakluyt’sblueprintforcreatingreal-lifecolonies.DefendersoftheVirginiaCompanyofLondonpublishedtracts,sermons,andfirsthandaccounts,alltryingtoexplainawaythemanybizarreoccurrencesthathauntedJamestown.Socialmoreswerenonexistent.Mendefecatedinpublicareaswithinthesmallgarrison.Peoplesataroundandstarved.Harshlawswereimposed:stealingvegetablesandblasphemywerepunishablebydeath.Laborersandtheirchildrenwerevirtualcommodities,effectivelyslaves.Onemanmurderedhiswifeandthenateher.26

AfterthemiscarriageofSirWalterRaleigh’sRoanoke,JamestownwaschristenedEngland’sfirstinfantchild.BiddingtheEnglishpatiencewithJamestown,thepoetJohnDonnesermonizedin1622,“GreatCreatureslyelongintheWombe.”Jamestown’swasaslow,painfulbirth,attendedbyscantconfidenceinitsfuture.Thatyear,alopsidedIndianattacknearlywipedouttheentirepopulation.27

ThepervasivetraumasthroughoutJamestown’searlyyearsarelegend.Before1625,colonistsdroppedlikeflies,80percentofthefirstsixthousanddyingoff.Severaldifferentmilitarycommandersimposedregimesofforcedlaborthatturnedthefledglingsettlementintoaprisoncamp.MendrawntoJamestowndreamtoffindinggold,whichdidlittletoinspirehardwork.Notevenstarvationawokethemfromthedream.Anewgrouparrivedin1611,anddescribedhowtheirpredecessorswallowedin“sluggishidlenesse”and“beastiallsloth.”Yettheyfaredlittlebetter.28

Therewerefew“lustymen”inVirginia,torepeatHakluyt’scolorfulterm.Itremaineddifficulttofindrecruitswhowouldgooutandfelltrees,buildhouses,improvetheland,fish,andhuntwildgame.ThemenofearlyJamestownwerepredisposedtoplaycards,totradewithvilesailors,andtorapeIndianwomen.Aglassblowerwassenttomakecoloredbeads—trinketstoselltotheIndians.ThiswasHakluyt’sidea.Butwherewerethehusbandmenneededtoraisefood?29

Impracticality,baddecisions,andfailedrecruitmentstrategiesleftthecolonywithtoofewploughmenandhusbandmentotendthefieldsandfeedthecattlethatwerebeingshippedfromEngland.JamestownlostsightoftheEnglishcreedexpressedinThomasMore’sUtopia(1516):thateveryproductivesocietyprizeditstillersoftheearth.Morewrotethatinfailingtopromotehusbandry,“nocommonwealthcouldholdoutayear.”30

JohnRolfe,husbandofPocahontas,tookthesewordstoheart.In1609heintroducedthestrainoftobaccofromBermudathatVirginia’ssettlerssucceededwith,andtobaccoquicklybecamethenewgold—thetickettowealth.Itsdiscoveryledtoaboomeconomy,bringinghighpricesforthe“filthyweed.”Tobaccowasatoncebothaboomandbane.Thoughitsavedthecolonyfromruin,itstuntedtheeconomyandgeneratedaskewedclasssystem.Thegoverningcounciljealouslyguardedwhatsoonbecamethecolony’smostpreciousresource:laborers.TheonlyoneofHakluyt’slessonstobecarefullyheededwastheonetheyappliedwithvengeance:exploitingavulnerable,dependentworkforce.31

ThegovernorandmembersofhisgoverningcouncilpleadedwiththeVirginiaCompanytosendovermoreindenturedservantsandlaborers,who,likeslaves,weresoldtothehighestbidder.Indenturedservantswerehoarded,overworked,andtheirtermsunfairlyextended.Landwasdistributedunequallytoo,whichincreasedtheclassdivide.Thosewhosettledbefore1616,whohadpaidtheirownpassage,weregivenonehundredacres;afterthatdate,newarrivalswhopaidtheirownwayreceivedonlyfiftyacres.Moreimportant,from1618,thosewhobroughtoveranindenturedservantreceivedanadditionalfiftyacres.Theheadrightsystem,asitwasknown,allottedlandbycountingheads.Morebodiesinaplanter’sstablemeantmore

land.Significantly,ifaservantdiedonthevoyageover,theowneroftheindenturestillsecuredallofhispromisedacreage.Itpaidtoimportlaborers,deadoralive.32

ContractsofindenturewerelongerthanservantcontractsinEngland—fourtonineyearsversusonetotwoyears.Accordingtoa1662Virginialaw,childrenremainedservantsuntiltheageoftwenty-four.Indentureswereunlikewagecontracts:servantswereclassifiedaschattels,asmovablegoodsandproperty.Contractscouldbesold,andservantswereboundtomovewhereandwhentheirmastersmoved.Likefurnitureorlivestock,theycouldbetransferredtoone’sheirs.33

TheleadingplantersinJamestownhadnoillusionthattheywerecreatingaclasslesssociety.From1618to1623,agoodmanyorphansfromLondonwereshippedtoVirginia––mostindenturedservantswhofollowedintheirtrainwereadolescentboys.Asasmallprivilegedgroupofplantersacquiredland,laborers,andwealth,thoseoutsidetheinnercirclewerehard-pressedtoescapetheirlowerstatus.Thosewhodidbecomepoortenantsfoundthatlittlehadchangedintheircondition;theywereoftenforceddothesameworktheyhaddoneasservants.Asizablenumberdidnotsurvivetheiryearsofservice.OrasJohnSmithlamentedinhis1624GenerallHistorieofVirginia...,“ThisdearboughtLandwithsomuchbloudandcost,hathonelymadesomefewrich,andalltherestlosers.”34

Amongthemoreinsidiouspracticesinthecolony,wivesandchildrenwereheldaccountablefortheirhusband’sorfather’sindenturedperiodoflabor.AftertheNativesattackedin1622,acolonistnamedJaneDickensonwasheldbythemincaptivityfortenmonths.WhenshereturnedtoJamestown,shewastoldthatsheowed150poundsoftobaccotoherhusband’sformermaster.Unabletopay,shewouldbeforcedtoworkoffherdeadhusband’sunmetobligations.Sheappealedtothegovernor,writingthathertreatmentwasidenticaltothe“slavery”sheexperiencedamongthe“cruelsavages.”HadEnglishcivilizationbeensacrificedinthiscolonialwasteland?ThatwasDickenson’sunspokenmessage.Norwashertreatmentunusual.JohnSmithacknowledgedinhisGenerallHistoriethat“fatherlesschildren”wereleft“inlittlebetterconditionthanslaves,foriftheirParentsdieindebt,theirchildrenaremadebondmentillthedebtbedischarged.”35

TheleadersofJamestownhadborroweddirectlyfromtheRomanmodelofslavery:abandonedchildrenanddebtorsweremadeslaves.WhenindenturedadultssoldtheiranticipatedlaborinreturnforpassagetoAmerica,theyinstantlybecamedebtors,whichmadetheirorphanedchildrenacollateralasset.ItwasaworldnotunliketheoneShakespearedepictedinTheMerchantofVenice,whenShylockdemandedhispoundofflesh.Virginiaplantersfeltentitledtotheirfleshandbloodintheformsoftheinnocentspousesandoffspringofdeadservants.36

Ifcivilizationwastobefirmlyplanted,JamestownwouldhavetobegiventhelookofanormalEnglishvillage,alongwitheffortstopromotegoodhabitsamongthepeople.Thecolonyneededtosheditsimageasapenalcolonyandtoplantfirmerroots.Itneededmorethantobacco.Itneededherdsofcattle,fieldsofcrops,andimprovedrelationsbetweenmastersandservants.Mostofall,itneededmanymoremanageablewomen.In1620theVirginiaCompanysenttothecolonyfifty-seven“young,handsome,andhonestlieeducatedMaides.”Overthenextthreeyears,157morewomenmadethecrossing.Theywerethoughtofasemissariesofanewmoralorder.Companyrecordshintatsomethingelseaswell:the“greatesthindrances”to“Nobleworke”restedon“wantofcomforts”;mendeservedto“livecontentedlie.”Thetransportationoffemalecargowould“tyeandrootethePlantersmyndestoVirginiabythebondsofwivesandchildren.”Sexualsatisfactionandheirstoprovideforwouldmakeslothfulmenintomoreproductivecolonists.

Allthatwasrequiredofthewomenwasthattheymarry.Theirprospectivehusbandswereexpectedtobuythem,thatis,todefraythecostofpassageandprovisions.Eachwomanwasvaluedat150poundsoftobacco,whichwasthesamepriceexactedfromJaneDickensonwhensheeventuallypurchasedherfreedom.Notsurprisingly,then,withtheirvaluecalculatedintobacco,womeninVirginiaweretreatedasfertilecommodities.Theycamewithtestimonialstotheirmoralcharacter,impressingon“industriousPlanters”thattheywerenotbeingsoldabadbillofgoods.Oneparticularplanterwrotethatanearliershipmentoffemaleswas“corrupt,”andheexpectedanewcropthatwasguaranteedhealthyandfavorablydisposedforbreeding.Accompanyingthefemalecargoweresometwohundredheadofcattle,areminderthattheVirginiahusbandmanneededbothspeciesofbreedingstocktorecoverhisEnglishroots.37

Despiteeverything,Jamestownneverbecameastableagrariancommunity.TheVirginiaplantationremainedstrangelybarrenduringthefirsthalfoftheseventeenthcentury.First,theanticipatedharvestoftheregion’snaturalresourcesdidnotoccur.Nordidthevariousranksandstations(balancingskilledlaborersandmanualworkers)formaccordingtoplan.Aslateas1663,GovernorWilliamBerkeleywasstilladvocatingforthegoodsHakluythadproposed:flaxandhemp,timberandtarforships,andexoticssuchassilkandoliveoil.The“viciousruinousplantofTobacco,”asBerkeleycondemnedit,leftVirginiawithoutadiversifiedeconomy.38

AttheheartoftheJamestownsystemwastheindenturedcontractthatmadelaborersdisposableproperty.Insoharshanenvironment,survivalwasdifficult,andtheunappreciatedwastepeoplewereliterallyworkedtodeath.Youngmenandboyswhocamewithoutfamilieswerethemostvulnerableandmostexploitedofall.Unabletoplantroots,manyfailedtoproduceheirsandsecurethecherishedEnglishidealofattachmenttotheland.

Classdivisionswerefirmlyentrenched.Theever-wideninggapinlandownershipelevatedlargeplantersintoasmall,privilegedfaction.Atthesametime,thelaborsystemreducedservantstodebtslaves,and,livingsofarfromhome,theyhadlittlerecoursetodemandbettertreatment.Isolation,then,increasedthepotentialforabuse.Theonlylibertyforcolonialservantscamewiththeirfeet—byrunningaway.Jamestown’sfoundersreproducednoEnglishvillages.Instead,theyfashionedaruthlessclassorder.

•••

DespiteJamestown’sintractableproblems,agroupofEnglishinvestorsandreligiousseparatistssecuredapatentfromtheVirginiaCompanyandsettheirsightsonlandnearthemouthoftheHudsonRiver.Whetherbyaccidentor,assomehavespeculated,bysecretdesign,theirfirstship,theMayflower,landedonCapeCod,beyondthepurviewoftheVirginiaCompany,in1620.Thesmall,strugglingbandlosthalftheirnumbertostarvationanddiseaseduringthefirstyear.Thewifeofoneoftheleaders,WilliamBradford,mysteriouslydisappearedoverthesideoftheMayflower.ItwouldbeafulldecadebeforetheEnglishsettlersinMassachusettsmadesignificantinroadsinattractingnewsettlerstotheregion.39

Whenthemassmigrationof1630didtakeplace,itwasthewell-organizedJohnWinthropwholedafleetofelevenships,loadedwithsevenhundredpassengersandlivestock,andbearingaclearobjectivetoplantapermanentcommunity.FarmoreintactfamiliesmigratedtothecolonythanhadtoVirginia,andacoreofthesettlerswerePuritanswhodidnotneedthethreatofadeathsentencetoattendchurchservicesontheSabbath—oneofthemanyexamplesofheavy-handednesspracticedintheearlydaysofJamestown.

LandownershipwasNewEngland’smosttemptinglure.Duringitsfirstdecade,theBayColonyreceivedsometwenty-onethousandsettlers,onlyabout40percentofwhomcamefromEastAngliaandthecoastaltownswhereahighpercentageofPuritanconvertslived.Foreveryreligiousdissenterintheexodusofthe1630s,therewasonecommerciallydrivenemigrantfromLondonorotherareasofEngland.Themajorityintheseyearscameasextendedfamiliesaccompaniedbytheirservants.Andalmost60percentofthearrivalswereundertheageoftwenty-four—one-thirdofthemunattachedmales.40

WhenWinthropdefendedthecolony,hewantedtocreateareligiouscommunitythatwouldbesavedfromthe“corrupted”bastionsoflearning,OxfordandCambridge.BeyondfightingcorruptionandtheCatholicantichrist,however,thenewgovernorprovedhimselfapragmaticman.Toattractsettlers,heboastedthattheamountofmoneyrequiredforpurchasingafewmeaslyacresinEnglandtranslated

intohundredsofacresinMassachusetts.InoverpopulatedBritain,hesaid,theland“groanethunderherinhabitants.”Nevertheless,Winthrophadnoplanforredeemingallthepoor,whomhereferredtoasthe“scumoftheland.”HisvisionofvilewastepeopledifferedlittlefromthatoftheAnglicanclericRichardHakluyt’s.41

Inequalitywasagiveninthe“CittyuponaHill,”submissionwasregardedasanaturalconditionofhumankind.In“AModelofChristianCharity,”Winthropdeclaredthatsomeweremeanttorule,otherstoservetheirbetters:“GodAlmightieinhismostholyandwiseprovidencehathsoedisposedtheConditionofmankind,asinalltimessomemustberichsomepoore,somehigheandeminentinpoweranddignitie;othersmeaneandinsubjeccion.”Lesttherebeanydoubt,GovernorWinthropdespiseddemocracy,whichhebrusquelylabeled“themeanestandworstofallformsofGovernment.”ForPuritans,thechurchandstateworkedintandem;thecoercivearmofthemagistracywasmeanttopreservebothpublicorderandclassdistinctions.42

InPuritansociety,thetitleof“gentleman”usuallyappliedtomenwithsomearistocraticpedigree,thoughwealthymerchantswhoheldprominentpositionsinthechurchcouldacquirethesamedesignation.“Master”or“Mister”and“Mistress”wereforeducatedprofessionals,clergymen,andtheirwives.“Goodman”attachedtothehonorablehusbandman,whoownedlandbutdidnotoccupyaprominentpositionasmagistrateorminister.NewEnglandersusedthesetitlessparingly,buttheywerecertainlyconsciousofthem;thegovernmenttheyabidedby,afterall,imitatedEnglishcountyoligarchiesinwhichthelandedelitemonopolizedgovernmentoffices.43

ThePuritanelitedependedonameniallaborforce.Atthetopofthepeckingorderwereapprenticesandhiredservants.Lowerdownwerethoseforcedintoservitudebecauseofdebtorafterhavingcommittedacrime,aswehaveseeninVirginia.Caseinpoint:in1633,Winthroppresidedoverthetrialofamanaccusedofrobbery.Uponconviction,hisestatewassoldandusedtorepayhisvictims.Hewasthenboundforthreeyearsofservice,andhisdaughter,asaddedcollateral,boundforfourteen.Thiswastypical.The1648LawsandLibertiesestablishedtwoclassesofanevenlowerorderwhocouldbedivestedofliberty:Indianscapturedin“justwars,”and“strangersaswillinglysellthemselves,oraresoldtous.”The“strangers,”inthiscase,wereindenturedservantsfromoutsidethecolonyaswellasimportedAfricanslaves.44

Forservants,seventeenth-centuryNewEnglandersreliedmostheavilyonexploitableyouth,maleandfemale,agestentotwenty-one.Bylaw,singlemenandwomenwererequiredtoresidewithfamiliesandsubmittofamilygovernment.Childrenwereroutinely“putout”tolaborinthehomesofneighborsandrelatives.The1642MassachusettsGeneralCourt’sorderforthepropereducationofchildrentreatedapprentice,servant,andchildasifallwereinterchangeable.Parentsand

mastersalikeassumedresponsibilityto“breed&bringupchildren&apprenticesinsomehonestLawfullcalling.”Familysupervisionpolicedthosewhomightotherwisebecome“rude,stubborn&unruly.”45

Monitoringthelaborofone’sownoffspringbecamethenorm,aslandedfamiliesretainedcontroloverthemaleswellintoadulthood.Youngmencouldnotleavethefamilyestate,norescapetheirfather’srule,withoutendangeringtheirinheritance.Sofamilymembersworkedlonghours,asdidservantsofvariousranks.WhiletheextendedPuritanfamilyfunctionedwithlessrecurrencetoactsofruthlessnessthanthesystemadoptedduringthetobaccoboominVirginia,legalandculturalpracticesmuddiedthedistinctionbetweensonandservant.46

ThusthePuritanfamilywasatnotimethemodernAmericannuclearfamily,oranythingclose.Itwasoftencomposedofchildrenofdifferentparents,becauseoneoranotherparentwaslikelytodieyoung,makingremarriagequitecommon.Winthropfatheredsixteenchildrenwithfourdifferentwives,thelastofwhomhemarriedatagefifty-nine,twoyearsbeforehisdeath.Mosthouseholdsalsocontainedchildservantswhowereunrelatedtothepatriarch;duringharvestseason,hiredservantswerebroughtinastemporaryworkers,andpoorchildrenwerepurchasedforlongertermsasmenialapprenticesfordomesticserviceorfarm-work.ThefirstslavecargoarrivedinBostonin1638.Winthrop,forhispart,ownedIndianslaves;hissonpurchasedanAfrican.47

Whileservantswereexpectedtobesubmissive,fewactuallywere.Numerouscourtcasesshowmasterscomplainingoftheirservants’disobedience,accompaniedbychargesofidleness,theft,rudeness,rebelliousness,pride,andaproclivityforrunningaway.In1696,thepowerfulministerCottonMatherpublishedAGoodMasterWellServed,whichwasanunambiguousattempttoregulatetheBayColony’sdisorderlyservantpopulation.Directinghiswordstowardthosewhoserved,heinsisted,“YouaretheAnimate,Separate,ActiveInstrumentsofothermen.”Inlanguagethatisimpossibletomisunderstand,hereaffirmed,“Servants,yourTongues,yourHands,yourFeet,areyourMasters,andtheyshouldmoveaccordingtotheWillofyourMasters.”Thoseofmeandescentwouldlearnfromasharptongueorareadywhipthatsubmissionwasexpectedofthem.48

Puritanwarinessdidnotendthere.Amongservants,andthoseof“meanecondition”abovethem,weremenandwomenofenlargedambitionwhoweredeemedundeserving.Atleastaccordingtoanxiousoligarchs.Puritansneveropposedcommerceortheacquisitionofwealth,buttheywereclearlyconflictedwhenitcametosocialmobility.Thegovernmentenactedsumptuarylaws,penalizingthosewhoworerichsilksorgoldbuttonsinanattempttoriseabovetheirclassstation.Overlyprosperouspeoplearousedenvy,andPuritanorthodoxydictatedagainstsuch

exhibitionofarrogance,pride,andinsolence.Inthe1592tractOntheRight,Lawful,andHolyUseofApparel,theEnglishPuritanclergymanWilliamPerkinshadshownhowappearancedemarcatedone’sstandingintheGreatChainofBeing,God’sclasshierarchy.Unsanctioneddisplaysoffineryweredisruptive,aninfractiononthesameorderasmasterswhotreatedservantstooleniently.Bothwereperceivedasearlyindicatorsofasocietyfallingfromgrace.49

OnehadtoknowhisorherplaceinPuritanMassachusetts.Churchmembershipaddedalayerofprivilegebeforethecourtsandelsewheretoanalreadyhierarchicalregime.Expulsionfromthechurchcarriedapowerfulstigma.HereticssuchasAnneHutchinsonandMaryDyerwerephysicallybanished,cutoffandostracized.Onlythosewhobeggedforgivenessandhumbledthemselvesbeforethedualauthorityofcourtandchurchreturnedtothecommunity.Dyerreturnedunrepentant,determinedtochallengetherulingorder.Between1659and1661,sheandthreeotherQuakerswerechargedwith“presumptuous&incorrigiblecontempt”ofcivilauthority.Aftertrial,theyweresummarilyhanged.50

AnneHutchinsonwasexcommunicatedfromtheBostoncongregationandexpelledfromtheBayColonyin1638forrefusingtobendtotheauthorityofthetownfathers.Shewassternlyadvised:“YouhaveratherbeenaHusbandthanaWifeandapreacherthanaHearer,andaMagistratethanaSubject.”Hutchinsonhadheldreligiousclassesinherhome,andhadacquiredalargefollowing.Turningthesocialorderupsidedown,shehadunderminedthecarefullyorchestratedmoralgeographyofthePuritanmeetinghouse.Maledominancewasunquestioned,andrankssoclearlyspelledout,thatnoonecouldmissthepoweroutlinedinsomethingsosimpleasaseatingchart.Membersandnonmemberssatapart;husbandsandwivesweredivided;mensatononesideoftheroom,womenontheother.Prominentmenoccupiedthefirsttworowsofbenches:thefirstwasreservedexclusivelyformagistrates,thesecondforthefamiliesoftheministerandgovernor,aswellaswealthymerchants.Themoresonsamanhad,thebetterhispew.Age,reputation,marriage,andestatewereallproperlycalculatedbeforeachurchseatwasassigned.51

Puritanswereobsessedwithclassrank.Itmeantsecuritytothem,andtheycouldnotdisguisetheanxietythateventhethoughtofitsdisruption—ordissolution—produced.AfterthebloodlettingofKingPhilip’sWar(1675–76),MaryRowlandson’scautionarytale,TheSovereigntyandGoodnessofGod,appearedwidelyinprint,offeringupaforcefulexampleoftheroleofclassatasusceptiblemomentofrebuilding.Attheoutsetofthewar,NarragansettIndiansdraggedRowlandsonfromherburninghouseinLancaster,Massachusetts,andheldherasaprisonerforelevenweeks.Her1682accountdetailedthepsychologicalstruggleshehadenduredasshesoughttopreserveheridentityasamemberoftheEnglishgentryafterbeingforcedintoservitudebyherIndiancaptors.Asthewifeofaministerandthedaughterofa

wealthylandowner,Rowlandsontoldadoublestory:ononelevelitwasajourneyofspiritualredemption,onanotherataleofthelossofbreeding,followedbytheformerprisoner’srestorationtoherpreviousclassrank.52

Rowlandson’sIndianmistressisthestory’svillain.Weetamoowasapowerfulsachem(queen)ofthePocassetWampanoags,whohadinheritedherstationafterdisplayingthesavvytomarrythreeotherprominentsachems.Dressedingirdlesofwampumbeads,wrappedinthickpetticoats,andadornedwithbracelets,Weetamoospenthoursonhertoilette.A“severeandprouddame,”sheorderedRowlandsonaroundandslappedher.InRowlandson’seyes,herdetestedmistresswastheIndianequivalentoftheEnglishnoblewoman,aroyalistoftheNewWorldwhoflauntedherpower.Submission—thesamequalityPuritansdemandedoftheirownservants—didnotcomeeasilytoRowlandson.Theonce-proudminister’swifehadbeenreducedtoalowlymaidservant.Inthisway,shedidnotequatetheNativeswithprimitivesavages,asthecaptiveJaneDickensondidinVirginia;insteadtheywereusurpersandposers,whogrosslyviolatedthedivineorderofassignedstations.53

ThePuritansusedfamilyauthority,reinforcedbythelaw,toregulatetheirservantpopulation.Distrustfulofstrangersandreligiousoutsiders,theyalsograntedprivilegestothereligious“Elect,”orthosewhocomprisedthecoreconstituencyofthechurchlaity.ChildrenoftheElectgainedtheinheritedreligiousprivilegeofaneasierpathtochurchmembership.Indeed,the“halfwaycovenant”of1662establishedasystemofreligiouspedigree.AsCottonMather’slong-livedfather,ReverendIncreaseMather,putit:God“castthelineofElection”sothatitpassed“throughtheloinsofgodlyParents.”Excommunicationaloneendedthisprivilege,savingtheflockfromacorruptlineage.MinisterThomasShepardagreed,projectingthatachildoftheElectwouldbepruned,nurtured,andwatered,soastogrowingrace.Bythismethod,religiousstationreinforcedclassstation.Andbycelebratinglineage,thevisiblesaintsbecamearecognizablebreed.54

•••

Colonizingschemesalldrewonthelanguageofbreeding.Fertilityhadtobemonitored,literallyandfiguratively,underthewatchfulsupervisionofhouseholdandtownfathers.Thiswasthecaseindiscipliningunrulychildren,corrallingservants,anddispensingreligiousmembershipprivilegestothenextgeneration(i.e.,theoffspringofthegodly).Goodbreedingpracticestamedotherwiseunmanageablewaste,whetheritwaswastelandorwastepeople;breedingsustainedthepastoraltraditionalreadyassociatedwiththeElizabethanage,whichfounditsbestliteraryexpressionintestamentstorusticbeautyandcosmicharmony.

Whatseparatedrichfrompoorwasthatthelandlesshadnothingtopasson.They

hadnoheirs.ThiswasparticularlytrueinJamestown,wheretheorphansofdeadservantsweresoldofflikethepossessionsofaforeclosedestate.As“beggarlyspawn,”thepoorweredetachedfromtheland.Onlyproperstewardsofthefertilegrounddeservedrights.

ItwassomethingmorethanafigureofspeechtodescribethelovelyIndianprincessPocahontas,themotherofAmerica,asachildofnaturewhohadmarriedintotheEnglishcommunity.AcommontropehaditthatEnglishexplorers“married”thelandtheydiscovered.Marriageimpliedcustodialauthority,asovereignrighttoacorneroftheearth.IndedicatingabooktoSirWalterRaleighin1587,Hakluyttheyoungerremindedhispatronofthe“sweetembraces”ofVirginia,“thatfairestofnymphs,”whomthequeenhadconferreduponhimashisbride.Thelandpatentwasthusamarriagecontract.55

Visualimageslikewisecelebratedthefecundityoftheland.InFlemishartistJanvanderStraet’sclassicdrawingTheDiscoveryofAmerica(1575),explorationwasmetaphoricallyasexualencounter.DepictingAmerigoVespucci’slandingintheNewWorld,theartisthastheexplorerstandingerect,surroundedbyshipsandtoolsofnavigation,whileaplump,nakedIndianwomanlieslanguidlyonahammockbeforehim,extendingherhand.Englishwriterstookupthesamepotenttheme,claimingthatthefemininefigureofNorthAmericawasstretchingoutherhand(andland)to“Englandonelie,”herfavoredsuitor.56

TherichestembellishmentofNewWorldfertilitycamefromthepenofThomasMorton,whoseNewEnglishCanaan,orNewCanaan,containinganabstractofNewEngland(1637)offeredhumorousdoubleentendresamidlushdescriptionsoftheland.HistoriansaredividedoverwhattomakeofthecontroversialMorton.Somereckonhimascoundrelandlibertine,whileothersregardhimasapopulistcriticofGovernorJohnWinthropandthePuritanestablishment.57

Hearrivedin1624,withthirtyservantsintow,andsethimselfuponapastoralmanorialestate.FromthereheestablishedanoutposttotradeinfurswithNativetribes.Heservedasalawyerindefenseofaroyalpatentpursuedbyothernon-PuritaninvestorstothenorthernpartofNewEngland.ButhealsobattledWinthrop’sPuritans,wasarrestedthreetimes,hadhisgoodsconfiscatedandhishouseburneddown.Hewasbanishedfromthecolonytwice,writingNewEnglishCanaanwhileinexileinEngland,whereheworked(unsuccessfully)atgettingtheMassachusettsBayColony’spatentrevoked.58

HisdislikeofthePuritansismanifestinhisobservationsabouttheiruseoftheland.Theywerenobetterthan“moles,”hewrote,blindlydiggingintotheearthwithoutappreciatingitsnaturalpleasures.ItbotheredhimthatthePuritanshadnorealinterestintheNativepeoplebeyondconvertingthem.HedismissedWinthropandhis

followersas“effeminate”—asbadhusbandsoftheland.HesatirizedthePuritansinNewEnglishCanaanassexuallyimpotentsecondhusbandstoawidowedland,whichMorton(whohadmarriedawidowhimself)andhisbusinessassociatescouldrescue.TheywerereadytomoveinontheincompetentPuritans—struttingnearby,attractiveanddecidedlymorevirileloverswaitinginthewings.

Morton’sNewEnglandlandscapecontained“ripegrapes”supportedby“lustytrees,”“daintyfineroundrisinghillocks,”andlusciousstreamsthatmade“sosweetamurmuringnoisetohearaswouldeverlullthesenseswithdelightfulsleep.”Heconnectedfertilitytopleasureintheprevailingmedicalcontext:women,itwassaid,weremorelikelytoconceiveiftheyexperiencedsexualsatisfaction.MortonwassoconsumedwiththefertilityofthephysicalenvironmentthathemarveledattheapparenteasewithwhichIndianwomenbecamepregnant.Theregion’sanimalswereespeciallygenerativetoo,withwilddoesbearingtwoorthreefawnsatatime.Withfewerwomenandashorterhistory,NewEnglandhadproducedmorechildrenthanVirginia,atleastaccordingtoMorton.HecouldnotresistincludinginhisNewEnglishCanaanthestrangestoryofthe“barrendoe,”asinglewomanfromVirginiawhowasunabletoconceiveachilduntilshetravelednorth.59

Ascompellingasthesepassagesare,Mortonwasactuallystealingfromearlieraccounts.RalphHamorhadwrittenapocryphallyin1614thatinVirginia,lions,bears,anddeerusuallyhadthreeorfouroffspringatatime.ThiswasthefulfillmentofHakluyt’sclaimthatRaleigh’sbrideVirginiawould“bringforthnewandmostabundantoffspring.”Otherswouldrepeatsimilarclaims.InANewVoyagetoCarolina(1709),JohnLawsoncontendedthat“womenlongmarriedwithoutchildreninotherplaces,haveremovedtoCarolinaandbecomejoyfulmothers.”Theyhadan“easyTravailintheirchild-bearing,inwhichtheyaresohappy,asseldommiscarry.”Theargumentwentthathappy,healthyEuropeanwomenmovedclosertonatureinAmerica.Likedeerinthewild,womenintheNewWorldbecameinstinctive,docilebreeders.60

Breedinghadaplaceinmorethanonemarket.InVirginiaandelsewhereintheChesapeakeregionintheearlyseventeenthcentury,agenderimbalanceofsixtooneamongindenturedservantsgavewomenarrivingfromEnglandanedgeinthemarriageexchange.WritingofMarylandin1660,formerindenturedservantGeorgeAlsopclaimedthatwomenjustofftheboatfoundahostofmenfightingfortheirattention.Femalescouldpickandchoose:evenservantshadashotatmarryingawell-heeledplanter.Alsopcalledsuchunions“copulativemarriage,”throughwhichwomensoldtheirbreedingcapacitytowealthyhusbands.Inlanguagethatwasdecidedlyuninhibited,hewrotethatwomenwentto“marketwiththeirvirginity.”Anotherpromoter,writingaboutCarolina,wentsofarastosaythatawomancouldfindahusbandinAmericanomatterwhatshelookedlike.If,newlyarrived,she

appeared“Civil”andwas“under50yearsofAge,”somemanwouldpurchaseherforhiswife.61

“Copulativemarriage”wasoneoption,remarriageanother.MenofJamestownfoundtheycouldincreasetheiracreageandaddtothesumoflaborersbymarryingawidowwhosehusbandhadbequeathedlandtoher.Inthescrambletogetlandandlaborersduringthetobaccoboom,membersofthecouncildevisedvariousmeanstogettheirhandsonland—andnotalwaysethically.Onemanmarriedawomanbecauseherfirsthusbandsharedthelastnameofawealthierdeadman.Hescammedthesystembyconfusingthetwonamesinordertogettitletothemoredesirableproperty.Widowswereobviousconduitsofwealthandland,andwithhighmortalityratesprevailingthroughouttheseventeenthcentury,thosewhosurvivedrampantdiseasewouldlikelyhavemarriedtwoorthreetimes.62

Battlesoverclassinterests,land,andwidowscamenaturallytoVirginians,andattimesgrewquitedeadly.Bacon’sRebellionof1676wasoneofthegreatestconflictsthecolonywitnessed.Itpittedastubborngovernor,WilliamBerkeley,againstNathanielBacon,arecentimmigrantofsomemeansbutalsooffrustratedambition.Historiansstilldebatethecausesofthecrisisanditsultimatemeaning,butthereisampleevidencetoshowthattheparticipantsmadeitaboutclasswarfare.BaconwantedBerkeleytolaunchattacksonatribeofIndianswhoostensiblythreatenedthemoresociallyvulnerablepeopleofVirginia’sfrontier,andhemadehimselfaleaderofthedisaffected.Apowerstruggleensued.

TothegovernorinJamestown,onlythemeanestofmen,thosewhohadrecently“crept”outofindenturedservitude,couldfindcommoncausewiththerebels.BerkeleydismissedBaconasanupstartandademagogue.Otherprominentsupportersofthegovernorcalledtherebels“yescumofthecountry”and—hereiswherethelanguagegetsespeciallyevocative—“offscourings”ofsociety.“Offscourings”(humanfecalwaste)wasoneofthemostcommontermsofderisionforindenturedservantsandEngland’swanderingvagrants.Meanwhile,landholderswhosidedwithBaconweresummarilydismissedas“Idle”men,whose“debauchery”and“illhusbandry”hadledthemintodebt.Therebelsweredirectlycomparedtoswinerootingaroundinthemuck.63

SlavesandservantsjoinedBacon’sforcetoo,beingpromisedtheirfreedomaftertheexpectedshowdownwithBerkeley.NothinglikethishadoccurredinVirginiabefore.Slaveryhadbeenslowtotakehold,withonlyaround150slavescountedin1640,andbarely1,000outofatotalpopulationof26,000in1670.MassachusettsandEnglishpossessionsintheCaribbean,notVirginia,werethefirstcoloniestocodifyslavelaw.BythetimeofBacon’sRebellion,thereweresome6,000servantsinthesoutherncolony,androughlyone-thirdofallfreeholders,manyofthemformerindenturedservants,werebarelyscrapingby,weigheddownbydebtsandunfair

taxes.Indeed,GovernorBerkeleyhadthoughtevenbeforeBacon’schallengethataprospectiveforeigninvasionorlarge-scaleattackbyIndianswouldautomaticallydevolveintoclasswarfare.The“PoorEndebtedDiscontentedandArmed”would,hewrote,usetheopportunityto“plundertheCountry”andseizethepropertyoftheeliteplanters.64

ThestrugglealsowasconcernedaswellwiththestatusoffriendlyIndiansresidinginthesprawlingcolony.BaconclaimedthatBerkeleyandthemenaroundhimwereprotectingtheirownlucrativetradewithpreferredtribesinsteadofsavingfrontiersettlersfromraidsandreprisals.Taxingcolonistsforfortsmadeofmudwerenotonlyuseless,therebelsheld,butwereyetanothermeansforBerkeley’s“JugglingParasites”intheAssemblytoincreasetaxeswithoutofferingmeaningfulprotectioninreturn.Virginianslivingfartherfromthecapital(andcoast)felttheywerenotreapingthesameadvantagesfromthelandthatthewealthierplantersinolderpartsofthecolonywere.Asonedriftedwestfromtheseatofpower,classidentityfeltlesssecure.65

ItislikelythatafairnumberamongBacon’sfollowingwantedtopushtheIndiansoffdesirablelands,orfeltanimpulsetolashoutagainsttheminretaliationforrecentfrontierattacks.ThereislittledoubtthatasizablenumberofBacon’smenwerefrustratedbydecliningtobaccopricesamidaneconomicdownturnthatmadeitmoredifficulttoacquiregoodland.Valuableacreagewashoardedbythosewhomonecontemporarycalledthe“Landlopers,”whoboughtup(orloppedoff)largetractswithoutactuallysettlingthem.The“lopers”hadinsideconnectionstothegovernor.Discontentwasunavoidablewhenmenwereunabletosupporttheirfamiliesonthelittlelandtheyhad.66

Theproblemsfacedin1676werenotnew,norwouldtheyeverdisappearfromtheAmericanvocabularyofclass.Distancefrompowerintensifiedfeelingsofvulnerabilityorloss.Bacondiedofdysenterythesameyeartherebellionbegan,andBerkeleywasgratifiedtolearnthathisadversarymethismakercoveredinlice—acruelcommentaryonthefilthanddiseasethatattachedtoanenemyoftherulingclass.ItisworthrepeatingthatalthoughBaconhimselfwasfromanelitefamily,heconsortedwiththedregsofsociety;hislice-coveredbodyprovedhehadbecomeoneofthem.Someofhisfollowerswereexecuted,whileothersdiedinprison.Berkeleydidnotescapeuntarnishedeither.HewasescortedbytroopstoEnglandtofaceanofficialinquiry.HediedinLondon,outlastingBaconbyonlyeightmonths.67

Norwasthepowerstruggleconfinedtostrong-willedmen.Thewivesofthemutineersalsoassumedaprominentroleintherebellion.ElizabethBacondefendedherhusband’sactionsinalettertohersister-in-lawinEngland,hopingtobuildametropolitandefenseforhisfrontiercause.Becauseshecamefromaprominent

family,herwordshadweight.Otherwomenwhovocallysupportedtheresistancewereheardaswell.The“newswives”toldeveryonewithintheircirclethatthegovernorplannedtotakeeverythingtheyowned(downtotheirlastcoworpig)iftheyfailedtopayanewroundoftaxes.Beyondspreadingseditiousrumorsofthiskind,womenassumedasymbolicroleintheconflict.Atonepoint,BaconroundedupthewivesofBerkeleysupporters—hisphalanxof“whiteaprons”—toguardhismenwhiletheydugtrenchesoutsidethefortifiedcapitalofJamestown.Thewomenweremeanttorepresentaneutralzone(whiteapronsstandinginforawhiteflag,thesignoftruce).Theyweretoovaluablearesourceforeithersidetowaste.68

OneofthemostdramaticmomentsinthetrialoftherebelsinvolvedLydiaChisman.InascenethatresembledPocahontas’sdramaticgesture(whetherornottrue)tosaveJohnSmith,Chismanofferedupherownlifeforthatofherhusband,confessingthatshehadurgedhimtodefythegovernor.Herpleafellondeafears,andherhusband,whowasprobablytortured,diedinprison.WhileBerkeleydamnedChismanasawhore,thefemalerebelswerelargelyabletoavoidthemostseverepenalties.InEnglishlaw,thewifeandchildrenofatraitorweresubjecttoanattainderinblood—thelossofallpropertyandtitles.ButwidowsBaconandChismanwerepermittedtoregaintheirestates.Bothremarried,BacontwiceandChismanonce.69

Howcouldsuchacatastropheoccurandyetthewomenevadepunishment?ThoughGovernorBerkeleyhadhopedtoconfiscateasmuchpropertyashecouldfromtherebels,hisrecklesspursuitofvengeanceledtohisdownfall.Theroyalcommissioners,theirauthorityreinforcedbytheshipsandtroopssenttoquelltherebellion,quicklyturnedagainstthegovernor.Theyinsistedthattheking’spardonwasuniversal,theyoverturnedmanyofBerkeley’sconfiscations,andtheycalledforhisremoval.Topreservethecolony,peaceandjusticehadtoberestored.Oneofthewaystorestoreorderwastoshowmercytorebelliouswives.70

Thesefactsmatter.Keepingthelandandwidowsincirculationwasmoreimportanttotheroyalcommissionersthanimpoverishingunrepentantwomen.In1690,EnglishplaywrightAphraBehnwroteacomedybasedonBacon’sRebellion,aptlytitledTheWidowRanter.Theplotcentersonalowborn,promiscuous,cross-dressing,tobacco-smokingwidow(shewronglythinkssmokingisasignofgoodbreeding)whotwicemarriesaboveherstation.Despiteheruncouthways,sheknowsherworth.Asshetellsanewcomertothecolony,“WerichWiddowsarethebestCommoditythisCountryaffords.”71

FertilitywasgreatlyprizedincolonialAmerica.Goodmalecustodianswereneededtohusbandtheland’swealth.Widowswereexpectedtoquicklyremarry,sothattheirlanddidnotgotowaste.Somewomenusedthispracticetotheiradvantage.LadyFrancesCulpeperStevensBerkeleyLudwell(1634–95)marriedthreecolonial

governors,includingWilliamBerkeley.Sheborenochildrenandwasconsequentlyabletokeepatightreinontheproceedsoftheestatessheinherited.Shehusbandedthelandinsteadofallowinghertrioofhusbandstocontrolher.Nevertheless,LadyBerkeleywasahighlycontroversialfigureduringBacon’sRebellion,blamedforeggingonherhusbandandbehavingasatreacherousJezebelbysexuallymanipulatingthemucholderman.72

Husbandingfertilewomenremainedcentraltocolonialconceptsofclassandproperty.ThisdictatebecameevenmorefixedasVirginiansbegantoregulatetheoffspringofslavewomen.Inalawpassedin1662,aslavewasdefinednotonlybyplaceoforigin,orasaheathen,butalsoforbeingborntoanenslavedwoman.Inthewordingofthestatute,alawwithoutanyBritishprecedent,“conditionofthemother”determinedwhetherachildwasslaveorfree.ItwasRomanlawthatprovidedthebasisfortreatingslavechildrenasthepropertyofmasters;theEnglishlawofbastardyservedasamodelforchildrenfollowingtheconditionofthemother.ItwasthecasethataslavefollowedtheconditionofthemotherasfarbackasSaintThomasAquinas.TheanalogyAquinasusedassociatedthewombwiththeland:ifamanvisitedtheislandofanotherman,andsowedhisseedinanotherman’sland,theownerstillhadarighttotheproduce.The1662Virginialawcouldaseasilyhavebeenbasedonabreeder’smodel:thecalvesofthecowwerethepropertyoftheowner,evenifthemalebullbelongedtosomeoneelse.73

Fertilityplayedanequallysignificantroleindefiningwomen’sandmen’splacesinsociety.Awoman’sbreedingcapacitywasacalculablenaturalresourcemeanttobeexploitedandacommodityexchangedinmarriage.Forslavewomen,fertilecapacitymadethewombanarticleofcommerceandslavechildrenchattel—movableproperty,likecattle.(Theword“chattel”comesfromthesameLatinrootas“cattle.”)Slavechildrenwereactuallylistedinthewillsofplantersas“breedings,”andaslavewoman’spotentialtobreedwasdenotedas“futureincrease,”atermthatappliedtolivestockaswell.74

Attheopeningofthecenturyofsettlement,EnglishphilosopherFrancisBaconnotedin1605thatwiveswerefor“generation,fruit,andcomfort.”Tocompareawoman’sbodytoarablelandthatproducedfruitmadeperfectsensetohisreaders.Theactofpropagationandissueencompassedchildrenasmuchascalves,alikevaluedasthegenerationofgoodstock.Womenandlandwerefortheuseandbenefitofman.75

Landheldpowerbecauseofitsextent,potentialforsettlement,andfutureincrease.Knowinghowtomastertheland’sfruitfulnesswasthetruedefinitionofclasspower.ItisimportantthatweunderstandBacon’sRebellionforwhatitrevealed:themostpromisinglandwasneverequallyavailabletoall.The“Parasites”who

encircledGovernorBerkeleyheldadecidedadvantage.Inheritedstationwasmediatedbypoliticalconnectionsorthegoodfortuneofmarryingintoaprofitableinheritance.By1700,indenturedservantsnolongerhadmuchofachancetoownland.Theyhadtomoveelsewhereorbecometenants.Theroyalsurveyorsmadesurethatlargeplantershadfirstbidsonnew,undevelopedland,andsothelargertractswereincreasinglyconcentratedinfewerhands.Then,asmoreshipmentsofslavesarrivedinthecolony,thesetooweremonopolizedbythemajorlandholdingfamilies.76

Foralltheirtalkoflovingtheland,VirginianswerelessskilledintheartofhusbandrythantheirEnglishcounterparts.Fewploughswereusedinseventeenth-centuryVirginia.Thesimplehoewastheprincipaltoolintheraisingoftobacco,animplementthatdemandedconsiderablehumanlabor.ThemajorityofthosewholandedonAmericanshoresdidnotlivelongenoughtoownland,letalonetomasterit.SlaverywasthusalogicaloutgrowthofthecolonialclasssystemimaginedbyHakluyt.Itemergedfromthreeinterrelatedphenomena:harshlaborconditions,thetreatmentofindenturesascommodities,and,mostofall,thedeliberatechoicetobreedchildrensothattheyshouldbecomeanexploitablepoolofworkers.

Wastemenandwastewomen(andespeciallywastechildren,theadolescentboyswhocomprisedamajorityoftheindenturedservants)wereanexpendableclassoflaborerswhomadecolonizationpossible.Theso-calledwastelandofcolonialAmericamighthavehadthemakingsofaNewCanaan.Instead,wastepeoplewastedaway,fertilizingthesoilwiththeirlaborwhilefindingitimpossibletoharvestanysocialmobility.

W

CHAPTERTWO

JohnLocke’sLubberland

TheSettlementsofCarolinaandGeorgia

SurelythereisnoplaceintheWorldwheretheInhabitantslivewithlessLabourthaninN[orth]Carolina.ItapproachesnearertotheDescriptionofLubberlandthananyother,bythegreatfelicityoftheClimate,theeasinessofraisingProvisions,andtheSlothfulnessofthePeople.

—WilliamByrdII,“HistoryoftheDividingLine”(1728)

henAmericansthinkoftherenownedEnglishEnlightenmentthinkerJohnLocke,whatcomestomindishowThomasJeffersontacitlyborrowedhis

wordsandideasfortheDeclarationofIndependence.Locke’swell-knownphrase“Life,LibertyandEstate”wastransformedbytheVirginianinto“life,libertyandthepursuitofhappiness.”Lockewasthemust-readofeveryeducatedman,woman,andchildintheBritishAmericancolonies.Calledthe“greatandgloriousasserterofnaturalRightsandLibertiesofMankind,”hewasresponsibleformorethantheTwoTreatisesofGovernment(1689),whichbecametheplaybookofAmericanRevolutionaries.Mostimportantforourpresentconsideration,heauthoredtheFundamentalConstitutionsofCarolina(1669),whichgrantedthat“everyFreemaninCarolinashallhaveABSOLUTEPOWERANDAUTHORITYoverhisNegroSlaves.”Asoneofhisloudestcriticsexclaimedin1776,“SuchwasthelanguageofthehumaneMr.Locke!”Norwasthissurprising.ForLockewasafoundingmemberandthird-largeststockholderoftheRoyalAfricanCompany,whichsecuredamonopolyovertheBritishslavetrade.HisrelationshiptoCarolinianslaverywasmorethanincidental.1

In1663,KingCharlesIIofEnglandissuedacolonialchartertoeightmen,whomhenamedthe“absoluteLordsandproprietors”ofCarolina.Theyweregivenextensivepowerstofortify,settle,andgovernthecolony.Twoyearslater,thefirstsurveyorsizedupthenortheasternpartofthecolony,AlbemarleCounty,namedafteroneoftheproprietors,GeorgeMonck,DukeofAlbemarle.Butitwouldtakeanother

powerfulproprietor,LordAnthonyAshleyCooper,EarlofShaftesbury,tofashionamorerecognizablepoliticaldesignofhis“darling”Carolina.2

ShaftesburyheldapowerfulpositioninLondonasheadoftheCouncilofTradeandForeignPlantations,andheencouragedLocketojoinhiminthecolonialventure.ThroughShaftesbury,then,LockesecuredthepostofsecretaryoftheCouncilofTrade,andhebecametheprivatesecretaryoftheLordsProprietors,whichobligedhimtoopenacorrespondencewithagentsinCarolinaandtoforwardinstructionstothem.ThoughheneversetfootonAmericansoil,Lockewasgiventheconcoctedtitleof“Landgrave,”andforty-eightthousandacresofCarolinalandwasconferredonhimforhisservices.WithhisintimateknowledgeofthecolonyandhiswidereadingontheNewWorldgenerally,LockeundoubtedlyhadadecisivehandindraftingtheinherentlyilliberalFundamentalConstitutions.3

TheFundamentalConstitutionsdidmorethanendorseslavery.Itwasamanifestopromotingasemifeudalisticandwhollyaristocraticsociety.Muchinkwasspilledindevisingacolonialkingdomthatconferredfavorupontitledelitesandmanorlords.Itwasonthebasisofafixedclasshierarchythatthepreciouscommodityoflandwasallocated.Eachnewcountywasdividedintosections:one-fifthofthelandwasautomaticallyreservedforproprietors,anotherfifthforthecolonialnobility,andthree-fifthsforuntitledmanorlordsandfreeholders.4

TheeightproprietorscomprisedasupremerulingbodyofthePalatineCourt,whichhadanabsolutevetooveralllaws.GoverningpowerswereleftinthehandsoftheGrandCouncil,runbythelocalnobilityandtheproprietors,anditwasthisbodythathadsoleauthorityforproposinglegislation.Atop-heavycolonialparliamentconsistedofproprietorsortheirdeputies,allofthehereditarynobilityofthecolony,andonefreeholderfromeachprecinct.Theconstitutionmadeclearthatpowerrestedatthetopandthateveryefforthadbeenmadeto“avoiderectinganumerousdemocracy.”5

ClassstructurepreoccupiedLocketheconstitutionalist.HeendowedthenobilityoftheNewWorldwithsuchunusualtitlesaslandgravesandcaciques.ThefirstofthesewasderivedfromtheGermanwordforprince;thelatterwasSpanishforanAmericanIndianchieftain.BothdescribedahereditarypeerageseparatefromtheEnglishsystem,andanimperialshadowelitewhosepowerrestedincolonialestatesorthroughcommercialtrade.Acourtofheraldrywasaddedtothisstrangebrew:inoverseeingmarriagesandmaintainingpedigree,itprovidedfurtherevidenceoftheintentiontofix(andpolice)classidentity.PretentiousinstitutionssuchasthesehardlysuitedtheswampybackwaterofCarolina,butinthedesiretoimposeorderonanunsettledland,everydetailmattered—downtoassigningoverblownnamestoambitiousmeninthemostrusticoutpostoftheBritishEmpire.6

YeteventhefauxnobilitywasnotasstrangeasanotherfeatureoftheLocke-endorsedConstitutions.Thatdubioushonorbelongstothenobilityandmanorlord’suniqueservantclass,rankedaboveslavesbutbelowfreemen.Thesewerethe“Leet-men,”whowereencouragedtomarryandhavechildrenbutweretiedtothelandandtotheirlord.Theycouldbeleasedandhiredouttoothers,buttheycouldnotleavetheirlord’sservice.Theirs,too,wasahereditarystation:“AllthechildrenofLeet-menshallbeLeet-men,sotoallgenerations,”theConstitutionsstated.Theheirsofestatesinheritednotjustland,buildings,andbelongings,butthehaplessLeet-menaswell.7

Morethansomeanachronisticremnantofthefeudalage,Leet-menrepresentedLocke’sawkwardsolutiontoruralpoverty.Lockedidnotcallthemvillains,thoughtheypossessedmanyoftheattributesofserfs.Heinsteadchosetheword“Leet-men,”whichinEnglandatthistimemeantsomethingverydifferent:unemployedmenentitledtopoorrelief.Locke,likemanysuccessfulBritons,feltcontemptforthevagrantpoorinEngland.Hedisparagedthemfortheir“idleandloosewayofbreedingup,”andtheirlackofmoralityandindustry.TherewerepoorfamiliesalreadyinCarolina,asLockeknew,whostoodinthewayofthecolony’sgrowthandcollectivewealth.Inotherwords,Locke’sLeet-menwouldnotbecharitycases,pitiedordespised,butapermanentandpotentiallyproductivepeasantclass—yetdefinitelyanunderclass.8

ButdidLeet-meneverexist?Shaftesbury’sCarolinaplantation,whichwasrunbyhisagent,hadslaves,indenturedservants,andLeet-menofasort.In1674,theabsentownerinstructedhisagenttohirelaborersas“Leet-men,”emphasizingthatbytheirconcurrencetothisarrangementhecouldretainrightstotheworkers’“progeny.”Inthisway,Shaftesburysawchildrenaskeytohishereditaryclasssystem—asdidhiscolonialpredecessorsinVirginiaandMassachusetts.9

TheFundamentalConstitutionswasreallyadeclarationofwaragainstpoorsettlers.Inthe1650s,evenbeforeKingCharleshadissuedtheCarolinacharter,Virginia’simperiousgovernor,WilliamBerkeley,hadbeensellinglandgrants.ThefirstsurveyorreportedthatmostoftheVirginiaémigrésinCarolinaterritorywerenotlegitimatepatentholdersatall.Theywerepoorsquatters.ThesurveyorwarnedthattheinfantCarolinacolonywouldfounderifmore“Richmen”werenotrecruited,thatis,menwhocouldbuildhomesandrunproductiveplantations.Landlesstrespassers(whowerenotservants)promisedonlywidespread“leveling,”bywhichthesurveyormeantasocietyshornofdesirableclassdivisions.10

Lockeagreed.PoorVirginiansthreatenedtodragdowntheentirecolony.Shaftesbury,too,believedthateverythingshouldbedonetodiscourage“Lazyordebauched”menandtheirfamiliesfromsettlinginCarolina.Theproprietors

definitelydidnotwantacolonyoverrunwithformerindenturedservants.TheydidnotwantVirginia’srefuse.Intheirgrandscheme,Leet-menwereintendedtotaketheplaceofthosewholivedoffthelandwithoutcontributingtothecoffersoftherulingelite.Serfs,inshort,werebetterthanthose“lazylubbers,”meaningstupid,clumsyoafs,thewordthatcametodescribethevagrantpoorofCarolina.11

Locke’sinventionoftheLeet-menexplainsalot.ItenablesustopiecetogetherthecurioushistoryofNorthCarolina,todemonstratewhythiscolonyliesattheheartofourwhitetrashstory.ThedifficultterrainthatspannedtheborderwithVirginia,plusthehighnumbersofpoorsquattersandinherentlyunstablegovernment,eventuallyledCarolinatobedividedintotwocoloniesin1712.SouthCaroliniansadoptedallthefeaturesofatraditionalclasshierarchy,fullyembracingtheinstitutionofslavery,justasLockedidintheFundamentalConstitutions.TheplanterandmerchantclassesofSouthCarolinaformedahighlyincestuouscommunity:wealth,slaves,andlandweremonopolizedbyasmallrulingcoterie.Thisself-satisfiedoligarchywerethetrueinheritorsoftheoldlandgraves,carryingonthedynasticimpulsesofthosewhowouldcreateapseudo-nobilityofpowerfulfamilies.12

By1700,weshouldnote,slavescomprisedhalfthepopulationofthesouthernportionoftheCarolinacolony,animbalancethatwidenedto72percentby1740.Beginningin1714,aseriesoflawsrequiredthatforeverysixslavesanownerpurchased,hehadtoacquireonewhiteservant.Lamentingthatthe“whitepopulationdonotproportionallymultiply,”SouthCarolinalawmakershadonemorereasontowishthatacorpsofLeet-menandwomenhadactuallybeenformed.Encouragedtomarryandmultiply,tiedtotheland,theymighthaveprovidedaracialandclassbarrierbetweentheslavesandthelandedelites.13

NorthCarolina,whichcametobeknownas“PoorCarolina,”wentinaverydifferentdirectionfromitssiblingtothesouth.Itfailedtoshoreupitseliteplanterclass.StartingwithAlbemarleCounty,itbecameanimperialrenegadeterritory,aswampyrefugeforthepoorandlandless.WedgedbetweenproudVirginiansandupstartSouthCarolinians,NorthCarolinawasthattroublesome“sinkeofAmerica”somanyearlycommentatorslamented.Itwasafrontierwastelandresistant(orsoitseemed)totheforcesofcommerceandcivilization.Populatedbywhatmanydismissedas“uselesslubbers”(conjuringtheimageofsleepyandoafishmenlollingaboutdoingnothing),NorthCarolinaforgedalastinglegacyaswhatwemightcallthefirstwhitetrashcolony.DespitebeingEnglish,despitehavingclaimedtherightsoffreebornBritons,lazylubbersofPoorCarolinastoodoutasadangerousrefugeofwastepeople,andthespawninggroundofadegeneratebreedofAmericans.14

TherivalrybetweentheduelingCarolinaswasonlypartofthestory.TheoriginalcharterofCarolinawouldeventuallybedividedthreeways,whenGeorgiawas

parceledoutoftheoriginalterritoryin1732.ThislastsoutherncolonywasthemostunusualofBritain’soffspring.Anex-militaryman,JamesOglethorpe,wasitsguidingforce,andhesawthisventureasauniqueopportunitytoreconstructclassrelations.Itwasacharitableendeavor,onemeanttoreformdebtorsandrescuepoormen,byofferingsocietyadecidedlymorehumanealternativetoLocke’sservileLeet-men.Georgiaprovidedanadvantageousvenueforthe“rightdisposingofthePoor”inthecolonies,whichwould“breedupandpreserveourownCountrymen,”oneadvocateinsisted.Inrefusingtopermitslavery,theGeorgiacolonypromisedthat“freelabor”wouldreplacearelianceonindenturedservantsaswellasAfricanbondsmen.15

ButGeorgiameantsomethingmore.EvenasSouthCaroliniansjealouslyeyedthenewterritoryasaplacewheretheymightsellslavesandcontroltheland,thecolonyoffreelaborersofferedareadyboundary(andslave-freezone)thatwouldprotectthevulnerableplanterclassfromNativetribesandSpanishsettlersinFlorida,whomightotherwiseofferahaventotheirrunawayslaves.Georgia,asweshallsee,wasaremarkableexperiment.

•••

NorthCarolina’sphysicalterrainwascrucialinshapingthecharacterofitspeople.AlongtheboundarybetweenVirginiaandCarolinawasalargeandforbiddingwetlandknownastheDismalSwamp.Theword“swamp”wasderivedfromLowGermanandDutch,thoughitwasfirstusedbyEnglishsettersinVirginiaandNewEngland.“Dismal,”ontheotherhand,conjuredthesuperstitiousloreofmedievaltimes.Thewordwasassociatedwithcurseddays,Egyptianplagues,sinisterplots,andinauspiciousomens.ForWilliamShakespeare,itevokedanetherworld,asinthe“darkdismal-dreamingnight.”16

Virginiansviewedthetwenty-two-hundred-square-milewetlandasadanger-filledtransitionalzone.Theseeminglyendlessquagmireliterallyoverlappedthetwocolonies.Therewerenoobviousroutesthroughitsmosquito-riddencypressforests.Inmanyplaces,travelerssankknee-deepinthesoggy,peatysoil,andhadtowadethroughcoal-colored,slimywaterdottedwithgnarledroots.17

LittlesunshinepenetratedtheDismalSwamp’streesandthickets,andtheairgaveoffnoxiousfumes,whichwerecolorfullydescribedas“Noisomeexhalations,”arisingfroma“vastbodyofmireandnastiness.”ThisstatementcomesfromthetravelogueofawealthyVirginian,WilliamByrdII,whotrekkedthroughthebowelsoftheVirginia-Carolinaborderlandin1728.Awitty,English-educatedplanter,ByrdcraftedadarktaleofaninhospitablelandscapeandweighedinonCarolina’soafish

inhabitants.Thushewasthefirstofmanywriterstodrawajadedportraitoftheswampyoriginsofwhitetrashrurallife.18

ThisbleakregionbecameasymboloftheyoungNorthCarolinacolony.TheGreatDismalSwampdividedcivilizedVirginiaplantersfromtherascallybarbariansofCarolina.Swampsrarelyhavefixedborders,andsothenortherndividinglinewascontinuallyapointofcontentionduringthefirstsixty-fiveyearsofCarolina’sexistence.VirginiarepeatedlychallengedtheboundaryassetforthinCarolina’s1663charter.Jurisdictionaldisputescreatedapoliticalclimateoflegaluncertaintyandsocialinstability.19

Byrd’ssolutiontotheDismalSwampwastodrainitandremakeitasproductivefarmland.Laterprojectors,includingGeorgeWashington,gotbehindByrd’sidea.Teamingwithotherinvestors,Washingtonestablishedacompanyin1763whosepurposewastouseslavestodraintheswamp,growhemp,andcutwoodshingles.By1790,theywereworkingtobuildacanal(a“ditch,”asitwasmoreaccuratelycalledatthetime)totunnelthroughthemorassofcypresstrees,pricklybriars,andmuddywaterways.20

TheCarolinacoastlinewasnearlyasuninviting,cuttingoffthenorthernpartofthecolonyfromreadyaccesstolargesailingvessels.OnlyNewEnglanders,intheirlow-bottomedboats,couldnavigatetheshallow,shoal-filledinletsoftheOuterBanks.Withoutamajorharbor,andfacingburdensometaxesiftheyshippedtheirgoodsthroughVirginia,manyCaroliniansturnedtosmuggling.HiddeninletsmadeNorthCarolinaattractivetopirates.AlongtraderoutesfromtheWestIndiestotheNorthAmericancontinent,piracyflourishedinthelateseventeenthandearlyeighteenthcenturies.SeveralofAlbermarle’sgovernorswereaccusedofshelteringthesehigh-seasthievesandpersonallyprofitingfromtheillicittrade.ThenotoriousBlackbeard(a.k.a.EdwardTeach,orEdwardThatch)madeahomehere,asdidtheBarbadosgentlemanturnedpirate,MajorStedeBonnet.Supposedly,bothwerewarmlywelcomedintothehumblehomesofNorthCarolinians.AtleastthatwaswhatthesurlyBlackbeardclaimed,untilhelosthisheadinagrislyclashwithVirginiansin1718.21

TheAlbemarlesectionofNorthCarolinawascomparabletothepoorestdistrictsinVirginia.Mostofthesettlementswerewidelyscattered—somethingelsetheproprietorsdidnotlike.Thesettlersrefusedtopaytheirquitrents(landtax),whichwasoneofthewaystheproprietorshopedtomakemoney.22By1729,whentheproprietorssoldtheiroriginalgranttotheBritishgovernment,NorthCarolinalisted3,281landgrants,and309granteeswhoownedalmosthalftheland.Thismeantthatinapopulationofnearly36,000people,themajorityreceivedsmallormodestgrants,orownednolandatall.Mostpoorhouseholdslackedslaves,indenturedservants,or

evensonsworkingtheland.In1709,squattersinthepoorestdistrictinAlbemarlepetitioned“yourhoners”fortaxrelief,pointingoutthattheirlandwasnothingmorethansand.Afewmonthslater,anAnglicanministerreportedindisgustthatthecolonists“weresocarelessanduncleanly”thattherewas“littledifferencebetweenthecorninthehorse’smangerandthebreadontheirtables.”TheentireNorthCarolinacolonywas“overrunwithslothandpoverty.”23

WorthlesslandandequallyworthlesssettlershadledVirginiaofficialstoquestiontheVirginia-Carolinaboundarylineasearlyas1672,whenGovernorBerkeleyinitiatednegotiationswiththeCarolinaproprietorsinanefforttoabsorbAlbemarleintoVirginia.Thatplanfellthrough,butitwastriedagaintwodecadeslater.Overtheyears,colonialofficialsrarelysucceededincollectingcustomsduties.Theproprietorsfacedresistanceincollectingquitrents.Disorderruled.ABritishpossessioninnameonly,AlbemarleCountywasroutinelyabletoescapeimperialrule.24

Duringitsfirstfiftyyears,theerrantnorthernpartofCarolina,whichhaditsowngovernment,wasrockedbytwointernalrebellionsandonewarwithTuscaroraIndians.ThemisnamedCulpeper’sRebellion(1677–79)isparticularlyinstructive.InacontestwithThomasMiller,anambitioustraderandtobaccoplanterwhowantedtocrackdownonsmugglers,collectcustomsduties,andgainfavorwithproprietors,ThomasCulpeper,asurveyor,sidedwiththepoorersettlers.Theirswasapersonalconflictwithbroadrepercussions.Millertookadvantageofaleadershipvacuumtoseizecontrolofgovernment.Likeapettytyrant,hesurroundedhimselfwithanarmedguard,whileCulpeperralliedpopularsupportandorganizedaninformalmilitia.Millerwasforcedtofleethecolony.BackinLondon,hechargedCulpeperwithleadinganuprising,andasaresultin1680Culpeperwastriedfortreason.25

Inanunexpecteddevelopment,theproprietorLordShaftesburycametoCulpeper’sdefense.HedeliveredaneloquentorationbeforetheCourtofKing’sBench,arguingthatastablegovernmenthadneverlegallyexistedinNorthCarolina.AnticipatingLocke’sTwoTreatisesofGovernment,Shaftesburyconcludedthatthecolonyremainedeffectivelyinastateofnature.Withoutagenuinegovernment,therecouldbenorebellion.CommentarylikethismerelyunderscorednorthernCarolina’soutlierstatus.26

Culpeper’sRebellionwassomethinglessthanaservileinsurrection.Thepoorsettlers’rallyingcryof“noeLandgraves,noeCasiques”filledtheair,yetwecannotcalltheirsstrictlyawarofthepooragainsttherich.Miller’sagendawastostopsmugglingandforcehisfellowEnglishmentoparticipateintheBritishcolonialtradesystem.Histargetswerethose,includingmodestfarmers,whodependedonsmugglingtosurvive.Classpower,inthisinstance,wasaboutthosewhobenefitedfromagreaterrelianceontheimperialorbitofinfluence.ButMillerhadalsoasserted

anunconstitutionalclaimtothegovernorshipand,byapplyingheavy-handedtactics,failedtocommandrespectwithinthepoliticalcommunity.Indeed,hewasknownforhisfoulmouthanddrunkenoathsagainsttheking,whichresultedinchargesofseditionandblasphemy.Hewasatbestaposeur,atworstacrudebully.Intheend,NorthCarolina’saristocraticleadershipprovedasdubiousasthemade-uptitlesoflandgravesandcaciques.27

AhistoryofmisrulecontinuedtohauntNorthCarolina.GovernorSethSothell,whoservedfrom1681to1689,engrossedasmanyasforty-fourthousandacresforprivategain.Hewaseventuallybanishedfromthecolony.Norwasthisunique.From1662to1736,NorthCarolinawentthroughforty-onegovernors,whileitssistercolonysawtwenty-five.After1691,inanefforttoenhancestability,thegovernmentinSouthCarolinaappointedthedeputygovernorforNorthCarolina.WhenarebellionagainstGovernorEdwardHydeignitedin1708,VirginiagovernorAlexanderSpotswoodwenttowaragainsthissouthernneighbor.TheirconflicttriggeredrenewedhostilitiesfromtheTuscaroraIndians,whoresentedunceasingEnglishencroachmentontheirlands.28

In1711,SouthCarolinaintervened,sendingCaptainJohnBarnwellnorthtoputdowntheTuscaroras.Barnwellexpectedtobeawardedalargelandgrantforhisservice.Withhisexpectationsunmet,heturnedthetablesandincitedtheIndianstoattackseveralNorthCarolinasettlements.Evenbeforehisbetrayal,though,hefeltlittleidentificationwiththecolonists,writingthatNorthCarolinianswerethemost“cowardlyBlockheads[anotherwordforlubber]thateverGodcreated&mustbeusedlikenegro[e]sifyouexpectanygoodofthem.”29

GovernorSpotswoodofVirginialashedoutagainstAlbemarleCountyasa“commonSanctuaryforallourrunawayservants,”andcensuredits“totalAbsenceofReligion.”HeechoedapreviousVirginiagovernorwhenhedenouncedtheplaceasthe“sinkeofAmerica,theRefugeofRenegadoes.”Hemeantbythisacommercialsinkhole,andwiththeloadedterm“renegadoes,”abastionoflawless,irreligiousmenwholiterallyrenouncedtheirnationalallegianceaswellastheirChristianfaith.Thoughtherewerebutfewministerstoguidethem,therealapostasyofthepeoplewassaidtobetheirrefusaltobegoodtaxpayingBritons.30

Virginiansconstantlyaimedtokeeptheirneighborinline.Asurveyingteamwasdispatchedin1710,butfailedtosettleanything.Thesamewasattemptedin1728,whenWilliamByrdIIacceptedhiscommissiontoleadajointexpedition.HeenduredtryingmonthsnavigatingtheDismalSwampandmetwithresidents,mockedthemmercilessly,andlustilyeyedtheirwomenasmuchashecovetedthefertilelandbeyondtheDismalSwamp.Heinstructedhismentobeatdrumsandshootoffgunstodeterminethesizeoftheswamp,andcrudelycomparedthesoundtothat“prattling

Slut,Echo.”Suchpetulancereflectedhisgeneralfeelingthatthedark,mysteriousCarolinaterrainwouldnevergiveuphersecrets.YetByrdwasundeterred.Amanoflettersaswellasanamateurnaturalist,hewrotetwoversionsofhisadventure:onewasthelesscensored“secrethistory,”theotheralonger,morepolishedtractcalled“TheHistoryoftheDividingLineBetwixtVirginiaandNorthCarolina.”31

ForByrd,VirginiawasanalmostEden-likecolony,andafarcryfromheruncivilizedneighbor.Inabemusedletterof1726,writtenjusttwoyearsbeforehebeganhistourofNorthCarolina,hedescribedhimselfasamanrestingunderneathhis“figtree,”surroundedby“myFlocksandmyHerds,myBond-menandBond-women.”Partfeudalsquire,partmodernAbraham,Byrdportrayedhiscolonyasabucolicretreatfarfromthe“VagrantMendicants”roamingthe“islandofbeggars”—bywhichhemeantEngland.HepretendedthatpovertydidnotexistinVirginia;hisslaveswerebothdutifulandproductive.Awell-orderedsociety,basedonslavery,hadnotonlyallowedhimtoindulgeapastoraldreambuthadalsokeptpoorwhitesatbay.32

ThingsweredifferentinCarolina.Justacrosstheill-definedborderwasanalienworldwhereclassauthoritywasseverelycompromised.Byrd’slittlebandoflandcommissionerswere“knights-errant”embarkedonagrandmedievalcrusade.Whenpeopleemergedfromtheirhuts,staringasaflockatthestrangersfromVirginia,“itwasasifwehadbeenMoroccoambassadors.”Havingbroughtachaplainalongontheirjourney,theywereabletochristenchildrenandmarrymenandwomenfromplacetoplacealongtheirroute.ByrdandhispartyofsuperiorChristianssprinkledholywaterontheheathenCarolinians.33

Orsohefantasized.Infact,theCaroliniansprovedresistanttoreligionandreform.AsByrdnoted,themenhadanabiding“aversion”tolaborofanykind.Theyslept(andsnored)throughmostofthemorning.Onwaking,theysatsmokingtheirpipes.Rarelydidtheyevenpeekoutsidetheirdoors,andduringthecoolermonths,thosewhodidquicklyreturned“shiveringtotheirchimneycorners.”Inmilderweathertheygotasfarasthinkingaboutplungingahoeintotheground.Butthinkingturnedtoexcuses,andnothingwasaccomplished.TheunmotivatedCarolinafolkpreferred,hesaid,to“loiterawaytheirlives,likeSolomon’ssluggards.”Thelittleworkthatactuallygotdonewasperformedbythefemalepoor.34

CarolinaobligedWilliamByrdtoadjusthisbroadervisionofAmerica’sdestiny.Forhisexampleofthe“wretchedestscenesofpoverty”hehadeverseenin“thishappypartoftheworld,”heisolatedarusticatedmannamedCorneliusKeith,whohadawifeandsixchildrenyetlivedinahomewithoutaroof.TheKeiths’dwellingwasclosertoacattlepen,hesaid,thantoanyhumanhabitation.Atnightthefamilysleptinthefodderstack.Byrdfounditespeciallyoddthatthehusbandandfatherwas

moreinterestedinprotectingfeedforhisanimalsthanthesafetyofhisfamily.Keithhadchosenthislife,andthatwaswhatmostshockedthewealthyexplorerfromVirginia.Herewasamanwithaskilledtrade,possessinggoodlandandgoodlimbs,whoneverthelesspreferredtoliveworsethanthe“bogtrottingIrish.”Byrd’schoiceofwordswas,asusual,unambiguous.EnglishcontemptfortheIrishwasnothingnew,but“bogtrotting”wasanexquisitesynonymforswampvagrant.35

WhenByrdidentifiedtheCaroliniansasresidentsof“Lubberland,”hedrewuponafamiliarEnglishfolktalethatfeaturedone“LawrenceLazy,”borninthecountyofSlothnearthetownofNeverwork.Lawrencewasa“heavylump”whosatinhischimneycorneranddreamt.Hisdogwassolazythathe“liedhisheadaginthewalltobark.”InLubberland,slothwascontagious,andLawrencehadthepowertoputallmastersunderhisspellsothattheyfellintoadeepslumber.Asappliedtotheruralpoorwhoclosedthemselvesofftotheworldaroundthem,themetaphorofsleepsuggestedpopularresistancetocolonialrule.ByrdfoundthepeopleheencounteredinCarolinatoberesistanttoallformsofgovernment:“Everyonedoeswhatseemsbestinhisowneyes.”36

TheMappofLubberlandortheIleofLazye(ca.1670)portrayedanimaginaryterritoryinwhichslothiscontagiousandnormalmenlackthewilltowork.

BritishPrint,#1953.0411.69AN48846001,TheBritishMuseum,London,England

Ashefurthercontemplatedthesourceofidleness,Byrdwasconvincedthatitwasinthelubbers’blood.Livingneartheswamp,theysufferedfrom“distempersoflaziness,”whichmadethem“slothfulineverythingbutgettingchildren.”Theydisplayeda“cadaverouscomplexion”anda“lazy,creepinghabit.”Thecombinationofclimateandanunhealthydietdoomedthem.Eatingswine,theycontractedthe“yaws,”andtheirsymptomsmatchedthoseofsyphilis:theylosttheirnosesandpalates,andhadhideouslydeformedfaces.Withtheir“flatnoses,”theynotonlylookedlikebutalsobegantoactlikewildboars:“Manyofthemseemtogruntratherthanspeak.”Ina“porcivorous”country,peoplespenttheirdaysforagingandfornicating;whenupset,theycouldbeheardyellingout,“Fleshaliveandtearit.”Itwastheir“favoriteexclamation,”Byrdsaid.Thisbizarrecolloquialismsuggestedcannibalism,orperhapshyenassurroundingafreshkillanddevouringit.HowcouldthesecarnivorousswampmonstersbethoughtofasEnglish?37

Byrdleftbehindfewpracticalideasforreformingthegodforsakenwildernesshehadexplored.Onlydrasticmeasureswouldwork:replacinglubberswithSwissGermansettlersanddrainingtheswampofitsvilemurkywaters.HemusedthatcolonizationwouldhavehadabetteroutcomeifmalesettlershadbeenencouragedtointermarrywithIndianwomen.Overtwogenerations,theIndianstockwouldhaveimproved,asaspeciesofflowerortreemight;darkskinblanchedwhite,heathenwaysdimmed.Here,ByrdwasborrowingfromtheauthorJohnLawson,whowroteinANewVoyagetoCarolinathatmenoflowerrankgainedaneconomicadvantagebymarryingNativewomenwhobroughtlandtotheunion.Whilehewasatit,ByrdalsocondemnedunrefinedwhitesformarryingpromiscuousEnglishwomenrightofftheboat.Heevensuggested,satirically,ofcourse,thatsocialproblemswoulddisappearifthepoorweremorelikebearsandspentsixmonthseachyearinhibernation:“’Tisapityourbeggarsandpickpocketscouldnotdothesame,”hewrote.38

Byrd’sviews,ifcolorfullyexpressed,werebynomeanshisalone.AnAnglicanministernamedJohnUrmstonreportedthathispoorwhitechargeslovedtheirhogsmorethantheydidtheirminister.Theyletthehogsintotheirchurchestoavoidtheheat,leaving“dungandnastiness”onthefloor.In1737,GovernorGabrielJohnsonofNorthCarolinareferredtohispeopleas“themeanest,mostrusticandsqualidpartofthespecies.”Aslateasthe1770s,atravelerpassingthroughNorthCarolinafoundtheresidentstobethemost“ignorantwretches”hehadevermet.Theycouldnoteventellhimthenameoftheplacewheretheylived,norofferdirectionstothenextfamily’shome.Insularcountrypeoplegreetedtravelerswithincredulousstaresandlookeduponthemas“strange,outlandishfolks.”Theseruralpoorwereapeopleuntetheredfromreality.39

Shockingasitisforustocontemplate,largenumbersofearlyAmericancolonistsspenttheirentirelivesinsuchdingy,nastyconditions.Thesordidpictureconveyed

hereisanunavoidablepartoftheAmericanpast.Yetthere’smore.Theywalkedaroundwithopensoresvisibleontheirbodies;theyhadghastlycomplexionsasaresultofpoordiets;manyweremissinglimbs,noses,palates,andteeth.AsatravelernamedSmythrecorded,theignorantwretchesheencounteredwore“cottonrags”andwere“envelopedindirtandnastiness.”40

ThepoorofcolonialAmericawerenotjustwastepeople,notsimplyafolktobecomparedtotheirOldWorldcounterparts.Byreproducingtheirownkind,theywere,tocontemporaneousobservers,intheprocessofcreatingananomalousnewbreedofhuman.AhostoftravelersinCarolinaintheseventeenthandearlyeighteenthcenturiesbelievedthatclassstructurewastiedtogeographyandrootedinthesoil.Explorers,amateurscientists,andearlyethnologistslikeWilliamByrdallassumed—andunabashedlyprofessed—thatinferiorormismanagedlandsbredinferior,ungovernablepeople.

•••

JohnLocke’sinfluenceoverCarolinawasmostlyofanintellectualcharacter.Notsothenextsoutherncolonytoariseunderthedirectionofanambitiousprojector.Ratherthanaconstitutionalcreation,Georgiawasfoundedasacharitableventure,designedtoupliftpoorfamiliesandtoreformdebtors.OneofthemostimportantmindsbehinditbelongedtoJamesEdwardOglethorpe.Oglethorpewasamilitaryadventurerwho,withpermissionofParliamentandthecolony’strustees,traveledtotheAmericancolonyandhelpedtoplantsettlers.UniqueamongtheAmericansettlements,Georgiawasnotmotivatedbyadesireforprofit.Receivingitscharterin1732,thesouthernmostcolonywasthelasttobeestablishedpriortotheAmericanRevolution.Itspurposewastwofold:tocarveoutamiddlegroundbetweentheextremesofwealththattookholdintheCarolinas,andtoserveasabarrieragainsttheSpanishinFlorida.Assuch,itbecamethesiteofanunusualexperiment.

Conservativelandpolicieslimitedindividualsettlerstoamaximumoffivehundredacres,thusdiscouragingthegrowthofalarge-scaleplantationeconomyandslave-basedoligarchysuchasexistedinneighboringSouthCarolina.NorthCarolinasquatterswouldnotbefoundhereeither.PoorsettlerscomingfromEngland,Scotland,andotherpartsofEuropeweregrantedfiftyacresofland,freeofcharge,plusahomeandagarden.Distinctfromitsneighborstothenorth,Georgiaexperimentedwithasocialorderthatneitherexploitedthelowerclassesnorfavoredtherich.Itsfoundersdeliberatelysoughttoconverttheterritoryintoahavenforhardworkingfamilies.Theyaimedtodosomethingcompletelyunprecedented:tobuilda“freelabor”colony.

AccordingtoFrancisMoore,whovisitedthesettlementinitssecondyearofoperation,two“peculiar”customsstoodout:bothalcoholanddark-skinnedpeoplewereprohibited.“Noslaveryisallowed,nornegroes,”Moorewrote.Asasanctuaryfor“freewhitepeople,”Georgia“wouldnotpermitslaves,forslavesstarvethepoorlaborer.”Freelaborencouragedpoorwhitemeninsobercultivationandsteeledthemintheeventtheyhadtodefendthelandfromoutsideaggression.ItalsopromisedtocuresettlersofthatmostdeadlyofEnglishdiseases,idleness.41

ThoughitoperatedwithsupportfromParliamentandwasoverseenbyaboardoftwentytrustees,Georgiaremainedintheoryacharitableenterprise.Thetrusteessoughttoinculcatethespiritofbenevolence,asexpressedinthecolony’smotto,Nonsibisedaliis(Notforthemselves,butforothers).Beyondtheworkofthetrustees,Oglethorpeshapedtheday-to-dayoperationsofthecolony,havingbroughtoverthefirstgroupof114Englishsettlers,Moses-like,in1732–33.42

Atrustee,Oglethorpeneverheldtheofficeofgovernor,nordidheevenpurchaselandtoenrichhimself.ThoughahighlyeducatedmemberofParliament,hetraveledwithoutaservantandlivedsimply.HavingfoughtasanofficerunderPrinceEugeneofSavoyintheAustro–TurkishWarof1716–18,heunderstoodmilitarydiscipline.Thiswashowhecametotrustinthepowerofemulation;hebelievedthatpeoplecouldbeconditionedtodotherightthingbyobservinggoodleaders.Hesharedfoodwiththosewhowereillordeprived.VisitingaScottishcommunitynorthofSavannah,herefusedasoftbedandsleptoutsideonthehardgroundwiththemen.Morethananyothercolonialfounder,Oglethorpemadehimselfoneofthepeople,promotingcollectiveeffort.43

Asafree-laborbufferzonebetweenEnglishandSpanishterritories,Georgia’scircumstanceswereunique.In1742,OglethorpeledamilitaryexpeditionagainstSpanishSt.Augustine,acampaignhisEnglishneighborstothenorthhadbalkedatfunding.HemarveledathowtheSouthCaroliniansdeludedthemselvesinbelievingtheyweresafe,burdenedastheywerewithalargeslavepopulation—“stupidsecurity,”hecalledit.Savannah’sphysicallayoutexhibitedalltheelementsofamilitarycamp,andrecruitswereputthroughmilitarydrillsevenbeforetheylandedinAmerica.Maleorphansweretaughttoholdamusketassoonastheywerephysicallyable.44

Oneyoungbelieverinthecolony,sixteen-year-oldPhilipThicknesse,wrotetohismotherin1735that“amanmaylivehereuponhisownimprovements,ifhebeindustrious.”Inhisgrandplan,Oglethorpewantedacolonyoforderlycitizen-soldiers;hesubscribedtotheclassicalagrarianidealthatvirtuewasacquiredbycultivatingthesoilandachievingself-sufficiency.Productive,stable,healthyfarmingfamiliesweremeanttoanchorthecolony.Ashewrotein1732,womenprovided

habitsofcleanlinessand“wholesomefood,”andremainedonhandtonursethesick.Unlikeothersbeforehim,Oglethorpefeltthedisadvantagedcouldbereclaimediftheyweregivenafairchance.

Farmoreradicalwashiscalculationthataworkingwifeandeldestsoncouldreplacethelaborofindenturedservantsandslaves.Heclaimedthatawifeandonesonequaledthelaborvalueofanadultmale.Hewasclearlynotfondofthepracticeofindenture,consideringitthesameasmaking“slavesforyears.”WhileGeorgia’strusteesdidnotprohibittheuseofwhiteservants,Oglethorpemadesuretheirtenureswerelimited.Oddly,itturnedoutthatthecolonistsbestsuitedtotheGeorgiaexperimentwerenotEnglishbutSwiss,German,FrenchHuguenot,andScottishHighlander,allofwhomseemedpreparedforlivesofhardship,arrivingaswholecommunitiesoffarmingfamilies.45

Slavery,however,couldnotbekeptapartfromfutureprojectionsinGeorgia.AfterallowingSouthCarolinatosendoverslavestofelltreesandclearthelandforthetownofSavannah,Oglethorpecametoregretthedecision.HemadeabrieftriptoCharlesTown,andreturnedtodiscoverthatintheinterimthewhitesettlershadgrown“impatientofLabourandDiscipline.”Somehadsoldgoodfoodforrumpunch.Withdrunkenesscamedisease.Andso,Oglethorpewrote,the“Negroeswhosawedforus”andencouragedwhite“Idleness”weresentback.46

ManycontemporariesconnectedslaverytoEnglishidleness.WilliamByrdweighedinonthebanagainstslaveryinGeorgiainalettertoaGeorgiatrustee.HesawhowslaveryhadsparkeddiscontentamongpoorwhitesinVirginia,whoroutinelyrefusedto“dirtytheirhandswithLabourofanykind,”preferringtostealorstarveratherthanworkinthefields.Slaveryruinedthe“industryofourWhitePeople,”heconfessed,fortheysawa“RankofPoorCreaturesbelowthem,”anddetestedthethoughtofworkoutofaperversepride,lesttheymight“looklikeslaves.”ANorthCarolinaproprietor,JohnColleton,observedinBarbadosthatpoorwhiteswerecalled“whiteslaves”byblackslaves;itstruckhimthatthesamecontemptforwhitefieldhandsprevailedinthesoutherncoloniesinNorthAmerica.47

AfairnumberofGeorgianswerelesshigh-minded,andenviousoftheirSouthCarolinaneighbors.Assoonastheslaveryban(itwasnotpartoftheoriginalcharter)wasadoptedinGeorgia,petitionsweresenttothetrusteesseekingpermissiontopurchaseslaves.Oglethorpewagedawarofwordswithproslaverysettlers,whomhecalled“Malcontents.”Attheheightofthecontroversy,in1739,hearguedthatAfricanslaveryshouldneverbeintroducedintohiscolony,becauseitwentagainstthecoreprincipleofthetrustees:“torelievethedistressed.”Insteadofofferingasanctuaryforhonestlaborers,Georgiawouldbecomeanoppressiveregime,

promoting“themiseryofthousandsinAfrica”bypermittinga“freepeople”tobe“soldintoperpetualSlavery.”48

HehadwrittensimilarlyaboutEnglishsailorsbackin1728.Strangethoughitmightseemtous,Oglethorpe’sargumentagainstslaverywasdrawnfromhisunderstandingoftheabusesailorsfacedasadistinctclass.Intheeighteenthcentury,seamenwereimaginedasapeoplenaturally“bred”foralifeatsea,whoseveryconstitutionwasamenabletoahardlifeintheBritishnavy.Inhistractprotestingtheabuseofsailors,themoreenlightenedOglethorperejectedclaimsthatmenwereborntosuchanexploitedstation.Forhim,seamenliterallyfunctionedas“slaves,”deprivedofthelibertiesgrantedtofreebornBritons.Aspoormen,theyweredraggedoffthestreetsbypressgangs,thrownintoprisonships,andsoldintothenavy.Poorlyfed,grosslyunderpaid,andtreatedas“captives,”theywereabrutalizedclassoflaborers,andineverywaycoerced.49

AccordingtoGeorgianswhopetitionedforslaves,Negroeswere“bredup”forhardlaborinthesamewayassailors.Africanswouldsurviveindamp,noxiousswampsaswellasintheswelteringheat.Theywerecheaptofeedandclothe.Ameagersubsistencedietofwater,corn,andpotatoeswasthoughtadequatetokeepthemaliveandactive.Oneoutfitandasinglepairofshoeswouldlastanentireyear.Whiteindenturedservantswerefundamentallydifferent.TheydemandedEnglishdressforeveryseason.Theyexpectedmeat,bread,andbeeronthetable,andifdeniedthisrichdietfeltlanguidandfeebleandwouldrefusetowork.IfforcedtolaborashardasAfricanslavesthroughthegruelingsummermonths,orsothepetitionersclaimed,whiteservantswouldrunawayfromGeorgiaasifescapinga“charnelhouse”(arepositoryforrottingcorpses).ProslaveryGeorgianswerenotaboveaccusingOglethorpeofrunningaprisoncolony.50

Oglethorpewasunmovedbytheirdemands.Justashehadearliercalledpressgangs“littletyrants”with“greatsticks”whentheyforciblyturnedpoormenintosailors,henowchargedthattheGeorgianswhofledtoSouthCarolinapreferred“whippingNegroes”toregularwork.Oglethorpepointedtothosesettlerswhowerenotafraidoflabor,whoknewhowto“subsistcomfortably”withoutclamoringforslaves.TheyweretheScottishHighlandersandGermansettlerswhohadpetitionedthetrusteestokeepslaveryoutofthecolony.OglethorpefeltthatthesefolkswerehardierandtheirpredispositiontoworkwassuperiortothatofEnglishmen.Butthetruthlayinanabilitytoworkcollectively,adesiretounderstandandappreciatethedemandsofsubsistencefarming—acommitmenttolong-termsurvivalinasparselysettledcolony.ManyEnglishsettlerswereunwillingtoworkhard,becausetheylackedanybackgroundinfarming.Apothecaries,cheesemongers,tinkers,wigmakers,andweaversabounded.Thereweretoofewwhocouldcultivatethesoil.

PatrickTailfer,whodraftedoneofthepetitionsinsupportofslaveholding,refusedtocultivateasingleacreofthelandhehadbeengranted.51

WeshouldmakeclearthatOglethorpewasnotamodernegalitarian.Hedidnotimaginehiscolonyasamultiracialcommunity,nordidhesurmountcommonprejudiceswithrespecttoAfricans.HepermittedtheretobeasmallnumberofIndianslavesinthecolony.Hisplancenteredonclass:herestrictedslaveryprincipallybecausehebelieveditwouldshiftthebalanceofclasspowerinGeorgiaand“starvethepoorwhitelaborer.”Inthelargerschemeofthings,hisreformphilosophyrecognizedthatweakanddesperatemencouldbeledtochooseapaththatdictatedagainsttheirowninterests.Amanmightsellhislandforaglassofrum;debtandidlenesswerealwaysatemptation.52

Despitehisgoodintentions,thecolonyfailedtoeliminateallclassdivisions.Inadditiontothefiftyacresallottedtocharitycases,settlerswhopaidtheirownwaymightbegrantedasmanyasfivehundredacres.Theywereexpectedtoemploybetweenfourandtenservants.Butfivehundredacreswasthemaximumlimitforfreeholders.Thetrusteeswantedsettlerstooccupytheland,nottospeculateinland.Absenteelandholderswerenotwelcome.Georgiaalsoinstitutedapolicyofkeepingtheland“tail-male,”whichmeantthatlanddescendedtotheeldestmalechild.Thisfeudalruleboundmentotheirfamilies.Thetail-maleprovisionprotectedheirswhosepoorfathersmightotherwisefeelpressuretoselltheirland.53

Manysettlersdislikedthepractice.Hardworkingfamiliesworriedaboutthefateoftheirunmarrieddaughters,whomightbeleftwithnothing.OnesuchcomplaintcamefromReverendDumont,aleaderofFrenchProtestantsinterestedinmigratingtoGeorgia.Whatwouldhappentowidows“toooldtomarryorbegetchildren,”heasked.Andhowcoulddaughterssurvive,especiallythose“unfitforMarriage,eitherbySicknessorEvilConstructionoftheirBody”?54

Dumont’squestionswenttothecoreofOglethorpe’sandthetrustees’philosophy.Youngwidowsanddaughterswereseenasbreedersofthenextgenerationoffreewhitelaborers.Georgia’spolicywastonurturethenaturalprocessof“propagation,”asOglethorpedeclaredinoneofhispromotionaltracts.HisgrandplanwastoensurethatEnglishandotherProtestantswouldquicklyoutnumbertheFrenchandSpanishinNorthAmerica.ThewaragainsttherivalCatholiccolonialpowerswas,atlength,abattleofnumbers.Georgiahadtohaveenoughfreewhitementofielditsarmies,andithadtobenefitfromareproductiveadvantage,winningthedemographicwaraswell.55

Alas,Oglethorpewasfightingalosingbattle.ManyofthemendemandingslaveswerepromisedcredittobuyslavesfromSouthCaroliniantraders.Slaveswerealure,dangledbeforepoorermeninordertopersuadethemtoputuptheirlandascollateral.

ThatiswhyOglethorpebelievedthataslaveeconomywouldhavetheeffectofdeprivingvulnerablesettlersoftheirland.Keepingoutslaverywenthandinhandwithpreservingamoreequitabledistributionofland.Ifthecolonyallowedsettlerstohave“feesimple”landtitles(sotheycouldselltheirlandatwill),large-scaleplanterswouldsurelycometodominate.Hepredictedin1739that,lefttotheirowndevices,the“NegroMerchants”wouldgaincontrolof“allthelandsintheColony,”leavingnothingfor“allthelaboringpoorwhiteMen.”56

GermanLutherans,whoestablishedacommunityin1734,alsosawthedangersofGeorgiabecominglikeSouthCarolina.WithoutencouragementfromOglethorpe,ReverendBolziusoftheircontingentobservedthat“aCommonwhiteLaborerinCharlesTown”earnednogreaterwagethan“aNegroe.”Africanswereencouragedto“breedlikeanimals,”andslaveownerswoulddoeverythingpossibletoincreasetheirstock.Merchantsandothergentlemenhoardedthebestlandnearthecoastoralongthecommercialrivers,andpoorermenwereforcedtopossessremote,lessdesirableland.SouthCarolinawasapoorwhitefamily’sworstnightmare.57

Oglethorpeleftthecolonyin1743,nevertoreturn.Threeyearsearlier,asoldierhadattemptedtomurderhim,themusketballtearingthroughhiswig.Hesurvived,buthisdreamforGeorgiadied.Overthenextdecade,landtenurepolicieswerelifted,rumwasallowedtoflowfreely,andslavesweresoldsurreptitiously.In1750,settlerswereformallygrantedtherighttoownslaves.58

Aplanterelitequicklyformed,principallyamongtransplantsfromtheWestIndiesandSouthCarolina.By1788,CarolinianJonathanBryanwasthemostpowerfulmaninGeorgia,withthirty-twothousandacresand250slaves.Hesetupshoptherein1750,theveryyearslaverywasmadelegal,andhisnumerousslavesentitledhimtolargetractsoflands.ButtobuildhisempirehehadtopullthestringsofGeorgia’sExecutiveCouncil,whosechiefdutywasdistributingland.Alongtenureonthecouncilensuredthatheacquiredthemostfertileland,convenientlysituatedalongmajortraderoutes.By1760,only5percentofwhiteGeorgiansownedevenasingleslave,whileahandfuloffamiliespossessedtheminthehundreds.JonathanBryanwastheperfectembodimentofthe“SlaveMerchants”whoOglethorpehadwarnedwoulddominatethecolony.59

Oglethorpe’sideasdidnotentirelydisappear.BothBenjaminFranklinandThomasJeffersonagreedthatslaveowningcorruptedwhites.TheideaofpromotingafreewhitelaborbufferzonewentintoJefferson’sdraftofwhatbecametheNorthwestOrdinance(1787),ablueprintfortheadmissionofnewstatestotheUnion.FranklinandJeffersonwereequallypassionateaboutmobilizingtheforcesofreproduction.Theysawpopulationgrowthasasignofnationalstrength.Slavery,too,wastobemeasuredasanumbersgame.AsReverendBolziushadobserved,ifslaveswere

encouragedto“breedlikeanimals,”thenpoorwhitescouldnotreproduceatthesamerateandholdontotheirlandortheirfreedom.

Itwasalreadyapparentthatslaveryandclassidentitywereintertwined.Oglethorpehadconnectedfreelabortotheideaofavital,secure,(re)productivesociety.Freewhitelaborers,whileaddingtothemilitarystrengthofacolony,couldnotcompeteeconomicallywithaclassofland-engrossingslaveholders.Whathadbeenconsidered“peculiar”aboutGeorgia—thebanningofslavery—wouldironicallycometomeanthepreciseoppositewheninthenineteenthcenturyslaverybecamethe“peculiarinstitution”oftheAmericanSouth.

Allthewhile,thedeeplyingrainedEnglishdisgustforidlenesspersisted.Theruralpoor,thoughseenasaliability,becameanunbanishablepartoftheAmericanexperience.NotonlydidfreelaborersexistincontrasttoimportedAfricanslaves,buttheyalsostoodapartfromuselesswhitelubbers.Landwastheprincipalsourceofwealth,andremainedthetruemeasureoflibertyandcivicworth.Hereditarytitlesmayhavegraduallydisappeared,butlargelandgrantsandlandtitlesremainedcentraltotheAmericansystemofprivilege.Whenitcametocommonimpressionsofthedespisedlowerclass,theNewWorldwasnotnewatall.

L

CHAPTERTHREE

BenjaminFranklin’sAmericanBreed

TheDemographicsofMediocrity

CanitbeaCrime(intheNatureofThingsImean)toaddtotheNumberoftheKing’sSubjects,inanewCountrythatreallywantsPeople?

—BenjaminFranklin,“TheSpeechofMissPollyBaker”(1747)

ikeeveryeducatedEnglishman,BenjaminFranklinwasobsessedwithidleness.InhisPoorRichard’sAlmanackof1741,heofferedfamiliaradvicethatechoed

thetalkofHakluyt,Winthrop,andByrd:“Upsluggard,andwastenotlife;inthegravewillbesleepingenough.”Therewasutterlynothingnewinhispitchforhardworkasthewaytowealth.1

Bythe1740sand1750s,FranklinwaswellpositionedtocontributetotheongoingdebateonclassandAmericancolonization.Borntoamodesttradesman,hehadestablishedhimselfasasuccessfulprinter,publishingthePennsylvaniaGazettesince1729.Hisfirstinaseriesofprofitableannualalmanacsrolledoffthepressesthreeyearslater.Asapublicwit,hehadmasteredtheartofventriloquismonthepage,mimickingcolonialcharacters.TheteenageFranklinhadpretendedtobeamatureBostonwidowinhis“SilenceDogood”letters;Dingo,anAfricanslave,wasanotherofhispersonae.PoorRichardSaunders,thefigurefeaturedinhisalmanacs,wasthecuckoldtradesmanwhosepertproverbsnevermatchedhiswhiningoverthedailystruggletomakeendsmeet.SosuccessfulwasFranklininexpandinghisprintingbusiness,takingonpartners,andhoninghisliterarydisguisesthatheretiredfromday-to-daymanagementofallcommercialconcernsin1748.2

Freedfromwork,hewaselectedtothePennsylvaniaAssemblyin1751,andremainedactiveinpromotingcivicenterprise.Hehelpedtofoundahospitalandayoungmen’sacademyinPhiladelphia.Duringthesamedecade,hiselectricalexperimentsmadeastrongimpressioninEurope.HewasawardedtheprestigiousCopleyMedaloftheRoyalSocietyofLondon.HonorarydegreesfromHarvard,Yale,andtheCollegeofWilliamandMaryquicklyfollowed.Appointeddeputypostmaster

general,heintroducedreformsforimprovingcommunicationamongthecolonies.AttheAlbanyCongressin1754,heproposedanintercolonialgoverningbodyaimedatshoringupmilitarydefensesandpromotingwesternexpansion.ThoughapprovedattheAlbanyCongress,theplanofunionwasneverratifiedbythecolonies.3

Asthecolonies’leadingmanofscience,Franklinpopularizedthelatesttheories.Ofprimaryinterestherearehiseffortstoapplyscientificknowledgetothatmostperplexingofallsubjects:thecreationofclasses.Itwasanarticleoffaithineighteenth-centuryBritishthoughtthatcivilizedsocietiesusuallyformedoutofthefundamentalhumanneedforsecuritytoensuresurvival,butthesamesocietiesweregraduallycorruptedbyapreoccupationwithluxuries,whichresultedindecadence.TheriseandfalloftheRomanEmpirestoodbehindsuchtheorizing;whatFranklindidwastoshiftthefocustohumanbiology.Underneathallhumanendeavorsweregut-levelanimalinstincts—andforemostforFranklinwasthepushandpullofpainandpleasure.Toomuchpleasureproducedadecadentsociety;toomuchpainledtotyrannyandoppression.Somewhereinbetweenwasahappymedium,asocietythatchanneledhumanity’sbetteranimalinstincts.4

DidNorthAmericaoffertheenvironmenttoachievethishappymedium?Franklinthoughtso.ItsuniqueenvironmentcouldstripawaytheunnaturalconditionsoftheOldWorldsystem.ThevastcontinentwouldgiveAmericansademographicadvantageinbreedingquicklyandmorefruitfullythantheirEnglishcounterparts.Freedfromcongestedcities,aswellastheswellingnumbersofunemployedandimpoverished,Americanswouldescapetheextremesofgreatwealthandgrindingpoverty.Insteadofafranticcompetitionoverresources,themajoritywouldbeperfectlycontenttooccupyamiddlingstage,whathecalleda“happymediocrity.”

Theindustriousant,anotherfavoriteinsectoftheEnglish,providedFranklinwiththeevidenceheneeded.In1748,ashewatchedoneantleadaprocessionofhisfellowsalongastringtoamolassespothangingfromtheceiling,hediscoveredthatantscommunicatedwitheachother.Hiscuriosityaboutanimalbehaviorgrew,andtwoyearslaterhetriedanexperimentwithpigeons.Arrangingpairsofthebirdsinabox,henotedthattheyreproducedquicklybutneverpermittedtheboxtogetovercrowded.Thebirdsengagedinnaturalselection,the“oldandstrongdrivingouttheyoungandweak,andobligingthemtoseeknewhabitations.”Asheaddedmoreboxes,thepigeonsfilledthem,reproducinginresponsetotheavailablespaceandfood.5

Antsandpigeons.Communalcreaturescouldbeeasilycomparedtopeople.Reducingallhumanactiontotheoverridingimpulsetoseekpleasureandavoidpain,theutilitarianFranklinwasconvincedthatthedrivingforcesofsocialdevelopmenthadlittletodowithreligionormorality.Ifmenandwomenwereattheircoreanimals,thentheywereinstinctivelydriventoeat,procreate,andmove.Thelastof

thesequalities,whatFranklincalledthefeelingof“uneasyinrest,”camefromtheapparentsimilarityhefoundbetweenanimalandhumanmigration.Peopledisplayedthedesiretoroam,tomoveforward,andtoimprovetheirstate.Unsettledlandsparkedtheinstincttomigrate,asdidlimitedresourcesencourageemigration—littledifferentfromthelivesoftheyoungpigeonswhowereforcedtoseekoutnewhabitations.Franklin’snotionof“uneasyinrest”echoedRichardHakluyttheyounger,whohadclaimedallEnglishmentobe“stirrersabroad,”apeoplewhoweresearchersofnewplacesandseekersofnewavenuesofwealth.6

In“ObservationsConcerningtheIncreaseofMankind”(1751),oneofhismostimportanttreatises,FranklinpredictedthatAmericanswoulddoubleinpopulationintwentyyears.IdlenesswouldbebredoutoftheEnglishconstitution.Largefamiliesencouragedparentstobeindustrious.Childrenwouldbeputtowork,imitatingtheirparents,andspurredonbythewilltosurvive.Classformationwouldoccur,butitwouldbeinastateoffluxandadjustment,aspeoplespreadoutwardandfilledtheavailableterritory.7

Peopleneededincentivestoproducemorechildren.Franklinremindedhisreadersin“Observations”thatintheRomanEmpire,fruitfulwomenhadbeenrewardedforthenumberofoffspringtheyproduced.Slavewomenwererewardedwiththeirliberty,whilefreebornwidowswithlargebroodsearnedpropertyrightsandtheautonomyordinarilyreservedforfreebornmen.Hispointwasthatgreatempiresneededlargepopulations(strengthcameinnumbers)inordertopeopleandsettlenewterritories.TheincentivesthatAmericaofferedwereofadifferentkindthanelsewhere:anabundanceoflandandthelibertytomarryyoung.8

ThepurestexpressionofFranklin’sreproductivephilosophycameinhis1747satire“TheSpeechofMissPollyBaker.”Appearingbeforeajudge,Pollywasfoundguiltyofhavingborneanillegitimatechildforthefifthtime.Speakinginherowndefense,MissBakerdescribedherselfasanindustriouswoman:“IhavebroughtFivefineChildrenintotheWorld,attheRisqueofmyLife;Ihavemaintain’dthemwellbymyownIndustry,withoutburtheningtheTownship.”Herself-confidencewasbolsteredbytheknowledgeofherpatrioticservice.Shehadaddedtothe“NumberoftheKing’sSubjects,inanewCountrythatreallywantsPeople.”Sheshouldbepraised,notpunished,wasthemessage.

Baker’splightwasnotofherowndoing.Shewantedtobemarried;shewantedtodisplaythe“Industry,Frugality,Fertility,andSkillinOeconomy,appertainingtoagoodWife’sCharacter.”Wasitherfaultthatbachelorsabounded?shepleaded.Howcouldheractionbeconsideredsinfulwhenonegazedonthe“admirableworkmanship”ofGodincreatingherbeautifulchildren?Hadshenotfulfilledherhigherduty,“thefirstandgreatCommandofNature,andofNature’sGod,EncreaseandMultiply?”AsFranklinsawit,GodandnaturewereonthesideofMissBaker,

andfoolishlawsandoutdatedchurchsanctionsontheother.Tomakehispoint,headdedahumorouscoda:thejudgewhoheardherspeechwasconvincedandhemarriedherhimselfthenextday.9

Franklin’soffbeatstorytouchedonallthepointsthathewastryingtoprovebydemographiccalculationsandpoint-by-pointreasoninginhis“Observations.”Thetwoessaysshouldbereadsidebyside.NorwasitanaccidentthathenamedhischaracterBaker,aslyreferencetothewombasanoven,apopularjestamongEnglishwritersatthetime.ForFranklin,amanofbothscienceandcommerce,reproductivelaborwasworkandshouldbevaluedassuch.Byaddingtothe“numbersoftheKing’ssubjects,”reproductivelaborwasanimperialasset.

ItalsomadesenseforFranklintotargetbachelorsinhistale.IntheAmericancoloniesandinEngland,theunmarriedmanofmeanswasascandalousfigure.Hewasridiculedasahermaphrodite,ashalfman,halfwoman;hisprescribedpunishment,asoneNewYorknewspaperdemanded,shouldbetohavehalfofhisbeardshavedfromhisfacetoindicatehisdiminishedmanliness.Othersfeltheshouldlosehisinheritance.Inthesamewaythatlandcouldbeleftfallow,humanfertilitycouldbewasted.Havingnochildren,wastingtheirseed,bachelorsindulgedintheworstkindofreproductiveidleness.10

Ontheotherhand,bastardsaddedtothepopulationandincreasedthewealthoftheempire.Franklin’sowncircumstancesreinforcedhisview.HissonWilliam(laterroyalgovernorofNewJersey)wasabastard.William,too,fatheredabastardson,WilliamTempleFranklin,andTemple,ashewasknown,addedtwoknownillegitimatechildrentothefamilytree.BastardswereaFranklinfamilytradition.11

LikeJohnLocke,Franklinwascertainthathealthychildrenwerethe“richesofeverycountry.”Yethispromotionofnaturalincreaseinthe1750shadmoretodowithcolonialpoliticsthanstrictlyscientificcuriosity.Morethananywhereelse,heassertedunambiguously,fitandfertilechildrenwerethespecialassetsofBritishNorthAmerica.In“Observations,”hesoughttoconvinceBritishpolicymakersthattheCaribbeanislandsshouldnotbethepreferredcolonialmodel.FranklindeploredtheracialimbalanceintheWestIndies,whichkeptthepopulationoflaboringwhitesatartificiallylownumbers.Slaveowners,whodidn’tperformtheirownlabor,sufferedfromphysicaldefects:theywere“enfeebled,andthereforenotsogenerallyprolific.”Inshort,heconcludedthatslaverymadeEnglishmenidleandimpotent.12

Franklinalsobelievedthatslaverytaughtchildrenthewronglessons:“WhiteChildrenbecomeproud,disgustedwithLabour,andbeingeducatedinIdleness,arerenderedunfittogetaLivingbyIndustry.”HiswordshereechoedwhatWilliamByrdhadwrittenaboutpoorwhitesinVirginia.ByrdadmittedtotheGeorgiatrusteesin1726thatpoorwhitelaboringmenlearnedtodespiselabor,andwouldrathersteal

thanworkinthefields.Franklinchangedtheaboveequation:slaverycorruptedallwhitemen,richandpooralike.

OnalargerscalethanOglethorpe,Franklinwasfashioningafree-laborzoneforthenortherncolonies.ThemagicelixirtoachievehisidealizedBritishAmericawas,inaword,breeding.Inhisimagination,acontinentalexpansepopulatedbyfertilesettlerswouldcreateamorestablesociety.Childrenwouldreplaceindenturedservantsandslavesaslaborers,mirroringthesystemoflaborthatOglethorpehadtriedbutfailedtopermanentlyinstituteinGeorgia.

FranklinexpandedhistheoryamidglobalwarandshiftingboundariesontheNorthAmericancontinent.By1760,hewaswritinginsupportofBritain’sclaimtoCanada,eagertoaddthatlargeterritorytotheempireaftertheBritishvictoryoverFranceintheSevenYears’War.Britishcolonistswouldfilluptheland,andthemajoritywouldremaina“middlingpopulation”happilyengagedinagriculture.Unlikethestructurallyimbalancedsugarislands,NorthAmerica’sdesirable“mediocrityoffortunes”wouldleadthegrowingpopulationtorelyheavilyontheconsumptionofBritish-madegoods.Thiswasawin-winsituationforBritishmerchantsandAmericancolonists,becausepopulationgrowthwouldatthesametimeaugmentcommerceandmanufacturingbackinEngland.Notafraidofhyperbole,FranklinofferedawarningtoParliamentifittriedtoheminthecolonialpopulation.ByrefusingtoaddCanada,thehighestlegislativeauthoritywouldbenobetterthanacruelmidwifestiflingthebirthofeverythirdorfourthchildinNorthAmerica.13

Franklin’stheoryofbreedingwouldremainastapleofAmericanexceptionalismforcenturiestocome.Heprovidedthreeirresistiblearguments.First,hepromisedthatclassstabilityaccompaniedwesternmigration.Second,hereasonedthatthedispersalofpeoplewouldreduceclassconflictandencourageawiderdistributionofwealthamongthepopulation.Third,whathecalleda“mediocrityoffortunes”washisbeliefinthegrowthofamiddle-rangeclasscondition.Hisfarmingfamilieswerenotpoororself-sufficient,butengagedinsomeformofcommercialfarming,producingenoughtosupporttheirfamiliesandpurchaseBritishgoods.14

Themoststartlingfeatureofhistheorywasthattheclasscontentmenthedescribedcouldbeachievedthroughnaturalmeans,or,toputitmorebluntly,bylettingnaturetakeitscourse.TheBritishEmpire,withitswell-trainedgroundforcesandpowerfulnavy,securedtheterritory.Fromthatmomentforward,theunoccupiedlandwasthelureforsettlersmuchlikethemolassespotfortheants.Inalandofopportunity,procreatingcamemorenaturally,asfamiliesfelthappyandsecure.Rigidclassdistinctionsandthehoardingofresourceswerelesslikelytotakeplace.Thecompressionofclassespersistedaslongasnewlandwasacquiredinwhichpeoplecouldspreadandsettle.Industry,frugality,andfertilitywerethenaturaloutgrowthofahappymediocrity.

•••

HowrealisticwasFranklin’stheory?Andtowhatdegreewashisargumentbasedonwishfulthinkingratherthanareasonableexplanationforhumanbehavior?Tobeginwith,eighteenth-centuryAmericancolonists—liketwenty-first-centuryAmericans—werenotanythinglikeantsorpigeons.Humannaturedoesnotfollowsomemechanisticmodelofpredictablereactionstopainandpleasure.AndFranklin’somnipotentandguidinghandofnaturewasneverleftunmediatedbyother,equallypowerfulforcesofpoliticsandculture.Werepeoplereallymiceinamaze?Orwascolonization,migration,andpeoplingmoremessyandlesscertainthanhisgrandtheorypromised?

Franklin’sownexperiencesbeliedhisoptimismastotheeasewithwhichcolonistsmovedfromoneplacetoanother.Asateenager,hehadrunawayfromBostontoPhiladelphia,cuttingshortthefulltermofanapprenticeshiphehadbeencontractedtoservewithhiselderbrother.Afugitiveandvagrant,hewaspartofthelargeclassofservantsonthelam.Hismovement,likesomanyothers,washaphazard,lessmethodicalthantheantshestudied.WilliamMoraley,whoarrivedinPhiladelphiainthesamedecadeasyoungFranklinandwroteamemoirabouthisexperiences,mayhavesaiditbestwhenhedescribedhimselfasa“Tennis-balloffortune,”bouncingfromonenewmastertothenext.Despitehisliteraryskills,trainingasalawclerkandwatchmaker,theun-FranklinesqueMoraleyseemedtomigrateincirclesandneverupthesocialladder.Therewasnoguaranteethatrestlessnessensuredsocialmobility.15

Povertywasincreasinglycommonastheeighteenthcenturyworeon.Philadelphiahaditseconomicslumps,brutallycoldwinterweather,andshortagesofwoodthatcausedthepoornearlytofreezetodeath.In1784,onemanwhowaspartoftheworkingpoorinthecitywrotetothelocalnewspaperthathehadsixchildren,andthoughhe“stroveinallhispower,”hecouldnotsupportthem.Hardworkbyitselfwasnotthemagicbalmofeconomicself-sufficiency,norwasFranklincorrectthatbigfamilieswerealwaysaboon.HewasevenwrongabouthistabulationsonAmericanbirthrates.InfantmortalityinPhiladelphiawassurprisinglyhigh,andcomparabletoEnglishrates,provingthatFranklin’spredictionofahealthyandhappypopulationwasmorerhetoricalthanitwasdemographicfact.16

Thequintessentialself-mademanwasnotself-made.Theveryideaisludicrousgiventheinescapablenetworkofpatron-clientrelationshipsthatdefinedtheworldofPhiladelphia.Tocushionhisrise,Franklinreliedoninfluentialpatrons,whoprovidedcontactsandloansthatenabledhimtoacquirethecapitalheneededtosetuphisprintshopandinvestincostlyequipment.

ForFranklintoobtainpatronageandnavigatecontendingpoliticalfactionswasatrickyenterprise.Pennsylvania’sclassstructurehadsomeunusualquirks.Atthetop

weretheproprietors,membersofWilliamPenn’sfamily,whoownedvasttractsoflandandcollectedquitrents.NextcamethewealthyQuakerlandownersandmerchants,boundtogetherbyfamilyandreligiousties.Intheeighteenthcentury,theSocietyofFriendsdisownedanymemberwhomarriedoutsidethesect,whichinflictedrealeconomichardshipbydeprivingtheexpelledofimportantcommercialresources,loans,andlandsales.17

FranklinwasneitheraQuakernoraquasiQuaker(findingsomespecialappealintheirreligiousprinciples),buthediddevelopstrongpersonalrelationshipswithseveralcosmopolitanandhighlyeducatedFriendsinPhiladelphiaandinEngland.HereliedonQuakerpatrons,especiallyintheearlydaysofhisbusiness.Likeanotheroneofhissponsors,thelawyerAlexanderHamilton,anon-QuakerleaderoftheQuakerParty(andnorelationtothelaterpolitician),heinitiallysidedwiththeFriendsinlocalandimperialpolitics,exceptthathebrokerankswhenitcametoanorthodoxstandonpacifism.HisfriendswereliberalFriends,whowerenotexclusiveaboutwhoshouldwieldinfluencewithinthepoliticalfactionoftheQuakerParty.ThatwashowHamiltonrosetopowerinPennsylvaniaandsawtoFranklin’sappointmentasclerkoftheAssembly,whichinturnledtohisofficialentranceontothelocalpoliticalstage.18

TheFriendsdidnotruleuncontested.Therewasarisingnon-Quakerelitefaction,withtiestoboththeproprietorsandtheAnglicanChurch.TheirpoliticalinfluencederivedfromstrongcommercialtieswithEnglandandtotheessentialScottishcountinghouses.Theirpowerwasenhanceduponthepurchaseofthousandsofacresofthemostlucrativetractsofrealestate,whichwasmadepossiblebecausethelandofficewasoverseenbythepowerfulproprietors.TheybecameknownastheProprietaryParty—arivalgrouptothewealthyQuakers.ThoughFranklinbeganhisrisebybecomingamastertradesmanandaprinter,hecouldnotignorethecolonialmerchantsofeitherparty.Merchantsdealtinworldmarkets;theywerewholesalers,adistinctlydifferentclassfromshopkeepersortradesmenlikeFranklin,andmanywereextremelywealthy.Soundpapermoneyhelpedwithoverseastrade,andFranklin’scontractfromtheAssemblytoprintmoneydrewhimclosertothecommercialelite.19

ClassstatuswasstillbasedonfamilynameinPennsylvania,forthetoptierwasdominatedbythePenn,Pemberton,andLoganfamilies—theproprietorsandQuakerelites.Belowthemwasagrowingtransatlanticmerchantclassthatsetitselfapartbyengaginginaconspicuousdisplayofwealth.Thesefamiliesownedslavesandservants,andsilverteasets;theyworerichfabrics,hadgrandhomes,anddrovecarriages.AtthetimeFranklinretiredfromhisprintingoperationsin1748,hewasinthetoptenthpercentileinwealth,owningahorseandchaiseandhavinginvestedinalargetractofland.EvenamongtheplainQuakers,knownfortheirsimpledress,

carriageswereastatussymbol.In1774,inacityoffifteenthousand,onlyeighty-fourPhiladelphiansownedacarriage.20

Classwasaboutmorethanwealthandfamilyname;itwasconveyedthroughappearancesandreputation.Franklinunderstoodthis.Thefirstportraitofhim,paintedin1746,didnotshowhiminhisleatherapronsettingprinttype;norwashepushingawheelbarrowalongthestreet,ashedescribedhimself—adutifultradesman—inhisAutobiography.Hewaswearingarespectablewigandafineruffledshirt,andassumedalltheairsofthe“BetterSort.”21

Ifmaterialappearancesdefinedtheproprietorsandwealthyclassesasthe“BetterSort,”thenthesameruleappliedattheotherendofthesocialspectrumamongthe“MeanerSort.”Alegaldistinctionexistedbetweenthefreeandtheunfree,thelatterincludingnotonlyslavesbutalsoindenturedservants,convictlaborers,andapprentices.Asdependents,theywereallclassifiedasmean,servile,andill-bred.ThousandsofunfreelaborersfloodedPhiladelphia,sothatasearlyas1730,Franklinwascomplainingabout“vagrantsandidlepersons”enteringthecolony.Hewrotethesewordsafterhavingescapedimpoverishedcircumstancesnotmanyyearsbefore.HehadarrivedinPhiladelphiain1723asarunaway,meanlydressedinfilthy,wetclothing.22

Forbetterorworse,theword“sorts”wasmeaningful.Itlooselyreferredtodifferentgradesofcommercialgoods.Buttonsandtobaccowereclassifiedin“sorts.”A1733advertisementinaNewYorknewspaperoffered“fansmadeandsoldofricherandmeanersort.”Unliketheidiomofbreedingstocks,whichmeasuredvaluethroughfamilybloodlines,commercialsortsplacedmoreemphasisonoutwardappearance,asintheseparationofqualitygoodsfromcheaperones.Asacommercialpeople,theBritishwereinclinedtothinkoftheirsocialclassesalongthesamelines.Whenanewspaperreferredtopeopleofthe“meanestquality,”itcouldaseasilyhavebeenanappraisalofthetextureofcloth,meaningsomethingthatwascoarse,unfinished,composedofbasermaterials,andcheaplymade.23

Ingeneral,meannessmeantpovertyandadisagreeabledependence,whetherintheformofarelianceuponcharityorforcedlaborinaworkhouse.Philadelphia,Boston,andNewYorkallhadalmshouses.Butmeannessalsoattachedtotheconditionofservitude,andwasembodiedinsubmissiveness.Therewasastigmaassignedtothoseofthelowerclasses,becausetheyallowedthemselvestobelookeddownupon,despised,andabused.Themeanersortwasthoughttopossessarudeappearance,dullmind,andunrefinedmanners,andtoindulgeinvulgarspeech.Meannesswasfilthandlowliness,yetanothervariationoftheenduringclassofwastepeople.24

Franklinwasnotsympathetictotheplightofthepoor.HisdesignforthePennsylvaniaHospitalin1751wasintendedtoassisttheindustriouspoor,primarilymenwithphysicalinjuries.Thepermanentclassofimpoverishedwerenotwelcome;theyweresimplyshooedovertothealmshouse.HefelttheEnglishweretoocharitable,anopinionhebasedonobservingGermansettlersinhisowncolony,whoworkedwithgreaterdiligencebecausetheycamefromacountrythatoffereditspoorlittleinthewayofrelief.Whenhetalkedaboutthepoor,hesoundedlikeWilliamByrd.IncomplainingaboutBritishmobsofthepoorthatraidedthecornwagonsin1766,hechargedthatEnglandwasbecoming“anotherLubberland.”25

Mostmenwanteda“lifeofease,”Franklinconcluded,and“freedomfromcareandlabor.”Slothwasinitselfaformofpleasure.Thiswaswhyhecontendedthattheonlysolutiontopovertywassomekindofcoercivesystemtomaketheindigentwork:“Ithinkthebestwayofdoinggoodtothepoor,isnotmakingthemeasyinpoverty,butleadingordrivingthemoutofit.”Thepoor’sinstinctofbeing“uneasyinrest”hadbeenimpaired;sowhattheyneededwasajolt(ofelectricity?)toworkagain.26

HereweseethedoublemeaninginherentinFranklin’stheoryofforcedmigration.Inhisprojectedmodelofemigration,acontinentalexpansepopulatedbyfertilesettlerswouldallowpeopletoescapetheonusofworkingforothers.Parentsandchildrenwouldworkforthemselves,strippingawayacultureofsubserviencethatwaspartandparcelofbeingofthemeanersort.Butwithnewfoundliberty,theirfaterestedonthemostimpersonalofforces:survivalofthefittest.Theharshenvironmentofthefrontierforcedsettlerseithertoworkhardorperish.Onlythemorefrugal,fertile,andindustriouswouldsucceed,whiletheslothfulandincompetentwouldhavetokeepmovingordie.

IfFranklinvaluedthemiddlingsortonthefrontier,hewasalreadytheirchampionbeforehewrote“ObservationsConcerningtheIncreaseofMankind.”The“middlingpeople”ofPennsylvaniawere,hehadwritten,the“Tradesmen,Shopkeepers,andFarmers.”Hehadnodesiretoeliminatethe“BetterSort,”ofcourse,butherejectedtheideathatifsomewere“better,”everyoneelsewasautomatically“themeanerSort,i.e.,theMob,ortheRabble.”

Inapamphletof1747,“PlainTruth,”hedemonstratedthatthemiddlehadacrucialroletoplayforthecolony.ThatyearDelawarewasinvadedbyanirregularFrenchandSpanishforce.FranklinwrotetowarnhisfellowPhiladelphians,especiallytheQuakers,thatthesamefateawaitedthemunlesstheyorganizedavoluntarymilitia.Hecalledfora“militiaofFREEMEN,”bywhichhemeantmenofthebetterandmiddlingsorts,workingtogethertodefendtheirpropertyandtheircolony.27

Torallysupportforhismilitiaplan,hecastthedangersofaforeigninvasionintermsofclasswarfare.Who,heposed,couldbeexpectedtoleadtheattackona

civilizedpeople?Itwouldbethose“licentiousPrivateers,”thedregsofsociety:“Negroes,Mulattoes,andothersofthevilestandmostabandonedofMankind.”Heinsistedthatnoindenturedservantswouldbeallowedtojointhearmyoffreemen.Besidesadvocatingfordefenseofthecolony,whatwasFranklinupto?Simple.Hewasredrawingclasslines,bringingindustriousmiddlingmenupthesocialladderandrefortifyingthelinethatseparatedthemiddlingfromthemeanersort.28

Franklinprovedthathehadlittlefaithinhumannature.FromhisearlydaysinPennsylvania,hehadfulminatedagainsttheintractablepoor.In1731,hewroteapieceinthePennsylvaniaGazetteaboutthe“scandalousCollection”ofslaves,drunks,andlowwhiteservantswhogatheredattheoutdoorfairs.AshegazedonhisfellowPhiladelphians,heacceptedthecynicalviewofhumanitythatvirtuewasarareandmalleabletrait.InhisAutobiography,hetoldastoryofhowhegaveupvegetarianismasayoungmanafterhesawthebellyofafishcutopenandallthelittlefishfallout.Thisstorywasaclassparable,thelessonbeingthatthebigfish(orpowerfulelites)devouredweakermen.Franklinwasnotadiscipleofthe“SermonontheMount,”butbelievedinsteadthatthepoorwereneitherlessgreedynornaturallyhumblecomparedtothoseabove.Ifthelittlefishinhisworldwereallowedtorise,theywouldbejustasrapacious.29

Ifinventive,Franklinwasamanofhistime,expressinganaturaldiscomfortwithunrestrainedsocialmobility.FormostAmericansoftheeighteenthcentury,itwasassumedimpossibleforaservanttoshedhislowlyorigins;themeanersort,asonenewspaperinsisted,couldnever“washoutthestainofservility.”Therewerefearsthatthemeanersortweretreadingtoocloseontheheelsofthoseabovethem.30

Franklincertainlyneverendorsedsocialmobilityaswethinkofittoday,despitehisownexperience.Tobeaccurate,hefantasizedthatthecontinentwouldflattenoutclasses,butitwasclearthatthisconditionwascontingentuponkeepingpoorpeopleinperpetualmotion.Franklin’smilitiaplanexpressedaconservativeimpulse.Givingtheaccomplishedmiddlingsortafeelingofpublicrespectandasenseofcivicdutywouldyieldthemthesolidcontentmentofhappymediocrity.Contentmentmightactuallyreducethedesireofmoreambitiousmentoriseupthesocialladdertooquicklyorrecklessly.

Franklinunderstoodthatmaintainingclassdifferenceshaditsownappeal.InthePennsylvaniaGazette,thenewspaperheedited,anarticlewaspublishedin1741thatexposedwhypeoplepreferredhavingaclasshierarchytohavingnone.Hierarchywaseasilymaintainedwhenthemajorityfelttherewassomeonebelowthem.“Howmany,”theauthorasked,“evenofthebettersort,”wouldchoosetobe“Slavestothoseabovethem,providedtheymightexerciseanarbitraryandTyrannicalRuleoverallbelowthem?”Therewassomethingdesirable,perhapsevenpleasurable,touseFranklin’sutilitarianaxiom,inthefeelingoflordingoversubordinateclasses.To

alterthatmeasureofsatisfactionrequiredadrasticrewiringoftheeighteenth-centurymind.Again,forFranklin,thesolutionlayinaradicalprocessofspreadingpeoplesofarapartandinsuchsparselysettledterritorythattheywouldforgetwhowasonceaboveorbelowthem.Butdiditmakesensethattherichwouldsacrificetheirclassadvantageandnothirelaborersorbringalongslavesastheyheadedwest?Orwashistheorypremisedonthebeliefthatonlythepoorwouldseekoutnewhabitations?31

Franklinknewthefrontierhewastheorizingwasanimaginaryplace.Butitservedhispurposes.Asapoliticalargument,heofferedastrongdefenseforBritishNorthAmericaasthedemographicstrongholdoftheempire.HerewerethebreedersofBritishsubjects,andafast-growingpoolofconsumersofmanufacturinggoods.Hisdemographicsciencealsoconcealedthedeepcontempthefeltforthepoor.Thecoerciveforcesofnatureweremorepalatablethantheworkhouseoralmshouse.Aslateas1780,hewarnedhisgrandsonthatsocietydividedpeopleinto“twoSortsofPeople,”thosewho“livecomfortablyinGoodHouses”andthosewho“arepooranddirtyandraggedandviciousandliveinmiserableCabinsandgarrets,”and“iftheyareidle,theymustgowithoutorstarve.”WhiletheforegoingassessmentofanuncensoredFranklinwasharsh,itremindsusoftheprevailingsentiment:thepoorwereexpendable.Onthefrontier,too,in“miserableCabins,”povertyandhopelessnessabounded.32

FranklinknewaboutwhiteIndians,theEnglishwhoweretakencaptiveaschildrenandneverreallyreadjustedafterreturningtoEnglishsettlements.Awealthyyoungman,aformerIndiancaptivewhomFranklinclaimedtoknow,gaveuphisestate,takingnothingbutagunandcoatwhenhemadehiswaybacktothewilderness.Withthisparable,Franklinacknowledgedthatfreedomfromcare,andlaziness,wouldalwaysbeatemptationforsome.Relyingonhisdemographicfigures,thelawofaverages,neverthelessmadetheoccasionaloutlierlessofaworry.33

FranklinwasnotblindtothefactthatNorthAmerica’sfrontiersettlerswouldnotbecomposedsolelyofthefinestBritishstock.HewasquicktocallthosewhoinhabitedthePennsylvaniabackcountrythe“refuse”ofAmerica.Butatthesametime,hehopedthattheforcesofnaturewouldcarrytheday,thatthedemandsofsurvivalwouldweedouttheslothful,andthatthebetterbreederswouldsupplantthewastepeople.Thatwashiswish,atleast.34

•••

Franklin’stheoryhadtractionbecauseitwasbuiltupontheprevalentEnglishthinkingofhistime.Hewaslessaninnovatorthanhewasaningeniouspopularizer.Hisfamewassuchthathisideasaboutdemographicexpansionfoundfertilegroundasthe

AmericanRevolutionarrived,whentheiconicpropagandistThomasPainepresentedavariationofFranklin’sAmericanbreedtoareceptiveaudience.LikeFranklin,Paineimaginedapeopleforgedfromuniqueconditionsofitslandandresources.TheAmericanbreedwasendowedwithaninstinctive,youthful,andforward-directedspirit.

Paine’spamphletCommonSense(1776)isheraldedforhavingcapturedthespiritoftheRevolution,repletewithapotentlanguageofnaturalrightsandaneconomicjustificationforindependence.ForPaine,theuniquecharacterofAmerica’sempoweredwhiteinhabitants,supportedbytheunquestionedmajestyofanextensivecontinent,wasevidenceoftheirresistibleswayofnature’slaw.HeemphasizedfreetradeandAmerica’spotentialasacommercialempire.Hecelebratedthepowerofaburgeoningcontinentoverthereachofdistantkings,asheemployedtherhetoricaldeviceofunnaturalbreedingtodisavowmonarchy.Heforecastthatindependencewouldendthewasteandidlenessthatprevailedunderthecolonialregime.

PaineisactuallyanoddchoiceformodernAmericanstocelebrateasaRevolutionarysymbol.HewasanEnglishmanbornandbred;betterput,anEnglishmaninexile.WhenCommonSensewaspublishedinJanuary1776,hehadbeeninPhiladelphiaforlittlemorethanyear.HehadarrivedwithaletterofintroductionfromFranklin,whichlandedhimajobeditingthePennsylvaniaMagazine;orAmericanMonthlyMuseum,aventurecommittedtoeverythingAmerican,despiteitsunmistakableLondondesignandEnglisheditor.Addingtotheironyofthesituation,hehadbeenanexcisemaninEngland,andtaxcollectorsdidnotfarewellintheprotestsleadinguptotheRevolution.Thoughhispamphletdidnotsellthe150,000copiesheclaimed,itdidwinoverGeorgeWashington,anditdidreachaudiencesinNewEngland,NewYork,Baltimore,andCharleston.LikehissponsorFranklin,Painewasfascinatedbyfactsandfigures,thestuffofpoliticalarithmeticandusefulknowledge,yetatthesametimehewasnotabovequotingAesop’sfables.Hispamphletspokeafamiliarlanguage,adistinctlyBritishlanguageofcommerce,employingasimpleanddirectstylecapableofreachingreadersbeyondtheeducatedelite.35

Paine’swritingisequallyasrevealingforwhathedoesanddoesn’tsayaboutclass.Hewouldnottacklethemonopolyoflandandwealthuntil1797,afterwatchingtheFrenchRevolutionunfold,whenhedeclaredinAgrarianJusticethateveryonehadanequalanddivinerighttotheownershipoftheearth.InCommonSense,hepushedclass,poverty,andothersocialdivisionsaside.Thoughheacknowledgedthe“distinctionsofrich,ofpoor,”hedirectlydismissedthe“harshill-soundingnames”thatexacerbatedclassconflict.Intwobreezyparagraphs,hecoupledthedistinctionsofclassandsexualdifferenceasphenomenabeyondpresentpoliticalconcern.They

weredifferencesderivedfromnature,effectsthathadcomeaboutbyaccident.Theysimplywere.Classdisparitiesdidnotrisetothelevelofjustifyingrevolution.36

Paine’ssleightofhandinconcealingclassreflectedhispreferencefortalkingaboutbreeds.HisoverarchingargumentwasthatEuropean-descendedAmericanswereanewraceinthemaking,onespeciallybredforfreetradeinsteadofthestatemachineryofimperialconquest.HiscritiqueoftheBritishpoliticaleconomywascenteredontheenormousdebtsitincurredthroughexpensivemilitaryadventures,whichheblamedonthefrivolousambitionsofEnglishroyalty.Overtime,kingsandqueenshadbecomewastefulheadsofstate,inandofthemselvesasocialliability.37

Heaccusedthemonarchyof“engrossingthecommons,”thatis,destroyingtherepresentativenatureoftheHouseofCommons,theonebranchthatembodiedthewilloftherisingmerchantclassinEngland.TheAmericancolonies,meanwhile,werebeing“drained”oftheircollectivemanpowerandwealth,merelytounderwritenewoverseaswars.IndependencewouldallowAmericato“begintheworldoveragain,”Painedeclareddramatically.Thenewnationwouldsignalanewworldorder.Unburdenedbyconstantdebtandalargemilitary,itwouldbeavibrantcontinentalpowererectedontheidealsoffreetradeandglobalcommerce.38

AsapromoterontheorderoftheHakluyts,PaineconceivedofAmericaasanexperimentalsocietythroughwhichtoadjust,orrecalibrate,theverymeaningofempire.Likepastcommentators,heextolledthenaturalresourcesofAmerica:timber,tar,iron,andhemp.CornandotheragriculturalgoodswouldgiveAmericaaleadingroleinfeedingEurope.NorthAmerica’smajorcashcrop,tobacco,wasstarklymissingfromhisdiscussion—heusedgrain-producingPennsylvaniaashismodel,notVirginia.39

Mostimportant,heinsistedthatindependencewouldbenefitbothAmericaandtheBritishnation.Freetrade(asheimaginedit)didnotdiscriminate;itknewnobounds.HeevenassuredhisAmericanreadersthatEnglishmerchantswouldbeontheirside,wantingtoprotectandadvancetradewithAmericaratherthanplungethegovernmentofGreatBritainintoanothercostlywar.Hewasrightaboutsomemerchants,butdeadwrongaboutthewar.40

ItwasPaine’stheoryofhumannaturethatledhimtoemphasizecommercialalliancesoverclassdivisions.Hismantrawas:commercewasnatural,monarchywasunnatural.Inmanyofhiswritings,hearguedthatcommerceemergedfrommutualaffectionsandsharedsurvivalimpulses,whilemonarchyrestedonplunderandoverawingthe“vulgar”masses.Ultimately,kingsbenefitednoonebutthemselves.“Yourdependenceuponthecrownisnoadvantage,”hetoldhisreadersinanotheressay,“butratheraninjurytothepeopleofBritain,asitincreasesthepowerandinfluenceoftheKing.Theybenefitedonlybytrade,andthistheyhaveafteryouare

independentofthecrown.”Inthisway,PainesawcommerceasthebalmthatsmoothedoverclassdifferencesandunitedtheinterestsofBritishandAmericanmerchantsalike.41

Paineknewthatclasstensionsexisted.Heunderstoodthatrevolutionsstirredupresentments.InCommonSense,headoptedanominoustoneatakeypointinhisargument,warningreadersthatthetimewasripetodeclareindependenceandformastablegovernment.Orelse.Inthecurrentstateofthings,“themindofthemultitudeisleftatrandom,”hewrote,and“thepropertyofnomanissecure.”Therefore,iftheleadershipclassdidnotseizeholdofthenarrative,thebroadappealtopoliticalindependencewouldbesupplantedbyanincendiarycallforsocialleveling.Landlessmobswerewaitinginthewingsifcolonialleadersfailedtoact.ForPaine,“commonsense”meantpreservingthebasicstructureoftheclassorder,andpreventingthewholefromdescendingintoamobmentalityandeventualanarchy.42

Aneffectivesystemofcommerceneededastableclasssystem,butwhatitdidn’tneedwasdull-wittedkingsrunningtheshow.Thepracticeof“exaltingonemansogreatlyabovetherest”wascontrarytocommonsenseandnature.Notonlywerethe“ignorantandunfit”routinelyelevatedtokings,sowereennobledinfants,asyetlackingreason.A“kingwornoutbyageandinfirmity”couldnotbelegitimatelyremovedfrompower.Herewasnatureoutofcontrol,deformed,perverted.PainemockedtheideathatEnglishroyaltywere“somenewspecies,”a“raceofmen”worthyofinfalliblestature.Historydidnotjustifyanyclaimthatthe“presentraceofkings”hadhonorable(letalonedivine)origins.WilliamtheConquerorwasa“FrenchBastard,”aninvaderwithhis“armedBanditti,”a“usurper,”a“ruffian,”Painescoffed.43

InthecourseofdesacralizingtheBritishmonarchyasaneffeteifnotdefunctbreed,Painerepeatedwhatotherenlightenedcriticshadalreadysaid.RecallthatPainehadonlybeeninAmericaforthirteenmonthsinJanuary1776,whenthefirsteditionofCommonSensewaspublished,andhehadnotyettraveledoutsideofPhiladelphia.HisknowledgeofAmericawasbasedmostlyonnewspapersandbooks,thesquibsandscrapshecollectedfromthestorehouseofpublicknowledgeincirculationinEnglandandAmerica.PaineaskedFranklin(whowasstillinEnglandaswarapproached)foracopyofOliverGoldsmith’sHistoryofEarthandAnimatedNature(1774).Goldsmith,Franklin,andPaineallembracedthepopularscienceofnaturalhistory,whichdividedthecontinentsintodistinctbreedsorracesofpeople.44

Onthisbasis,Painepursuedtwopowerfulargumentsaboutbreeding.OnehighlightedthenotionthatBritain’smonarchywasrootedinantiquatedthinkingandpoliticalsuperstition.TheotheraimedtoprovethatAmericanswereadistinctpeople,alineagebasednotonsuperstitionbutonscience.Thewidelyregardedtheoriesof

Linnaeus(1707–78)andGeorges-LouisLeclerc,ComtedeBuffon(1707–88),whichinfluencedGoldsmith’streatise,dividedtheworldintovarietiesandracesshapedbytheenvironmentuniquetoeachmajorcontinent.TheSwedishbotanistCarlvonLinné,betterknowntohistoryasLinnaeus,organizedallofplantandanimallife,anddividedHomosapiens,thewordhecoinedforhumans,intofourvarieties.TheEuropeantypehesaidwassanguine,brawny,acute,andinventive;theAmericanIndianhedeemedcholericandobstinate,yetfree;theAsianwasmelancholicandgreedy;andtheAfricanwascrafty,indolent,andnegligent.Thisgrand(andethnocentric)taxonomyservedPaine’spurposeinjustifyingtheAmericanRevolution.To“begintheworldoveragain,”AmericansofEnglishandEuropeandescenthadtobeanewraceinthemaking—perhapsabetterone—astheylaidclaimtoNorthAmerica.45

InPaine’ssimpleformulation,breedingwaseitherconditionedbynatureoritwascorruptedthroughsuperstition.Thefirstpossibilityallowedapeople’sfullestpotentialtobeunleashed,whilethelatteronlyreducedtheirabilitytogrowandimprovethemselves.Again,hewasnotaloneinequatingmonarchywithbadbreeding.PaineechoedanotherofFranklin’sfriends,theUnitarianclericandscientistJosephPriestley,whoarguedin1774thatBritishsubjectswerecomparabletothe“livestockonafarm,”beingpassivelytransferredfrom“onewornoutroyallinetoanother.”Evenmoretelling,anewspaperarticlepublishedinbothLondonandPhiladelphiain1774pointedoutthattheworshipofkingswas“absurdandunnatural”anddefied“commonsense.”Thisunnamedwritersarcasticallycontendedthat“simperingLords”inEnglandwouldworshipagooseifithadbeenendowedwithalltheroyaltrappings.ThelinethatwouldhavecaughtPaine’seyewasthis:thatkingswere“madetopropagate,tosupplythestatewithanhereditarysuccessionofthebreed.”46

Buttherewasnothingsacredaboutaroyalbreed.Blindallegiancetowhatenlightenedcriticshadreducedtoabarnyardcustomexposedhowanintelligent,civilizedpeoplemightlosetheirgriponreality.Thenaturalorderwasgreatlyoutofalignment:Britishkingswereexaltedaboveeveryoneelsefornologicalreason.Americanshadauniqueopportunitytobreakfreefromtherelicsofthepastandtosetatruecourseforabetterfuture,oneunburdenedbythedeadweightofkingsandqueens.

ItwasthisantiauthoritarianideathatmadePaine’spamphletmostradical.Ifkingscouldbeseenas“ignorantandunfit,”thenwhynotroyalgovernors,Quakerproprietors,orthe“BetterSort”ridingintheircarriages?Ifmonarchywasnotwhatitwassupposedtorepresent,othercustomaryformsofpowercouldbequestionedtoo.Classappearancesmightbesimilarlyseenasmeresmokeandmirrors.ThisiswhyPainewascarefultodownplaythedistinctionbetweentherichandthepoor.He

wantedhisAmericanreaderstofocusondistantkings,notlocalgrandees.HewantedthemtobreakwiththeCrown,nottodisturbtheclassorder.

Forlikereasons,heturnedablindeyetoslavery.Paine’sAmericawasaboveallelsean“asylum”forfuture-directedEuropeans.Nooneelseneedapply.HearguedagainsttheinheritednotionthatAmericawasadumpinggroundforlesserhumans.Itwasonlyasanctuaryforable,hardworkingmenandwomen.Thisoverlysanguineportraitcleanedupclassandignoredwhatwasunpleasanttolookat.IndenturedservitudeandconvictlaborwerestillverymuchinevidenceastheRevolutionneared,andslaverywasafactoflife.PhiladelphiahadaslaveauctionoutsidetheLondonCoffeeHouse,atthecenteroftownonFrontandMarketStreets,whichwasdirectlyacrossfromPaine’slodgings.InCommonSense,thepropagandistmentioned“Negroes”and“Indians”solelytodiscreditthemforbeingmindlesspawnsoftheBritish,whentheywereincitedtoharassandkillwhiteAmericansandtounderminetheworthycauseofindependence.TheEnglishmilitaryhad“stirredupIndiansandNegroestodestroyus.”Usagainstthem.CivilizedAmericawasbeingpittedagainstthebarbaroushordessetuponthembythe“hellish”powerofLondon.47

Paine’spurposewastoremindhisreadersofAmerica’sgreatness,drawingonthevisualcomparisonofthecontinentinitssizeandseparationfromthetinyislandthatruledit.“Innoinstancehathnaturemadethesatellitelargerthanitsprimaryplanet,”hedeclared,magnifyingNewtonianoptics.Theexistingschemedidnothingbut“reversethecommonorderofnature.”EnglandbelongedtoEurope,hecontended,andAmericabelongedtononebutherself.Canadianswoulddemandtheirfreedomtoo,becauseaccordingtoPaine’staxonomicportraittheyweremoreAmericanthanEnglish.TheywereasmuchtheoffspringoftheNorthAmericancontinentastheirforward-lookingsouthernsiblings,endowedwiththesametraitsandambitions.48

Asheconjuredanembryonicpeople,Painegaveconsiderationtoonemoreelementthatimpingesonourstudyofclass.Hewasthoroughlyconvincedthatindependencewouldeliminateidleness.LikeFranklin,heprojectedanewcontinentalorderinwhichpovertywasdiminished.“Ourpresentnumbersaresohappilyproportionedtoourwants,”hewrote,“thatnomanneedbeidle.”Therewereenoughmentoraiseanarmyandengageintrade:enough,inotherwords,forself-sufficiency.Thelandwouldonlycontinuetobewastedif“lavishedbyakingonhisworthlessdependents.”(Here,PainedidtakeaswipeattheoldPennsylvaniaproprietors.)Withroomtogrow,theinfantnationwouldreachnewheightsbydisplayingamanly,youthfulspiritofcommercethatLondonersoncepossessedbuthadsincelost.TheRevolutionwouldendpettyquarrelsbetweencoloniesthathadbeennurturedinacultureofimperialdependence.OnlythroughindependencecouldAmericaachieveitsnaturalpotentialforcommercialgrowth.49

Foralongtime,GreatBritain“engrossedus,”Paineexplained,proudtobepartof

hisadoptedhome,hisAmericanasylum.ThegovernmentinLondonandtheCrownwerecontrollinglandandresourcesoftheNorthAmericancontinentforselfishpurposes.ButnowtheUnitedColonieswereawaketoanewreality:theBritishmonopolyhadrunitscourse.Anythinglessthancompleteindependencewouldbe“likewastinganestateonasuitatlaw,toregulatethetrespassesofatenant,whoseleaseisjustexpiring.”Wastinganestate.Britain’sleasewasup.50

InadvocatingforanAmericanbreedbentonproductivityandexpansion,Paine’srichlyevocativelanguageofwaste,idleness,breeding,andengrossingoflandfedexcitableminds.Knowinghisimpressionableaudience,hecomparedthecomingRevolutiontoNoahandthegreatflood:itwouldgivebirthtoa“raceofmen,perhapsasnumerousasallEurope,”their“portionoffreedom”tobepassedontofuturegenerations.PopulationwouldgrowandflourishaslongasAmericansfilledthecontinentandharvesteditsresourcesforexport.Paine’seconomicheroeswereoverseasmerchants,commercialfarmers,shipbuilders,inventors,andproperty-owningandproperty-protectingAmericans—butdecidedlynotthelandlesspoor.51

“BritainandAmericaarenowdistinctempires,”declaredPainein1776.Sixyearslater,asthewarwascomingtoanend,hewouldstillbedefendingthedistinctAmericanbreed.“Weseewithothereyes,”hewrote,“wehearwithotherears,andthinkwithotherthoughtsthanthoseformerlyused.”52

Tohiscredit,Paineheldnothingbackinpokingholesinthedogmaofhereditarymonarchy.Butwithhisbroadswipesatroyalty,heobscuredotherformsofinjustice.Hetoolooselyclothedthelanguageofclassinthegarbofcontinentalracesandcommercialimpulses.Indiansandslavesaremarginalizedinhisgrandvisionofanewworldorder.NeitherdidheallowtheignoblewastepeopletomakeanyappearanceinCommonSense;thevastnumbersofconvictlaborers,servants,apprentices,workingpoor,andfamilieslivinginmiserablewildernesscabinsareallabsentfromhisprose.

ForPaine,thecrucialissueforAmericansin1776wasnotwhetherbuthowsoonanewandindependentregimewouldadvancetowarditsdestinyasfirstamongnations.Heassumedthatthemightyforcesofcommerceandcontinentalexpansionwouldeliminateidlenessandcorrectimbalances.TherewasnothingwrongwithcultivatingAnglo-AmericancommercialinstinctsandsustainingpeacefultransnationaltradeallianceswithGreatBritain.Butinotherareas,PainehopedthattheBritishwayofseeingandhearingwoulddisappearfromAmerica.Hepresumed,incorrectlyasitturnsout,thatclasswouldtakecareofitself.

L

CHAPTERFOUR

ThomasJefferson’sRubbish

ACuriousTopographyofClass

Bythismeanstwentyofthebestgeniusseswillberakedfromtherubbishannually,andbeinstructed,atthepublicexpence,sofarasthegrammarschoolsgo....

Thecircumstanceofsuperiorbeautyisthoughtworthyofattentioninthepropagationofourhorses,dogs,andotherdomesticanimals;whynotinthatofman?

—ThomasJefferson,NotesontheStateofVirginia(1787)

ikeThomasPaineandBenjaminFranklin,ThomasJeffersonthoughtaboutclassincontinentalterms.Hisgreatestaccomplishmentaspresidentwasthe1803

acquisitionofLouisiana,avastterritorythatmorethandoubledthesizeoftheUnitedStates.Hecalledthenewwesterndomainan“empireforliberty,”bywhichhemeantsomethingotherthanafree-marketeconomyoraguaranteeofsocialmobility.TheLouisianaTerritory,asheenvisionedit,wouldencourageagricultureandforestallthegrowthofmanufacturingandurbanpoverty—thatwashisformulaforliberty.ItwasnotFranklin’s“happymediocrity”(acompressionofclassesacrossanendlessstretchofunsettledland),butanationoffarmerslargeandsmall.Thisdifferenceisnotnominal:FranklinandPaineusedPennsylvaniaastheirmodel,whileJeffersonsawAmerica’sfuture—andthecontoursofitsclasssystem—throughtheprismofVirginia.1

Eighteenth-centuryVirginiawasbothanagrarianandahierarchicalsociety.By1770,fewerthan10percentofwhiteVirginianslaidclaimtooverhalfthelandinthecolony;asmallupperechelonoflargeplanterseachownedslavesinthehundreds.Morethanhalfofwhitemenownednolandatall,workingastenantsorhiredlaborers,orcontractedasservants.Land,slaves,andtobaccoremainedthemajorsourcesofwealthinJefferson’sworld,butthemajorityofwhitemendidnotown

slaves.ThatiswhyMr.Jeffersonwaftedwellabovethecommonfarmerswhodottedthecountrysidethatextendedfromhiscelebratedmountaintophome.BythetimeoftheRevolution,heownedatleast187slaves,andbytheBattleofYorktownheheldtitleto13,700acresinsixdifferentcountiesinVirginia.2

PinningdownJefferson’sviewsonclassiscomplicatedbytheseductivenessofhisprose.Hiswritingcouldbepowerful,evenpoetic,whilerevelinginrhetoricalobfuscation.Hepraised“cultivatorsoftheearth”asthemostvaluableofcitizens;theywerethe“chosenpeopleofGod,”andthey“preservedarepublicinvigor”throughtheirsingularly“usefuloccupation.”AndyetJefferson’spastoralparagonofvirtuedidnotdescribeanyactualVirginiafarmers,andnotevenhecouldliveuptothishighcalling.Despiteeffortsatimprovingefficiencyonhisfarms,hefailedtoturnaprofitorrescuehimselffrommountingdebts.Ina1796letter,hesadlyadmittedthathisfarmswereina“barbarousstate”andthathewas“amonstrousfarmer.”Thingscontinueddownhillfromthere.3

ThoughweassociateJeffersonwithagrariandemocracyandtheyeomanclass,hisstylewasthatofagentlemanfarmer.Asamemberoftheupperclass,hehiredothersorusedslavestoworkhisland.Hedidnotbecomeanengagedfarmeruntil1795,promptedbyhisgrowinginterestintreatingagricultureasascience.Heexperimentedwithnewtechniquestakenfromhisreading,andkeptmeticulousrecordsinhisfarmandgardenbooks.Heownedthelatestmanualsonhusbandry—therewerefiftyinMonticello’slibrary.Hecouldignorewhatdidn’tsparkhiscuriosity.Hisdislikeofthevileweedoftobacco,whichhekeptgrowingforfinancialreasons,ledhimtoadmitin1801thathe“neversawaleafofmytobaccopackedinmylife.”Forthemostpart,agriculturalimprovementfascinatedhim,andhediddesignanewplough,withitsmoldboardofleastresistance,in1794,hopinginlargeandsmallwaystomodernizeAmericanfarming.4

TheironyisthatJefferson’sapproachtoimprovingAmericanfarmingwasdecidedlyEnglish,andnotAmericanatall.ThebookshereadandthekindofhusbandryheadmiredcameprimarilyfromtheEnglishagrariantraditionandBritishimproversofhisday.Hisdecisiontoraisewheatsoasnottobecompletelydependentontobacco,coupledwithhisplantointroducemerinosheepintoeveryVirginiacountyinordertoproducebetterwool,wereattemptstocorrectwhathisfellowimproverGeorgeWashingtonlambastedasthe“slovenly”habitsinfarmersoftheirstate.VirginianswerefarbehindtheEnglishintheuseoffertilizers,croprotation,andharvestingandploughingmethods.Itwascommonforlargeplantersandsmallfarmersaliketodepleteacresofsoilandthenleaveitfallowandabandoned.“Wewasteasweplease,”washowJeffersongingerlyphrasedit.5

JeffersonknewthatbehindalltherhetorictoutingAmerica’sagriculturalpotentialtherewasalessenlightenedreality.Foreveryfarsightedgentlemanfarmer,therewerescadsofpoorlymanagedplantationsandunskilledsmall(andtenant)farmersstrugglingtosurvive.Howcouldslaves,whodidmostofthefieldworkonVirginiaplantations,assumethemantleof“cultivatorsoftheearth”?ForJefferson,itseems,theyweremere“tillers.”Tenants,whorentedlandtheydidnotown,andlandlesslaborersandsquatterslackedthecommercialacumenandgenuinevirtueofcultivatorstoo.Inhisperfectworld,lower-classfarmerscouldbeimproved,justliketheirland.Iftheyweregivenafreeholdandabasiceducation,theycouldadoptbettermethodsofhusbandryandpassonfavorablehabitsandtraitstotheirchildren.Aswewillsee,however,Jefferson’svariousreformeffortswerethwartedbythoseoftherulinggentrywhohadlittleinterestinelevatingtheVirginiapoor.Evenmoredramatically,hisagrarianversionofsocialmobilitywasimmediatelycompromisedbyhisownprofoundclassbiases,ofwhichhewasunaware.6

Historicallyhailedasademocrat,ThomasJeffersonwasneverabletoescapehisclassbackground.Hisprivilegedupbringinginevitablycoloredhisthinking.HecouldnothavepennedtheDeclarationofIndependenceorbeenelectedtotheContinentalCongressifhehadnotbeenaprominentmemberoftheVirginiagentry.Hehadtheadvantagesofaneducationintheclassics,andwastrainedinlawandlettersattheeliteCollegeofWilliamandMary.Hecollectedbooks,amassing6,487volumes.ProficientinLatinandGreek,heenjoyedItalian,readoldFrenchandsomeSpanish,andwasalsoversedintheobscureAnglo-Saxonlanguage.HesurroundedhimselfwithEuropeanluxurygoodsandwasanepicureaninhistastes,asdisplayedbyhisloveofFrenchsauternes.ToimaginethatJeffersonhadsomespecialinsightintotheanxiouslivesofthelowersort,orthathetrulyappreciatedtheunpromisingconditionstenantfarmersexperienced,istofailtoaccountforthewidegulfthatseparatedtherichandpoorinVirginia.7

IfFranklinthoughtofclassasprincipallyconditionedbydemography—thehumancompulsiontoseekpleasureandavoidpain—Jeffersonsubscribedtoadifferentphilosophy.Thoughequallydrawntonumbersandpoliticalarithmetic,hesawhumanbehaviorasconditional,plastic,adaptable;acrossgenerations,itwouldconformtoshiftsinthephysicalandsocialenvironment.Ifthehandofnaturebestowedmeritonsome,sodidlocalsurroundingsandthechoiceofamate.Butaboveall,whatdividedpeopleintorecognizablestationswastheintimaterelationshipbetweenlandandlabor.Ashewrotein1813,“thespontaneousenergiesoftheearthareagiftofnature,”butmanmust“husbandhislabor”inordertoreapitsgreatestbenefits.InJefferson’slargerschemeofthings,classwasacreatureoftopography;itwasshapedbythebondforgedbetweenproducersandthesoil.Byproducers,ofcourse,hemeanthusbandmenandlandowners—nottenants,notslaves.8

Theoccupationheloved,thedescriptorthatmostdelightedhim,wascultivator.Thiswordmeantmorethanonewhoearnedhisbreadthroughfarming;itdrewupontheeighteenth-centuryidiomthatarosefromthepopularstudyofnaturalhistory.Tocultivatemeanttorenew,torenderfertile,whichthusimpliedextractingrealsustenancefromthesoil,aswellasgoodtraits,superiorqualities,andsteadyhabitsofmind.Cultivationcarriedwithitrichassociationswithanimalbreedingandtheideathatgoodsoilledtohealthyandheartystocks(ofanimalsorpeople).Proficiencyintappingtheland’sproductivepotentialhadtheaddedbenefitofimprovingthemoralsense,whichwaswhatJeffersonmeantwhenhedescribedthat“peculiardepositofgenuineandsubstantialvirtue”foundinthebreastofeverytruecultivator.Inthisway,thesoilcouldberegenerative,muchlikeadepositofcalcium-richmarl,whicheducatedfarmersusedtorestorenutrientstotheland.9

InJefferson’staxonomy,then,classwaslessaboutFranklin’scommercializedlanguageof“sorts,”wherebypeopleandgoodswerereadilyequatedandvalued.Instead,Jeffersonian-styleclasseswereeffectivelystratathatmimickedthedifferentnutritivegradeswithinlayersofthesoil.TothisbookishVirginian,idealizingruralsociety,classesweretoberegardedasnaturalextrusionsofapromisingland,flesh-and-bloodmanifestationsofanagrariantopography.

•••

RevolutionaryVirginiawashardlyaplaceofharmony,egalitarianism,orunity.ThewareffortexacerbatedalreadysimmeringtensionsbetweenelitePatriotsandthosebelowthem.InBritishtradition,theAmericaneliteexpectedthelowerclassestofighttheirwars.IntheSevenYears’War,forexample,Virginiansusedtheinfamouspracticeofimpressmenttoroundupvagabondstomeetquotas.DuringtheRevolution,GeneralWashingtonstatedthatonly“thelowerclassofpeople”shouldserveasfootsoldiers.Jeffersonbelievedthatclasscharacterwaspalpablyreal.AsamemberoftheHouseofDelegates,hecameupwithaplantocreateaVirginiacavalryregimentspecificallyforthesonsofplanters,youthswhose“indolenceoreducation,hasunfittedthemforfoot-service.”10

Asearlyas1775,landlesstenantsinLoudounCounty,Virginia,voicedacomplaintthatwascommonacrossthesprawlingcolony:therewas“noinducementforthepoormantoFight,forhehadnothingtodefend.”Manypoorwhitemenrebelledagainstrecruitmentstrategies,protestedtheexemptionsgiventotheoverseersofrichplanters,andweredisappointedwiththepaltrypay.Suchresistanceledtotheadoptionofdesperatemeasures.In1780,Virginiaassemblymenagreedtograntwhiteenlisteesthebountyofaslaveaspaymentfortheirwillingnesstoserveuntiltheendofthewar.Herewasaninstantbumpupthesocialladder.Herewasthe

socialtransferofwealthandstatusfromtheuppertothelowerclass.Buteventhisgruesomeofferwasn’ttemptingenough,becausefewtookthebait.TwoyearslaterwhentheBattleofYorktowndecidedtheoutcomeofthewar,thesituationwasunchanged.OfthosefightingontheAmericanside,onlyahandfulhailedfromVirginia.11

Therewereotherattemptstomollifypoorwhitefarmers.Indraftinganewconstitutionin1776,Virginiarebelsembracedfreeholdsuffrage:adultwhitemenwhoweretwenty-oneandwhohadafreeholdoftwenty-fiveacresofcultivatedlandwereawardedtherighttovote.YetthesameRevolutionarieswerestingywhenitcametoredressinglandlessnessandpoverty.Jefferson’sproposaltoliftupthebottomranks,grantingmenwithoutanylandoftheirownfiftyacresandthevote,wasdroppedfromthefinalversionoftheconstitution.12

AppointedtoacommitteetoreviseVirginia’slaws,Jeffersontriedanothertacticthataimedtoshiftthebalanceofclasspowerinthestate.Hesucceededineliminatingprimogenitureandentail,twolegalpracticesthatkeptlargeamountsoflandinthehandsofafewpowerfulfamilies.Hispurposewasforlandtobedistributedequallytoallchildreninafamily,notjustvestedintheeldestmale.Entail,whichrestrictedthesaleofland,wouldbereplacedwithprivatelyownedlandgrants.Meanwhile,thecommitteeconsideredaproposalgrantingeachfreebornchildatractofseventy-fiveacresasanincentivetoencouragepoorermentomarryandhavechildren.Jefferson’sfreeholdersneededchildrentoanchorthemtothelandandasanincentivetoturnfromidleness.13

Butreformdidnottakeeasily.Virginia’sfreeholdrepublicfailedtoinstillvirtueamongfarmers,theeffectthatJeffersonhadfantasized.Themajorityofsmalllandownerssoldtheirlandtolargeplanters,mortgagedtheirestates,andcontinuedtodespoilwhatwasleftoftheland.Theylookeduponitasjustanothercommodity,notahighercalling.JeffersonfailedtounderstandwhathispredecessorJamesOglethorpehadseen:thefreeholdsystem(withdisposablelandgrants)favoredwealthylandspeculators.Farmingwasarduouswork,withlimitedchanceofsuccess,especiallyforfamilieslackingtheresourcesavailabletoJefferson:slaves,overseers,draftanimals,aplough,nearbymills,andwaterwaystotransportfarmproducetomarket.Itwaseasytoacquiredebts,easytofail.Landalonewasnoguaranteeofself-sufficiency.14

IftherulingeliteattheVirginiaconstitutionalconventionwereunwillingtograntpoormenfiftyacrestobecomefreeholdcitizens,theywerequitecontenttodumpthepoorintothehinterland.Withtheopeningupofthelandofficein1776,anewpolicywasadopted:anyonesquattingonunclaimedlandinwesternVirginiaandKentuckycouldclaimapreemptionrighttobuyit.Likethelong-standingBritishpracticeofcolonizingthepoor,theVirginianssoughttoquelldissent,raisetaxes,andlurethe

lessfortunatewest.Thispolicydidlittletoaltertheclassstructure.Intheend,itworkedagainstpoorfamilies.Withoutreadycashtobuytheland,theybecamerenters,trappedagainastenantsinsteadofbecomingindependentlandowners.15

Publiceducationaccompaniedlandreforms.Inbillno.79,forthe“GeneralDiffusionofKnowledge,”Jeffersonlaidoutaproposalfordifferentlevelsofpreparation:primaryschoolsforallboysandgirls,andgrammarschoolsformorecapablemalesatthepublicexpense.Forthesecondtier,hecalledfortwentyyoung“geniusses”tobedrawnfromthelowerclassofeachcounty.Rewardingthosewithmerit,hedevisedameansofsocialmobilityinastatewhereeducationwaspurelyaprivilegeofwealthyfamilies.16

WritingofhisplaninNotesontheStateofVirginia,hiswide-rangingnaturalhistoryofhisstate,hechosearatherunsavoryallusiontodescribethereform.Hishandfulofluckyscholarswouldbe“rakedfromtherubbish,”leavingthemajoritytowallowinignoranceandpoverty.“Rubbish”washisalliterativevariationontheever-presentthemeofwastepeople.Hewasn’tanticipatingTeddyRoosevelt’sBunyanesqueallusiontomuckrakingjournalists,butratherwasinvokingtheolder,Elizabethanmeaningofrakingthemuckofabadcrop.The“rubbish”designationshowedcontemptforthepoor,asadreminderthatveryfewwerecapableofescapingtherefuseheap.Butthebillfailedtopass:theVirginiagentryhadnodesiretopayforit.Theyhadnointerestinraisingupafewstraykernelsofgeniusfromthewastelandoftheruralpoor.17

Theeducationreformbillhadlittlechanceofpassing,butitscompanionpieceforfundingworkhousesdid.AswasthecasewithEngland’spoorlaws,thebillpenalizedthosewho“wastetheirtimeinidleanddissolutecourses,”loiteringandwanderingordesertingtheirwivesandchildren:suchpeoplewere“deemedvagabonds.”Thesolutionforpoorchildrenwasnoteducation,buthiringthemoutasapprentices.Jeffersonmadeaminorchangetotheexistinglaw,whichdatedto1755:thepoorwouldnolongerwearidentifyingbadges.Butvagrantswouldstillbepunished,andtheirchildrenwouldpaythepricefortheiridlenessinawaythatwasreminiscentoftheexploitedorphansofdeadservantsatJamestown.Theymayhavebeenalessvisibleclasswithoutbadges,buttheyremainedapowerfulsymbolofviceandsloth.18

AllofJefferson’searlyreformswerelessaboutpromotingequalityordemocracythanmoderatingextremes.Likethefarmer’suseofmarlsoilorpeat,hisapproachwasclosertobreakingupclumpsorconcentrationsofwealthandpoverty.Virginia’ssocialorderwasstagnant;itwasweigheddownbyatop-heavyplanterclassandanincreasinglyimmobileclassoflandlessfamilies.Hispowerfulwords,“rakedfromtherubbish,”capturedhisphilosophyinanunmistakable,visuallycompellingway.Rakingwascomparabletoploughing,theprocessofturningovertiredandbarren

topsoilandunearthingnewlifefromthelayersbelow.Suchimprovements,thoughgradualinspreadingbenefits,promisedastrongercropofcitizensinthefuture.

•••

Jefferson’sinfluentialsurveyofclass(asaproductoftopography)appearedinhisNotesontheStateofVirginia.MostlywrittenduringhisgovernorshipofVirginiain1780–81,thebookwasnotpublisheduntilseveralyearslater,whenhewasservingastheU.S.ministertoFrance.JeffersonhadbeenencouragedtoputhisideastopaperbyaseriesofquestionsposedbyFrançoisBarbé-Marbois,thesecretaryoftheFrenchLegationinPhiladelphia.HisNotesbecameakindofdiplomaticintervention,offeringEuropeanreadersacombineddefenseofhishomestateandhisnewnation.

Notesofferedanaturalhistoryofraceandclass,repletewithJefferson’sownempiricalobservations,fromfactsandfigureshehadcompiled.ItwasparttravelnarrativeinthetraditionofHakluyt,andpartlegalbrief.HeimaginedtheopposingcounseltobetheacclaimedFrenchnaturalistGeorges-LouisLeclerc,theComtedeBuffon,whohadofferedupahighlyunappealingportraitoftheAmericancontinentasabackwardplacecursedwithwidespreaddegeneracy.InNotes,theonlybookJeffersoneverwrote,hestrippedawaytheuglinessandreplaceditwithaVirginiaofnaturalbeautyandbounty.Here,inJefferson’sversionoftheNewEnglishCanaan,thecontinentpromisedunmatchedresourcesforcommercialwealth.Classwassignificant.Therichtopographyaffordedahomeforhis“cultivatorsoftheearth,”anAmericanbreedthatrepresentedtheworld’sbesthope.

Buffon’sworkwastroublingforanumberofreasons.InhisHistoireNaturelle,firstpublishedin1749,hehadreducedtheNewWorldtoonegiantandnefariousDismalSwamp.AllofAmerica,asitwere,hadbecomeNorthCarolina.Asuffocatingmixtureofmoistureandheathadproducedstagnantwaters,“grossherbiage,”andmiasmasoftheair,whichretardedthesizeanddiversityofspecies.BuffonsoundedattimeslikethecolorfulWilliamByrd,complainingofthe“noxiousexhalations”inAmericathatblockedthesun,whichmadeitimpossibleto“purify”thesoilandair.Swampcreaturesmultipliedinthisenvironment:“moistplants,reptiles,andinsects,andallanimalsthatwallowinthemire.”DomesticanimalsshrankinsizeincomparisontotheirEuropeancounterparts,andtheirfleshwaslessflavorful.OnlyCarolina’sprizedcritter,thehog,thrivedinsuchagodforsakenterrain.19

NativeAmericanswerenotjustsavagestoBuffon;theywereaconstitutionallyenfeebledbreed,devoidoffreewilland“activityofmind.”AstheforgottenstepchildrenofMotherNature,theylackedthe“invigoratingsentimentoflove,andthestrongdesireformultiplyingtheirspecies.”Theywere“coldandlanguid,”spendingtheirdaysin“stupidrepose,”withoutthestrongaffectivebondsthatunited

peopleintocivilizedsocieties.BuffonhadconvertedIndiansintoquasi-reptilianswampmonsters.Theylurkedinmarshes,huntingprey,ignorantofthefateoftheiroffspring,concernedonlywiththenextmealorbattle.Thedesiretoreproduce,Buffoncontended,wasthe“spark”oflifeandthefireofgenius.Thisessentialqualitywasmissingfromtheirconstitution—allbecausetheylanguishedamidadebilitatingenvironment.20

IncontestingBuffon,Jeffersonhadtowipethecanvascleanoftheswampmonstersandpaintaverydifferent,eco-friendlypicture.HeconjuredanotherAmerica,asublimeplaceofendlessdiversity.HisBlueRidgeMountainsweremajestic;theMississippiRiverwasalivewithbirdsandfishinawaycomparabletotheNile—thebirthplaceofWesterncivilization.NativeAmericansexistedinanuncultivatedstate,headmitted,yettheywereendowedwithamanlyardoranddisplayedanoblemind.Americawasnotplaguedwithpatheticstocksofanimalsorpeople.Onthecontrary,theyoungcontinentheraldedoneofthegreatestscientificdiscoveriesoftheage:thebonesofthewoollymammoth,rankedasthelargestspeciesknowntoman,whichaccordingtoJeffersonstillroamedtheforests.EnglishandEuropeansettlershadexcelled,notsuffered.Thatraresparkofgenius,nurturedinWashington,Franklin,andDavidRittenhouse,thePhiladelphiaastronomer,wassolidproof,tohismind,oftheinvigoratingandregenerativenaturallandscape.21

JeffersonfundamentallyagreedwithBuffon’sscience.HedidnotabandontheFrenchman’srulingpremisethatthephysicalsurroundingswerecrucialincultivatingracesandclassesofpeople,orthatlandcouldbeeitherregenerativeordegenerative.Buffon’stheorywasn’twrongthen;hisobservationswereincomplete.AsJeffersonarguedin1785,inalettertotheMarquisdeChastellux,whohadvisitedMonticellothreeyearsearlier,NativeAmericanswerenotfeeble.Overtimetheyhaddevelopedmusclestomakethemfleetoffootforwarfare.Euro-AmericanswereequallyadaptabletothecongenialAmericanenvironment.Theydrewuponaninbredstrengthpasseddownfromgenerationsofancestorswhohadlaboredinthefields.Cultivationwasintheirblood,Jeffersonwassaying,andtheywerealreadyengagedintransformingthelandandmakingittheirown.22

Jefferson’sideasoftopographywentbeyondthenaturalenvironment.Hewasequallyconcernedwithhumanchorography—thewayhumansadaptedtotheland,exploiteditsfertility,andbuiltsocialinstitutions.Husbandryitselfwasacrucialstagethatelevatedhumansocietiesbeyondtherudimentsofsavageryandbarbarism.TheAmericancultivatorneededsomesafeguards.Degeneracywascertainlypossible,Jeffersonadmitted,butnotonBuffon’sscale.DangerslurkedforAmericanswhoweretooclosetothewilderness,orforthosetooenamoredwiththecommercialluxuriesoftheOldWorld.Inoneofhisdreamiermomentsin1785,hewroteofthehopethatAmericawouldbelikeChina,completelycutofffromEuropeancommerce

andmanufacturingandotherentanglements:“Weshouldthusavoidallwars,andallourcitizenswouldbehusbandmen.”Hewishedforamiddlezone,betweenthetwoextremes.23

Jeffersonwasnotabovesocialengineering,believingthatmannerscouldbecultivated.HisschemefortheNorthwestTerritorybuiltuponhisreformsforVirginia.Asthechairoftwocongressionalcommittees,heassumedaleadingroleinshapinghowthelandwouldbedistributedandgoverned.InhisreportontheLandOrdinanceof1784,hedevisedagridplanthatwouldhavedividedthelandintoperfectlyformedrectangles,offeringindividuallots,thebasicunitofthefamilyfarm.Hewantedtheareadividedintotenpotentialstates,andgavethemnames.Andnotjustanynames:Sylvania,Cherronesus,Assenisipia,Metropotamia,Pelispia,tonameafew.Hechosefancifulnames,withpseudo-classicaloragrarianmeanings,suggestingthatinthisactofstatebuilding,CongresswasengagedintheregenerationorrebirthofWesterncivilization.HeinsistedthatnohereditarytitlesberecognizedintheNorthwest,andafter1800slaveryandinvoluntaryservitudewouldbepermanentlybannedthere.FollowinginthefootstepsofOglethorpe,Jeffersonenvisionedafree-laborzone.24

WhatwasJeffersonupto?Onegoalwastoforestallthegrowthofmanufacturing,whichinNoteshedescribedasacankeronthebodypolitic.Thegridsystemresembledrowsofgardenplots,somethingthatwouldhavemadesensetohisfellownaturalistJ.HectorSt.JohndeCrèvecoeur,authorofLettersfromanAmericanFarmer(1782).AFrench-bornmigrantwhospentyearsinNewYork’sHudsonValley,andadevoteeofBuffon,Crèvecoeurcelebratedan“intermediaryspace,”whichcreateda“separateanddistinctclass.”“Menarelikeplants,”hebelieved,andtheseedsofclassescouldbeplantedandcultivated.Thetypicalclassofcultivatorswhomheimaginedfillingthismiddlezoneowneda371-acrefarm;theywerenottenantsorsquatters,norweretheyoverseasmerchantsimportingEnglishmanufacturedgoods.Crèvecoeur’sperfectfarmerturnedthefieldsintoaclassroom,placinghissonontheplough,havinghimfeeltheup-and-downrhythmasitmovedthroughthesoil.25

Jefferson,too,wantedAmericanstiedtotheland,withdeeprootstotheiroffspring,tofuturegenerations.Agrarianperfectionwouldgerminate:aloveofthesoil,nolessthanaloveofone’sheirs,instilledamorpatriae,aloveofcountry.Hewasnotpromotingafreewheelingsocietyortherapidcommercialaccumulationofwealth;norwasheadvocatingaclasssystemmarkedbyuntetheredsocialmobility.Jefferson’shusbandmenwereofanewkindofbirthrightstation,passedfromparentstochildren.Theywerenottobeanambitiousclassofmenonthemake.26

Jefferson’sidealizedfarmerswerenotrusticseither.Theysoldtheirproduceinthemarketplace,albeitonasmallerscale.Therewasroomenoughforanelitegentry

class,andgentlemanfarmerslikehimself.Usingthelatesthusbandrymethods,improvingthesoil,thewealthierfarmerscouldinstructothers,thelessskilledbeneaththem.Educationandemulationwerenecessarytoinstillvirtue.Americanfarmersrequiredanapprenticeshipofasort,whichwasonlypossibleiftheywereplantedintherightkindofengineeredenvironment.TheNorthwestTerritoryservedthatpurpose,asafree-laborzonethatcultivatedmiddlingaspirationsandwassafelydecontaminatedofanynoxiousinfluences.Therelicsofnobletitlesweregone,slaverywasprohibited,andcommercialimpulsesweresubdued.

Inoneofhismostambitiousplansforreform,sketchedoutin1789,JeffersonthoughtofimportingGermanimmigrants,whowereknowntobesuperiorlaborers,andtoplacethemonadjacentfifty-acreplotsoppositeslaves,whowouldbe“broughtup,asothers,inthehabitsofforesightandproperty.”Atthesametime,hecontemplatedtherecruitmentofGermansjusttoimprovethecaliberofVirginia’spoorwhitefarmers.TheAnglo-VirginiansweresupposedtointerminglewithandlearnfromthebetterGermanfarmersaroundthem.27

Ofcourse,Jeffersonwasnotalwayshonestabouttheclasssystemthatsurroundedhim.HepreferredtoprojectanAmericaof“tranquilpermanentfelicity”thanconfronttheunpleasantrealitythatpersisted.HismostextremestatementsdescribingtheUnitedStatesasthelandofunparalleledopportunitiesusuallycameasresponsestocriticism.AshehaddoneinNotes,hesawhimselfasapublicsentry,theintellectualdefenderofthereputationofarisingyoungcountry.

HehadalottodefendintheaftermathoftheAmericanRevolution.Thewaryearshadtakentheirtoll.Apostwardepressioncreatedwidespreadsuffering.Stateshadacquiredheftydebts,whichcausedlegislaturestoincreasetaxestolevelsfarhigher,sometimesthreetofourtimeshigher,thanbeforethewar.Mostofthesetaxdollarsendedupinthehandsofspeculatorsinstategovernmentsecuritiesthathadbeensoldtocoverwarexpenses.Manysoldierswereforcedtoselltheirscripandlandbountiestospeculatorsatafractureofthevalue.Wealthwasbeingtransferredupward,fromthetatteredpocketsofpoorfarmersandsoldierstothebulgingpursesofanouveauricheofwartimespeculatorsandcreditors—anewclassof“moneyedmen.”28

TheofficersoftheContinentalArmyhadstagedamutinyinNewburgh,NewYork,in1783,threateningtodisbandifCongressdidnotgrantthemfullpensions.Duringthesameyear,armyofficersorganizedtheSocietyofCincinnati,afraternalorganization,accusedoflayingthefoundationforahereditaryaristocracy.Thesocietyinitiallygrantedhereditaryprivilegestothesonsofveteranofficersandawardedmedalsasbadgesofmembershipinthehighlyselectiveclub.Jefferson’sprohibitionontitlesintheNorthwestTerritorywasanot-so-subtlerebukeofthesociety’sflagrantpretentions.ItalsoexplainswhyhebannedbadgespreviouslywornbyvagrantsinVirginia.29

WhileJeffersonwasmorethanwillingtoattackapseudo-aristocracy,heworerose-coloredglasseswhenitcametoacknowledgingclassturmoilarisingfrombelow.BritishpapershadpublishedreportsofthemutiniesandriotsintheUnitedStates,whichJeffersondismissedasinconsequential.In1784,hedeclaredinapublishedresponsethatnotasinglebeggarcouldbeseen“fromoneendtoanotherofthecontinent.”Povertyandclassstrifesimplydidnotexist.HewrotethisjustayearbeforetheVirginiabilltoroundupvagabondsfinallypassed.30

Jeffersonhadadifferentopinionin1786,whenShays’RebellionbrokeoutacrosswesternMassachusetts.Risingtaxesandmountingdebtsamongmiddle-classandpoorfarmershadfueledaclasswar.CaptainDanielShayshadservedintheContinentalArmy,andwhetherornotitwasanaccuratedescription,hewascalledthe“Generalissimo”oftheuprising.Shayshadacquiredovertwohundredacresofland,onlytoseehalfofhisholdingslostduringthepostwardepression.Hissupporterscloseddowncourtsthatwereauctioningofffarmsandhomes,forminganadhocarmythatattemptedtotakeoverthearmoryinSpringfield.SimilarproteststookplaceasfarsouthasVirginia.WritingfromFrance,Jeffersondidnotdenytheexistenceoftherebellion,buttreateditasanaturallyrecurring,eventherapeuticphenomenon.Inanoddtwist,hecalculatedthatsuchpoliticaltempestswouldmostlikelyhappeneverythirteenyears.A“littlerebellion”wasanalogousto“stormsinthephysicalenvironment”;temporarilyjarring,itwouldsettlebackdown,leavingsociety’scoreprinciplesrefreshed.31

Jefferson’slanguagebetrayedhim.Heenvisionedrebellionasaprocessofregeneration,removedfromhumanagencyand,mostimportant,devoidofclassanger.Forherpart,AbigailAdamshadlittlesympathyfortheShaysites.“Fermentandcommotions,”shecurtlyobservedinalettertoJefferson,hadbroughtforthan“abundanceofRubbish.”Othersagreed.CaptainShayswasdescribedinnewspapersasanignorantleader,apatheticmanlivingina“sty,”hisfellowinsurgentsnothingmorethan“brutes.”Criticscomparedthemto“Ragamuffinsoftheearth,”lowlyvagabondswhoowedmorethantheywereworth.TothenaturalistJefferson,theybelongedtothesedimentarydebrisunearthedandletlooseacrossthehumanterrain.32

Inthesameyear,hewrotelengthycommentsonanarticleentitled“EtatsUnis,”meantforpublicationinthefamedEncyclopédieMéthodique.AftersummarizingthehistoryoftheSocietyofCincinnati,Jeffersonofferedacuriousexplanationfortheconvulsionsitcaused.“NodistinctionbetweenmanandmanhaseverbeenknowninAmerica,”heinsisted.Amongprivateindividuals,the“poorestlabourerstoodonequalgroundwiththewealthiestMillionary,”andthepoormanwasfavoredwhentherightsoftherichandpoorwerecontestedinthecourts.Whetherthe“shoemakerortheartisan”waselectedtooffice,he“instantlycommandedrespectandobedience.”

Withafinalflourish,Jeffersondeclaredthat“ofdistinctionsbybirthorbadge,”Americans“hadnomoreideathantheyhadofexistenceinthemoonorplanets.”33

ThoughJeffersonsoldEuropeansonAmericaasaclasslesssociety,nosuchthingexistedinVirginiaoranywhereelse.Inhishomestate,apoorlaborerorshoemakerhadnochanceofgettingelectedtooffice.Jeffersonwroteknowingthatsemiliteratemembersofthelowerclassdidnotreceiveevenarudimentaryeducation.Virginia’scourtsmeticulouslyservedtheinterestsofrichplanters.Andwasn’tslaverya“distinctionbetweenmanandman”?Furthermore,Jefferson’sfreeholdrequirementforvotingcreated“odiousdistinctions”betweenlandownersandpoormerchantsandartisans,denyingthelatterclassesvotingrights.34

OnehastowonderatJefferson’sblatantdistortion,hisdesiretopainttheSocietyofCincinnatiassootherworldlytoAmericansthatonlyextraterrestrialscouldappreciateit.HefailedtorecognizethatmanyeliteAmericanswerefondofthetrappingsofaristocracy.

UndertheadministrationofGeorgeWashington,theFederalistsestablisheda“RepublicanCourt,”withrulesofprotocol,displaysofgenteeletiquette,andformalweeklylevees—visitsbyinvitationonlyextendedtothenationalelitetomeetwiththepresident.MarthaWashingtonheldherdrawing-roomsalons,andaroundthepresidentemergedacultofadulationthatimitatedcertainaspectsofroyalpageantry.PowerfulfamiliesinPhiladelphiaestablisheddynasticmarriageswithEuropeanpeers.ElizabethPatterson,thedaughterofawealthyBaltimoremerchant,becameaninternationalcelebritywhenin1803shemarriedthebrotherofNapoleonBonaparte.Atthetime,PresidentJeffersonwrotehisministerinFrancetoinformNapoleonthathissiblinghadmarriedintoafamilywhosesocialrankwas“withthefirstoftheUnitedStates.”35

In1789,whenVicePresidentJohnAdamsproposedbeforetheU.S.Senatethatthepresidentrequiredamoredauntingtitle,suchas“Majesty,”heacceptedthatpoliticaldistinctionsneededtobedressedupinpompandcircumstance.UnlikeFranklin,Adamsfeltthatthe“passionfordistinction”wasthemostpowerfuldrivinghumanforce,abovehungerandfear.Americansnotonlyscrambledtogetahead;theyneededsomeonetolookdownon.“Theremustbeone,indeed,whoisthelastandlowestofthehumanspecies,”Adamsconcluded,andevenheneededhisdogtolovehim.HealsosarcasticallyacknowledgedthatwhileJeffersonandhisbrandofrepublicansmightdisdaintitlesandstations,theyhadnointentionofdisturbingprivateformsofauthority;thesubordinatepositionsofwives,children,servants,andslaveswereleftsafelyintact.36

Jeffersonwasnotabovehisownbrandofpoliticalstagecraft.UnlikeWashingtonandAdams,whorodeinfancycarriagestotheirinaugurationceremonies,Jefferson

rodehisownhorsebacktothePresident’sHouseafterdeliveringhisinauguraladdress.Hedispensedwiththeleveesandgreeteddiplomatsandguestsattheexecutivemansionwhilewearinganoldvestandwornslippers.Hewasknownforhiscasualattire—notwhilehewasinFrance,butuponhisreturn.37

HisversionofrusticrepublicansimplicityreflectedhisexperienceinVirginia,wherethegentrylivedingrandhouseslikeMonticello,andyetdresseddownwhencomminglingwiththemassofsmallfarmersduringelections.AFederalistheparticularlydespised,theVirginianandchiefjusticeoftheSupremeCourtJohnMarshall,wasknownforhisslovenlyappearance.Twomen’spoliticscouldnothavebeenmoredifferent,buttheydressedinthesamestyle.EliteVirginianshadastrongdistasteforthenouveauriche,andbelievedthatthosewithwealth,land,familynames,andreputationsdidn’tneedtoshowoff.SomeobserverssawJeffersonasplayingarole,appearing“affectedlyplaininhisdress.”Inthisclimate,eliminatingexternalsignsofclassdidnotnecessarilyerodeexpectationsofdeference.Dressingdownjustaseasilymaskedsocialdistinctions.Theconservativeartofemulation,assumingthattheheadofstatehadsomethingtoteachothers,wasverymuchapartofJefferson’sphilosophy.Indeed,heallowedhissheeptograzeonthelawnofthePresident’sHouse,lettingeveryoneknowthatagentlemanfarmeroccupiedthehighestofficeintheland.38

•••

Jeffersonmayhavehatedartificialdistinctionsandtitles,buthewasquitecomfortableasserting“natural”differences.Withnatureashisguide,hefelttherewasnoreasonnottorankhumansontheorderofanimalbreeds.InNotes,hewrotewithcalmassurance,“Thecircumstanceofsuperiorbeautyisthoughtworthyofattentioninthepropagationofourhorses,dogs,andotheranimals.”Withemphasis,headded,“whynotinthatofman?”39

Carefulbreedingwasonesolutiontoslavery.InhisRevisaloftheLaws,Jeffersoncalculatedhowablackslavecouldturnwhite:onceaslavepossessedseven-eighths“white”blood,the“taint”ofhisorherAfricanpastwasdeemedgone.In1813,heexplainedtoayoungMassachusettslawyerhowtheformulaworked:“ItisunderstoodinNaturalhistorythata4thcrossofoneraceofanimalsgivesanissueofequivalentforallsensiblepurposestotheoriginalbloods.”ThiswasthesameformulaJeffersonusedinbreedinganoriginalstockofmerinosheep.WilliamByrdhadearliertalkedaboutblanchingNativeAmericansthroughintermarriagewithEuropeans.AsBuffonputit,breedingbacktothe“original”stockmeantreconstitutingblacksaswhitepeople.40

Jefferson’sfriendWilliamShorttookBuffon’sideasquiteseriously.Ina1798lettertoJefferson,henotedhowblacksintheUnitedStateswerebecominglighter.Headmittedthatthiswaspartlyduetomixingwithwhites,buthefeltthatclimatematteredaswell.Inposingapossiblescenario,hecameclosetoendorsingBuffon’sideaofregeneration:“SupposeablackfamilytransplantedtoSweden,maywenotpresume...thatinasufficientnumberofsucceedinggenerations,thecolorwoulddisappearfrommeereffectoftheclimate?”41

Itwasmorethanatheory.Jeffersonwaspracticingracemixingunderhisownroof,fatheringseveralchildrenwithhisquadroonslaveSallyHemings.WhatisstrikingaboutthisrelationshipisHemings’spedigree:hermother,Elizabeth,washalfwhite,andherfatherwasJohnWayles,Jefferson’sEnglish-bornfather-in-law.Jefferson’schildrenwithSallywerethefourthcross,makingthemperfectcandidatesforemancipationandpassingforwhite.Twoofthechildren,BeverlyandHarriet,ranawayfromMonticelloandlivedasfreewhites,whileMadisonandEstonweresetfreeinJefferson’swillandlatermovedtoOhio.Eston’soffspringalsointermarriedwithwhites.42

Onhisplantation,Jeffersonhadlittledifficultyinbreedingslavesaschattel.Hecountedslavechildrenincoldtermsas“increase,”andconsideredhisfemaleslavestobemorevaluablethanmales.Menmightraisefood,butitwasquicklyconsumed;womenproducedchildrenthatcouldbesoldasstock.Hedidnotshrinkfromsaying,“Iconsiderthelaborofabreedingwomanasnoobject,andachildraisedevery2.yearsisofmoreprofitthanthecropofthebestlaboringman.”Womenweremeanttobreed,for“providencehasmadeourinterests&dutiescoincideperfectly.”43

TheimpulsetobreedplayedanequallysignificantpartinJefferson’sagrarianrepublic.HistrustofthepeoplerestedonhisbeliefthatanewkindofleadershipclasswasboundtoemergeintheUnitedStates.HelaidoutthistheoryinaseriesoflettersheexchangedwithJohnAdamsin1813.ItwasAdamswhoopenedthefriendlydebatebymentioningthelonghumanhistoryofupholdingtheideaofthe“Wellborn.”Toprovehispoint,hequotedtheancientGreekpoet-philosopherTheognis:“WhenwewanttopurchaseHorses,Asses,orRams,WeinquirefortheWellborn.Andeveryonewishestoprocurefromthegoodbreeds.AgoodmandoesnotcaretomarryaShrew,theDaughterofaShrew,unlessTheygivehimagreatdealofmoneywithher.”Hiscontentionwasthatmenmarryformoneymorethanthedesireforproducinghealthyoffspring.

Adamsreturnedtothisfavoritetheorythatmenaredrivenbyvanityandambition.Putahundredmeninaroom,heconjectured,andsoontwenty-fivewillusetheirsuperiortalents,theircunning,totakecontrol.Thisimpulsewouldinevitablyleadallkindsofmentodivideintoclasses,andhewasconfidentthattheUnitedStateshadnotevolvedbeyondbeingruledbythispassionfordistinction.Bytheeighteenth

century,“wellborn”wassynonymouswiththelandedaristocracy.AdamsremindedJeffersonofthepowerfulfamiliesinMassachusettsandVirginiawhowereboundtogetherthroughkinshipandproperty.HeobservedthatheandJeffersonwereproductsofthedesiretomarrywell.Jefferson’slineageonhismother’ssidelinkedhimtooneoftheFirstFamiliesofVirginia,theRandolphs,andAbigailAdams,bypedigree,wasaQuincy.44

Jeffersonwasunconvinced.HeinterpretedTheognisdifferently,believingthatthepoetwasmakinganethicalargument.Hewasactuallychastisinghumanityformarryingthe“old,ugly,andvicious”forreasonsofwealthandambition,whiletheymoresensiblybreddomesticanimals“toimprovetherace.”AsJeffersonsawit,humanswereanimalsguidedbytheoverridingimpulse(asBuffonsaid)ofsexualdesire.Naturemadesurethathumanswouldpropagatetherace,implantinginthemlustmixedwithlove,throughthe“oestrum.”Theoestrumwasthestateoffemaleanimalsinheat,andprovidedthecapacityforsexualarousal;inNotes,hewrotethat“lovewasthepeculiaroestrumofpoets.”Sexualdesire,inthisway,wouldproducewhatJeffersoncalleda“fortuitousconcourseofbreeders.”Hemeantthatdesirewastherealengineofbreeding,andaccordingtothelawofaverages,unconsciouslustwouldoutflankevenunbridledgreed.45

Jefferson’smodelofbreedinggeneratedan“accidentalaristocracy”oftalent.Classdivisionswouldformthroughnaturalselection.Menwouldmarrywomenformorethanmoney;theywouldconsciouslyandunconsciouslychoosemateswithotherfavorabletraits.Itwasallamatterofprobability:somewouldmarryoutofsheerlust,othersforproperty,butthe“goodandwise”wouldmarryforbeauty,health,virtue,andtalents.IfAmericanshadenoughnativeintelligencetodistinguishthenaturalaristoifromthepseudo-aristoiinchoosingpoliticalleaders,thentheyhadreasonableinstinctsforselectingspouses.A“fortuitousconcourseofbreeders”wouldproducealeadershipclass—onethatwouldsortoutthegenuinelytalentedfromtheambitiousmenonthemake.46

ThequestionthatJeffersonneveransweredwasthis:Whathappenedtothosewhowerenotpartofthetalentedelite?Howwouldonedescribethe“concourseofbreeders”livingonthebottomlayerofsociety?Nomatterhowonefinessedit,rubbishproducedmorerubbish,evenifaselectfewmightbesalvaged.Ifthefortuitousbreedersnaturallyroseupthesocialladder,theunfortunate,thedegenerateremainedmiredinthemorassofmeanersorts.

Inallofhismusingsonclass,Jeffersonrarelyusedtheword“yeoman.”Hepreferred“cultivator”or“husbandman.”Onetimethathedidusethetermwasinan1815lettertoWilliamWirt.BorntoaMarylandtavernkeeper,WirtwasoneofJefferson’sapprenticeswhomhetookunderhiswing,andherosetobecomeanotedattorney.Hewasoneofthenaturalaristocracyoftalent,andoneofthebeneficiaries

ofJefferson’spatronage.In1815,WirtwasputtingthefinishingtouchesonthebiographyofPatrickHenry,andheaskedJeffersontopaintasocialpictureofeighteenth-centuryVirginia.Conjuringapotenttopographicalmetaphor,Jeffersoncontendedthatthecolonyhadhadastagnantclasssystem,whosesocialorderresembledasliceofearthonanarcheologicaldig.Theclasseswereseparatedinto“strata,”whichshadedoff“imperceptibly,fromtoptobottom,nothingdisturbingtheorderoftheirrepose.”

Jeffersondividedthetoptierofsupposedsocialbettersinto“Aristocrats,halfbreeds,pretenders.”Belowthemwasthe“solidindependentyeomanry,lookingaskanceatthoseabove,yetnotventuredtojostlethem.”Onthebottomrungheput“thelowestfeculumofbeingscalledOverseers,themostabject,degradedandunprincipledrace.”Overseersweretaskedtokeepslavesengagedinlaboronsouthernplantations.Bypittingthehonestyeomanryagainstthe“feculum”ofoverseers,JeffersonharshlyinvokedtheoldEnglishslurofhumanwaste.Thatwasn’tenough.Heportrayedoverseersaspanderers,withtheir“capinhandtotheDons”;theywereviciousmenwithoutthatdesirabledepositofvirtue,whofeignedsubservienceinordertoindulgethe“spiritofdomination.”JeffersonendowedhisVirginiaclassofoverseerswiththesamevicesthatheattributedtothosetoilinginmanufacturing.Thetwirlingdistaffattheworkbenchhadbeenreplacedwiththeslavedriver’swhip.47

Inthisstrangesleightofhand,slavesbecameinvisiblelaborersoutsidehistripartitesocialranking.Jeffersonmadethemvictimsofoverseers,notoftheiractualowners.Theyeomanrymightbetheprogenitorsofhisnobleclassofcultivators,buttheirlineageremainedunclear.ThesmallfarmerswhomJeffersonknewwereneithernoblenorparticularlyindependent.Buthepresentedtheupperclassasanoddcollectionofbreeds:greatplanters(pure-bloodedAristocrats)satatthetop,buttheirchildrenmightmarrydownandproduceaclassof“halfbreeds.”Thepretenderswereoutsiderswhodaredclaimthestationoftheleadingfamilies,wheretheywereneverreallywelcomed.DespitehisposeinhisexchangewithJohnAdamstwoyearsearlier,Jefferson’sbriefnaturalhistoryofVirginia’sclassesprovedthatelitesandupstartsmarriedthe“wellborn.”TheVirginiaupperclasswasacreationofmarryingformoney,name,andstation,inwhichkinshipandpedigreewereparamount.

Intheend,thoughJeffersonhopedthisoldVirginiahaddisappeared,thetruthwasmorecomplicated.Wastepeoplelingeredon,justasoverseersdid.Thechildrenofaristocrats,thoseofthehalf-breedclass,andanewclassthatJeffersoncalledthe“pseudo-Aristocrats”wererisingtoreplacethosewhohadonceruledVirginia.Thecompositionofthestrataofsoilthathecomparedtothedifferentclassesmayhavechanged,buttheprocessofdistinguishingtherichestloamonthetopandthelessfertilelowerlayersremainedinforce.

ClasswasapermanentfixtureinAmerica.Iftheyeomanlookedaskanceatthoseabovehim,thepoorfarmersheadingwestfacedanewbreedofaristocrats:shrewdlandspeculatorsandlargecottonandsugarplanters.ThemorecynicalAdamsremindedJeffersonin1813thatthecontinentwouldberuledby“Landjobbers”andanewclassofmanorlords.Theglorioustitleofcultivatorwouldremainbeyondthereachofmostbackcountrysettlers.48

B

CHAPTERFIVE

AndrewJackson’sCrackerCountry

TheSquatterasCommonMan

Obsquatulate,Tomosey,ortoabscond.—“CrackerDictionary,”SalemGazette(1830)

y1800,one-fifthoftheAmericanpopulationhadresettledonits“frontier,”theterritorybetweentheAppalachianMountainsandtheMississippi.Effective

regulationofthismassmigrationwaswellbeyondthelimitedpowersofthefederalgovernment.Evenso,officialsunderstoodthatthecountry’sfuturedependedoncontrollingthisvastterritory.Financialmatterswereinvolvedtoo.Governmentsaleoftheselandswasneededtoreducethenation’swardebts.Besides,thelandswerehardlyempty,andthepotentialforviolentconflictswithNativeAmericanswaseverpresent,aswhitemigrantssettledonlandstheydidnotown.Nationalgreatnessdependedasmuchasanythingupontheclassofsettlersthatwasadvancingintothenewterritories.WouldtheWestbeadumpinggroundforarefusepopulation?OrwouldtheUnitedStatesprofitfromitsnaturalbountyandgrowasacontinentalempiremoreequitably?Therewasmuchuncertainty.1

ThewesternterritorieswereforallintentsandpurposesAmerica’scolonies.DespitethecelebratoryspiritinevidenceeachFourthofJulybeginningin1777,manyanxietiesleftoverfromtheperiodoftheEnglishcolonizationrevived.Patrioticrhetoricaside,itwasnotatallclearthatnationalindependencehadgenuinelyennobledordinarycitizens.EconomicprosperityhadactuallydeclinedformostAmericansinthewakeoftheRevolution.Thoseuntetheredfromtheland,whoformedtheever-expandingpopulationoflandlesssquattersheadingintothetrans-AppalachianWest,unleashedmixedfeelings.Tomanyminds,themigrantpoorrepresentedtheUnitedStates’re-creationofBritain’smostdespisedandimpoverishedclass:vagrants.DuringtheRevolution,undertheArticlesofConfederation(thefirstfoundingdocumentbeforetheConstitutionwasadopted),Congressdrewasharpline

betweenthoseentitledtotheprivilegesofcitizenshipandthe“paupers,vagabonds,andfugitivesfromjustice”whostoodoutsidethenationalcommunity.2

Theimageofthetypicalpoorwhiteresidentofthefrontierwaspatheticandstrikingtoobservers,butitwasn’tnewatall.HewasanupdatedversionofWilliamByrd’slazylubber.HewastheEnglishvagrantwanderingthecountryside.Ifanythingabouthimwasnew,itwasthatsomeobserversgrantedhimafolksyappeal:thoughcoarseandraggedinhisdressandmanners,thepost-Revolutionarybackwoodsmanwasattimesdescribedashospitableandgenerous,someonewhoinvitedwearytravelersintohishumblecabin.Yethismorefavorablecastrarelylastedafterthewoodswerecutdownandsettledtownsandfarmsappeared.Ascivilizationapproached,thebackwoodsmanwasexpectedtolaydownroots,purchaseland,andadjusthissavagewaystopolitesociety—ormoveon.

WhereasFranklin,Paine,andJeffersonenvisionedAmericansasacommercialpeoplesuitedtoagrandcontinent,thosewhowroteabouttheAmericanbreedduringthenineteenthcenturyconceivedadifferentfrontiercharacter.ThisnewgenerationofsocialcommentatorspaidparticularattentiontoapeculiarclassofpeoplelivinginthethicklyforestedNorthwestTerritory(Ohio,Illinois,Indiana,Michigan,andWisconsin),alongthemarshyshoresoftheMississippi,andamidthemountainousterrainandsandybarrensofthesouthernbackcountry(westernVirginia,theCarolinas,Georgia,plusthenewstatesofKentuckyandTennessee,andnorthernAlabama),andlatertheFlorida,Arkansas,andMissouriTerritories.IntheheydayofJamesFenimoreCooper(1789–1851),whogaveearlyAmericathefearlessforestguideknownasLeatherstocking,theabstractcartographyoftheEnlightenmentyieldedtothelocalcolorofthenovelistindescribingtheoddquirksoftherusticpersonality.Americanswerestartingtodevelopamythicidentityforthemselves.Thereadingpublicwasmoreattunedtotravelers’accountsthantheyweretogridplansanddemographicnumbers.AsAmericanslookedwest,andmanymovedfartherawayfromcitiesandplantationsalongtheEastCoast,theydiscoveredasparselysettledwasteland.InplaceofJefferson’ssturdyyeomanonhiscultivatedfields,theyfoundtheraggedsquatterinhislogcabin.3

Thepresumptive“newman”ofthesquatter’sfrontierembodiedthebestandtheworstoftheAmericancharacter.The“Adam”oftheAmericanwildernesshadasplitpersonality:hewashalfheartyrusticandhalfdirk-carryinghighwayman.Inhismostfavorablecastasbackwoodsman,hewasahomespunphilosopher,anindependentspirit,andastrongandcourageousmanwhoshunnedfameandwealth.Butturnhimoverandhebecamethewhitesavage,aruthlessbrawlerandeye-gouger.Thisunwholesometypelivedabruteexistenceinadingylogcabin,withyelpingdogsathisheels,ahaggardwife,andamongrelbroodofbrownandyellowbratstocompletethesorryscene.

EarlyrepublicanAmericahadbecomea“cracker”country.Citylifecateredtoaminorityofthepopulation,astheruralmajorityfannedoutwardtotheedgesofcivilization.WhiletheBritishhadmadeanattempttoprohibitwesternmigrationthroughtheProclamationof1763,theRevolutionaryWarremovedsuchbarriersandacquiescedtothefloodofpoorermigrants.Bothcrackersandsquatters—twotermsthatbecameshorthandforlandlessmigrants—supposedlystayedjustonestepaheadofthe“real”farmers,Jefferson’sidealized,commerciallyorientedcultivators.Theylivedoffthegrid,rarelyattendedaschoolorjoinedachurch,andremainedapotentsymbolofpoverty.TobelowerclassinruralAmericawastobeoneofthelandless.Theydisappearedintounsettledterritoryandsquatteddown(occupiedtractswithoutpossessingalandtitle)anywhereandeverywhere.Ifland-basedanalogieswerestillneeded,theywerenottobedividedintogradesofsoil,asJeffersonhadcreativelyconceived,butspreadaboutasscrubfoliageor,inbestialterms,mangyvarmintsinfestingtheland.4

Theplightofthesquatterwasdefinedbyhisstaticnatureandtransientexistence.Withnoguaranteeofsocialmobility,theonlygifthereceivedfromhiscountrywasthelibertytokeepmoving.KrisKristofferson’sclassiclyricresonateshere:whenitcametothecrackerorsquatter,freedomwasjustanotherwordfornothinglefttolose.

Both“squatter”and“cracker”wereAmericanisms,termsthatupdatedinheritedEnglishnotionsofidlenessandvagrancy.“Squatter,”inone1815dictionary,wasa“cantname”amongNewEnglandersforapersonwhoillegallyoccupiedlandhedidnotown.Anearlyusageofthewordoccurredinaletterof1788fromFederalistNathanielGorhamofMassachusetts,writingtoJamesMadisonabouthisstate’sratifyingconvention.IdentifyingthreeclassesofmenopposedtothenewfederalConstitution,helistedtheformersupportersofShays’Rebellioninthewesterncounties,theundecidedwhomightbeledastraybyopinionatedothers,andtheconstituentsofMaine:thislastgroupwere“squatters”who“liveduponotherpeople’sland”andwere“afraidofbeingbroughttoaccount.”Notyetaseparatestate,MainewasthewoodedbackcountryofMassachusetts,andGorhamwasabouttobecomeoneofthemostpowerfulspeculatorsintheunsettledlandsofwesternNewYorkState.In1790,“squatter”appearedinaPennsylvanianewspaper,butwrittenas“squatlers,”describingmenwhoinhabitedthewesternborderlandsofthatstate,alongtheSusquehannaRiver.Theyweremenwho“sitdownonriverbottoms,”pretendtohavetitles,andchaseoffanyonewhodarestousurptheirclaims.5

Interlopersandtrespassers,unpolicedsquattersandcrackersgrewcrops,cuttimber,huntedandfishedonlandtheydidnotown.TheylivedintemporaryhutsbeyondthereachofthecivilizingforcesoflawandsocietyandoftenincloseproximitytoNativeAmericans.InMassachusettsandMaine,squattersfelttheyhadarighttotheland(orshouldbepaid)iftheymadeimprovements,thatis,iftheycleared

awaythetrees,builtfences,homes,andbarns,andcultivatedthesoil.Theirdefactoclaimswereroutinelychallenged;familieswerechasedoff,theirhomesburned.Squattersoftenrefusedtoleave,tookuparms,andretaliated:aPennsylvaniamanin1807shotasheriffwhotriedtoejecthim.DownEasterDanielHildreth,triedandconvictedofattemptedmurderin1800,wentaftertheproprietorhimself.6

Slangtendstoenterthevocabularywellaftertheconditionitdescribeshasexisted.Andsothepresenceofsquatterspredatedtheworditself.InPennsylvania,asearlyasthe1740s,colonialofficialsissuedsternproclamationstowarnoffillegitimateresidentswhoweresettlingonthewesternlandsofwealthyproprietors.Twentyyearslater,withlittlesuccessincurbingtheirinvasion,courtsmadethemoreegregiousformsoftrespassacapitalcrime.YeteventhethreatofthegallowsdidnotstoptheflowofmigrantsacrosstheSusquehanna,downtheOhio,andasfarsouthasNorthCarolinaandGeorgia.7

Britishmilitaryofficerswerethefirsttorecordtheirimpressionsofthisirrepressibleclassofhumanity.Asearlyasthe1750s,theywerecalledthe“scumofnature”and“vermin”;theyhadnomeansofsupportexcepttheftandlicense.Themilitarycondemnedthem,butalsousedthem.ThemotleycaravanofsettlersthatgatheredaroundencampmentssuchasFortPitt(thefuturePittsburgh),attheforksoftheOhio,Allegheny,andMonongahelaRivers,servedasabufferzonebetweentheestablishedcolonialsettlementsalongtheAtlanticandNativetribesoftheinterior.Asemicriminalclassofmen,whosewomenweredismissedasharlotsbythesoldiers,theytrailedinthearmy’swakeascampfollowers,sometimesintheguiseoftraders,othertimesaswholefamilies.8

ColonialcommanderssuchasSwiss-borncolonelHenryBouquetinPennsylvaniatreatedthemallasexpendabletroublemakers,butoccasionallyemployedtheminattackingandkillingso-calledsavages.LikethevagrantsroundedupinEnglandtofightforeignwars,thesecolonialoutcastshadnolastingsocialvalue.In1759,Bouquetarguedthattheonlyhopeforimprovingthecolonialfrontierwasthroughregularpruning.Forhim,warwasapositivegoodwhenitkilledofftheverminandweededouttherubbish.Theywere“nobetterthansavages,”hewrote,“theirchildrenbroughtupintheWoodslikebrutes,withoutanynotionofReligion,[or]Government.”Nothingmancoulddevise“improvedthebreed.”9

“Squatter”or“squat”carriedarangeofdisreputablemeanings.Thetermsuggestedsquashing,flatteningout,orbeatingdown;itconjuredimagesofscattering,spinningoutward,spillingpeopleacrosstheland.Thosewhorecurredtothetermrevivedtheolder,vulgarslurofhumanwaste,asin“squatteringasoftturd.”Bythelateeighteenthcentury,inthetimeoftheinfluentialBuffon,squattingwasuniformlyassociatedwithlesserpeoples,suchastheHottentots,whoreportedlyconvenedtheir

politicalmeetingswhilesquattingontheground.DuringtheSevenYears’War,BritishforcesusedthetacticofsquattingdownandhidingwhenfightingNativeAmericans—essentiallyimitatingtheirfoe’sambushes.Lestweoverlooktheobvious,squatting—sittingdown—wastheexactoppositeofstanding,whichasanounconveyedtheBritishlegalprincipleofsecuringterritorialrightstotheland.Theword“right”camefromstandingerect.One’slegal“standing”meanteverythingincivilizedsociety.10

“Crackers”firstappearedintherecordsofBritishofficialsinthe1760sanddescribedapopulationwithnearlyidenticaltraits.InalettertoLordDartmouth,onecolonialBritishofficerexplainedthatthepeoplecalled“crackers”were“greatboasters,”a“lawlesssetofrascalsonthefrontiersofVirginia,Maryland,theCarolinasandGeorgia,whooftenchangetheirplacesofabode.”Asbackcountry“banditti,”“villains,”and“horsethieves,”theyweredismissedas“idlestrag[g]lers”and“asetofvagabondsoftenworsethantheIndians.”BythetimeoftheRevolution,theircriminalwayshadturnedthemintoruthlessIndianfighters.InoneeyewitnessaccountfromtheCarolinabackcountry,acracker“bruiser”wrestledhisCherokeefoetotheground,gougedouthiseyes,scalpedhisvictimalive,andthendashedhisskullwiththebuttofagun.Overkillwastheircodeofjustice.11

Theirlineage,asitwere,couldbetracedbacktoNorthCarolina,andbeforethattoVirginia’srejectsandrenegades.AnAnglicanminister,CharlesWoodmason,whotraveledforsixyearsintheCarolinawildernessinthe1760s,offeredthemostdamningportraitofthelazy,licentious,drunken,andwhoringmenandwomenwhomheadjudgedthepoorestexcusesforBritishsettlershehadevermet.The“VirginiaCrackers”heencounteredwerefoolishenoughastoargueovera“turd.”Thewomenwere“sluttish”bynature,knowntopulltheirclothestightlyaroundtheirbreastsandhipssoastoemphasizetheirshape.Irreligiousmenandwomenengagedindrunkenorgiesratherthanlistentotheclergyman’sdullsermons.Allinall,crackerswereasindolentandimmoralastheirfellowsquatterstothenorth.12

Theoriginof“cracker”isnolesscuriousthan“squatter.”The“crackingtraders”ofthe1760sweredescribedasnoisybraggarts,pronetolyingandvulgarity.Onecouldalso“crack”ajest,andcrudeEnglishmen“cracked”wind.Firecrackersgaveoffastenchandwereloudanddisruptiveastheysnapped,crackled,andpopped.A“lousecracker”referredtoalice-ridden,slovenly,nastyfellow.13

Anothersignificantlinguisticconnectiontothepopulartermwastheadjective“crackbrained,”whichdenotedacrazypersonandwastheEnglishslangforafoolor“idlehead.”Idlenessinmindandbodywasadefiningtrait.Inoneofthemostwidelyreadsixteenth-centurytractsonhusbandry,ThomasTusserofferedthequalifying

verse,“Twogoodhaymakers,worthtwentycra[c]kers.”Astheembodimentofwastepersons,theywhittledawaytime,producingonlyblusterandnonsense.14

Americancrackerswereaggressive.Their“delightincruelty”meanttheywerenotjustcantankerousbutdangerous.As“lawlessrascals”ofthefrontier,theyhadaleanandmeanphysique,likeaninferioranimal.Backwoodstraderswereeasilycomparedtoa“rascallyherd”ofdeer.(“Rascal”wasyetanothersynonymfortrash.)Asscavengers,crackerswerefeistyandvolatile,ortheycouldplaythefool,likeByrd’sslow-wittedlubbers.15

In1798,Dr.BenjaminRush,asigneroftheDeclarationofIndependence,wrotethatPennsylvaniasquattershadadoptedthe“strongtinctureofthemanners”ofIndians,particularlyintheir“violent”fitsoflabor,“succeededbylongintervalsofrest.”Perhapstheirsoutherntwinsabidedbythesameinstinctiverhythms,butthefarthersouthonewent,themorethelandlessindulgedthemselvesinlongperiodsofsloth.Rushdescribedhisstateasa“sieve,”leakingsouthboundsquatters.Pennsylvaniaretainedtheheartierpoor,thosewillingtoploughthestubbornsoil,whereasthetrulyindolentendedupinVirginia,NorthCarolina,andGeorgia.InRush’sregionalsketch,squattersfromthenorthernstatesseemedtoturnintocrackersassoonastheycrossedintothesouthernbackcountry.16

•••

Thepersistenceofthesquatterandcrackerallowsustounderstandhowmuchmorelimitedsocialmobilitywasalongthefrontierthanlovinglegendhasit.IntheNorthwest(Ohio,Indiana,Illinois,Michigan,andWisconsinTerritories),thesprawlingupperSouth(Kentucky,Tennessee,Missouri,andArkansasTerritories),andtheFloridas(EastandWest),classesformedinapredictablemanner.Speculatorsandlargefarmers—amixofabsenteelandinvestorsandlandowninggentry—hadthemostpowerandpoliticalinfluence,andusuallyhadaclearadvantageindetermininghowthelandwasparceledout.Themiddlinglandownershadpersonalorpoliticalconnectionstothelargelandowningelite.Innewtrans-AppalachiantownssuchasLexington,Kentucky,dubbedthe“AthensoftheWest,”withtheadditionofroadscamecommercialgrowthbetween1815and1827,sothatanewmerchantmiddleclasstookroot.SuchtownsasLexingtonalsosupportedsmallfarmers,whohadlesssecurityinretainingtheirland,giventhefluctuationsinthemarket,whileartisansofthemeanersorthungaboutthetown.17

Withthisfloodofnewsettlers,squattersmadetheirpresenceknown.Sometimesidentifiedasfamilies,atothertimesassinglemen,theywereviewedasadistinctandtroublesomeclass.IntheNorthwestTerritory,theyweredismissedasunproductive

oldsoldiers,rubbishthatneededtobeclearedawaybeforeahealthycommercialeconomycouldbeestablished.PresidentJeffersontermedthem“intruders”onpubliclands.Sometransientsfoundsubsistenceashiredlaborers.Allofthemexistedonthemarginsofthecommercialmarketplace.18

Educatedobserversfearedsocialdisorder,particularlyafterthefinancialpanicof1819,whenpoliticalwriterspredictedintheWesta“numerouspopulation,inastateofwretchedness.”Increasingnumbersofpoorsettlersanduneducatedsquatterswere“ripefortreasonandspoil”—afamiliarrefrainrecallingthelanguagecirculatedduringShays’Rebellionin1786.Inthewakeofthepanic,thefederalgovernmentdevisedaprogramofregulatedlandsalesthatkeptpriceshighenoughtoweedoutthelowestclasses.19

By1850,inwhatbecameacommonpatterninnewsouthwesternstates,atleast35percentofthepopulationownednorealestate.Therewasnoclearpathtolandandrichesamongthelowerranks.Tenantscouldeasilybereducedtolandlesssquatters.IntheNorthwest,landagentscourtedbuyersandactivelydiscouragedtenancy.Federallawsforpurchasinglandwereweightedinfavorofwealthierspeculators.ThelandlesswestoftheAppalachiansweremorelikelytopullupstakesandmoveelsewherethantheyweretostayinoneplaceandworktheirwayupward.20

TheubiquityofsquattersacrosstheUnitedStatesturnedthemintoapowerfulpoliticaltrope.Theycametobeassociatedwithfivetraits:(1)crudehabitations;(2)boastfulvocabulary;(3)distrustofcivilizationandcityfolk;(4)aninstinctiveloveofliberty(read:licentiousness);and(5)degeneratepatternsofbreeding.Yetevenwithsuchunappealingtraits,thesquatteralsoacquiredsomefavorablequalities:thesimplebackwoodsmanwelcomedstrangersintohiscabin,theoutrageousstorytellerentertainedthemthroughthenight.Squatters,then,weremorethantroublesome,uncouthrascalstakinguplandtheydidn’town.Thisdoubleidentitymadethesquatteracontestedfigure.Bythe1830sand1840s,hewasfullyasymbolofpartisanpolitics,celebratedastheiconiccommonmanwhocametoepitomizeJacksoniandemocracy.

AmericanstendtoforgetthatAndrewJacksonwasthefirstwesternerelectedpresident.Tall,lanky,withtherawbonedlookofatruebackwoodsman,heworetheharshlifeofthefrontieronhisfaceandliterallycarriedabulletnexttohisheart.Ferociousinhisresentments,driventowreakrevengeagainsthisenemies,heoftenactedwithoutdeliberationandjustifiedhisbehaviorasalawuntohimself.HiscontroversialreputationmadehimthetargetofattacksthatpaintedhimasaTennesseecracker.HiswifeRachel’sbackcountrydivorceandherrecoursetobothcigarandcorncobpipeconfirmedthecoupleasNashvillebumpkins,atleastintheeyesoftheireasterndetractors.21

Jacksonandhissupportersworkedonadifferentimage.Duringthreesuccessivepresidentialcampaigns(1824,1828,1832),GeneralJacksonwascelebratedas“OldHickory,”insharpcontrasttoCrèvecoeur’stameanalogyofAmericansascarefullycultivatedplants.RisingupintheharshhinterlandofwhatwasoncethewesternextensionofNorthCarolina,theTennesseanwiththeunbendingwillandrigidstyleofcommandwasaperfectmatchforthetough,densewoodofIndianbowsandhickoryswitchesfromwhichheacquiredhisnickname.22

Jackson’spersonalitywasacrucialpartofhisdemocraticappealaswellastheanimosityheprovoked.Hewasthefirstpresidentialcandidatetobebolsteredbyacampaignbiography.Hewasnotadmiredforstatesmanlikequalities,whichhelackedinabundanceincomparisontohishighlyeducatedrivalsJohnQuincyAdamsandHenryClay.Hissupportersadoredhisroughedges,hislandhunger,andhiscloseidentificationwiththeTennesseewilderness.AsarepresentativeofAmerica’scrackercountry,Jacksonunquestionablyaddedanewclassdimensiontothemeaningofdemocracy.

ButthemessageofJackson’spresidencywasnotaboutequalitysomuchasanewstyleofaggressiveexpansion.In1818,GeneralAndrewJacksoninvadedFloridawithoutpresidentialapproval;aspresident,hesupportedtheforcedremovaloftheCherokeesfromthesoutheasternstatesandwillfullyignoredtheopinionoftheSupremeCourt.Takingandclearingtheland,usingviolentmeansifnecessary,andactingwithoutlegalauthority,Jacksonwasarguablythepoliticalheirofthecrackerandsquatter.

•••

OverthetwodecadesleadinguptoAndrewJackson’selectionaspresident,thesquatterandcrackergraduallybecameAmerica’sdominantpoorbackcountrybreed.Notsurprisingly,itwastheirphysicalenvironmentthatmostsetthemapart.In1810,theornithologistandpoetAlexanderWilsontraveledalongtheOhioandMississippiRiversfromPittsburghtoNewOrleans,cataloguingnotonlythesky-boundbirdsbutalsotheearth-huggingsquatters,whomhefoundtobeanequallycuriousspecies.WritingforaPhiladelphiamagazine,Wilsonidentifiedtheir“grotesquelogcabins”thatscarredtheotherwisepicturesquewilderness.

Weedssurroundedthecabinsandhutsthatthenaturalistshappenedupon.Thelandshowednosignoftoil.Wilsondescribedthesequestionablehomesinmockingpoetryasa“cavern’druin,”which“frown’dafoulercavewithin.”Theentirefamilysleptonasinglebed,orasWilsonputit,“wherenightlykennel’dall.”Kittenscrawledintoabrokenchest,apigtookshelterinapot,andaleakyroofletintherain.Thesquatter

patriarchstaredfrombeneathhistatteredhat,wearingashirt“defiledandtorn,”his“faceinlaidwithdirtandsoot.”23

ForthetransplantedScotsmanWilson,habitatwasthemeasureofaman,markinghiscapacityforprogressorlikelihoodofdecay.Ifeveryman’shomewashiscastle,thenAmerica’sbackcountrysquatterswereworsethanpeasants.Withcruelirony,Wilsontermedthesquattercabinasa“specimenofthefirstorderofAmericanArchitecture.”Itamazedhimthatsuchuninspiredbeingscouldfindanythingtoboastabout,yettheyproudlyspokeofAmericaasthelandofopportunity.24

ThereweremanylikeWilsonwhoplacedsquattersbelowthenakedsavageonthesocialscale.AtleastAmericanIndiansbelongedinthewoods.Thepoorsquatter’sbackcountrystillcarriedtheassociationofarubbishheap.Therewasnorealsocialladderemerginginthewesternterritories,nosolidfoundationformobilityunderconstructionthere,notmuchrisingfromthebottomlessbasementthatoozedhumanrefuse.FromthefoothillsoftheAppalachiansintothebanksoftheOhioandMississippiRivers,thenationleanedbackward.Thesquatterwasfrozenintime.Hisprimitivehutrepresentedhisunderclasscage.

Thedistancebetweentownandbackwoodswasmeasuredinmorethanmiles.Ithadanevolutionarycharacter,formingwhatsomeatthetimerecognizedasanimpassablegulfbetweentheclasses.Theeducatedroutinelywroteindisbeliefthatsuchpeoplesharedtheircountry.In1817,forexample,ThomasJefferson’sgranddaughterCorneliaRandolphwrotetoheryoungersisteraboutatripwiththeirgrandfathertotheNaturalBridge,apropertythatJeffersonownedninetymileswestofMonticello.Here,shesaid,sheencounteredmembersofthat“halfciviliz’dracewholivedbeyondtheridge.”Thechildrenshemetwerebarelycoveredbytheirscantyshiftsandshirts,whileonemanstruttedaroundbeforethemwithhis“hairybreastexposed.”Inthislarge,unrulyfamily,shenotedwithdisapproval,therewerenomorethan“twoorthreepairsofshoes.”Shewasespeciallysurprisedbythecrudefamiliarityoftheirspeech.Oblivioustosocialforms,theyconversedwiththeex-presidentasthoughhewassomelostfamilymember.AsaproudmemberoftheVirginiagentry,Corneliawasconvincedthatshetoweredabovetheunwashedsquatters.Toherfurtherchagrin,shewasastoundedthatthepoorfamilyexhibitednottheleastsenseofshameovertheirpatheticcondition.25

Classmadeitsmosttransparentappearancebywayofsuchcontrasts.Wecanreadvolumesintothescornexpressedbytheeducatedonlookerasheorshesizeduptheuncouthfigureswhoroamedthebackcountry.Theneedtomakethemintoanewbreedfocusedonmorethancrudelivingconditions,however.Thebackwoodsmanandcrackerhadatelltalegaitthataccompaniedhisdistinctivephysiognomy.Whiletravelinginthetrans-AppalachianWestin1830,acityadventurerdrollyobservedofhisbedcompanionforthenight,“lantern-jawed,double-jointedbackwoodsman,

measuringsomesevenfeetoneinhisstockingfeet.”AtypicalalligatorhunterinsouthernIllinoisboreasimilarphysique:“gaunt,long-limbed,lanthorn-jawed,Jonathan.”(“Jonathan”simplymeant“fellow”here,beingacommonappellationforagenericAmerican.)Thecrackerwomenhadthesameprotrudingjawandswarthycomplexion,andwereasoftenasnottoothless.26

Womenandchildrenwereimportantsymbolsofcivilization—ortheabsenceofit.OfficersstationedinFloridainthe1830sidentified“yecrackergirls”asbrutes,withmannersnobetterthansailors,andoftenseensmokingpipes,chewingandspittingtobacco,andcursing.Seeingtheirslipshoddress,dirtyfeet,ropyhair,andunwashedfaces,onelieutenantfromtheNortheastdismissedthemallasnobetterthanprostitutes.Inhiswords,everyoneofthecrackerclasswasa“swearing,lazy,idleslut!”27

ThebackwoodspersonalitycouldbefoundasfarnorthasMaine,asfarsouthasFlorida,andacrosstheNorthwestandSouthwestTerritories.Theyacquiredlocalizednames,suchasMississippiscreamers,fortheircracker-styleIndianwarwhooporloveofsquealing;Kentuckycorncrackers,fortheirpoordietofcrackedcorn;andIndianaHoosiers,forthepoorinthatstate.“Hoosier”isawordnolinguisticscholarcandefinewithanyprecision.Evenso,theclassdescriptorwasthesame.AHoosiermanranoffatthemouth,lied,boasted,andremainedreadytoharmanyonewhoinsultedhisuglywife.Theywereaspronetoadown-and-dirtyfightasanysoutherncracker.HoosiergalswerenomorerefinedthantheirFloridasisters.AHoosiergal’scourtshipritual,itwassaid,involvedalotofkickingandhairpulling.28

Sexualbehaviorwasanothercrucialmarkerofclassstatus.Inawell-knownpoemoftheera,“TheHoosier’sNest”(1833),theauthorharkenedbacktothevocabularyoftheScottishnaturalistWilson.Hereagain,thecabinswerewildnests,ahalf-human,half-animalretreatperfectforindiscriminatebreeding.Usingaraciallychargedslur,thepoetidentifiedthechildrenas“Hoosieroons”—aclassvariationofthemixed-racequadroons.Undertheirleakyroofswerenoneoftheheartypioneerstock.Instead,poorIndianasquattersproducedadegeneratedozenofdirtyyellowurchins.29

Filthycabins,alackofmanners,andrampantbreedingcombinedtomakecrackersandsquattersadistinctclass,asverifiedbytheirpatternsofspeech.BackwoodspatoisconstitutedaruralAmericanversionofthelower-classEnglishcockney.In1830,therewasevena“CrackerDictionary,”preservingtheirvintageslang.Onewas“Jimberjawed,”whosemouthwasconstantlymoving,whocouldn’tstoptalking.Thecracker’sprotrudinglowerjawcarriedoverintohisstyleoftalking.A“ringtailedroarer”wasaviolenttype;thedescriptive“chewedup”literallyreferredtohavingone’sear,nose,orlipbittenoff.30

Butonepolysyllabicwordmayhavebestcapturedtheiridentity.Theverb“obsquatulate”wasacrackerconjugationof“squat,”conveyingtheideaofmoseyingalongorabsconding.Forapeoplewhowouldn’tsettleinoneplace,“obsquatulate”gaveanactivityofsortstotheAmericanheirsofEnglishvagrants.Theymightfleelikeanabscondingservantorambleataslowpacewithoutadestinationinmind,butineithercaseitwastheirdirtyfeetandslipshodwaysthatdefinedthem.31

•••

JacksonwasnottheonlyTennesseantobecomeanationalcelebrity.Thoughbythe1830shewouldcometobeknownasabearhunterand“LionoftheWest,”DavidCrockettwasamilitiascoutandlieutenant,justiceofthepeace,towncommissioner,staterepresentative,andfinallyaU.S.congressman.HewasfirstelectedtotheHouseofRepresentativesin1827.WhatmakesthehistoricDavidCrockettinterestingisthathewasself-taught,livedofftheland,and(mostnotablyforus)becameanardentdefenderofsquatters’rights—forhehadbeenasquatterhimself.Asapoliticianhetookupthecauseofthelandlesspoor.32

Crockettwasborninthe“stateofFranklin,”astatethatwasnotlegallyastate.IthaddeclareditsindependencefromNorthCarolinain1784andremainedunrecognized.FranklinwaslaterincorporatedintoTennesseeandbecameabattlegroundasspeculatorsandsquattersscrambledtocontrolthemostarabletracts.TheiractivitiestriggeredanendlessseriesofskirmisheswiththeCherokees,exacerbatedbyblatanttreatyviolations.ThefirstgovernorofTennesseeterritory,theprodigiouslandspeculatorWilliamBlount,wasgiventheCherokeenickname“DirtCaptain.”From1797to1811,thefederalgovernmentperiodicallysenttroopsintoTennesseetoremovesquatters,whichonlyincreasedtheseornerymen’snaturalhostilitytowardWashington.ToCrockett,amanofhumblerootswillingtostandhisground,wasattributedasimplephilosophy:“It’sgritofafellowthatmakesaman.”Butitwasn’tgritalonethatcounted;anuntamedphysicalityandfecunditywasthoughttobethemostAmericanofattributes.In1830,inanunprecedentedmove,CrockettpetitionedCongresstograntaresidentofhisstateatractofpublicland—notbecauseofhardwork,butbecausehiswifehadgivenbirthtotriplets.33

AsthatparticularbrandofAmerican,thelovableoutcast,Crockettacquiredareputationforspinningoutrageoustalltales.InaspeechhepurportedlydeliveredinCongress(butprobablyneverdidgiveintheseexactwords)hecalledhimselfthe“savagestcritteryoueverdidsee.”Endowedwithsuperhumanpowers,hecould“runlikeafox,swimlikeaeel,yelllikeanIndian,”and“swallowaniggerwhole”—anabsurd,racistcommentthatwasprobablymeanttoconveyhishostilitytowardgreatslaveowningplanterswhopushedpoorsquattersofftheirland.TherealCrockett

ownedslaveshimself,yetinCongressheopposedlargeplanters’engrossmentofvasttractsofland.Hechampionedabillthatwouldhavesoldlanddirectlyfromthefederalgovernmenttosquattersatlowprices.Healsoopposedthepracticeofhavingcourtshireoutinsolventdebtorstoworkofffees—anupdatedvariationonindenturedservitude.Crockettspoke“Cracker”fluently,aswasdemonstratedinthe1830dictionarythatgavehimfullcreditforcoiningthephrase“ring-taleroarer”todescribeaviolentman.34

Crockett’sboastingcarriedunambiguousclassaccents.In1828,heclaimedthathecould“wadetheMississippiwithasteamboatonhisback”and“whiphisweightinwildcats.”Theonethinghesaidhecouldn’tdowastogiveastandardspeechinCongress—whichfeltoddtohim,giventhatheotherwisebelievedhecouldwhipanymanintheHouse.Helackedtheeloquencethatwastaught,theargumentationthattheeducatedclasspossessed.Hishumorousspeechesgainedpublicnotoriety,butformanyobserversheremainedthe“harlequin,”provokinglaughter.Accordingtoonenewspaper,queerstoriesandquaintsayingsturnedCrockettintoadancingbear,dressedupin“coatandbreeches,”performingavulgarsideshow.35

TherealCrockettwasofteneclipsedbythetalltalesoftheuntutoredbackwoodsman.AnentirecottageindustryofCrockettstorieswerepublishedthatheneverauthorized.DavyCrockett’sAlmanackof1837containsacrudeengravingofacorncracker,whoappearsunshaven,isdressedinbuckskin,andholdsarifleinhishand.Heistoppedoffwithagrisly-lookingcoonskincap,theanimal’sheadstillattached(seepage121).Inanotherengraving,Davy’sdaughterismountedonagiantalligator’sback,ridingthethirty-seven-footbeastlikearodeostar.Whetherhefightsmodern-daydragonsoraccomplishesmagicalfeatsinasurrealhinterland,Crockett’ssavageinstinctsseemappropriatetoamock-chivalricepic.HisghostwritersandhackbiographersmadeCrockettintoawildmanandanill-educatedbraggart,andyettheyequallyrelishedhisover-the-topswaggerinoutmaneuveringsteamboats,bears,andslipperytownfolk.36

Hisboastfulnesswasneverseeninpurelyheroicterms.Hemightjumphigherand“squatlower”than“allthefellerseithersideoftheAlleghanyhills,”buthiscomiccharacteractuallyservedtomutealegitimatepoliticalvoice.RepresentativeCrockettmayhavecomparedspeculatorstosneakycoonsinan1824speechbeforetheTennesseeHouse,butheneverlostsightofthelegalploysusedtotrickpoorersettlersoutoftheirlandwarrants.Intheend,theman,notthelegend,didabetterjobofexposingclassconflictinthebackcountry,whererealspeculatorswereroutinelypittedagainstrealsquatters.37

DavidCrockettwasanavidbackerofAndrewJacksoninthe1828election,butsoonenoughabandonedtheimperiousgeneral.Crockett’sLandBillmadeenemies

backinTennessee,andhedisapprovedoftheIndianRemovalBill,whichallowedforforcedexpulsionoftheCherokeesandother“civilizedtribes”fromthesoutheasternstates.Indianremovalwentalongwiththeunfairtreatmentofsquatters,whowereexpelledfromthepublicdomainandwerebarredfromsecuringlandthattheyhadsettledandimproved.Jackson’salliesrespondedtoCrockett’sdefectionbycallinghimunsavoryanduneducated.

CrockettaccusedJacksonofgoingbackonhisprinciples,andrefusedtogoalongwiththepartisandogpack.In1831,hewrotethathe“wouldnotwearacollarroundmyneck,with‘mydog’onit,andthenameofANDREWJACKSONonthecollar.”Threeyearslaterhemadesubmissiontopartyintoanuglyslur,sayinghewouldrather“belongtoanigger,andbearaccoondog,asthepartisanofanyman.”InCrockett’sbackcountryclasshierarchy,therewasthefreewhitemalelandowner,thesquatter,theblackman,thedog,andthen,ifhislanguagewastobetakenseriously,thepartyman.38

•••

DemocratAndrewJackson’sstormyrelationshipwithCrockettwasreplicatedagainandagainwithanynumberofcontemporariesoverthecourseofacareerthatwasbuiltonsheerwillandutterimpulse.Mostofhisloyalsupporterseventuallyendedupontheoppositionsideofthepartisandivide,joiningtheWhigParty.Controversy,largeandsmall,seemedtofollowtheman.BecauseJacksonhadrelativelylittleexperienceholdingpoliticaloffices,hisrunforthepresidencydrewevenmorethanthenormalamountofattentiontohispersonalcharacter.Abiographywrittenforcampaignpurposesfilledinthegapsinhisgenerallycombativerésumé.WhethersupportersportrayedhimastheconqueringheroorhisenemieslabeledhimKingAndrewI,allfocusedonhisvolatileemotions.Hecertainlylackedtheeducationandpolitebreedingofhispresidentialpredecessors.39

AsanoutsidertoWashington,saveforabrief,unproductivestintinCongress,hisqualificationscamefromthefieldofwar,wherehisrecordsparkedheatedcriticism.HisardentbackersclaimedhimasthespiritualsuccessortothesaintedGeneralWashington,butJackson’soriginslayfarfromthePotomac,beyondtheAppalachianMountains.OldHickoryhadmadehishomeinplaceswherethepopulationwasthinandthelawfungible.Hewasaslaveholdingplanterwhosereputationsituatedhimnotinthehallsofpowerbutamongthecommonstock.IntheTennesseebackcountry,wheresettlementcamemuchlaterthanitdidontheEastCoast,landowningandclassstationsostensiblyhadshallowerroots.AsoneNewEnglandjournalistwonderedaloudduringJackson’sfirstrunforpresidentin1824,whopreciselywerethese“hardysonsoftheWest”?40

Inthepopularimagination,Jacksonwasinseparablefromawildandoftenviolentlandscape.AfterhiscelebratedvictoryattheBattleofNewOrleansin1815,hewasidentifiedasa“greenbackwoodsman”whohadbestedthe“invincible”Britishfoe.Toanother,hewas“Napoleonofthewoods.”Hispoliticalrisecamethroughviolence,havingslaughteredtheRedStickfactionoftheCreekNationintheswampsofAlabamain1813–14,whileleavinghundredsofBritishsoldiersdeadinthemarshesofNewOrleansinJanuary1815.JacksonbraggedabouttheBritishdeathtoll,asdidAmericanpoets.Oneextolled,“Carnagestalkswideo’eralltheensanguin’plain.”Anditwasnoexaggeration.Bodiesfloatedinriversandstreams,andbonesofthevanquishedwerefoundbytravelersdecadeslater.41

Jacksondidnotlookoractlikeaconventionalpolitician,whichwasafundamentalpartofhisappeal.WhenJacksonarrivedinPhiladelphiafromTennesseetotakehisseatintheU.S.Senatein1796,PennsylvaniacongressmanAlbertGallatindescribeda“tall,lank,uncouth-lookingpersonage,withlonglockshangingoverhisface,andaqueuedownhisbacktiedineelskin.”Inlateryears,thegauntgeneralstruckobserversasstiffincarriage,andweatherworn.Backwaterdiseasesstalkedhim.Sayingnothingofhisexternalappearance,ThomasJeffersonperceivedinJacksonamanofsavageinstincts.Onceheobservedhimsoovercomewithangerthathewasleftspeechless.(Speechlessnesswastheclassicsignifierofprimitivemananduntamedbeast.)42

Hisfierytemperandlackofscholarlydeportmentpermanentlymarkedhim.Aswornenemyputitbest:“Boisterousinordinaryconversation,hemakesupinoathswhathelacksinarguments.”Notknownforhissubtlereasoning,Jacksonwasbluntinhisopinionsandquicktoresentanywhodisagreedwithhim.Shoutingcursesputhiminthecompanyofbothcommonsoldiersanduncouthcrackers.In“ABackwoodsmanandaSquatter”(1821),onesatiristcapturedsuchfrontiertypes,folksknownto“squaleloosejawandslamanangryoath.”43

Jackson’saggressivestyle,hisfrequentresortingtoduelsandstreetfights,hisangryactsofpersonalandpoliticalretaliationseemedtofitwhatoneFrenchmanwithJacksoniansympathiesdescribedasthewesterner’s“rudeinstinctofmasculineliberty.”Bythiscode,independencecamefromclearingthelandofpotentialthreats.ThethreatcouldcomefromNativeAmericans,rivalsquatters,politicaladversaries,orwhatthecorncrackerinDavyCrockett’sAlmanackof1837describedas“eel-skin”easternerswhousedfancywordstogetwhattheywanted.Thecracker’ssurvivalistethosinvariablytrumpedlegalnicetiesorpolitedecorum.ItwasthesetraitsthatshadedJackson’spublicimageinthecrackermold.44

AfterNewOrleans,JacksonledhisarmyintoSpanishFloridain1818.HebeganbyraisingtroopsinTennesseewithoutwaitingforthegovernor’sapproval,then

invadedEastFloridaundertheguiseofarrestingahandfulofSeminoleIndianswhowereaccusedofattackingAmericansettlers.WhenheattackedthefortifiedSpanishatPensacola,whathadbegunasaforaytocaptureIndiansquicklyturnedintoafull-scalewarandoccupation.45

InEncounterBetweenaCorncrackerandanEelskinfromDavyCrockett’sAlmanackof1837,thebackwoodssquatterdefendshisgalfromtheslippery,seductivewordsofthetraderfromtown.

DavyCrockett’sAlmanackof1837,AmericanAntiquarianSociety,Worcester,Massachusetts

JacksonwentbeyondsquattingonSpanishsoil.Heviolatedhisordersandignoredinternationallaw.AfterovertakingseveralFloridatownsandarrestingtheSpanishgovernor,heexecutedtwoBritishcitizenswithoutrealcause.TheBritishpresshadafieldday,callingtheU.S.majorgenerala“ferociousYankeepiratewithbloodonhishands.”Inadevastatingcaricature,Jacksonappearedasaswarthy,swaggeringbanditflankedbyacorpsofmilitiamenwhowerenomorethanragged,shoelessbrutes,beatingdrumswithbonesandwearingskullsinsteadofhats.46

Thepiratewhodoubledasabackcountrycrackerbruiserwasunrestrainedandunrestrainable.IntheFloridainvasion,hewasreportedlyaidedbysquattersdressedupas“whitesavages,”whomayinfacthavebeenthetruecatalystbehindJackson’scontroversialaction.TheFloridaconflicthadallthesignsofasquatters’war.SoldiersreportedthatSeminolewarriorsonlyattacked“crackerhouses,”leavingthoseofBritishornorthernsettlersuntouched.47

Prominentcriticsinsistedonacongressionalinvestigation.ThepowerfulSpeakeroftheHouse,HenryClay,demandedtheroguegeneral’scensure.JacksonwenttoWashington,damnedtheestablishedlegalauthorities,andtoldSecretaryofStateJohnQuincyAdamsthattheentirematterofFloridawasbetweenPresidentMonroeandhimself—andnooneelse.ConfirmedrumorscirculatedthatJacksonhadthreatenedtocutofftheearsofsomesenatorsbecausetheyhaddaredtoinvestigate—andhumiliate—himonthenationalstage.48

InJackson’scrudelexicon,territorialdisputesweretobesettledbyviolentmeans,notbywordsalone.HeexplainedhisIndianpolicyastherightof“retaliatoryvengeance”against“inhumanebloodybarbarians.”In1818,hewasheraldedinalaudatorybiographyasakindofbackcountryMoses,administeringjusticewithbiblicalwrath.Tothosewhoprotestedhislackofregardforinternationallaworconstitutionaldetails,defendersclaimedthathewas“toomuchapatriotinwar,tosufferthescruplesofalegalconstruction.”Yeteventhemostdevotedfansofthegeneralhadtoadmithehadafierytemper.In1825,HenryClay’shighlypublicizedcommentthatJacksonwasamere“militarychieftain”suggestedsomethingtribal,primitive,andwhollyunrepublicanabouthim.Whenhesoughtthepresidencyin1824and1828,theSeminoleWarremainedfrontandcenter.49

FewofJackson’scriticswerebuyingthechivalrousportraithisdefenderspresented.HewasnotprotectingwomenandchildrensomuchasopeningupFloridalandstosquattersandroughsandotheruncivilizedwhites.ButunlikeCrockett,Jacksonwasneverachampionofsquatters’rights.Whenorderedtoremovethem,heusedthemilitarytodothejob.Yetatthesametimehefavoredwhitepossessionofthelandinthesamewaysquattershadalwaysdefendedtheirclaims:thosewhoclearedandimprovedthelandwereworthyoccupants.Jackson’sthinkingshapedhisIndianremovalpolicyaspresident.HearguedthatIndiansshouldnotbetreatedassovereignnationswithspecialclaimsonthepublicdomain,butasadependentclass.Likesquatters,ifIndiansfailedtoassimilateorprovedincapableofimprovingthelandandsecuringlandtitles,theycouldbeforciblyremoved.Aspresident,hewasmorethanwillingtouseforcetoremovepoortrespassers.Onlywhensquattersresistedremoval,astheydidinAlabamain1833,andstateofficialssupportedthem,wasPresidentJacksonwillingtobackdownandnegotiatemorefavorabletermsforwhitesettlers.50

ItwasalmosttooeasyforJacksoncriticstopublicizeacounternarrativetotheofficialcampaignbiography.In1806,hehadshotandkilledayounglawyernamedCharlesDickinsoninaduel,whichlefthimwithabulletnexttohisheart.Whilethevictim’sbodywasstillwarm,hemadeanungentlemanlyfusswhenfinancialassistancewasextendedtoDickinson’swidow:inhismind,thescoundrel’sidentityhadtobepermanentlyerased.Accordingtotheretellingofthisepisodein1824,

Jacksonhadwithheldhisshot,stoodandwatchedtheoffendinglawyertremble,calledhima“damncoward,”aimedcalmly,andshothimdeadatcloserange.Anotherincidentfollowedin1813,whenJacksonwaspartytoanimpromptu“O.K.Corral”gunfightwithhisformeraideThomasHartBentonandhisbrotherJesseattheNashvilleHotel.Intheelectionyear1828,ThomasBentonmadenewswhenhepublishedanaccountaboutthenear-fatalencounter.51

ButnothinglookedworseonJackson’srapsheetthantheso-calledCoffinHandbill.HestoodaccusedofexecutingsixofhisownmenduringtheCreekWarin1813;sixblackcoffinsadornedthe1828circular.ThusitwasnotjustIndianandEnglishbloodthatmarkedhim.ItwasnotjustthedandyishlawyerDickinsonwhometdeathatJackson’shands.Inanotherillustrationonthesamehandbill,Jacksonwasseeninadown-and-dirtystreetfight,stabbingamaninthebackwithaswordhiddeninsidehiscane.Likethecrackerfighterwhomightbite,kick,andlashoutindiscriminately,andhideaweaponunderhiscoat,Jacksonwasseenasthoroughlyruthless—theantithesisofthatstudiedrepublicangentilitymeanttodefineasoberstatesman.52

JacksonwasperturbedbythecaricaturesevenbeforetheCoffinHandbillmadeitsrounds,writingtoafriendin1824,“Greatpainshadbeentakentorepresentmeashavingasavagedisposition;whoallways[sic]carriedaScalpingKnifeinonehand&atomahawkintheother;allwaysreadytoknockdown,&scalp,any&everypersonwhodifferedwithmeinopinion.”Whiledenyingthecaricature,hecouldnotdenyhisviolentstreak.53

Amoreappealing,sanitizedversionofthebackwoodsmancandidatesurfacedintheearly1820s.Itportrayedhimasanoutsider,amanofnaturaltalentsdrawnfromthe“nativeforests,”whowascapableofcleaningupthecorruptioninWashington.Hisnominationprovoked“sneersandderisionfromthemyrmidonsofpoweratWashington,”wroteoneavidJacksonman,whodecriedthe“degeneracyofAmericanfeelinginthatcity.”Jacksonwasn’tagovernmentminionorapamperedcourtier,andthushisunpolishedandunstatesmanlikewayswereanadvantage.54

In1819,inaspeechbeforeCongress,DavidWalkerofKentuckyusedthiskindofimagerytoreproachmembersoftheHouseforinvestigatingJackson’sactivitiesintheSeminoleWar.WalkeremphasizedtheclassaswellasculturaldivideseparatingrepresentativesinthecapitalfromAmericanslivingonadistantFloridafrontier.Jackson’slongexperienceasthe“hardyandweatherbeatenGeneral”hadinstilledinhimabettersenseofjudgingtheconditionsofafrontierwar.Heunderstoodfirsthandthesufferingandhardshipsofbesiegedfamilies.Couldthemembersoftheinvestigationcommitteesfullyappreciatethedifficultieswhilesittingathome,theirfamiliessafefromharm?ThemencensuringJackson,whomtheKentucky

congressmanmockedasthe“youngsweet-smellingandpowderedbeauofthetown,”wereoutoftheirleague.Withthiscleverturnofphrase,herecastJackson’sfoesasbeausanddandies,theclassicenemiesofcrackersandsquatters.55

Walkerhadtappedintoadominantclassmotifofcrackerdemocracy,datingbackatleastto1790,whenthecracker-versus-beauplotlinebegantotakeshape.Initsearliestliteraryform,thecrackerbuckisluredintotown,pliedwithliquor,andswindled,afterwhichhelearnsthepainfullessonthathisdrearycabininthewoodsis“wherecontentmentandplentyeverdwell.”Asimilarstoryin1812toldofabackwoodsmancurtlydismissingasuperciliouslawyerandacaperingdancingmasterwhohadstoodatthedoorofhiscabin.In1821,clergymanandbackcountryhistorianJosephDoddridgeofwesternVirginiaembellishedthesestockcharactersinhisplayDialogueoftheBackwoodsmanandtheDandy.Hesummedupthepeculiarvirtuesofrough-hewnmen:

ABackwoodsmanisaqueersortoffellow....Ifhe’snotamanoflarnin,hehadplaingoodsense.Ifhisdressisnotfine,hisinsideworksaregoodandhisheartissound.Ifheisnotrichorgreat,heknowsthatheisthefatherofhiscountry....Youlittledandies,andotherbigfolkmayfreelyenjoythefruitsofourhardships;youmayfeast,wherewehadtostarve;andfrolic,wherewehadtofight;butatperilofallofyou,givetheBackwoodsmannoneofyourslack-jaw.56

AllofthisexplainsCongressmanWalker’spoint-counterpointindistinguishingGeneralJacksonfromthecongressionalinvestigators.Thebeauwasaneffetesnob,andhisridiculeanuncalled-fortaunt.TherealmenofAmericawereJacksonian,theheartynativesonsofTennesseeandKentucky.Theyfoughtthewars.Theyopenedupthefrontierthroughtheirsacrificeandhardship.Theyfatheredthenextgenerationofcourageoussettlers.DefensivewesternersthusattachedtoJacksontheirdreamsandmadehimaviablepresidentialcandidate.57

Anotherwaytopromotetheircrackerpresidentwasthroughhumorousexaggeration.Asthedifferentcoffinhandbillsmadetheroundsin1828,Jackson’smenusedCrockett-likehumortodefendhim,claimingthatthegeneralwasreallyguiltyofhavingeatenthesixmilitiamen,“swallowingthemall,coffinsandall.”WhenJohnQuincyAdamssupporterscirculatedanotewrittenbyJacksonfilledwithmisspellingsandbadgrammar,Jacksonianspraisedhimas“self-taught.”Ifhislackofdiplomaticexperiencemadehim“homebred,”thismeantthathewaslesscontaminatedthantheformerdiplomatAdamsbyforeignideasorcourtlypomp.Theclasscomparisoncouldnotbeignored:Adamshadbeenaprofessorofrhetoricat

Harvard,whilehisTennesseechallengerwas“sprungfromacommonfamily,”andhadwrittennothingtobragabout.Instinctiveactionwasprivilegedoverunproductivethought.58

Giventhathisinitialsupportinthe1824campaigncamefromAlabama,Mississippi,NorthCarolina,andTennessee,Jacksonwasderidedforhavingcorneredthecrackervote.AhumorouspieceinasouthernnewspaperdescribedaGeorgiacrackerinCrockettprose,“halfalligator,halfman,”givingahurrahforJackson.By1828,hisIndianaconstituencywaspresentedas“TheBackwoodsAlivewithOldHickory.”59

Jacksonpartisanswereroutinelychastisedfortheirlackoftasteandbreeding.AtagatheringinPhiladelphiain1828,drinkersliftedtheirglassesinviolenttoasts:“Maythehickoryramrodsramdownthepowderofequalityintoournationalguns,andwaddedwellwiththevoicesofthepeopletoblowClayinthemud.”Anothertoastmasterwishedthatan“Adamiteheadwasadrumhead,andmetobeatit,tillIwouldbeatitin.”DefendingJacksonseemedtorequirethreatsthatcelebratedphysicalprowessovermentalagility.Ifanyonedaredinsultthe“jineral,”wentthestorytoldofoneJacksonfan,hewouldgivehima“pelt.”Fightingandboastingwasparamountinlower-classJacksoniancircles.Orasonecrackercandidatepledgedaswarwhoopsarosefromhisanti-Adamsaudience,“IfsoI’melected,Gin’ralgovernmentshallweartheprintofthesefiveknuckles.”60

In1828,thoughtwoyearsinthegrave,ThomasJeffersonwasresurrectedtoprovethatJacksonwasofthewrongstock.Jefferson’sformerneighborandlongtimesecretaryofJamesMadison,IllinoisgovernorEdwardColes,recalledJefferson’snastyquipasthe1824electionneared:“Onemightaswellmakeasailoracock,orasoldieragoose,asaPresidentofAndrewJackson.”HighexecutiveofficewasbeyondthereachofJackson,whosequestionablebreedingclearlydisqualifiedhim.61

Thecandidate’sprivatelifecameunderequalscrutiny.Hisirregularmarriagebecamescandalousfodderduringtheelectionof1828.HisintimatecircleofTennesseeconfidantsscrambledtofindsomejustificationforthecouple’sknownadultery.JohnOverton,Jackson’soldestandclosestfriendinNashville,cameupwiththestoryof“accidentalbigamy,”claimingthatthecouplehadmarriedingoodconscience,thinkingthatRachel’sdivorcefromherfirsthusbandhadalreadybeendecreed.Butthetruthwassomethingother.RachelDonelsonRobardshadcommittedadultery,fleeingwithherparamourJacksontoSpanish-heldNatchezin1790.Theyhaddonesonotoutofignorance,andnotonalark,butinordertosecureadivorcefromherhusband.Desertionwasoneofthefewrecognizedcausesofdivorce.62

Intheever-expandingscriptdetailingJackson’smisdeeds,adulterywasjustonemoreexampleofhisuncontrolledpassions.Wifestealingbelongedtothestandard

profileofthebackwoodsaggressorwhorefusedtobelievethelawappliedtohim.Infailingtorespectinternationallaw,hehadconqueredFlorida;indisregardinghiswife’sfirstmarriagecontract,hesimplytookwhathewanted.Jacksoninvadedthe“sanctityofhisneighbor’smatrimonialcouch,”astheOhiojournalistCharlesHammonddeclared.63

AllsortsofviciousnameswereusedindemeaningRachelJackson.Shewascalledan“AmericanJezebel,”“weakandvulgar,”anda“dirtyblackwench,”allofwhichpointedtoherquestionablebackwoodsupbringing.Itwaspro-AdamseditorJamesG.DanaofKentuckywholuridlypaintedherasawhore.Shecouldnomorepassinpolitecompany,hesaidwithracistoutrage,thanagentleman’sblackmistress,eveniftheblackwenchworeawhitemask.HerstainofimpuritywouldneverbetoleratedamongWashington’sbettersort.Anotherunpolicedcriticmadeasimilarargument.Hercrudeconductmightbelongin“everycabinbeyondthemountains,”hewrote,butnotinthePresident’sHouse.64

Evenwithoutthemarriagescandal,RachelJacksonhadthelookofalower-classwoman.OnevisitortotheJacksons’homeinTennesseethoughtshemightbemistakenforanoldwasherwoman.Anotherdescribedherasfatandherskintanned,whichmayexplainthe“blackwench”slur.Whitenesswasabadgeofclassprivilegedeniedtopoorcrackergalswhoworkedunderthesun.CriticslaughedatMrs.Jackson’sbackcountrypronunciation;theymadefunofherfavoritesong,“PossumUpaGumTree.”Shesmokedapipe.Alas,RachelJacksonsuccumbedtoheartdiseaseshortlybeforeshewasmeanttoaccompanyherhusbandtoWashingtonandtakeupherdutiesasFirstLady.Herdeathonlyintensifiedtheincomingpresident’shatredforhispoliticalenemies.65

•••

Tobesure,evenbeyondclassissues,Jackson’scandidacychangedthenatureofdemocraticpolitics.OnepoliticalcommentatornotedthatJackson’sreignusheredinthe“gameofbrag.”Jacksoniansroutinelyexaggeratedtheirman’scredentials,sayinghewasnotjustthe“KnightofNewOrleans,”thecountry’s“deliverer,”butalsothegreatestgeneralinallhumanhistory.Anotherobserverconcludedthatanewkindof“talkativecountrypolitician”hadarisen,whocouldspeakforhoursbeforehavingfinally“exhaustedthefountainofhispanegyriconGeneralJackson.”66

Bragginghadadistinctiveclassdimensioninthe1820sand1830s.InasatirepublishedinTennessee,awritertooknoteofthestrangeadaptationsofthecodeofchivalryindefenseofhonor.ThestoryinvolvedaduelbetweenoneKentucky“KnightoftheRedRag”anda“greatandmightyWalnutcracker”ofTennessee.The

nutcrackergavehimselfanexaltedtitle:“dukeofWildCatCove,littleandbigHogThiefCreek,ShortMountain,BigBoreCaveandCuwell’sBridge.”Sowhatdidthiskindofposturingmean?Likecertainmastersofgangstarapinthetwenty-firstcentury,crackershadtomakeupfortheirlowlystatusbydressingthemselvesupinaboisterousverbalgarb.IntheCrockettmanner,lyingandboastingmadeupfortheabsenceofclasspedigree.This,too,wasAndrewJackson.Heusedduels,feuds,andoathstoriseinthepoliticalpeckingorderintheyoungstateofTennessee.67

WhileJacksonhadlittleinterestinsquatters’rights,hispartydidshiftthedebateintheirfavor.Democratssupportedpreemptionrights,whichmadeiteasierandcheaperforthoselackingcapitaltopurchaseland.Preemptiongrantedsquatterstherighttosettle,toimprove,andthentopurchasethelandtheyoccupiedata“minimumprice.”Thedebateoverpreemptioncastthesquatterinamorefavorablelight.Forsome,hewasnowahardworkingsoulwhobuilthiscabinwithhisownhandsandhadhelpedtocleartheland,whichbenefitedallclasses.TheWhigleaderHenryClayfoundhimselfonthelosingsideofthedebate.In1838,ClayjokedintheSenatethatthepreemptionermighttakehisnewfoundrightsandsquatdowninthespaciousWhiteHouseoccupiedbyone“littleman”—Jackson’shandpickedsuccessor,MartinVanBuren.68

ThomasHartBenton,inquittingTennesseeandmovingtoMissouri,buriedthehatchetwithJackson.AsaneminentsenatorduringandafterJackson’stwotermsinoffice,hepushedthroughpreemptionlaws,culminatinginthe“LogCabinBill”of1841.ButBenton’sthinkingwasdouble-edged:yes,hewishedtogivesquattersachancetopurchaseafreehold,buthewasnotabovetreatingthemasanexpendablepopulation.In1839,heproposedarmingsquatters,givingthemlandandrationsasanalternativetorenewingthefederalmilitarycampaignagainsttheSeminolesinFlorida.Bythis,BentonmerelyrevivedtheBritishmilitarytacticofusingsquattersasaninexpensivetoolforconqueringthewilderness.69

Thepresidentialcampaignof1840appearstobethemomentwhenthesquattermorphedintothecolloquialcommonmanofdemocraticlore.Bothpartiesnowembracedhim.PartisansofWhigpresidentialcandidateWilliamHenryHarrisonclaimedthathewasfrombackwoodsstock.Thiswasuntrue.HarrisonwasbornintoaneliteVirginiaplanterfamily,andthoughhehadbeenbrieflyacabindwellerintheOldNorthwestTerritory,bythetimeheranforofficethatcabinhadbeentorndownandreplacedwithagrandmansion.KentuckianHenryClay,whoviedwithhimfortheWhignomination,celebratedhisprizewinningmammothhog—named“CornCracker,”noless.Thenewclasspoliticsplayedoutintrumped-updepictionsoflogcabins,popularnicknames,hard-ciderdrinking,andcoonskincaps.ThisimageryexplainswhywesternersandthepoorervotersneverfullyembracedJackson’sfavorite,MartinVanBuren,whowasseenasadandyisheasternbachelor.Inone

Whig-inspiredcampaignsong,theDutch-descendedNewYorkerwasblastedasa“queerlittleman...mountedonthebackofthesturdyAndyJack.”70

Thesquatterallatoncebecamearomanticfigureinpopularculture.ThiswastrueinSt.LouisnewspapermanJohnRobb’sStreaksofSquatterLife.Inoneofthestoriesinthecollection,RobbintroducedapoorwhiteMissourisquatternamedSugar.Thoughhewasdressedinrags,hispersonalinfluenceoverlocalelectionswashypnotic.Atthepollingplace,“Sug”camewithakegofwhiskey,whichhesweetenedwithbrownsugar.Asmembersofthecrowdlinedupforhisspecialconcoction,hetoldthem,basedonhishonestopinionofthespeecheshehadheard,whomtheyshouldvotefor.Sughadlosthisgirlandhisfarm,andyetasalandlesssquatterhesomehowgainedrespect.Herepresentedthenewcommonman,asimplefellowwhocouldn’tbemisledbyfancyrhetoric.71

Sugwasnotsimplyalevelingcharacter.Heactuallyrepresentedareformed,evenmiddle-classsolutiontothelargerdebateoverclassandrespectability.Hisqualitiessuggestedareasonablemanwhohandedoutalittlewhiskeyanddispensedmeaningfuladvice.Hewasn’trunningforoffice.Hewasn’tbrawlingorbarteringwhiskeyforvotes.Hewasn’tthreateningthelifeofarivalbidderoveratractofland.Sugknewhisplaceastheneighborhoodpurveyorofcommonsense.72

“OldSug”inStreaksofSquatterLife(1847)isacomiccharacterwhosepovertyisrenderedharmless.Herepresentedasoftenedimageofactualsquattersknownforbrawling,drinking,andswearingatpolitical

eventsinthebackcountry.JohnRobb’sStreaksofSquatterLife(1847),AmericanAntiquarianSociety,Worcester,Massachusetts

Thesquattermayhavebeentamed,atleastinthemindsofsome,butpoliticalequalitydidnotcometoAmericaintheso-calledAgeofJackson.Virginiaretainedpropertyqualificationsforvotinguntil1851;LouisianaandConnecticutuntil1845;NorthCarolinauntil1857.Tennesseedidnotdropitsfreeholdrestrictionuntil1834—afterJacksonhadalreadybeenelectedtoasecondterm.Eightstatespassedlawsthatdisenfranchisedpaupers,theurbanpoor.Meanwhilemanytownsandcitiesadoptedstrictersuffrageguidelinesforvotingthantheirstatelegislaturesdid.ThiswastrueforChicago,andfortownsinCrockett’sTennesseeandpro-JacksonAlabama.HecouldvoteforamemberofCongress,butinJohnRobb’sSt.Louis,hisfictionalpalSugwouldhavebeendeniedtherighttovoteinmunicipalelections.73

TheheraldeddemocratAndrewJackson(asitwaspointedoutinthe1828campaign)hadactuallyhelpeddraftsuffragerestrictionsfortheTennesseeconstitutionin1796.Hemadenoefforttoexpandtheelectorateinhisstate—ever.AstheterritorialgovernorofFloridain1822,hewasperfectlycomfortablewiththenewstate’simposingpropertyrequirementsforvoting.Jackson’sappealasapresidentialcandidatewasnotaboutrealdemocracy,then,butinsteadtheattractiontoacertainclassofland-grabbingwhitesandtheembraceofthe“rudeinstinctofmasculineliberty.”Hedidnotstandforuniversalmalesuffrage.Indeed,itwasnottheUnitedStates,butLiberia,acountryfoundedbytheBritishandformerAmericanslaves,thatfirstestablisheduniversalsuffrageforadultmen,in1839.74

Intheend,thecrackerorsquatterneverresolvedhisparadoxicalcharacter.Hecouldfreehimselfofresponsibility,taketotheroad,andstartover.Hecouldboastandbragandpeltanyonewhodaredtoinsulthisfavoritecandidate.Asmanyhavepointedout,whiskeydrinkingatthepollswasoftenmoreimportantthanlisteningtolong-windedspeeches.Sowhilesomejournalistsdefendedthe“countrycrackers”asthe“boneandsinewofthecountry,”otherscontinuedtoseethecrackerasadrunkenfoolwho,asonewriterputit,elevatedafavoritestumpspeakerintoa“demigodofbeggars.”Aslateas1842,“squatter”wasstillconsidereda“term,denotinginfamyoflifeorstation,”ofalesserrankthantheclass-neutral“settler.”75

Thus,thecrackerorsquatterwasnevertheposterchildofpoliticalequality.Asafigureofpopularcaricature,hewasavividillustrationofclassdistinctionmorethanheeverwasasignofrespectforthelowerclass.NoonepretendedthatSugwastheequalofJohnQuincyAdams,WilliamHenryHarrison,orevenhislocalcongressman.Atbest,abackcountrycitizenmightgetachancetomeetPresidentAdams,butshakinghands(inthenowfamiliar,post-bowingfashion)didnotresultinanelevationinsocialrank.In1828,JamesFenimoreCooperobservedthatdemocraticboastingwasa“cheapprice”topayforensuringthatrealsociallevelingdidnoterodeset-in-stoneclassdivisions.76

Therewasonebitoflorethatconcernedthesquatterthatdidtakehold.Hehadtobewooedforhisvote.Hehadnopatienceforacandidatewhorefusedtospeakhislanguage.Thatwasthemoralofanotherfamoussquatterstoryof1840,“TheArkansasTraveller,”inwhichanelitepoliticiancanvassinginthebackcountryasksasquatterforrefreshment.Thesquatter,seatedonawhiskeybarrelbeforehisrun-downcabin,ignorestheman’srequest.Forabriefinterlude(becauseitwaselectionseason),thepoliticianwasobligedtobringhimselfdowntothelevelofthecommonman.Togethisdrinkandthesquatter’svote,thepoliticianhadtodismounthishorse,grabthesquatter’sfiddle,andshowthathecouldplayhiskindofmusic.Oncethepoliticianreturnedtohismansion,however,nothinghadchangedinthelifeofthesquatter,norforhisdrudgeofawifeandhisbroodofdirty,shoelessbrats.77

PartII

DEGENERATIONOFTHEAMERICANBREED

T

CHAPTERSIX

PedigreeandPoorWhiteTrash

BadBlood,Half-Breeds,andClay-Eaters

Everywheretheyarejustalike,possessprettymuchthesamecharacteristics,thesamevernacular,thesameboorishness,andthesamehabits...everywhere,PoorWhiteTrash.

—DanielHundley,“PoorWhiteTrash”inSocialRelationsinOurSouthernStates(1860)

hesectionalcrisisthatledtoAmerica’sCivilWardramaticallyreconfiguredthedemocraticlanguageofclassidentity.Thelowlysquatterremainedthefocusof

attention,buthishabitathadchanged:hewasnow,singularly,acreatureoftheslavestates.Theterminologyforpoorsouthernwhiteschangedtoo.Neithersquatternorcrackerwasthelabelofchoiceanymore.Dirt-poorsouthernerslivingonthemarginsofplantationsocietybecameevenmorerepugnantas“sandhillers”andpathetic,self-destructive“clay-eaters.”Itwasatthismomentthattheyacquiredthemostenduringinsultofall:“poorwhitetrash.”Thesouthernpoorwerenotjustlazyvagrants;nowtheywereoddspecimensinacollector’scabinetofcuriosities,adiseasedbreed,andthedegeneratespawnofa“notoriousrace.”Anewnomenclatureplacedthelowlywheretheywouldbecomefamiliarobjectsofridiculeinthemodernage.

Though“whitetrash”appearedinprintasearlyas1821,thedesignationgainedwidespreadpopularityinthe1850s.Theshiftseemedevidentin1845whenanewspaperreportedonAndrewJackson’sfuneralprocessioninWashingtonCity.Asthepoorcrowdedalongthestreet,itwasneithercrackersnorsquatterslininguptoseethelasthurrahofOldHickory.Instead,itwas“poorwhitetrash”whopushedthepoorcoloredfolkoutofthewaytogetaglimpseofthefallenpresident.1

Whatmadetheridiculedbreedsodistinctive?Itsingrainedphysicaldefects.Indescriptionsofthemid-nineteenthcentury,ragged,emaciatedsandhillersandclay-eaterswereclinicalsubjects,thechildrenprematurelyagedanddeformedwithdistendedbellies.Observerslookedbeyonddirtyfacesandfeetandhighlightedtheghostly,yellowishwhitetingetothepoorwhite’sskin—acolortheycalled“tallow.”

Barelyacknowledgedasmembersofthehumanrace,theseodditieswithcotton-whitehairandwaxypigmentationwereclassedwithalbinos.Highlyinbred,theyruinedthemselvesthroughtheirdualaddictiontoalcoholanddirt.Inthe1853accountofhertravelsintheSouth,SwedishwriterFredrikaBremerremarkedthatinconsumingthe“unctuousearth,”clay-eaterswereliterallyeatingthemselvestodeath.2

Whitetrashsouthernerswereclassifiedasa“race”thatpassedonhorrifictraits,eliminatinganypossibilityofimprovementorsocialmobility.IftheseNightoftheLivingDeadqualitieswerenotenough,criticschargedthatpoorwhiteshadfallenbelowAfricanslavesonthescaleofhumanity.Theymarkedanevolutionarydecline,andtheyforetoldadirefuturefortheOldSouth.Iffreewhitesproducedfeeblechildren,howcouldarobustdemocracythrive?Ifwhitenesswasnotanautomaticbadgeofsuperiority,aguaranteeofthehomogeneouspopulationofindependent,educablefreemen,asJeffersonimagined,thentheidealsoflife,liberty,andthepursuitofhappinesswereunobtainable.

Jefferson’slanguageofupwardmobilityhadlostgroundintheantebellumSouth.Jacksoniancelebrationsoftheintrepidbackwoodsmanfadedfromviewaswell.Bythe1850s,inthemidstoffiercedebatesoverslaveryanditsexpansionintotheWest,poorwhitesassumedasymbolicroleinsectionalarguments.Northerners,especiallythosewhojoinedtheFreeSoilParty(1848)anditssuccessor,theRepublicanParty(1854),declaredthatpoorwhiteswereproofpositiveofthedebilitatingeffectsofslaveryonfreelabor.Aslaveeconomymonopolizedthesoil,whileclosingoffopportunitiesfornonslaveholdingwhitementosupporttheirfamiliesandadvanceinafree-marketeconomy.Slaverycrushedindividualambition,invitingdecayanddeath,anddrainingvitalityfromthelandanditsvulnerableinhabitants.Poorwhiteswerethehaplessvictimsofclasstyrannyandafaileddemocraticinheritance.AsGeorgeWestonwroteinhisfamouspamphletThePoorWhitesoftheSouth(1856),theywere“sinkingdeeperandmorehopelesslyintobarbarismwitheverysucceedinggeneration.”3

Proslaverysouthernerstookadifferentideologicalturn,defendingclassstationasnatural.Conservativesouthernintellectualsbecameincreasinglycomfortablewiththenotionthatbiologywasclassdestiny.Inhis1860SocialRelationsinOurSouthernStates,AlabamianDanielHundleydeniedslavery’sresponsibilityforthephenomenonofpoverty,insistingthatpoorwhitessufferedfromacorruptpedigreeandcursedlineage.Classwascongenital,hebelieved,andheusedthecleveranalogiesof“runtishforefathers”and“consumptiveparents”toexplainawaytheplightofimpoverishedruralwhites.ForHundleyandmanyothers,itwasbloodlinethatmadepoorwhitesa“notoriousrace.”Badbloodandvulgarbreedingtoldtherealstoryofwhitetrash.4

Hundley’sideologyappealedbroadly.Manynortherners,eventhosewhoopposed

slavery,sawwhitetrashsouthernersasadangerousbreed.NolessanantislaverysymbolthanHarrietBeecherStoweagreedwiththeportraitpennedbytheHarvard-educatedfutureConfederateHundley.Thoughshebecamefamous(andinfamous)forherbestsellingantislaverynovelUncleTom’sCabin(1852),Stowe’ssecondworktoldadifferentstory.InDred:ATaleoftheGreatDismalSwamp(1856),shedescribedpoorwhitesasadegenerateclass,pronetocrime,immorality,andignorance.NorthCarolinianHintonRowanHelperpublishedTheImpendingCrisisoftheSouth(1857),whichmanyconsiderthemostimportantbookofthenineteenthcentury.Hesoldover140,000copies,makinghisthemostpopularexposéofslavery’soppressionofpoorwhites.Helper’sSouthwasa“cesspoolofdegradationandignorance,”andpoorwhitetrashadwarfed,duped,andsterilepopulationboundforextinction.Inthisandotherways,theunambiguouslanguageofclasscrossedtheMason-DixonLineandboundpoliticalopponentsinsurprisingways.WearetaughtthattheCivilWarwasprincipallyacontestaboutthesustainabilityofaworldpredicatedonblackenslavement.Wearenottoldthewholestory,then,becausesocialinsecuritiesandongoingclasstensionspreoccupiedthepoliticizedpopulationtoo,andexertedarealanddemonstrableimpactonthefracturednation—before,during,andafterthosefourconcentratedyearsofunprecedentedbloodletting.5

•••

PoorwhiteswerenotsimplyadangertotheintegrityoftheOldSouth.Theunlovedclassconjuredaspecialfear,thattheywouldspreadtheiruniquecontagionintothevastdomainoftheWest.Inaremarkablyshortperiodoftime,theUnitedStatesswelledby800millionacres.Nearly250millionacresalonecamein1845withTexasannexation.Thatyear,the“darkhorse”DemocratJamesK.Polkcapturedthepresidency,mainlybecauseheembracedanovertlyaggressivecourseofexpansion.BesideswelcomingTexas,PolkpromisedhewouldprovokehostilitiesifGreatBritaindidnotconcedetoAmericaitsclaimontheOregonTerritory.PolkavertedwarwithBritain,grudginglyacceptingpartitionofOregonalongtheforty-ninthparallel,whereitstandstoday.

Asifthisacquisitionoflandwasinsufficientfor“YoungHickory,”thesecondpresidentfromTennesseerevertedtohismentor’ssuccessfulrationale:AndrewJacksonhadusedaborderskirmishinSpanishFloridaasapretexttolaunchawarofconquest;nowPolkemployedthesamemethodtoinvadeMexico.WhentheinkdriedontheTreatyofGuadalupeHidalgoin1848,PolkhadacquiredwhatwouldbecomethestatesofCalifornia,Nevada,Utah,Arizona,andNewMexico,plusportionsofColoradoandWyoming.DemocraticpresidentFranklinPierceaddedtoPolk’sbootyin1854,whenhesecuredtheso-calledGadsdenPurchase,astripoflandtackedonto

thesouthernedgeoftheNewMexicoTerritory.Thislatestinvestmenthadbeenvigorouslyurgedonbythealluringgambleofbuildingatranscontinentalrailroadtoadvancesoutherncottoninterests.6

Intellectualcurrentswereaffectedbytranscontinentalism,asanewidiomcapturedthepublic’simagination.AdvancingbeyondJefferson’sconceptofanationwithnoinheritedaristocracy,Americansembracedanimperialdestinygroundedinbiologicaldeterminism.ThenewimperativeheldthatasmuchastheAnglo-SaxonAmerican’sracialstockwasofsuperiorcharacteristics,allthatwaslefttodowasoutbreedallotherraces.Accordingtothepoliticalarithmeticof1851,theUnitedStateswouldsurpassEuropeinimportanceby1870,“numbering100,000,000offreeandenergeticmenofourownraceandblood.”Thoseof“Anglo-Saxondescent,impregnatedwithitssturdyqualitiesofheartandbrain,”wouldputGreatBritainandtheUnitedStatesonacourseofglobaldominance,“asrepresentativesofthisadvancingstock.”7

Sheerdemographicsuperioritywasreinforcedbythesecondrulingpremiseofthenewthinking:nationalgreatnessrestedonthelawsofbloodlinesandhereditarytransmission.Learnedtraitssuchasaloveofliberty,andracialexclusivity,werenowassumedtobepassedfromonegenerationtothenext.Intheessayentitled“TheEducationoftheBlood”(1837),oneadvocateassertedthattheknowledgeofonegenerationwasliterallyretainedintheatmosphere,andthattheaptitudeforlearningenteredthebloodstreamandbecame“partofourphysicalconstitutionandistransmittedtoourdescendants.”Simplytakingthesavagefromhismotherintheforestandplacinghimincivilizationwouldfailtoconverthim;his“bloodmustbetrainedandeducated,generationaftergenerationmustaccumulatereceptivityastheAnglo-Saxonracehasdone.”Thesameauthorcomparedthephenomenontothelessattractiveinheritanceofinsanity,passedonthroughthefather’slineand“imbibedwithourmother’smilk.”Bloodlinesrevealedeverything:anationwasonlyasgreatasitspedigree.America’sdestinywasdeterminedbylargelandacquisitionsandinfusedinitspeople’sblood.8

Thisfascinationwithbloodwaspervasiveinantebellumliterature.SouthernerswereenamoredwithhorsebreedingasreflectedintheperiodicalAmericanTurfRegisterandSportingMagazine.In1834,itrecordedthat“Americanblood”(i.e.,“Americanthoroughbreds”)hadachievedaqualityofbloodasexcellentasanyintheworld.AvidreadersknewthepedigreeofthemostcelebratedAmericanhorses,learnedthelonglistofsires,whilebreederskeptandpublishedtherecordsofthe“Americanstudbook”toavoidaspuriousissue.9

Horsesandhumanswereidenticalinthisregard.ScottishphysiologistAlexanderWalkerrevivedthedebatebetweenJohnAdamsandThomasJeffersonoverwhetherhumanbeingsshouldbreedto“improvetherace.”InIntermarriage(1838),he

stronglyencouragedthepracticeofchoosingspousesaccordingtothesamenaturallawsthatappliedtohorsebreeding.AmericanhealthreformerssuchasOrsonSquireFowler,inHereditaryDescent(1848),recommendedthebreedingofchildrenwithdesirablequalities.Heemphasizedthegoldenruleofanimalbreeders:attendingtopedigree.Nolongermeasuredbywealthorfamilyname,theonlypedigreethatmatteredwaslong-livedancestorsandasoundphysicalconstitutionuntaintedwithhereditarydiseaseor“badblood.”Therallyingcryinthisnewadviceliteratureextendedto“hygienic”marriages:theselectionofsexualpartnerswithhealthyskin,goodteeth,well-formedandvigorousbodies.Onehadtosteerclearofthe“ill-born,”whoproducednothingbut“poorandfeeblestock.”CouldAmerica’sfuturebederailedthroughtheinfusionofbadblood?Awould-bewitputitthisway:“Noblesires,wefondlythink,onlytobesurpassedbyus,theirnoblesons.Withwhatreverencewereverttoourparentstock!Withwhatpridewetalkofblood!Withwhatjealousyweguardagainstitscontamination!”10

Raceandhealthfulinheritancewerepartofasinglediscussion.In1843,theAlabamasurgeonJosiahNottdeclaredthatthemulatto,asahybrid,wasthe“offspringoftwodistinctspecies—asamulefromthehorseandass.”Mulattoeswere“faultystock,”a“degenerate,unnaturaloffspring,doomedbynaturetoworkoutitsowndestruction.”Theyweredoomedbecause,likemules,theywerepronetosterility.(Itwasaridiculoustheory,ofcourse.)Hecomparedmulattoestoconsumptiveparents,assumingthattheyhadinheritedadefectiveinternalorganization.NotcontenttoconfinehisremarkstoamixtureofAnglo-SaxonandNegro,heechoedthewordsoftheleadingEnglishauthorityonthesubject,SirWilliamLawrence,that“theintellectualandmoralcharacteroftheEuropeanisdeterioratedbythemixtureofblackorredblood.”11

AsimilardoctrineofhereditarysuicidehadalreadybeenappliedtoAmericanIndians.Jefferson’spaternalisticprojectionofacculturatedNativeswasnolongerendorsedbymostAmericansbythe1840s.Astarkeranddogmaticideologytookhold,arrogantlynationalistic.NativeAmericantribes,abiologicallydegradedrace,couldnolongercoexistwiththeirSaxonsuperiors.In1844,withacoldnonchalance,onewritercapturedthemood:“Theyretirebeforetheaxeandploughliketheforeststheyonceinhabited.Theatmosphereofthewhitemanistheirpoison.Theycannotexistamongus.”The“redmanwasdoomedtoutterandentireextinction.”Thisbeliefwasnotnew,justmorepublicallyaccepted.HenryClayhadprivatelyvoicedthesameconclusiontwentyyearsbeforeassecretaryofstate.12

•••

BothTexasandCalifornialoomedlargeinfashioningtheAnglo-Saxonfantasy.

JacksonsubalternSamHouston,thefirstelectedpresidentofTexas,wasacharismaticpromoteroftheregion’sfreedomfighters.WhiteTexanswere,inhiswords,theembodimentof“Anglo-Saxonchivalry.”Thoughtherealforcebehindindependencecamefromafilibuster,aprivatearmyofyoungmendirectedbytheirgreedforland,Houstonsawvictoryinracialterms.EveryTexanhad“imbibedtheprinciplesfromhisancestry,”his“kindredinblood,”andwasspurredonbyhis“superiorintelligenceandunsubduablecourage.”FormanyotherslikeHouston,Texasindependencewasanepochalachievement;itsymbolizedthepassageofthe“scepter”fromtheOldtotheNewWorld,thepurestfloweringoftheAnglo-Saxonrace.13

Houstonwasactuallyastrangechoicetocarrythisbannerofracialpride.Between1829and1833,beforehebecamepresident,helivedwiththeCherokees,tooktwoIndianwives,andsatforaportraitinfullIndiangarb.HispresidentialsuccessorhadfewqualmsaboutcleansingTexasofIndians.In1839,theaptlynamedMirabeauBuonaparteLamar,knownforhisflowerypoetry,pursuedwhathecalled“anexterminatingwar”againsttheCherokeesandComanches.TheTexasnationalconstitutionexplicitlydeniedcitizenshiptothoseofAfricanorIndiandescent.TheTexaslegislaturepasseditsfirstantimiscegenationlawin1837.ItwassimilartolawsinforceinsouthernstatesprohibitingmarriagebetweenpersonsofEuropeanbloodandthoseofAfricanancestry.14

Texascouldlayclaimtoanotherdubious“first.”In1849,Dr.GideonLincecumintroducedamemorialbeforetheTexaslegislaturehopingtoensure“goodbreeders.”Hissolutionwastocastratecriminalsinthemannerofgeldingbulls,thusliterallycuttingoffthebloodlineinordertopreventinferiorpeoplefromreproducing.“Likebreedslike”wasthebasicruleofanimalbreeding,anddegradedstocksofanimalswerenodifferentthanhumans.Lincecumofferedafolksyanalogytomakehiscase:“Whenthehorseandthemarebothtrot,thecoltseldompaces.”Hisplanwasrejected,buthewasmerelyaheadofhistime.FutureeugenicpoliciesbuiltuponhisblueprintforfilteringoutbadseedsfromAmerica’shumanbreedingstock.15

ButasJeffersonandAdamshadconcludeddecadesearlier,humanswereneververycarefulinchoosingmates.RacialmixingwasconsequentlyquitecommoninTexas.TheAmericansettlerswhohadarrivedbeforeindependencewereencouragedbytheMexicangovernmenttomarrylocalTejanowomen;menweregrantedanextralandbonusiftheydid.WhitemalesettlersroutinelytookIndianandTejanowomenasconcubines,andmixed-racechildrenpopulatedthenationandlaterthestate.TheMexicanssubscribedtoaracialclassandcastesystem,butwereaccustomedtoracialmixing.AtthetopwerethedescendantsoftheoldSpanishfamilies,thoseclaimingtohavepureCastilianbloodintheirveins;nextcamethecriollos(creoles),thelocallyborncolonistsofSpanishheritage,whocouldpossessuptoone-eighthIndianblood;thelowercasteswerecomposedofmestizos(ofmixedSpanishandIndian

background),Indians,andAfricans.AmericanmenwhomarriedwellbornwomenwerewarmlyembracedbyMexicansociety.Asaconsequence,after1836,TexansretainedtheMexicandistinctionbetweennobleCastiliansandinferiorraciallymixedclasses.16

Bythetimeofannexation,Anglo-Texansroutinelyridiculedthedark-skinned,lower-classTejanosasasignofdegradationamongthenativepopulation.Hereagain,commonlanguageunderscoredthedegradationofbloodlines.Increasingly,MexicanswerethrowntogetherwithblacksandIndiansandcontemptuouslydismissedbyAmericansingeneralasa“mongrelrace.”“Mongrel”wasjustanotherwordfor“half-breeds”or“mulattoes,”thoseofa“polluted”lineage.In1844,PennsylvaniasenatorandfuturepresidentJamesBuchanancrudelydescribedan“imbecileandindolentMexicanrace,”insistentthatnoAnglo-Saxonshouldeverbeunderthepoliticalthumbofhisinferior.HiscolleaguefromNewHampshire,formertreasurysecretaryLeviWoodbury,elevatedtheTexasRevolutionintoaracialwarofliberation:“Saxonbloodhadbeenhumiliated,andenslavedtoMoors,Indians,andmongrels.”Suchrhetorichadappealfarbeyondthebloviatedoratoryofpoliticians.OneTexaswomanconfidentlywrotetohermother,“Youfeeltheirresistiblenecessitythatoneracemustsubduetheother,”and“they,ofthesuperiorrace,caneasilylearntolookuponthemselvesasmenofDestiny.”17

SupportersofTexasannexationdramatizedtheurgentneedtopreserveasafelyAnglo-Saxonsociety—continent-wide.Anglo-TexaswouldprotectallAmericansfromthe“semi-barbaroushordes,”whose“poisonouscompoundofbloodandcolor”flowedthroughthearteriesofthemixedracesinMexico.ThatiswhatSenatorRobertWalkerofMississippiarguedinCongress,andreinforcedwithhiswidelyinfluential1844LetterontheAnnexationofTexas.Thoughawitheredshellofaman,barelyfivefeettallandonlyahundredpounds,WalkerhadbecomethemostpowerfulDemocratinWashington.Asludicrousasitnowsounds,heproclaimedthatTexaswouldmagicallydrainfreeblacks,mulattoes,andotherAfrican“mongrels”fromtheUnitedStates,siphoningoffthedangerousdregsofslavery’spastintoSouthAmerica.Itwasaracisttheorywithafamiliarringtoit:BenjaminRush’smigratorymodelof1798,inwhichPennsylvaniawouldfilterouttheweakersquattersbydispatchingthemtothelazy,cracker-filledSouth.Walkersimplyaddedanotherpieceofpseudoscientificevidencetomakehiscase:ahighnumberoffreeblacksinthenorthernstatessufferedfrominsanity.Herewasanotherexampleofpoliticalarithmeticgoneawry,sincethesouthernsenatorintentionallymisusedtheU.S.censusdata(asAlabama’sJosiahNotthaddone)onblackinmatesinnorthernasylums.Hismainpointwasthatfreeblackswerecongenitallyweakerinmindandbody,andill-suitedforfreedom,incontrasttothesupposedlyhealthyandcontentedslavesintheSouthwhodidnothavetoaspiretoliberty.18

Theheavy-handedrhetoriccutbothways.TexaswastoberescuedtostrengthenAmerica’spedigree,buttheadmissionoftoomanyMexicansintoanexpandedUnioncouldundermineAmerica’sracialstock.GeorgiarepresentativeAlexanderHamiltonStephens,futurevicepresidentoftheConfederacy,assertedthatthegreatmajorityofTexanswerefromgoodstock—therightkindofpeople,worthyofbreedingandmixingwithotherAmericans.HeemployedafamiliarmaritalmetaphorfromthebookofGenesistomakehispoint:asheirsofthe“Americo-Anglo-Saxonrace,”Texanswere“fromusandofus;boneofourbone,andfleshofourflesh.”OpponentsoftheMexican–AmericanWarusedthesamerace-specificlanguageinanefforttolimittheamountofterritorytobetakenintotheUnitedStates.19

BreedingwasexpectedtobeanincreasinglyimportantweaponinAmerica’simperialarsenalduringtheone-sidedwar.Yankeesoldierswereexpectedtosettleinoccupiedterritory,marry“beautifulseñoritas,”andachieveanewkindof“annexation.”ThiswaswhathadhappenedinCalifornia,asillustratedbytheremarkablecareerofayoungTennesseeofficer,CaveJohnsonCouts,aclosefriendofPresidentPolk.HemarriedadaughterofawealthyMexicanrancher,receivedalargetractoflandfromhisbrother-in-law,andbuiltagrandiosehome,whichhefilledwithhistenchildren.Bythe1860sheownedovertwenty-threethousandacresandhadestablishedhimselfasoneoftherulingpatriarchsofthenewstate.20

YetCalifornia’searlyhistoryhadbeenasgrimasthatofTexas.Bothoftheseextensiveterritorieswereoverrunwithrunawaydebtors,criminaloutcasts,roguegamblers,andruthlessadventurerswhothrivedinthechaoticatmosphereofwesternsprawl.TheCaliforniagoldrushattractednotonlygrizzledgolddiggersbutalsoprostitutes,fortunehunters,andconmensellingfraudulentlandtitles.AmongtheTexasandCaliforniacutthroatswhocapturedtheAmericanimaginationwasthe“half-breedMexicanandwhite.”Hewasknownforhis“mongreldandyism,”loudjewelry,andflamboyantclothing.21

Inacertainsense,CaliforniarevertedtoolderBritishcolonialpatterns.ThoughitenteredtheUnionasafreestate,prohibitingslavery,thelegislaturesoonpassedaseriesofbyzantinelawspermittingtheindenturedservitudeofNativeAmericans.Between1850and1854,nearlytwentythousandIndianmen,women,andchildrenwereexploitedasboundservants.ItwasJohnSmith’sJamestownalloveragain,eventoitsout-of-balancemale-to-femaleratio.Thepopularpressesbackeastappealedforwhitewomentomoveoutwest.Someofthesewereearnestrequests,whileotherssatirizedCalifornians’desperatepleasforgoodbreeders.Apopular1850Frenchcaricaturefeaturedwomenpackedincrateslikeeverydaycommodities,readyforexporttofemale-starved“Californie.”TheUnitedStatesMagazineandDemocratic

ReviewprophesiedthatifprospectivewiveswereshippedofftoCaliforniaattheratetheywereneeded,theinstitutionofspinsterhoodwouldbecomeextinctinAmerica.22

ThegoldrushattractedmorethanrestlesswhiteAmericanslookingforeasyriches.AdventurerscamefromasfarawayasAustralia,Chile,Hawaii,andFrance.LargenumbersofChinesebeganarrivingin1852.SanFranciscoquicklybecamethemostcosmopolitanhubinallofNorthAmerica.NorthCarolinianHintonRowanHelperwasoneofthemanyeducatedtravelerstowriteontheracial“menagerie”—andutterdegenerationofwhites—thathediscoveredinCalifornia.HisbookLandofGold(1855)laidthegroundworkforhisfarmorecontroversialpolemiconpoorwhites,TheImpendingCrisisoftheSouth(1857).23

Builttallandrailthin,Helpermusthavestoodoutamongthemotleyassortmentofémigrés.HespentthreelongyearsinCaliforniaandcameawayhatingthestate.Despitealltheharshthingshehadtosayaboutalmosteveryonehemet,hewasobligedtoadmitthatmostimportedwomenhadlittlechoicebutprostitutioniftheywishedtosurviveintheunrulytownofSanFrancisco.24

ForHelper,theDiggerIndianswere“filthyandabominable,”livinglike“carnivorousanimals,”andfarworsethaneither“niggers”or“dogs.”WhitemenintheGoldenStatekilledoffIndiansasifdispatchingsquirrels.TheNicaraguansHelperencounteredonhisreturnvoyagetoNorthCarolinawere“feeble”and“dwarfed”—accordingly,oneKentuckianwastheequaloffourorfiveofthese“hybriddenizensofthetorridzone.”Freeblackslikewiselivedin“filthanddegradation.”HelperechoedWalker’sracistmigrationtheory:somedayblackswouldbedrawntowardtheequatoranddeposited(likewaste)inthe“receptacles”ofSouthAmericancountries.25

HelpercomplainedaboutCalifornians,drawingonanimalanalogieswheneverpossible.Americans,English,French,Chinese,Indians,Negroes,and“half-breeds”couldneverfindcommoncauseoveragoldmineanymorethanapanther,lion,tiger,orbearcouldinhoveringoverthebodyofafresh-slaindeer.TheChineseprovokedcontempt,fortheyhadthegalltoimaginethattheyweresuperiortoAnglo-Saxons.These“semi-barbarians”sharedthefateofthesouthernNegro:boththe“copperofthePacific”andthe“ebonyoftheAtlantic”weredestinedtobepermanentlyenslaved.26

Asmuchashewasapassionateproponentofracialpurity,Helperimaginedhimselfsomethingofasociologist-anthropologisttoo.HecomparedthegoldcrazetothecottonSouth’ssingle-cropeconomy.TheconclusionsdrawnfromhisstudyonCaliforniareemergedinhis1857critiqueofsouthernsociety.FromhisdescriptionofeliteCalifornios(residentsofSpanishdescent),hefoundawesternversionofthecruelandself-satisfiedaristocraticsouthernplanter.TheSpanishindulgenceinthehorrorshowofthebullfightstruckHelperascousintothesouthernplanter’swielding

ofhislash.Thebarbarousmatadorwasakintothe“augustknight”planterwholordedoverslavesandpoorwhitemen.By1857,poorwhitetrashhadtakenonthetraitsofslainbulls,defeatedbeings,wallowingwithouthopeinastateof“illiteracyanddegradation”thatwas“purposelyandfiendishlyperpetuated”bycallousplanters.27

HelpereasilytransferredhisperspectiveonCaliforniaminerstothesouthernpoor.Thegolddiggerswereanupdatedversionofsquatters:theylivedinsqualidtents,wearingtheirhairlonganddonningscragglybeards.ThemajorityofwhitemenwhoswarmedintoCaliforniabecame“poverty-strickendupes.”Theywerenodifferent,inthisway,fromsouthernpoorwhites,“sobaselyduped,soadroitlyswindled,andsodamnablyoutraged.”ForHelper,economiesdependentononesourceofwealthcreatedextremeclassconditions.CaliforniaminingwasworshippedinthesamewaythatcottonandslaveryhadbecomethefalsedeitiesoftheSouth.28

•••

InLandofGold,Helperactuallydefendedslavery.Butlessthantwoyearslater,inTheImpendingCrisis(1857),hecalledforitsabolition—inthesameformthatAbrahamLincolnandaslewofpurportedly“liberal”politicianspreferred:emancipationandcolonization.FreedslaveswouldhavetobeexpelledfromtheUnitedStates.TheriseoftheFreeSoilPartyin1848,andtheRepublicanPartyin1854,didnotimplythatanantislaverypositionwasdevoidofanxietyoverpedigree,unnaturalmixtures,anddegeneratebreeds.ThefirstRepublicanpresidentialcandidatewasColonelJohnFrémont,amanbornandraisedintheSouthwhomadehisreputationcrossingtheRockies.LikeHelper,heconvertedtoabolitionintheinterestofprotectingthewhiterace.29

FreeSoilrhetoricfedthebeliefthatfreemencouldnotcoexistwithslaves—justasAnglo-SaxonscouldnotlivesidebysidewithIndians.Slaverywasadangerouscontagionspreadingdeathanddecay,andfeedingaclass/demographicwarby“depopulating”thenationofitswhiteinhabitants.Asonecleveressayistpointedoutasearlyas1843,poorsouthernwhiteswerebeingforcedfromtheirhomes,andpushedintoexilelikerefugees,becausetheywereunabletocompetewiththoseHelpercalledslaveowning“land-sharks.”Itwasunfairtodivestthemoftheirlandandrobthemoftheirposterity’srightfulinheritance.With“haggardfeatures”and“emaciatedforms,”thepoorsouthernfamiliesthatheadedwestrepresentedanewclassofpoverty,worsethananyseenbefore.By“banishinghersons,”theessayistof1843concluded,slaveownerswere“warringagainstthevitalinterestoftheentirenon-slaveholdingpopulationintheSouth.”30

FreeSoilersimaginedthreepossiblescenariosineliminatingslavery.First,iftheWestwastoremainuncontaminated,slaveryhadtobekeptoutofallnewterritories.Second,byprohibitingthemigrationofslaveryintowesternterritoriesandstates,itseemedplausibletosomethattheinstitutionwouldgraduallydieoffintheOldSouth.Third,asinHelper’scase,endingslaverywouldrequireexportingslaveselsewhere,recolonizingtheminAfrica,theCaribbeanislands,orSouthAmerica.

TheFreeSoilbannermovedtothecenterofnationalpoliticsin1846.Thatyear,PennsylvaniaDemocratDavidWilmotintroducedaprovisoinCongress,whichstipulatedthatallterritorygainedfromtheMexicanWarmustremainfreesoil—slaveryprohibited.ThewordingwastakenverbatimfromJefferson’s1784draftbanningslaveryfromtheNorthwestTerritory.ItwenthandinhandwiththeHomesteadBill,whichwouldhavegrantedallmenafreehomesteadof160acres.Freedom—whichofcoursemeantfreedomforallwhites—wasonlyensuredthroughlandownershipandtheabilitytoreapsustenancefromthesoil.Unlikepreviouslandpoliciesthatgrantedsquatterspreemptionrights(therighttobuylandtheyhadstakedoutandcultivated),thenewcampaignturnedthesquatterintoanentitledfreeman.TobeahomesteaderwastobeoftheAmericanpeople—whocollectivelyownedastheirinalienable“birthright”allthepubliclandintheterritories.Unfortunately,blockedbysouthernvotesinCongress,the“inalienablehomestead”wouldnotbecomelawuntil1862,aftersecession.31

FreeSoilpoliticsservedtounderscoreaclass-inflectedtheme:southernplanterswerespreadingslaverytothedetrimentoffreemen.FormerKentuckycongressmanBenjaminHardincapturedthethemeofclasswarfarein1841,whenheclaimedthatslaverywasdepopulatinghisstateofthesonsofitsearlypioneers.RecallingDanielBoone,themostbenignsymboloftheoldpioneer-squatter,heobservedthatthegreatmancouldneverhaveimaginedthathisdescendantsweretobe“drivenintoexileandpoverty.”AllacrossKentucky,theproudhomesoffreemenwerebeingreplacedbyplantationsandcattle.Onthe“turfwhereoncesportedfreebornchildren,”“unsightlystocks”ofdomesticatedanimalsandslavesnowexisted.Freesoilrevivedthefightbetweensquattersandspeculators,andconvertedsquattersintohonestfreemenofa“landeddemocracy”whostoodproudagainstaslaveholdingoligarchy.32

Onceagain,theFreeSoilpledgewasaboutsavingthewhiteman.AstheRepublicanpresidentialnomineein1856,Frémontmadethecrisisofthehonestfreemanhiscentralplatform.Inbarringslaveholdersfromtheterritories,hewouldpreventnorthernwhitelaborersfrombeingreducedtovirtualslavesintheWest.FornonslaveholdersintheSouth,heofferedakindofemancipation,apromiseofrealindependencedeniedtothemsince1776.Still,theFreeSoildoctrineraisedquestionsoverwhetherwhitetrashreallycouldeverberescued.AMassachusettsoratorputitsimply:“Iamafreeman,andthesonofafreeman,bornandrearedonfreesoil.”Poor

southernwhiteswereborninslavestates,rearedonunfreesoil,and,accordingtoagrowingnumberofpubliccommentators,theysufferedfromadegeneratepedigree.Theydidnotactlikefreemen.InHelper’sview,theirignoranceanddocilityhadmadethemworsethanRussianserfs,whentheycompliantlyvotedthe“slaveocrats”intoofficetimeandagain.33

ThenewRepublicansrevivedtheoldcritiqueofWashingtonandJefferson:southernagriculturedepletedthesoilandturnedthelandintowaste.HelperpublishedtablesprovingtheNorth’sgreaterproductivityovertheSouth.GeorgeWestonquotedprominentsouthernmeninhisinfluentialpamphletThePoorWhitesoftheSouthtomakethecasethattheSouthwasdoomedtoremaineconomicallybackward.34

Allknewthatpoorwhiteswerecursedbecausetheywereroutinelyconsignedtotheworstland:sandy,scrubbypine,andswampysoil.Thiswashowtheybecameknowninthemid-nineteenthcenturyas“sandhillers”and“pineys.”Forcedtothemargins,oftensquattingonlandtheydidnotown,theywereregularlyidentifiedwiththedecayingsoil.Thepoorwhitesof“Hard-scratch”were,inthewordsofone,as“stony,stumpy,andshrubby,asthelandtheylivedon.”InathrowbacktoBuffon,Helperinsistedthatthe“degeneratepopulation”producedmenandanimalsthatwere“dwarfedintoshabbyobjects.”In1854,HenryDavidThoreautookthesamethemetoitsdarkestcorneroftheimagination:theslaveSouthwasarottingcorpse,hewrote,andshouldatbestbeusedto“manure”thecolonizingWest.Equatingpoorwhiteswithhumandetritus,hedescribedapeoplewhoseonlyfunctionwastoactasfertilizerfortheterritories.35

InhernovelDred,HarrietBeecherStowewasnolessharsh.Herplantersdismissedthe“wholerace”ofpoorwhites,“thistribeofcreatures”;orasoneofhercharactersruefullydeclared,“Thereoughttobehuntingpartiesgotuptochasethemdown,andexterminate’em,justaswedorats.”Theauthordepictedawhitetrashwomanandherchildrenaswoundedanimalshidingintheforest:

Crouchedonapileofdirtystraw,satamiserablehaggardwoman,withlarge,wildeyes,sunkencheeks,disheveledmattedhair,andlong,leanhands,likebird’sclaws.Atherskinnybreastanemaciatedinfantwashanging,pushing,withitslittleskeletonhands,asiftoforcenourishmentwhichnaturenolongergave;andtwoscared-lookingchildren,withfeatureswastedandpinchedbluewithfamine,wereclingingtohergown.Thewholegrouphuddledtogether,drawingasfaraspossibleawayfromthenewcomer,lookingupwithlarge,frightenedeyes,likehuntedwildanimals.36

Stowe’spointwasthatpoorsouthernwhiteswerealreadyexiles,whoseonlyhopewastobeliftedupbyothers.Butwouldthathappen?Thecontemptsheputintothemouthsofsouthernplanterswasnotsolelyofherinvention.Manyplantersloathedpoorwhitesfortheircriminalactivity,andespeciallytheroletheyplayedalongsideslavesinthetraffickingofstolengoods.Inthe1850s,asthepoorwhitepopulationswelledinnumbers,aCharlestondistrictgrandjuryrecommendeddisenfranchisingthepoorwhitemenwhowereso“degraded”thattheytradedalcoholwithblacks.37

Suffragecouldbestrippedawayfromanyfreemanbytheplanter-controlledcourts.Inthe1840sand1850s,NorthCarolina,SouthCarolina,Louisiana,andVirginiakeptpoorwhitesatbaybyretainingpropertyqualificationsforholdingoffice.Socialostracismwasanevengreatermarkofshame,asplantersforcedpoorwhitestousethebackdoorwhenenteringthemaster’shouse.Slavescalledthem“straygoats”whentheycamebeggingforfoodorsupplies.Southernreformerswerejustasdisparaging.InaspeechbeforetheSouthCarolinaInstitutein1851,industrialadvocateandcottonmillownerWilliamGreggunderscoredtheevolutionaryargumentinsayingthat“ourpoorwhitepeople...aresufferedtowhileawayanexistenceinastatebutonestepinadvanceoftheIndianoftheforest.”Greggexclusivelyhiredpoorwhitestoworkinhisfactory,hopingtoelevatethemintoamorecivilized—thoughstillamenial—station,providingsteadyworkandgrantingaccesstoschools.38

Fewwhitetrashsquattershadanyaccesstofreesoilortohomesteads.Theylivedinsteadlikescavengers,vagrants,andthieves—atleastaccordingtoreportsbywealthysoutherners.Butthetruthismorecomplicated.Manyworkedastenantsanddaylaborersalongsideslaves;duringharvesttime,poormenandwomenworkeddayandnightforpaltrywages.IncitiessuchasBaltimoreandNewOrleans,someofthemostbackbreakinglabor—workingontherailroads,pavingstreets,draydriving,ditchbuilding—waschieflyperformedbyunderpaidwhitelaborers.39

Bythe1850s,poorwhiteshadbecomeapermanentclass.Asnonslaveholders,theydescribedthemselvesas“farmerswithoutfarms.”Small-scaleslaveholderstendedtoberelatedtolargeplanters,areminderofhowmuchpedigreeandkinshipmattered.Slaveownershadunusualfinancialinstrumentsthatsituatedthemabovenonslaveholders:theyraisedslavechildrenasaninvestment,asaninvaluablesourceofcollateralandcreditwhentheysoughttoobtainloans.

Whethertheystayedputormovedwest,poorwhitesoccupiedpoorland.NearlyhalflefttheAtlanticSouthforTexas,Arkansas,Mississippi,andelsewhere,andstillpoorwhitesasapercentageintheoriginalslavestatesremainedfairlyconstant.Thesafety-valvetheorydidnotwork.40

•••

Thelabel“southernwhitetrash”wasnot,assomewouldargue,anortherncreationalone.Whilethe“po’”in“po’whitetrash”mayhavebeenderivedfromslavevocabulary,itclearlyresonatedamongsoutherneliteswhodismissedthepoor(asJeffersondid)as“rubbish.”TheunlikelyduoofHarrietBeecherStoweandDanielHundleyendorsed“goodblood”todescribeinheritedclassvirtues—“veinedandcrossed”wasthequasi-scientificdescriptionthatunderscoredthepowerofintergenerationalresemblance.41

Alabama’sHundleywasneverasfamousastheConnecticut-bornStowe,buthewasnotatypicalsouthernereither.AfterreceivinghislawdegreefromHarvardin1853,hemarriedhisVirginiacousin(inthesouthernfashion),andwassenttoChicagobyhisfather-in-lawtomanagethefamily’srealestate.Beforehewroteaboutpoorwhites,hewitnessedthePanicof1857,whichfloodedChicagowiththeunemployed.AfterLincolnwaselected,hereturnedtoAlabama,remakinghimselfintoanardentdefenderofsecessionandthesouthernwayoflife.42

HundleyclaimedthatgenuinesoutherngentlemenwereofCavalierblood,aninventedroyallineagesuperiortoordinaryAnglo-Saxons.HeevenreducedJeffersontoahalf-breedofsorts:royalCavalieronhismother’sside,heartyAnglo-Saxononhisfather’s.Hundley’sarchetypalsoutherngentlemanwasakintoanArabianhorse:sixfeettall,strongandathletic,athomehuntingandroamingthecountryside.Inhistaxonomy,thewhiteclassesweredividedintoadescendingorderofbloodlines:Cavaliergentrysatatthetop,Anglo-Saxonsfilledthemiddleandyeomanclasses,andthosehecalled“southernbullies”and“whitetrash”satfeeblyatthebottom.TheselowestformstracedtheirlineageonlytotheconvictsandindenturedservantsofJamestown;theywerethebefouledheirsofpoorvagrants,orthosefromthebackalleysofoldLondon.43

Forherpart,intheplotofhernovelDred,Stowedividedpoorsouthernwhitesintothreeclasses.Vicious(mean)whites,likeHundley’ssouthernbullies,werelicentiousbeings,wallowinginacontinualdrunkenstuporwhiledreamingofpossessingaslavetoorderaround.Beneaththeviciouswerethewhitetrashwholivedasscaredanimals,objectsofdisgust.ButthemostinterestingclassinStowe’sbookwereherhalf-breeds.ThecharacterMissSuewasoneoftheVirginiaPeytons(“goodblood”),whosefamily“degenerated”asaconsequenceoflosingitswealth.Impetuously,SuemarriedJohnCripps,apoorwhite,butthankstopedigree,theirchildrencouldbesaved:theywere“pretty”andworetheirbiologicalinheritanceontheirfaces,with“noneofthepronunciationormannersofwildwhitechildren.”AfterSue’sdeath,theywerefurtherimprovedinNewEngland,attendingthebestschools.

Ahealthycombinationofcircumstancesenabledthemtoreasserttheirmother’ssuperiorclasslineage.44

Inpopulardepictions,poorwhitetrashwere,aboveall,“curious”folkswhosehabitswereas“queer”as“anydescriptionofChineseorIndians.”Or,asaNewHampshireschoolteacherobservedofclay-eatersinGeorgia,thechildrenwereprematurelyaged.Evenattenyearsold,“theircountenancesarestupidandheavyandtheyoftenbecomedropsicalandloathsometosight.”Nothingmoredramaticallysignifiedadyingbreedthanthedecrepitudeofwrinkledandwitheredchildren.45

Commentatorsrepeatedlyemphasizedtheoddskincolor:“unnaturalcomplexions”ofa“ghastlyyellowishwhite,”orasHundleyobserved,skinthecolorof“yellowparchment.”Therewere“cotton-headedorflaxen-headed”children,whoseunhealthywhitenessresembledthealbino.Therewerepoorwhite,dirt-eatingurchinswhoborea“cadaverous,bloodlesslook”;theirhair,identifiedas“crops,”tookontheappearanceofthesoil-depletingcottonthatsurroundedthem.Thewomenwerea“wretchedspecimenofmaternity”ratherthanidealbreeders.Nordidtheycareproperlyfortheiroffspring.The“tallow-facedgentry,”asoneKansasnewspaperdisapprovinglylabeledthem,routinelystuffedtheirinfants’mouthswithclay.Thewordsdescribingpoorwhitetrashhadnotbeenquitesopronouncedsincetheseventeenthcentury.46

“Likebreedslike”continuedtoserveastheguidingprincipleetchedintothesedamningportraits.DiaristMaryBoykinChesnut,ofawealthySouthCarolinafamily,offeredoneofthemostrepellentofmidcenturysnapshots.Awomanfromherneighborhood,oneMillyTrimlin,wasthoughtawitchbypoorwhites.“Superstitioushordes”hadherbonesdugupandremovedfromconsecratedgroundthreetimesandscatteredelsewhere.Despisedbyherownkindandlivingoffcharity,shewas,Chesnutwrote,a“perfectspecimenoftheSandhilltackyrace.”(TackywasadegeneratebreedofhorsethatlivedintheCarolinamarshlands.)Trimlinlookedthepart:“Herskinwasyellowandleathery,eventhewhitesofhereyeswerebiliousincolor.Shewasstumpy,strong,andlean,hard-featured,horny-fisted.”47

Fewwereconcernedabout,muchlessofferedanysolutionto,theirterriblepoverty.Regardedasspecimensmorethancognitivebeings,whitetrashsandhillersandclay-eatersloomedasabnormalities,deformities,a“notoriousrace”thatwouldpersist,generationaftergeneration,unaffectedbytheinroadsbeingmadebysocialreformers.OnlyaminorityofsouthernerswerelikeWilliamGregg,whoconsideredtrainingpoorwhitetrashforfactorylabor.Defendersofslaveryhadcometoarguethatthesystemofunpaidlaborwasnaturalandnecessary,andactuallysuperiortofreelabor.In1845,formergovernorJamesHenryHammondofSouthCarolinainsistedthatslaveryshouldbethecornerstoneofallrelations,andthatclass

subordinationwasjustasnatural.Jefferson’s“allmenarecreatedequal”was,Hammondinsistedwithoutshame,a“ridiculouslyabsurd”concept.Nowacircleofinfluentialsouthernintellectualswereopenlyinsistingthatfreedomwasbestachievedwhenpeopleremainedwithintheirproperstation.48

The“intellectualCaucasian”hadarrived.In1850,ProfessorNathanielBeverleyTuckeroftheCollegeofWilliamandMaryaverredthatthistypepossessedtraitsinthe“highestperfection”andwasnaturallypreparedforruleoverbothblacksandinferiorwhites.Sixyearslater,theRichmondEnquirerrestatedtheincreasinglypopularviewthatslaveryshouldnotbeamatterofcomplexionbutoflineageandhabits.ThusitisnotsurprisingthatHarrietBeecherStowehadslaveholderswishingforanewclassofpoorwhites—aclassofwhiteslaves.“Likeothernomadicraces,”Hundleywrote,whitetrashshould“passfurtherandfurtherwestwardandsouthward,untiltheyeventuallybecomeabsorbedandlostamongthehalf-civilizedmongrelswhoinhabittheplainsofMexico.”Outwardmigrationwasthesavinggraceforthenewelitists.49

PedigreewasthecenterpieceofSupremeCourtchiefjusticeRogerB.Taney’smajorityopinionintheDredScottdecision(1857).Thoughthiscaseassessedwhetheraslavetakenintoafreestateorfederalterritoryshouldbesetfree,itsconclusionswerefarmoreexpansive.Addressingslaveryintheterritories,theproslaveryMarylanderdismissedJefferson’sprohibitionofslaveryintheNorthwestOrdinanceashavingnoconstitutionalstanding.HeconstructedhisownversionoftheoriginalsocialcontractatthetimeoftheRevolution,theDeclarationofIndependence,andtheConstitutionalConvention:onlythefreewhitechildrenofthefoundinggenerationwereheirstotheoriginalagreement;onlypedigreecoulddeterminewhoinheritedAmericancitizenshipandwhoseraciallineagewarrantedentitlementandthedesignation“freeman.”Taney’sopinionmatteredbecauseitliterallymadepedigreeintoaconstitutionalprinciple.Inthiscontroversialdecision,Taneydemonstrablyrejectedanynotionofdemocracyandbasedtherightofcitizenshiponbloodlinesandracialstock.Thechiefjusticeruledthatthefounders’originalintentwastoclassifymembersofsocietyintermsofrecognizablebreeds.50

Thevagrant,thesquatter,hadbeenredrawn,yetqualitativelyhe/sheremainedthesame:apieceofwhitetrashonthemarginsofruralsociety.ObserversrecognizedhowthemovingmassofundesirablesintheconstantlyexpandingWestchallengeddemocracy’scentralprinciple.Californiawasawake-upcall.Anxioussouthernersfocusedattentionnotonlyontheirslavesocietyandslaveeconomy,butontheever-growingnumbersofpoorwhiteswhomadethepermanentlyunequaltop-downsocialorderperfectlyobvious.Whoreallyspokeofequalityamongwhitesanymore?Nooneofanynote.Letusputitplainly:onthepathtodisunion,theroadsidewasstrewnwithwhitetrash.

I

CHAPTERSEVEN

Cowards,Poltroons,andMudsills

CivilWarasClassWarfare

Youhaveshownyourselvesinnorespecttobethedegeneratesonsofourfathers....Itistrueyouhaveacausewhichbindsyoutogethermorefirmlythanyourfathers.TheyfoughttobefreefromtheusurpationsoftheBritishCrown,buttheyfoughtagainstamanlyfoe.Youfightagainsttheoffscouringsoftheearth.

—PresidentJeffersonDavis,January1863

nFebruary1861,JeffersonDavis,thenewlyelectedpresidentoftheConfederacy,traveledtoMontgomery,Alabama,forhisinauguration.Greetedbyanexcited

crowdofmenandwomen,hegaveabriefspeechoutsidetheExchangeHotel.Addressinghispeopleas“FellowCitizensandBrethrenoftheConfederateStatesofAmerica,”heinvokedatried-and-truemetaphortodescribehisnewconstituency:“menofoneflesh,onebone,oneinterest,onepurpose,andofidentityofdomesticinstitutions.”Asithappens,hiswasthesamebiblicalallusionhisvicepresident,AlexanderStephensofGeorgia,hadcommandeeredinCongressin1845whenheroseinsupportoftheannexationofTexasanditsAnglo-Saxonpopulation.1

Theone-fleshmaritaltropehadbotharacialandasexualdimension,presentingthedesirableimageofadistinctbreed.Davisechoedthewordsofhisnamesake,ThomasJefferson,whenhedescribedhisnewcountryasonethatembodied“homogeneity.”InNotesontheStateofVirginia,Jeffersonhadmadenative-bornstockandsharedculturalvaluesthebasisofnationalunityandsecurity.Theideaofan“Americanbreed”wasfirmlyentrenched.2

Expositorsofthe“Americanbreed”modelallgravitatedtoan“usversusthem”calculus,whichbecameusefulasterritorialexpansionunfoldedandculturescollided.AstheSouthseceded,furtherdistinctionsneededtobemade.SowhentheConfederatepresidentrecurredtooneofhisfavoritecouplets,“degeneratesons,”heappealedatthesametimetothe“daysof’76,”makingsurehisaudienceunderstood

thattherevolutionof1861aimedtorestorethevirtuouspedigreeofthefoundingfathers.Thesouthernpeople,heassuredthecrowd,wereheirsofthe“sacredrightstransmittedtous.”Ifrequired,theywoulddisplay“Southernvalor”onthefieldofbattle.Thenewnationwouldprovetotheworldthat“wearenotthedegeneratesons”ofGeorgeWashingtonandhisnoblepeers,butinfactthegenuineoffspringandrightfullineageofthefirstAmericanrepublic.3

Andthentherewastheflipside.Davisreturnedtothebullypulpitinthefinaldaysof1862,addressingtheMississippilegislature,whereheopenlyrebukedthemenwhocomprisedtheUnionforces.Theywerenothingmorethan“miscreants”deployedbyagovernmentthatwas“rottentothecore.”ThewarprovedthatNorthandSouthweretwodistinctbreeds.Whereassouthernerscouldlayclaimtoapositivepedigree,theirenemycouldnot.Northernerswereheirstoa“homelessrace,”traceabletothesociallevelersoftheEnglishcivilwar.What’smore,theNorth’sunflatteringgenealogybeganinthe“bogsandfens”ofIrelandandEngland,wheretheywerespawnedfromvagabondstockandswamppeople.Itwasadelusion,Davisdeclared,toimaginethatthesetworacescouldeverbereunited.NoloyalConfederatewouldeverwishtolowerhimselfandrejoinhislessers.4

ReturningtotheConfederatecapitalofRichmond,DavisgaveanothersuchspeechinearlyJanuary1863.“Youhaveshownyourselvesinnorespecttobethedegeneratesonsofourfathers,”herepeated.Yetinoneimportantrespect,theSouth’scausewasradicallynew.TheirRevolutionaryforebearshadfoughtagainsta“manlyfoe.”Confederatesfacedadifferentenemy:“Youfightagainsttheoffscouringsoftheearth,”thepresidentrailed.Yankeeswereadegeneraterace,worsethan“hyenas.”IndehumanizingtheUniontroops,Davisplacedthemcloseinnaturetoaravenous,cowardlyspeciesthathunteditsinnocentpreyinwhimperingpacks.5

•••

Warsarebattlesofwords,notjustbullets.From1861,theConfederacyhadthetaskofdemonizingitsfoeasdebased,abnormal,andvile.Southernershadtomakethemselvesfeelviscerallysuperior,andtoconvincethemselvesthattheirveryexistencedependedontheformationofaseparatecountry,freeofYankees.ConfederateshadtoshieldthemselvesfromtheodiouschargeoftreasonbyfightingtopreserveacoreAmericanidentitythatnineteenth-centurynorthernershadcorrupted.6

Todoso,theConfederacyhadtocreatearevolutionaryideologythatconcealedthedeepdivisionsthatexistedamongitsconstituentstates.Tensionsbetweenthecotton-producingGulfstatesandthemoreeconomicallydiverseborderstateswere

genuine.Wetendtoforgetthatanestimatedthreehundredthousandwhitesoutherners,manyfromtheborderstates,foughtfortheUnionside,andthatfourborderstatesneverseceded.InGeorgia,throughoutthewar,dissentfromDavis’spolicieswassignificant.Richmondwastaskedwithsmoothingovertheever-wideningdivisionbetweenslaveholdersandnonslaveholderscausedbyconscriptionandfoodshortages.Claimstohomogeneityweremoreimaginedthanreal.7

TheConfederacybuiltupontheSouth’sprewarcritiquesofYankeeattributes.TheYankeegentrywasallegedlycomposedofupstartswholackedsouthernrefinement.Their“freedom”wasreallylow-classfanaticism.AsoneAlabamaeditortransparentlyputitin1856:

Freesociety!Wesickenatthename.Whatisitbutaconglomerationofgreasymechanics,filthyoperatives,small-fistedfarmers,andmoon-strucktheorists?Allthenorthern,andespeciallytheNewEnglandstates,aredevoidofsocietyfittedforwell-bredgentlemen.Theprevailingclassonemeetswithisthatofmechanicsstrugglingtobegenteel,andsmallfarmerswhodotheirowndrudgery,andyetarehardlyfitforassociationwithasoutherngentleman’sbodyservant.8

AtaparadeinBostoninthatyear,supportersofthefirstRepublicanpresidentialcandidate,JohnC.Frémont,embracedthe“greasymechanic”slurasabadgeofhonorbydisplayingitononeoftheirbanners.9

Alltheluridname-callinghadaspecificpurpose.Turningthefree-labordebateonitshead,proslaverysouthernerscontendedthatthegreatestfailingoftheNorthwasitsdependenceonalower-classstratumofmenialwhiteworkers.TenyearsbeforehebecamepresidentoftheConfederacy,SenatorJeffersonDavisofMississippihadarguedthattheslavestatesenjoyedgreaterstability.Recognizingthat“distinctionsbetweenclasseshavealwaysexisted,everywhere,andineverycountry,”heobservedthattwodistinctlaborsystemscoexistedintheUnitedStates.IntheSouth,thelinebetweenclasseswasdrawnonthebasisof“color,”whileintheNorththeboundaryhadbeenmarked“byproperty,betweentherichandpoor.”Heinsistedthat“nowhiteman,inaslaveholdingcommunity,wasthemenialservantofanyone.”Likemanyotherproslaveryadvocates,Daviswasconvincedthatslaveryhadelevatedpoorwhitesbyensuringtheirsuperiorityoverblacks.Hewaswrong:intheantebellumperiod,classhierarchywasmoreextremethaniteverhadbeen.10

JamesHenryHammond,SouthCarolina’sleadingproslaveryintellectual,coinedtheterm“mudsill”todescribetheessentialinferiorityoftheNorth’ssocioeconomicsystem.Itwas“mudsill”democracythattheConfederacywoulddecryasitmadeits

caseagainsttheNorth.By1861,mudsilldemocracyhadseepedintoportrayalsofthemudsillUnionarmy—meanttobeafoulcollectionofurbanroughs,prairiedirtfarmers,greasymechanics,unwashedimmigrants,andby1862,withtheenlistmentofAfro-AmericanUniontroops,insolentfreeblacks.Allinall,theywereDavis’swastepeople,the“offscouringsoftheearth.”11

In1858,HammondhadpubliclyairedhisideasbeforetheU.S.Senateinaspeechthatprovedtobewidelypopular.Itsmostenduringcritiqueconcernedthefixedcharacterofclassidentity.Inallsocieties,“theremustbeaclasstodothemenialduties,toperformthedrudgeryoflife.”Withfewerskillsanda“loworderofintellect,”thelaboringclassformedthebaseofcivilizednations.Everyadvancedsocietyhadtoexploititspettylaborers;theworkingpoorwhowallowedinthemudallowedforasuperiorclasstoemergeontop.Thisrecognizedelite,thecrèmedelacrème,wasthetruesocietyandthesourceofall“civilization,progress,andrefinement.”InHammond’smind,meniallaborerswere,almostliterally,“mudsills,”stuckinthemud,orperhapsinametaphoricquicksand,fromwhichnonewouldemerge.12

Ifallsocietieshadtheirmudsills,then,Hammondwentontoargue,theSouthhadmadetherightchoiceinkeepingAfrica-descendedslavesinthislowlystation.Asadifferentrace,thedarker-pigmentedwerenaturallyinferioranddocile—orsoheargued.TheNorthhadcommittedaworseoffense:ithaddebaseditsownkind.ThewhitemudsillsoftheNorthwere“ofyourownrace;youarebrothersofoneblood.”FromHammond’sperspective,theirflawedlaborsystemhadcorrupteddemocraticpoliticsinthenorthernstates.Discontentedwhiteshadbeengiventhevote,and,“beingthemajority,theyarethedepositoriesofallyourpoliticalpower.”Itwasonlyamatteroftime,hewarnedominously,beforethepoornorthernmudsillsorchestratedaclassrevolution,destroyingwhatwasleftoftheUnion.13

JeffersonDavisandJamesHammondspokethesamelanguage.ConfederateideologyconvertedtheCivilWarintoaclasswar.TheSouthwasfightingagainstdegeneratemudsillsandeverythingtheystoodfor:classmixing,racemixing,andtheredistributionofwealth.BythetimeofAbrahamLincoln’selection,secessionistsclaimedthat“BlackRepublicans”hadtakenoverthenationalgovernment,promotingfearsofracialdegeneracy.Butalargerdangerstillloomed.Asoneangrysouthernwriterdeclared,thenorthernpartyshouldnotbecalled“BlackRepublicans,”but“RedRepublicans,”fortheirrealagendawasnotjusttheabolitionofslavery,butincitingclassrevolutionintheSouth.14

Confederateideologuesturnedtothelanguageofclassandbreedingforobviousreasons.Theywereinvestedinupholdingahierarchyrootedintheownershipofslaves.Whenin1861,JeffersonDavisspokeof“domesticinstitutions,”hemeant

slavery,anditsprotectionformedthecentralcreedofthenewconstitutionthatbound“menofoneflesh”tothenewnation.VicePresidentAlexanderStephens,inaspeechgiveninSavannahonhisreturnfromtheconstitutionalconvention,tookpainstomakeHammond’smudsilltheorythecornerstoneoftheConfederacy.Thedelegateshadinstitutedamoreperfectgovernment:first,byensuringthatwhiteswouldneveroppressclassesoftheirownrace;andsecond,byaffirmingthattheAfricanslaves“substratumofoursocietyismadeofthematerialfittedbynatureforit.”RefutingthepremiseofLincoln’s1858“HouseDivided”speech(thatanationcannotstandhalfslave,halffree),StephensequatedtheConfederacywithawell-constructedmansion,withslavesasitsmudsillbaseandwhitesits“brickandmarble”adornment.Presumablythebrickrepresentedthesturdyyeomanandtheplantereliteitsfinelypolishedalabaster.15

Classconcernsneverlosttheirpotencyduringthewar.In1864,asdefeatloomedandtheSouth’sleaderscontemplatedaugmentingthearmywithslaves,somefearedthattherebelnationwouldfallifdeprivedofitslowestlayer.Blackmenwouldachieveariseinstatusthroughmilitaryservice,undermininggeneralassumptionsaboutthecolor-codedsocialhierarchy.Slaveshadbeenimpressedbystategovernmentstobuildfortificationsasearlyas1861—apolicylateradoptedbytheConfederatehighcommandandtheDavisadministration.Butputtingslavesinuniformwasafarmoreradicalmove,becauseitelevatedthem(asHammondandStephenshadargued)abovetheirstationasmenialmudsills.TexassecessionistLouisT.WigfallragedintheConfederateSenatethatarmingslaveswasutterlyunthinkable,nodifferentthantheBritisheradicatingtheirlandedaristocracyandputting“amarket-housemob”initsplace.(“Market-housemob”wasanothertermforclassrevolution,anddeposingthearistocracywouldturntheConfederacyintoanothermudsilldemocracy—liketheenfranchisedrubbishoftheNorth.)SoundinglikeasnobbishEnglishlord,Wigfalladdedthathedidnotwanttoliveinacountrywhere“amanwhoblackedhisbootsandcurriedhishorsewashisequal.”Inhismind,slaveswerebornservants,andraisingthemupbymakingthemsoldiersdisruptedtheentireclassstructure.Protectingthatracialandclasssystemwaswhysouthernershadseceded.Inthisway,classangstsuffusedConfederatethinkingandservedtounitesouthernelites.16

Classmatteredforanotherreason.ConfederateleadersknewtheyhadtoredirectthehostilityoftheSouth’sownunderclass,thenonslaveholdingpoorwhites,manyofwhomwereinuniform.Chargesof“richman’swarandpoorman’sfight”circulatedthroughoutthewar,butespeciallyaftertheConfederateCongresspassedtheConscriptionActof1862,institutingthedraftforallmenbetweentheagesofeighteenandthirty-five.Exemptionswereavailabletoeducatedelites,slaveholders,officeholders,andmenemployedinvaluabletrades—leavingpoorfarmersandhired

laborersthemajortargetofthedraft.Nextthedraftwasextendedtotheageofforty-five,andby1864allmalesfromseventeentofiftyweresubjecttoconscription.17

TheUnionarmyandRepublicanpoliticiansadvancedastrategyaimedatfurtherexploitingclassdivisionsbetweentheplantereliteandpoorwhitesintheSouth.GeneralsUlyssesS.GrantandWilliamT.Sherman,aswellasmanyUnionofficers,believedtheywerefightingawaragainstaslaveholdingaristocracy,andthatwinningthewarandendingslaverywouldliberatenotonlyslavesbutalsopoorwhitetrash.Inhismemoir,GrantvoicedtheclasscritiqueoftheUnioncommand.Therewouldneverhavebeensecession,hewrote,ifdemagogueshadnotswayednonslaveholdingvotersandnaïveyoungsoldierstobelievethattheNorthwasfilledwith“cowards,poltroons,andnegro-worshippers.”Convincedthat“oneSouthernmanwasequaltofiveNorthernmen,”Confederatesoldierssawthemselvesasasuperiorpeople.(Thesamefive-to-oneratiowasusedbyNorthCarolinianHintonRowanHelperwhenhedefendedtheAnglo-SaxonraceinLandofGoldandclaimedthatoneKentuckiancouldtrouncefivedwarfishandfeebleNicaraguans.)InGrant’sestimation,thewarwasfoughttoliberatenonslaveholders,familiesexiledtopoorland,whohadfewopportunitiestobetterthemselvesoreducatetheirchildren.“Theytooneededemancipation,”heinsisted.Underthe“oldrégime,”theprewarSouth,theywerenothingbut“poorwhitetrash”totheplanteraristocracy.Theydidastoldandwereaccordedtheballot,butjustsolongastheyparrotedthewishesoftheelite.18

•••

By1861,bothsidessawtheotherasanalienculturedoomedtoextinction.Inaspeechdeliveredin1858,thesameyearasHammond’sfamousmudsilloration,WilliamH.Seward,theleadingNewYorkRepublicanwhowastoserveinLincoln’scabinet,coinedtheterm“irrepressibleconflict.”ForSeward,freelaborwasahigherformofcivilization,practicedbythe“CaucasiansandEuropeans.”HeblamedslaveryontheSpanishandPortuguese,andreducedallofSouthAmericatoalandofbrutality,imbecility,andeconomicbackwardness.TopplingslaveryintheU.S.South,inSeward’sgrandhistoricalschema,wasmerelyanextensionofthecontinentalmarchofAnglo-Saxoncivilization.Thetwoclasssystems—slaveandfree—werelockedinabattlefordomination,andonlyonewouldsurvive.19

Ofcourse,southernideologuesarguedtheexactopposite.Slaverywasavigorousandvibrantsystem,theyinsisted,andmoreeffectivethanfreelabor.Withadocileworkforce,theSouthhadeliminatedconflictbetweenlaborandcapital.Southernintellectualsallegedthatthelaboringclassinthenorthernstateswaslarge,disruptive,jealousoftherich,andendowedwithunwarrantedpoliticalprivileges.AsHammondandotherssawit,thenotionofequalityhadbecomethemostdeceptivefictionofthe

times.Theveryfreedom“tothink,feelandact,”awriterwarnedinCharleston’sSouthernQuarterlyReview,nurturespassionandprovokes“unholydesire.”That“unholydesire”wasthelongingforsocialmobility.Slaveswerecontentintheirmeniallot,manybelieved.InthisstrangereversaloftheAmericandream,theSouth’ssuperiorityarose,then,mostironically,fromitsabsenceofclassmobility.20

SecessionistspaintedadirepictureofclassinstabilityabovetheMason-DixonLine.IntheNorth,awritercontendedinaVirginiamagazinein1861,“peopleareborn,bredandeducatedtotheirlevelingviews,”whichmight“reversetheconditionoftherichandthepoor.”Educationandclassequalityitselfwasseenassubversive,andHelper’sImpendingCrisisoftheSouthwasattackedasincendiary.Menwerearrested,andsomehanged,forpeddlinghisbook.WorriedelitesurgedConfederateleadersto“watchandcontrol”poorwhites,“permittingthemtohaveaslittlepoliticallibertyaswecan,withoutdegradingthem.”21

Notsurprisingly,evidenceexiststoprovethatsouthernwhiteslaggedbehindnorthernersinliteracyratesbyatleastasix-to-onemargin.Prominentsouthernmendefendedthedisparityineducationalopportunity.ChancellorWilliamHarperofSouthCarolinaconcludedinhis1837MemoironSlavery,“Itisbetterthatapartshouldbefullyandhighlyeducatedandtherestutterlyignorant.”Inequalityineducationwaspreferabletothesysteminthenorthernstates,inwhich“imperfect,superficial,half-educationshouldbeuniversal.”AstheCivilWararrived,editorsandintellectualscalledforanindependentpublishingindustryintheConfederacy,inordertoshielditspeoplefromthecontaminationofUnionpresses.22

Confederatesopenlydefendedtheideathattheplanterclasswasborntorule.The“representativebloodoftheSouth,”thearistocraticelite,thoseofgoodpatricianstock,weredestinedtohavecommandoverwhiteandblackinferiors.ButforalltheirconfidenceaboutharmoniousrelationsbetweentherichandpoorintheSouth,manysecessionistsviewednonslaveholdersasthesleepingenemywithin.WhiteworkingmeninplaceslikeCharlestonwerecalled“perfectdrones,”whoseresentmentscouldpotentiallybemarshaledagainstslaveowners.Antidemocraticsecessionistsdismissedthepoorasthehaplesspawnsofcrasspoliticians,willingtoselltheirvotesforhomesteadsorhandouts.In1860,GeorgiagovernorJosephBrownprophesiedthatthenewRepublicanadministrationwouldbribeaportionofthecitizenswithoffices,whileotherspredictedthatLincolnwoulddanglebountiesandcheaplands,usingflatteryandlurestoensnarethe“lowerstrataofSouthernsociety.”ItwasinresponsetosuchprojectionsthatsmallslaveholdersinSouthCarolinaorganizedvigilantesocietiesand“MinuteMen”companies,mainlytointimidatenonslaveholderswhomighttrytoforestallsecession.23

Somesecessionistswentoutoftheirwaytoallayconcernsovertheloyaltyofnonslaveholders.In1860,JamesDeBow,theinfluentialeditorofDeBow’sReview,publishedapopulartractdetailingthereasonswhypoorwhiteshadeveryreasontobacktheConfederacy.Heassuredthatslaverybenefitedallclasses.Givingthemudsilltheoryanemphaticendorsement,hedeclaredthat“nowhitemanattheSouthservesanotherashisbodyservanttocleanhisboots,waitonhistable,andperformmenialservicesinhishousehold!”Besides,hewrote,wagesforwhiteworkerswerebetterintheSouth,andlandownershipwasmoredispersed—whichwaspatentlyuntrue.Hewenton:classmobilitywaspossiblefornonslaveholderswhoscrimpedandsavedtobuyaslave,especiallyabreedingfemaleslave,whoseoffspringwere“heirlooms”tobepassedontothenextgeneration.Ifhispromisesoftrickle-downeconomicswereunconvincing,DeBowtacitlyconfirmedthatslaves’elevationmeantnonslaveholders’utterdegradation.Forthesereasons,hesaid,thepoorestnonslaveholderwouldreadily“diginthetrenches,indefenseoftheslavepropertyofhismorefavoredneighbor.”Fearofdroppingtothelevelofslaveswouldleadpoorwhitestofight.24

Disuniondidnotalleviatesuchfears.InthelowerSouth,forexample,therewasnopopularreferendumonsecessionexceptinTexas.TheupperSouthwasinnohurrytobolt.Thefourstatesthatleft(Virginia,NorthCarolina,Arkansas,Tennessee)didsoonlyafterLincolncalledfortroops;allofthesestatescontainedsignificantnumbersofpro-Unionresidents.WestVirginianssecededfromVirginiaandrejoinedtheUnion.JeffersonDavissecuredthepresidencywithoutopposition,reducinghiselectiontoasymbolicvote,rubber-stampingthechoiceoftheeliteminorityintheConfederateProvisionalCongress.25

Inadditiontoinsulatingthegovernmentfromthepeople,avocalcontingentofdelegatestotheConfederateconstitutionalconventioncalledforarepealofthethree-fifthscompromise,insteadcountingslavesaswholepersonsforthepurposeofrepresentationintheConfederatelegislature.Thismannerofrepresentationbenefitedthestateswiththehighestnumberofslaves.TheSouthCaroliniannovelistWilliamGilmoreSimms,forone,thoughtthattheborderstates,withtheirlargernonslaveholdingpopulations,might“overslough”thecottonstates.Inthatasloughwasaswampormire,Simmswasalludingtothemudsill-likenonslaveholdersoftheupperSouth,whosehighernumberswouldallowthemtohavemorerepresentativesthantheslave-dominatedstatesofthelowerSouth.InthefinaldraftoftheConfederateconstitution,therepealofthethree-fifthsclausewasvoteddown,butbythenarrowmarginoffourtothreestates.26

In1861,anervousGeorgian,whoworriedthatslaveholderswereaminority,proposedthatthenewstategovernmentshouldestablishanupperhousecomposedonlyofslaveholders,muchliketheEnglishHouseofLords.ConservativeGeorgia

andVirginiadelegatestotheirrespectivestateconventionswishedtocurbthe“swinishmultitude,”butintheendtheyrefusedtotamperwiththerighttovote.InVirginia,someelitistsrecognizedtheproblemthatconscriptionposedandsoughttodealwithit.Nonslaveholdersmightrefusetofightinawardesignedtoprotecttheslavesoftherich.VirginianEdmundRuffinprivatelyproposedasolutionforhisstate:adualsystemofconscription.Inhistwo-trackclasssystem,onewouldrequirenonelitewhitementotakeuparms,andanotherforplanters’slaves,whowouldbeimpressedbythestateandputtoworkforthearmy.Tooboldandtoohonestinbroadcastingtheprevalenceofsocialinequality,Ruffin’sradicalplanwasneveradopted.27

Thefuturedidnotbodewellforsouthernpatricians.IftheyremainedintheUnion,orsuffereddefeatatthehandsoftheYankees,theyfacedextinction.Thearistocracywouldbewashedawayinafloodofnorthernmudsillsandliberatedslaves.Theirownhomegrownwhitetrashwereaproblemaswell.Presumably,withouttotalvictory,landlesslaborersandpoorfarmersmightoutbreedtheeliteclass,andifcorruptedbynortherndemocraticideas,theymightoverwhelmtheplantereliteattheballotbox.28

•••

Throughoutthewar,theunfairconscriptionpolicysparkedseriousgrievances.Earlyon,Florida’sgovernor,JohnMilton,feltthatthelawcouldnotbeenforced,thatpoorwhiteswouldnotstandforasubstitutionsystemthatfavoredthosewhocouldbuyamantodohisfightingforhim.Exemptionsprotectedtheeducated:teachers,ministers,clerks,politicians,aswellasmeninneededindustries.Oncethelowlyconscriptswereintheranks,officerslookeddownonthemas“foodforpowder,”orcomparedthemto“Tartars”andbarbarians,whichwerethesameslursthatelitesouthernersusedtodemeanLincoln’sruthlesshordes.AnAlabamarecruitfedupwithsuchtreatmentsaidtheobvious:“Theythinkallyouarefitforistostopbulletsforthem,yourbetters,whocallyoupoorwhitetrash.”29

Oneodiousfeatureofthedraftwasthe“twentyslavelaw,”whichgrantedexemptionstoplanterswithtwentyormoreslaves.Theprovisionshieldedthealreadypamperedrichmanandhisvaluableproperty.Somenonslaveholdersrefusedtofightfortheprotectionofslavery,whileothersthoughtthewealthyshouldpayhighertaxestosubsidizeawarthatbenefitedthemmost.Lower-classmenwantedtheirmaterialinterestsprotected.Wealthyofficerswerereadilygrantedfurloughs,whilecommonsoldierswereexpectedtoendurelongtermsofenlistment,jeopardizingthelivelihoodoffamiliesleftbehind.Asonehistorianhasconcluded,poorersoldiersthoughtof

themselvesas“conditionalConfederates.”Thismeantthatpoorfarmersputtheirfamily’swell-beingbeforetheirloyaltytotheConfederatenation.30

Southerngentlemenmightbeexpectedtofightwithoutsteadypay,buttheirdefinitionofchivalrycreatedanunrealisticstandardforthelowerclasses.Classidentitydividedtheranksthroughoutthewar.The“layouts,”menwhorefusedtovolunteerortoappearforserviceoncedrafted,wereroundedupbyguardswhowerecrudelycalled“dogcatchers.”Substitutescamefromthepoorestclassofmen,andweregenerallydespisedbyothersoldiers.31

Desertionwascommonamongpoorrecruits,somuchsothatbyAugust1863,GeneralRobertE.LeewaspleadingwithPresidentDavistotakeactiontocurbit.Laterthatyear,Davisissuedageneralamnestytoallmenwhoreturned.Inotherinstances,whilesomesoldierswereexecuted,mostcompaniessubjecteddesertersinsteadtohumiliatingpunishments.Theywereputinchainsorforcedtowearabarrel.Vigilanteshunteddownrunawayconscripts,especiallyinNorthCarolina,whichhadthehighestrateofdesertion.AcommunityinMississippisecededfromtheConfederacy,creatingthe“FreeStateofJones”inthemiddleofaswamp;itwas,quiteliterally,awhitetrashUnionsanctuaryinPresidentDavis’shomestate.32

Desertersstolefood,raidedfarms,andharassedloyalsoldiersandcitizens.Pocketsofpoormenandtheirfamilieshadbecometheanarchiststhatupper-classsouthernershadlongfeared.InGeorgia,lateinthewarithadreachedthepointthatdeserterswerethreateningtokidnapslavesor,worse,conspirewithrunaways.In1865,thewivesofOkefenokeerenegadestauntedauthoritiesbyclaimingthattheirhusbandswouldriseoutoftheswamp,armedandreadytostealasmanyslavesastheycouldroundup,andthensellthemtotheUnionnavy.33

Itisdifficulttogaugewhatpoor,illiteratesoldiersthoughtofdesertion,becausetheyleftnowrittenrecords.Butoralfolkculturesuggeststhatpoormenopenlyjokedaboutit.Desertiontothemwaspartofthedailyresistancetoupper-classrule.OnestorymakingtheroundspittedaGeorgiasandhilleragainstaNorthCarolinaTar-heel.Askedwhathehaddonewithaquantityofpitch,theCarolinianclaimedhehadsoldittoJeffDavis.Caughtoffguard,thesandhillersaid,“WhatdidoldDaviswantwithallthatfor?”“Why,”theTar-heeljibed,“youGeorgiansrunsothathehadtobuysometomakeyoustick.”34

Thereisnowaytoknowpreciselyhowmanymendeserted.TheofficialcountfromtheU.S.provostmarshal’sreportwas103,400.Thiswasoutofatotalof750,000to850,000menlistedasinthearmybytheendofthewar.Butthesenumbersareonlyasmallpartofthestory.Classdividedsoldiersinotherways.TheConfederatearmydragoonedatleast120,000conscripts.Therewerebetween70,000and150,000substitutes,mostlywretchedlypoormen,andonly10percentever

reportedtocamp.Another80,000volunteersreenlistedtoavoidthedraft.Finally,asmanyas180,000menwereatbest“reluctantrebels,”thosewhoresistedjoininguntillaterinthewar.SuchresistancedemonstratesthatamongaveragesoldierstherewaslittleevidenceofadeepattachmenttotheConfederacy.35

Shortagesinfoodfueledmorediscontents.Asearlyas1861,whenplanterswereurgedtoplantmorecornandgrain,fewwerewillingtogiveupthewhitegoldofcotton.Consequently,foodshortagesandescalatinginflationledtomassivesufferingamongpoorfarmers,urbanlaborers,women,andchildren.OneGeorgianconfessedthat“avariceandthemenialsubjectsofKingcotton”wouldbringdowntheConfederacylongbeforeaninvadingarmycould.36

Moredisturbing,through,therichhoardedscarcesuppliesalongwithfood.In1862,mobsofangrywomenbeganraidingstores,stormingwarehousesanddepots;theseunexpecteduprisingsblanketedGeorgia,withsimilarprotestssurfacingintheCarolinas.InAlabama,fortymaraudingwomenburnedallthecottonintheirpathastheyscavengedforfood.AfoodriotbrokeoutintheConfederatecapitalofRichmondin1863.WhenPresidentDavistriedtocalmthewomen,anangryfemaleprotesterthrewaloafofbreadathim.37

Femalerioterswere,inthisway,theequivalentofmaledeserters.TheyshatteredtheillusionofConfederateunityandsharedsacrifice.In1863,inthewakeoftheRichmondriot,VanityFairexposedthepersistenceofdeepclassdivisionsamongthesouthernpopulation.Thepro-Unionmagazinepublishedaprovocativeimagewiththearticle,“PitythePoorRebels.”Itdescribedhowpoormenwerearbitrarilyroundedupasconscripts,whilethedesperatelypoor“whitetrash”oftheConfederacyscratchedthewords“WEARESTARVING”overthe“deadwall”thatseparatedtheNorthandSouth.ThefeaturedillustrationhadanunusualcaricatureofJeffersonDavis,reminiscentofJonathanSwift’santiheroinGulliver’sTravels.HeretheConfederatepresident,inadressandbonnet,istieddownbysouthernLilliputians—tinyslaves.Eitherway,heisunmannedbygreedyplantersorfemalerioters.Hiswristsarechained,hisdressunraveling—asuresignthattheConfederacyhashaditsmaskofgentilityremoved.38

WealthywomenoftheSouthoftendisplayedindifferencetothestarvingpoor.WhenagroupofdesertersandpoormountainwomenransackedaTennesseeresortin1863,VirginiaFrench,oneoftheguests,describedthe“slatternly,rough,barefootedwomen”whoracedtoandfro,“eagerasfamishedwolvesforprey.”Bothshockedandamused,shewrote,“Twowomenwentintoaregularfistfight&keptitupforanhour—clawing&clutchingeachotherbecauseonehadmorethantheother!”ShefounditequallybizarrewhenanotherwomanstoleLatintheologyandFrenchbooks.Whenaskeddirectly,thethiefjustifiedherbootyastheactofagoodmother:“Shehadsome

childrenwhowerejustbeginningtoread&...shewantedtoencourageem!”Anilliteratewomanthusassignedvaluetotheliterarytreasuresshehadtaken.Thismighthavearousedsomesympathy,butforFrenchthescenewassimplymoreevidenceof“Democracy—Jacobinism—andRadicalism”initsrudestform.Thewomenwere“famished”andhad“tallow”faces,themenwere“gaunt”and“ill-looking,”butthesouthernplanter’swiferemainedunmoved.Whitetrashsoiledalltheytouched,anddeservedcontempt,notpity.39

ClassinsularityprevailedamongRichmond’selitewomentoo.Byearly1865,FirstLadyVarinaDavishadbecome“unpopularwiththeladiesbelongingtotheoldfamilies,”aclerkclosetoherhusbandconfidedtohisdiary.Thoseof“highbirth”haddecidedtoshunherandtalkedbehindherback,remarkingonherfather’ssupposedlow-classorigins.Therewerestorieswidelycirculatedofgovernmentofficialsandtheirwivesdiningondelicacieswhilethepeoplestarved.40

IncontemplatingthedemiseoftheConfederacy,otherwritersexpressedmoredramaticconcerns.Classreorganizationwouldreducehonoredmotherstothestationof“cooksforYankeematrons,”convertbelovedwivesintowasherwomenfor“Yankeebutchersandlibertines,”andtransformdevotedsistersintochambermaidsfor“Yankeeharlots.”Nomatterhowthesituationwassizedup,thefactthatpoorruralwomenhadalreadylosteverythingscarcelymattered,becausetheirsufferingcountedlittlecomparedtotheunsulliedwomenoftherulingclass.41

•••

AdifferentkindofsymbolismhoveredoverAbrahamLincoln,whoinunflatteringdescriptionswascrownedthepresidentofthemudsills.ThoughhewasborninKentucky,notfarfromJeffersonDavis’sbirthplace,HonestAbe’sbackcountryrootsbecamefodderforhisenemies.TheonethingthatseparatedLincolnandDaviswasclassorigin.SouthernnewspapersdescribedDavisasone“borntocommand.”HewasaWestPointer,amanoflettersandpolitemanners.Lincoln,bycontrast,wasarudebumpkin,the“Illinoisape,”anda“drunkensot.”Lincoln’ssupposedvirtue,hishonesty(orhonestparents),wascodeforasuspectclassbackground.In1862,acloseally,UniongeneralDavidHunter,toldTreasurySecretarySalmonP.ChasethatLincolnwasborna“poorwhiteinaslavestate.”HejudgedLincolntoosolicitousofslaveholdersintheborderstates,“anxiousforapproval,especiallyofthosehewasaccustomedtolookupto.”HisKentuckyhomemadehimwhitetrash,andhischosenresidenceinIllinoismadehimaprairiemudsill.Confederateshadaneasytimeequatingmidwesternerswithdirtfarmers;tooneVirginiaartilleryman,theywereall“scoundrels,thisscum,spawnedinprairiemud.”42

Themudslingingbattle,however,endedupworkinginfavoroftheFederalside.RepublicansandUnionofficersworethemudsilllabelasabadgeofpride,andmadeitarallyingcryfornortherndemocracy.ThisstrategybeganevenbeforeLincolnwaselected.AtalargerallyinNewYorkCity,Iowa’slieutenantgovernorgaveanimpassionedspeechinwhichhepraisedthe“railsplitter”asthebestfarmerforthejob—amanwillingtoprotectthe“mudsillandmechanic.”AndhejokedthateveryRepublicaninhisstatehad“madeuptheirmindstocultivatemudsillideas.”43

TheNewYorkpublicationVanityFairusedsatiretoturnthetablesonConfederateclasstaunts.Theirwritersnotonlydeflatedthesoutherner’sgallantself-image,butalsohadafielddaydefendinghis“groveling”foewith“lobbyears”—themudsill.(“Lob”wasanotherwordforarusticknave.)Imitatingsouthernspeechifiersandhackjournalists,themagazinedescribedLincolnasthechiefmagistrateofthe“GreasyMechanicsandMudsillsofthebarbarianNorth.”

InFrankLeslie’sIllustratedNewspaper(1863),Lincoln,ascaricatured,isliterallyamudsill—stuckinthemudandunabletoreachJeffersonDavisinRichmond.FrankLeslie’sIllustratedNewspaper,February21,1863

JeffersonDavis’sstiltedoratorywasequallysubjecttoVanityFair’switheringsatire.InamockproclamationgivenaftertheFirstBattleofBullRun,DavisissuesanedictsayingthathisarmywouldleaveWashingtoninthedust,hangthe“besottedidiot”Lincolnfromthenearesttree,andtoppleNewYorkCity,turningtheSeventhRegimentintobodyservantsforConfederateofficers.Inhisgrandiosevisionofeasyvictory,thisparodyofDavisdeclaredthat“mudsillsoldiers”wouldofferlittleresistance,for“theywillflybeforeuslikesheep.”Southerners’hyperbolicpronouncementswereturnedontheirhead;thoughbegunasaninsultaimedatplebiannortherners,themudsilldesignationprovedmostusefulinridiculing

Confederatehubris.By1863,FrankLeslie’sIllustratedNewspaperhadembracedthemudsillmoniker,publishingacaricatureofLincolnuptohiswaistinmud,unabletoreachthe“badbird”DavisinhisRichmondnest.44

WhenGeneralJamesGarfield,thefuturepresident,returnedfromthefrontinNovember1863,hegaveaspeechatameetinginBaltimoreindefenseofhisfightingmudsills.HelaudedtheloyalmenofTennesseeandGeorgiawhocameoutof“cavesandrocks”tosupporttheUnionforces.TheConfederacywasbuilt,Garfieldinsisted,onafalseidea,“notofacommongovernment,butagovernmentofgentlemen,ofmenofmoney,menofbrains,whoholdslaves.”ItwasagovernmentresemblingthatofthearistocraticOldWorld.HisaudienceofcommonersroaredwhenhecalledthetwotopConfederategenerals“CountBragg”and“MyLordBeauregard.”Rousedbythisreaction,Garfieldaddressedthefriendlycrowdas“youmudsills,”fortheywerebenefactorsofagovernmentandsocietythatpromisedclassmobilityandagenuinerespectfortheworkingman.ForGarfield,andformanyothers,themudsillswerethebackboneoftheUnion.Theywerethose“whorejoicethatGodhasgivenyoustronghandsandstouthearts—whowerenotbornwithsilverspoonsinyourmouths.”Andproudmudsillstheywouldremain.45

BecauseoftheConfederacy’sclasssystem,andtheexploitationofpoorwhitesbytheplanterelite,Republicancongressmenandmilitaryleadersfromtheoutsetofthewararguedinfavorofaconfiscationpolicythatwentattheplanters’pocketbooks.Itwasintheborderstates,whereallegiancesweredivided,thatthepolicyofpunishingrichConfederatesympathizerstookshape.InMissouri,whereirregularrebelguerrillasdismantledrailroadsandterrorizedUnionistcivilians,GeneralHenryW.Halleckdecidedtometeoutretributioninahighlyselectivemanner.Ratherthanpunishtheentirecitizenry,heorderedwealthyMissouriansalonetopayreparations.46

InHalleck’smind,thepriceofwarhadtobefeltatthetop.AsrefugeesfloodedintoSt.Louis—poorwhitewomenandchildren—Halleckandhisfellowofficersagreedthatelitesshouldcoverthecosts.Streettheatercomplementedthearmy’scampaign,asUnionofficerssoughttomakepunishmentsvisibletothegeneralpublic.UnderHalleck’ssternbutdiscriminatingsystemofassessments,MissouriConfederateswhorefusedtopayupwerepubliclyhumiliatedbyhavingtheirmostvaluablepossessionsconfiscatedandsoldatauction.Militarypoliceofficersenteredhomesandcartedoffpianos,rugs,furniture,andvaluablebooks.Thecontrastbetweentherichandpoorwasstark.DisplacedfamiliesfromtheArkansasOzarksshowedupahundredmileswestoftheMississippiinthevicinityofRolla.Ledbyaformercandidateforgovernor,theyformedastrangecaravanofoxcarts,livestock,anddogs,altogethernumberingovertwothousand.Themenwerecategorizedbyobserversaswhitetrash:“tall,sallow,cadaverous,andleathery.”Theyjoinedthe

starving,mud-coveredwomenandbarefootchildrenwhocomprisedtheSouth’sforgottenpoorwhiteexiles.47

PublicshamingwasanothertacticusedbytheUnionarmy.InNewOrleans,GeneralBenjaminButler’sinfamousOrderNo.28declaredthatanywomanshowingdisrespecttoaUnionsoldierwouldbetreatedasaprostitute,apunitivemeasurethatdeniedtheassumptionofmoralpurityaccordedupper-classwomen.MoredevastatingwasOrderNo.76,bywhichButlerrequiredallmenandwomentogiveanoathofallegiance;thosewhofailedtodosohadtheirpropertyconfiscated.Women’sequalpoliticaltreatmentexposedwhatlayhiddenbehindthe“broadfoldsoffemalecrinoline,”thatmenwerehidingassetsintheirwives’names.AvictoriousofficerobservedthatintakingFredericksburgin1862,Unionsoldiersdestroyedthehomesofthewealthy,leavingbehinddirtfromtheir“muddyfeet.”VandalismwasanotherwaytodisgraceprominentConfederates:seizingthesymbolsofwealthandstatus,smashingthem,andleavingitbehindasrubbish.Themuddyfootprintofthemudsillfootsoldierwasanintentionallyironicsymbolofclassrage.48

OnepersonwhotookthismessagetoheartwasAndrewJohnsonofTennessee.Asamilitarygovernor,JohnsonbecamethebêtenoireofConfederates,theonlyU.S.senatorfromasecedingstatetoremainloyaltotheUnion.HisloyaltyearnedhimaplaceontheRepublicanticketasLincoln’srunningmatein1864.Johnson,anoldguardJacksonianDemocrat,feltnoconstraintinvoicinghisdisgustwiththebloatedplanterelite.Bythetimehetookoverasmilitarygovernor,hewasalreadyknownforhisconfrontationalstyle,eagertodukeitoutwiththosehelabeled“traitorousaristocrats.”Hevigorouslyimposedassessmentstopayforpoorrefugeewomenandchildren,whoheclaimedwerereducedtopovertybecauseoftheSouth’s“unholyandnefariousrebellion.”Notsurprisingly,Johnson’sdetractorslookedupontheonce-lowlytailorasundeservingwhitetrash.Hehadareputationforvulgarityinthecourseofhisstumpspeeches.Onepoliticianheranagainstbeforethewarwentsofarastocallhim“alivingmassofundulatingfilth.”IfLincolnwaswhitetrashintheeyesofgenteelsoutherners,Johnsonlookedworse.49

BythetimeGeneralWilliamT.ShermanorchestratedhisfamousMarchtotheSeain1864,Unionleadersbelievedthatonlywidespreadhumiliationandsufferingwouldendthewar.Turninghisarmyintoonelargeforagingexpedition,Shermanmadesurehismenunderstoodtheclassdimensionoftheircampaign.ThemostlavishdestructionoccurredinColumbia,SouthCarolina,thefire-eaters’capital,wherethemostconspicuousplanteroligarchyheldcourt.IntinyBarnwell,sixtymilessouthofColumbia,BrevetMajorGeneralHughJudsonKilpatrickofNewJerseystagedwhathecalleda“Nero’sball,”forcingthesouthernbellesofthetowntoattendanddancewithUnionofficerswhilethetownburnedtotheground.50

Injustifyinghisviolentcourseofaction,ShermanrevivedoneofThomasJefferson’sfavoritetermsfortacklingclasspower.Thatwordwas“usufruct.”Shermancontendedthattherewasnoabsoluterighttoprivateproperty,andthatproudplantersonlyheldtheirrealestateinusufruct—thatis,onthegoodgracesofthefederalgovernment.Intheory,southernersweretenants,andastraitoroustenants,theycouldbeexpelledbytheirfederallandlords.JeffersonhadusedthesameRomanconcepttodevelopapoliticaltheoryforweakeningtheholdofinheritedstatusandprotectingfuturegenerationsagainstdebtspassedonbyaprecedinggeneration.Shermanwentfurther:propertydidnotexistwithoutthesanctionofthefederalgovernment.Hisphilosophynotonlyrejectedstates’rights,butequatedtreasonwithareturntothestateofnature.Thesouthernoligarchywouldbeshornofitslandandclassprivilege.TheonlywayforeliteConfederatestoprotecttheirwealthwastosubmittofederallaw.51

UniongeneralsandtheirseniorofficersexpectedthecottonoligarchytofallalongwithDavis’sadministration.Theywereconvincedthatclassrelationswouldradicallychangeintheaftermathofthewar.Akindofmissionaryzealshapedthisstrainofthinking.AfterthesiegeofPetersburg,Virginia,in1865,ChaplainHallockArmstrongsizedupwhathecalled“thewaragainsttheAristocracy,”predictinginalettertohiswifethatdramaticchangewascomingtotheOldSouth.Itwasnotslavery’sdemisealonethatwouldtransformsociety,hesaid,butincreasedopportunitiesfor“poorwhitetrash.”Heassuredherthatthewarwould“knockofftheshacklesofmillionsofpoorwhites,whosebondagewasreallyworsethantheAfrican.”Heobservedtheirwretchedconditions,appalledthatgenerationsoffamilieshadneverseentheinsideofaclassroom.52

Manyothersrecognizedthatitwouldbeaninsurmountabletasktoraiseupthepoor.ANewYorkartilleryofficernamedWilliamWheelerencounteredraggedrefugeesinAlabama,andfoundithardtobelievethattheycouldbeclassedas“Caucasians,”orconsideredthesame“fleshandbloodasourselves.”SomeUnionmenwerepreparedtoencountercadaverouspoorwhitesinthesouthernbackwaters,buttheyweresurprisedtoseethesepeopleintheConfederateranks.Theydescribeddeserters,prisoners,andConfederateprisonguardsasseedy,slouching,ignorant,andoddlyattired.SoldiersinthewesterntheaterweretakenabackbythemudhutstheyespiedalongtheMississippi.TheNorth’smudsillsseemedlikeroyaltycomparedtotheSouth’strulymud-bespatteredswamppeople.53

MudcouldwellbethecentralimageinsizingupthecostofthiswartoUnionandConfederatesidesalike.Therewasnoglamour,onlytediousmuddymarches,foodshortages,foraging(whichoftenentailedstealingfromcivilians),andtheinhuman

conditionsthatprevailedinfetidmuddycamps.UnionandConfederatedeadalikewerehastilylaidtorestinshallow,muddymassgraves.54

Butitwasthe“foulmudsill”inwartimepropagandathatcapturedthepoliticalimaginationonbothsides.“Mudsill”joinedotherConfederateslursforUnionmen:vagabonds,bootblacks,andnorthernscum.Andwemustn’tforgetJeffersonDavis’sinsultofchoice:“offscouringsoftheearth.”Byadoptingsuchavocabulary,rebelscouldimaginenorthernsoldiersasLincoln’sindenturedservants,low-classhirelings.Toconvincethemselvesofeasyvictory,ConfederatesinsistedthattheFederalarmywasfilledwiththe“trash”ofEurope,rubbishflushedfromnortherncityjailsandbackalleys,allbroughttogetherwiththeclodhoppersanddirtfarmersfrominteriorsectionsoftheUnion.Fortheirpart,northernersperceivedthebreadriots,desertions,poorwhiterefugees,andrunawayslavesasfirmevidenceofafracturedConfederacy.Inthisway,NorthandSoutheachsawclassastheenemy’spivotalweaknessandasourceofmilitaryandpoliticalvulnerability.55

Bothsideswerepartiallyright.Warsingeneral,andcivilwarstoagreaterdegree,havetheeffectofexacerbatingclasstensions,becausethesacrificesofwararealwaysdistributedunequally,andthepoorarehithardest.NorthandSouthhadstakedsomuchontheirclass-baseddefinitionsofnationhoodthatitisnoexaggerationtosaythatinthegrandschemeofthings,UnionandConfederateleaderssawthewarasaclashofclasssystemswhereinthesuperiorcivilizationwouldreigntriumphant.

Unionmenhadawayofidentifying“whitetrash”withthedualbogeymenofsouthernpovertyandelitehypocrisy.Theysawsecessionasafraudperpetratedagainsthaplesspoorwhites.APhiladelphiajournalisthadthebest,oratleastthemostoriginal,putdownoftheConfederacy’soverproudsocialsystemwhenhedirectedJeffDavis’sgovernmenttoputaslaveontheirfive-centstamp;foronlythen,heargued,would“poorwhitetrash”beableto“buythechattelcheap.”Buthedidn’tlethisfellownorthernersentirelyoffthehookeither.Littleseparatednorthernmudsillsfromsoutherntrash.Neitherclassgainedmuchwhenreducedtocannonfodder.56

I

CHAPTEREIGHT

ThoroughbredsandScalawags

BloodlinesandBastardStockintheAgeofEugenics

Itisbetterforalltheworldif,insteadofwaitingtoexecutedegenerateoffspringforcrimeortoletthemstarvefortheirimbecility,societycanpreventthosewhoaremanifestlyunfitfromcontinuingtheirkind....Threegenerationsofimbecilesareenough.

—ChiefJusticeOliverWendellHolmes,Buckv.Bell(1927)

n1909,attheNationalNegroCongressinNewYorkCity,W.E.B.DuBoisgaveaprovocativespeechonthereceptionofDarwinismintheUnitedStates.Inthe

publishedversionofthespeech,“TheEvolutionoftheRaceProblem,”DuBoisdeclaredthatsocialDarwinismhadfoundsuchfavorinAmericabecausetheveryideaof“survivalofthefittest”ratifiedthereactionaryracialpoliticsthatalreadyprevailed.TheHarvard-trainedscholarunderscored,withmorethanatouchofirony,howthe“splendidscientificwork”ofDarwinendorsedan“inevitableinequalityamongmenandtheracesofmenthatnophilanthropyoughttoeliminate.”DuBois’sargumentwentthisway:ifoneacceptedtheracistassumptionthatblacksareof“inferiorstock,”thenitwaspointlessto“legislateagainstnature”;provingthesupremacyofthewhiteraceneedednohelpfrompoliticians,becauseanyformofphilanthropywouldbe“powerlessagainstdeficientcerebraldevelopment.”1

ForthesocialcriticDuBois,itwasoneshortstepfromtheracismcontainedintheAmericanizationofDarwinianselectiontotherealizationthatwhiterulehadcorruptedthenormalcourseofevolution.Insteadofallowingthebest(whetherblackorwhite)torise,racismhadactuallyunderminedtheDarwinianargument.Ithadnotonlynotimprovedthewhiterace,butafalsehegemonyhadledto“thesurvivalofsomeoftheworststocksofmankind.”Asmuchasthelowerclassofwhitesremainedwheretheyhadalwaysbeen,onefoundthroughouttheU.S.South“efficientNegroes,”ableandproductive,beingtrampledundertheheelsofelectedofficials

whosupportedwhitevigilantejusticeandproppeduptheheinouslynchlaw––cateringtotheinterestsoftheunreconstructedwhitetrashofthepostwarSouth.2

DuBoisreasonedthatbydenyingequaleducationacrossraciallines,inpreventingthelawsofevolutionfromoperatingfreelyintheSouth,whitepoliticalhegemonyhadreappliedthe“evilsofclassinjustice.”Whitesupremacy,asathesis,lackedanybasisinscience,whileitwreakedmoreandmorehavocuponaperverse,fear-andhate-basedclasssystem.Despitepopularclaimsthatthewhiteracewasdestinedforglobaldominance,itwas,DuBoisassured,indecline.Amongthe“manysignsofdegeneracy”wastheoverallreductioninbirthrates.Thusanythreatofwhitedeteriorationcame“fromwithin.”YetwhenDemocratsgainedcontrolofthesouthernstatesin1877,afteradecadeofblackenfranchisement,theyinvariablyblamedRepublicanegalitariansforproducingsocialchaosandtriggeringwhitedownwardmobility.Byrefusingtoholdupthemirrortothemselves,DuBoiscontended,southernwhiteswerefailingtoseetheirowndegeneracy.3

Inthelargerschemeofthings,DuBoiswasretellingthehistoryofReconstructionanditsaftermath.Muchlater,in1935,hewouldexpandhisperspectiveintoafull-lengthstudy.Yetinthe1909speechhewasalreadyexposingseveralcrucialconnections.Aboveall,heunderstoodhowsouthernpoliticshadsetthestageforthedualappealofDarwinismandtheeugenicsmovement.Darwin’sbest-knownworks,OntheOriginofSpecies(1859)andTheDescentofMan(1871),scoredbiginAmerica,asdidtheworkofhiscousinFrancisGalton,thefounderofeugenics.

Evolutionrestedonnature’slaw,whereaseugenicsfoundnaturewanting.Galton’sadherentsstressedthenecessityforhumaninterventiontoimprovetheracethroughbetterbreeding.Darwinhimselfendorsedeugenics,andhedrewonthefamiliartropeofanimalhusbandrytomakethecase:“Manscanswithscrupulouscarethepedigreeofhishorses,cattleanddogsbeforehematesthem;butwhenitcomestohismarriage,herarely,ornever,takessuchcare.”CompareThomasJefferson—thewordingispracticallyidentical:“Thecircumstanceofsuperiorbeautyisthoughtworthyofattentioninthepropagationofourhorses,dogs,andotherdomesticanimals;whynotthatofman?”Almostasamantra,eugenicistscomparedgoodhumanstocktothoroughbreds,equatingthewellbornwithsuperiorabilityandinheritedfitness.4

Pseudoscience,masqueradingashereditaryscience,providedAmericanswithaconvenientwaytonaturalizeclassandracialdifferences.Theappealofthislanguage,whichreacheditszenithintheearlytwentiethcentury,firsttookholdduringReconstruction.BothRepublicans,whowantedtorebuildtheSouthintheimageoftheNorth,andDemocrats,whowishedtorestoreelitewhiterule,sawthegrandscopeofnationalreunionaspartofalargerevolutionarystruggle.AndsoDarwin’s“survivalofthefittest”becamethewatchwordofpoliticiansandjournalists.They

invokedavocabularythathighlightedunnaturalbreeding,unfitgovernance,andthedegeneratenatureoftheworststocks.Atthecenteroftheargumentwasthestrugglethatpittedpoorwhitesagainstfreedslaves.

•••

ItwasperhapsinevitablethatpoorwhiteswouldfigureprominentlyinthedebatesoverReconstruction.ManynorthernthinkershadneverforamomentboughtintotheoldCavaliermythofsouthernsuperiority.Asoneinsistedin1864,mostsouthernerstracedtheirlineagetothe“scumofEurope,”tolowlydescendantsof“brothelsandbridewells,”andcouldthereforedubthemselvesa“plebeianaristocracy”atbest.Whenthepatrician-ledConfederacycollapsed,sodidtheillusionofthesuperiorpowersattachedtosouthernrefinement.5

FormostRepublicans,rebuildingtheSouthmeant(a)introducingafree-laboreconomyand(b)ensuringaloyalpopulation.TheyperceivedsouthernUnionistsandfreedmenasthemostloyalelement.TheissueforRepublicanswassimplyput:wouldpoorwhiteshelptotransformtheSouthintoaliteratesocietyandfree-marketeconomy,orwouldtheyresistchangeanddragtheSouthdown?6

PresidentAndrewJohnsoncontributedtothedebatewhenheissuedhisplanforrestorationoftheUnion.Heincludedinhisrequirementsdisfranchisementofthewealthiestslaveholders,sothat,astheNewYorkHeraldreportedin1865,theoligarchsoftheSouthwouldbe“shornoftheirstrength,”while—andherethenewspaperunderscoredtheclassdynamic—“the‘poorwhitetrash’heretoforecompelledtowalkbehindthemandtodotheirbidding,aremademastersofthesituation.”Yes,masters.JohnsonexpressedthesameopinioninanaddresstoadelegationfromSouthCarolina:“Whilethisrebellionhasemancipatedagreatmanynegroes,”hesaid,“ithasemancipatedstillmorewhitemen.”Hewouldelevatethe“poorwhiteman”whostruggledtotillbarren,sandysoilforsubsistence,andwhowerelookeddownuponbytheNegroandeliteplanteralike.7

Thepresidentimaginedathree-tieredclasssysteminthereconstructedstates.Thedisenfranchisedplanterelitewouldkeeptheirlandandacertainsocialpower,butwouldbedeprivedofanydirectpoliticalinfluenceuntiltheyregainedthetrustofUnionists.Themiddlerankswouldbefilledbyanewlydominantpoorwhiteclass.Inexercisingthevoteandholdingoffice,theywouldholdbacktheoldoligarchy,whilepreventingasituationfromarisinginwhichtheythemselveswouldhavetocompeteeconomically(orpolitically)withthefreedmen.Onthebottomtier,then,Johnsonplacedfreeblacksandfreedslaves—thelatteremancipatedinfact,yettreatedasresidentaliens,bearingrightsbutstilldeniedthefranchise.TheplanLincoln’sunlovedsuccessorhadinmindwasnota“restoration”oftheoldorder,nordidit

promisetoestablishademocracy.Instead,itofferedAmericasomethingentirelyoriginal.SoletuscalltheJohnsonplanwhatitwouldhavebeenifactuallyundertaken:awhitetrashrepublic.

TheTennesseandecidedlysawblacksuffrageasalowpriority.Hewasstillintent,however,onredefiningtheoldplanterelite.Despitedisfranchisement,thearistocracyretainedsomewealthand,justasimportant,thepowertopersuadeothers.Theywouldturntheirformerslaves,nowemployees,intopoliticalpawns.ThiswasaprospectthatPresidentJohnsonlookeduponwithsomedisapproval.Yethewouldunderminehisowndesignbygrantingindividualpardonstorepresentativesoftheformerrulingelite,whichhemayhavedonebecausehefeltheneededthemtowinreelection.8

Somethingmoredangerousloomedifblacksobtainedpoliticalequality.Long-standinganimositieswouldresurfacebetweenthetwolowerclassesinJohnson’sconstruct(blacksandpoorwhites),triggeringa“warofraces.”AndrewJohnson’sracewarwasnotThomasJefferson’s,however.Thethirdpresidenthadforetoldacontestofannihilationbroughtonbyuniversalemancipation,onceliberatedslavestooktheirplacealongsidetheirformermasters;theseventeenthpresidentwastalkingaboutawarofracialoutcasts.Ashesawit,theformerlydispossessedclasses,oneblackandonewhite,wouldwageaviciousstruggleforsurvival.Itscause:thefederalimpositionofuniversalsuffrageonthesouthernstates.9

ThoughJohnsonsoonabandonedhiswhitetrashrepublic,histhinkingallowsustobettervisualizetheexistingspectrumofideasaboutReconstruction.Itismeaningful,too,thattherecentlyestablishedFreedmen’sBureaupairedimpoverishedwhitesandfreedpeoplenotascutthroatadversaries,butastheworthypoor.Fromitsinceptionin1865,shortlybeforeLincoln’sassassination,thebureauwasspecificallyempoweredtoextendreliefto“allrefugees,andallfreedmen,”blackandwhite.Indebatingthebureau’smerits,manysenatorsagreedthatthedestitutionofwhiterefugees,now“beggars,dependents,houselessandhomelesswanderers,”wasassignificantasthatofthefreedmen.InAlabama,Arkansas,Missouri,andTennessee,thebureauextendedtwice—andinsomecasesfourtimes—asmuchrelieftowhitesastoblacks;inGeorgia,nearly180,000whiterefugeessecuredfoodandprovisions.AsRepublicancongressmanGreenClaySmithofKentuckynotedduringthedebatetoextendtheFreedmen’sBureauin1866,“Therearealargenumberofwhitepeoplewhoneverownedafootofland,whoneverhavebeeninpossessionofanyproperty,notevenacoworahorse,yetwhohavebeenastrueanddevotedloyalistsasanybodyelse.”TheproblemsoftheSouthwentdeeperthanthewaritself,Smithacknowledged.Thetwinevilsofpovertyandvagrancywereapermanentfixtureamongthewhitepopulation.10

YetfewbureauofficialsembracedSmith’svisionofloyal,honorablepoorwhites.

Thosewhovisitedtherefugeecamps,orwatchedwhatoneNewYorkTimescorrespondentcalledthe“loafingwhites”insoutherntowns,offeredlittleintheirfavor.AskepticinNewOrleansofferedthisdrollobservation:although“poorwhitetrash”hadproventhemselvesincapableofdoinganythingbeforethewar,theyhadsuddenlydiscoveredatradein“therefugeebusiness,”bywhichhemeantlivingoffgovernmenthandouts.InFlorida,bureauagentCharlesHamilton,wholaterservedinCongress,confessedtohissuperiorsthatfreedmenwereonlymarginallybelowthe“whiteplebeiansoftheSouth”inintelligence.Widelycirculatedbureaureportsclaimedthathundredsofthousandsofdestitutewhiteslivedoff“UncleSam’srations.”Thetypicalrecipientswerewomen“coveredinragsandfilth,andadozengreasyanddirtylittle‘innocentprattlers’intrain.”PerhapsthemostdamningassessmentcamefromMarcusSterling,aUnionofficerturnedcivilianadministrator.AfterworkingasabureauagentforfouryearsinruralVirginia,hewroteafinalreportin1868.Whilehebelievedthatblackfreedmenhadmadegreatprogress,were“moresettled,industriousandambitious”asaresultoffederalintervention,andeagertoachieveliteracywith“honestprideandmanlyintegrity,”thesamecouldnotbesaidofthat“pitiableclassofpoorwhites,”the“onlyclasswhichseemalmostunaffectedbythe[bureau’s]greatbenevolenceanditsboldreform.”Intheraceforself-reliance,poorwhitesseemedtomanybureauagentsnevertohaveleftthestartinggate.11

AgentsoftheFreedmen’sBureauwerenotaloneinofferingagrimprognosisforpoorwhites.Journalistsfrommajornewspapersheadedsouth,sendingbackregulardispatchesandpublishingmonographsforcuriousnorthernreaders.ProminentarticlesappearedintheAtlanticMonthly,Putnam’sMagazine,andHarper’sNewMonthlyMagazine.TheNewYorkTimespublishedaseriesofessaysonthesubject:in1866,itsanonymouscorrespondentauthoredascathingexposéofwhitepoverty,accompaniedbytheinnocuoustitle“FromtheSouth:SouthernJourneyingsandJottings.”WritingfortheChicagoTribuneandBostonAdvertiser,theIllinois-basedreporterSidneyAndrewsexpressedhisunvarnishedviewsofwretchedwhites,whichhereissuedasabook,TheSouthSincetheWar.AfterhavingbeenacorrespondentfortheCincinnatiGazette,WhitelawReidcompiledhisunsympatheticobservationsinatravelogue,AftertheWar:ATouroftheSouthernStates.Finally,JohnTrowbridgeproducedTheSouth:ATourofItsBattlefieldsandRuinedCities,whichfocusedaharshlensonruralwhites.12

Alloftheabovewerepublishedinthesingleyearof1866.Yetoneofthemosttalked-aboutbooksinthosewobblyyearscameoutbeforethewarhadofficiallyended.DowninTennessee(1864)wasalsoatravelaccount,itsauthortheNewYorkcottonmerchantandnovelistJamesR.Gilmore.Hisargumentwasuniquebecausehedistinguishedbetween“meanwhites”and“commonwhites,”arguingthatthelatterclasswereenterprising,law-abiding,andproductivecitizens.Theystoodinsharp

contrasttotheshiftless,thieving,andbrutishmeanwhites,whosehomesremindedhimofa“tolerably-keptswine-styordog-kennel.”Thoughheidentifiedthisgroupasaminority,theywerestilladangerousclass,hesaid,owingtotheirinfectiouscharacter;theywereadiseasedsegmentoftheprostrateSouth,a“fungusgrowth”onthebodyofsociety,“absorbingthestrengthandlifeofitsotherparts.”13

Allofthesewritershadacommondesire:tounraveltheenigmaofthesouthernracialandclasssysteminordertoprognosticateaboutitsuncertainfuture.Iftheyagreedonanypoint,itwasthatwhichwassummedupbyoneofSidneyAndrews’simitators:“ItisnownotsomuchaquestionofwhatistobecomeofpoorblacksoftheSouth,asitisoneofwhatistobecomeofpoorwhitesoftheSouth?”14

TheinsistenceofRepublican-leaningjournaliststhatpoorwhiteslanguishedbelowfreedmenaspotentialcitizensmayseemstartling,butitwasnotunexpected.DistrustwasstrongbothofformerConfederateelitesandthe“groveling”poormenwho,like“sheeptoslaughter,”weredraggedofftowar.WhitelawReidfeltthatblackchildrenwereeagertolearn,whileSidneyAndrewsbelievedthatblacksexhibiteda“shrewdinstinctforpreservation,”whichwhitetrashseemedtolack.Inaccountafteraccount,freedmenweredescribedascapable,thrifty,andloyaltotheUnion.AwriterfortheAtlanticMonthlyasked:whyshouldgovernment“disfranchisethehumble,quiet,hardworkingnegro”andleavetheNorthvulnerabletothevoteofthe“worthlessbarbarian”—the“ignorant,illiterate,andvicious”poorwhite?15

Thusthepopularvocabularyhadbecomemoreominous.Nolongerwerewhitetrashsimplyfreaksofnatureonthefringeofsociety;theywerenowcongenitallydelinquent,awitheredbranchoftheAmericanfamilytree.Asa“fungusgrowth,”theycouldweakentheentirestockofsouthernsociety.Morethantallow-coloredskin,itwasthepermanentmarkofintellectualstagnation,the“inert”minds,the“fumbling”speech,andthe“stupid,moonyglare,likethatoftheidiot.”Theywere,itwassaid,ofthe“Homogenuswithoutthesapien.”Hardworkingblacksweresuddenlytheredeemedones,whilewhitetrashremainedundeveloped,evolutionarilystagnantcreatures.16

DuringReconstruction,Republicansdesignatedwhitetrashasa“dangerousclass”thatwasproducingafloodofbastards,prostitutes,vagrants,andcriminals.Theyviolatedeverysexualnorm,fromfatherscohabitingwithdaughters,tohusbandssellingwives,tomothersconnivingillicitliaisonsfordaughters.Thedangercamefromagrowingpopulationthathadstoppeddisappearingintothewilderness.Reidwasappalledbythefilthyrefugeeslivinginrailroadcars,anuncomfortableforeshadowingoftwentieth-centurytrailertrash.JohnW.DeForest,abureauagentandyetanothernovelist,concludedthatwhitetrashweretolerableaslongasDarwin’s“severelaw”ofnaturalselectionkilledoffmostofthem.17

In1868,awriterforPutnam’sMagazinetoldthe“historyofafamily,”tracingacorruptedgenealogicaltreebacktoitroots.ThisonebasicstoryanticipatedahostofstudiesthatincludedTheJukes(1877),whichprovedthemostenduringchronicleofadegeneratelineage,andwhichinfluencedCharlesDavenport,theleadingAmericaneugenicistoftheearlytwentiethcentury.Theauthorofthe1868Putnam’spiececlaimedtohavediscoveredarealcouple,withanactualname—thusgoingbeyondDanielHundley’smoregeneraldismissalofsouthernrubbishastheheirsofindenturedservantsdumpedintheAmericancolonies.

OneBillSimminswastheerstwhileprogenitorofthiscorruptfamilytree.ABritishconvictandVirginiasquatter,hemarriedaLondoncourtesanturned“wildwoman,”whogavebirthtoatribeoflow-down,dependentpeople.Accordingtotheauthor,theonlycureforwhitetrashhadtobearadicalone:intervention.Takeachildoutofhisfamily’shovelandplacehiminanasylum,wherehemightatleastlearntoworkandavoidproducingmoreinbredoffspring.Thegenealogicallinkhadtobecut.Aswecansee,thelinefromdelinquencytoeugenicsterilizationwasgrowingshorter.18

Theideathatwhitetrashwasameasureofevolutionaryprogress(orlackthereof)wassopervasiveinthenineteenthcenturythatitconditionedthereceptionofthefirstfederalstudyofsoldiers.TheU.S.SanitaryCommissionundertookamajorstatisticalstudyofsome16,000menwhohadservedintheUnionandConfederatearmies.Onlyasmallpercentageofthemwerenonwhite(approximately3,000blackmenand519Indians).Whenthestudywaspublishedin1869,asurgeonwhohadservedintheUnionarmyqueriedintheprestigiousLondonAnthropologicalReviewwhetheritwaspossibletodrawconclusionsaboutracialdifferencesunlessresearchersactuallycomparedblacksandpoorwhites.The“lowdownpeople”mayhavecomefromAnglo-Saxonstock,buttheyhad“degeneratedintoanidle,ignorant,andphysicallyandmentallydegradedpeople.”Itwastimetoseewhetherintelligencewasaraciallyspecificinheritedtraitornot.19

•••

WhileRepublicanjournalists,Freedmen’sBureauagents,andUnionofficerspublishedextensively,inthepartisanclimateofthepostwaryearsDemocratsjustaspainstakinglyworkedtorebuildanoppositionpartyandchipawayatRepublicanpolicies,andtheyreachedfortheracialargumentsathandtohelp.Insteadofcelebratingthehardworkingblackmanandthepromiseofsocialmobility,theyfrettedaboutthelossofa“whiteman’sgovernment.”Unconcernedwithinbreeding,theyfocusedobsessivelyonoutbreeding,thatis,thesupposedlyunhealthycombinationofdistinctraces.

“Mongrel”becameoneoftheDemocrats’favoriteinsultsintheseyears.Thewordcalledforthnumerouspotentmetaphors.BothdefeatedConfederatesandDemocraticjournalistsintheNorthpredictedthatRepublicanpolicieswouldusherina“mongrelrepublic.”TheydrewparanoidcomparisonstotheMexicanRepublic,thenineteenth-centuryexampleofracialamalgamationrunamok.20

“Mongrel”wasnottheonlythreatDemocratsperceived.Theemergingcross-sectionaloppositionpartynamedtwomoresymbolicenemies:“carpetbaggers”and“scalawags.”Hereishowthenewnarrativewent:Whenill-bredmenofsuspectoriginsassumedpower,virtueingovernmentdeclined.ThedespisedmudsilloftheCivilWarerawassucceededbythepostwarYankeeinvader.Thecarpetbagger,arapaciousadventurerfeedingofftheprostrateSouth,couldbeidentifiedbythecheapblackvalisehecarried.Worsethanthecarpetbagger,though,wasthe“scalawag,”abetrayer.HewasasouthernwhiteRepublicanwhohadsoldhissoul(andsoldouthisrace)forfilthylucre.21

Thoughhedidnotusetheword“mongrel,”PresidentJohnsonwasquitefamiliarwiththedangerof“mongrelcitizenship”—theveryphraseonenewspaperusedtodescribewhatlayattheheartofJohnson’svetooftheCivilRightsActof1866.MissouriRepublicanturnedDemocratandavidDarwinianFrancisBlairJr.hadwrittenthepresidentanimpassionedletteragainsttheactjustdaysearlier.HeinsistedthatCongressshouldneverbeallowedtoinflictonthecountrya“mongrelnation,anationofbastards.”Johnsonagreed.Atthebeginningofhisvetomessage,hehighlightedallthenewadmixturessuddenlyprotectedunderthelaw:“theChineseofthePacificStates,Indianssubjecttotaxation,thepeoplecalledGipsies,aswellastheentireracedesignatedasblacks,peopleofcolor,negroes,mulattoesandpersonsofAfricanblood.”Ingrantingcivilrights,thelawremovedracialdistinctionsandopenedthedoortoequalsuffrage.Johnson’svetomessagesaidthatfreedmenlackedsomethingnaturallyendowed:fitness.Finally,thepresidentmadeclearthathedisapprovedofanylawthatsanctionedinterracialmarriage.22

In1866,PresidentJohnsoneffectivelyabandonedtheRepublicanParty.HehadbegunpoliticallifeasaJacksonianDemocrat.ItwasasaJacksonian,then,thathevetoedtheextensionoftheFreedmen’sBureauandCivilRightsAct,andusedhisexecutiveauthoritytoderailfederalinitiativesintheSouth.ThisseriesofactionsledRepublicansinCongresstodomorethanoverridehisvetoes:theysearchedforamorepermanentconstitutionalsolution,andfounditintheimpeachmentprocess.Johnson’sapostasygavemomentumtotheFourteenthandFifteenthAmendments,whichpassedin1867and1869,respectively.Thefirstguaranteedequalprotectionunderthelawasarightofnationalcitizenship,andthesecondprohibiteddiscriminationinvotingbasedon“race,color,andpreviousconditionofservitude.”Notinconsequentially,theFourteenthAmendmentalsodeniedformerConfederates

therighttovote,exceptingthosewhofederalofficialsbelievedhadtakentheloyaltyoathingoodfaith.FormerConfederateofficialswerebarredfromholdingoffice.23

Foranxioussocialcommentators,“prideofcaste”and“prideofrace”wereunderattack,theoldbarriersofupholding“purityofblood”and“socialexclusiveness”erodingasaresultofaflurryofRepublicanlegislation.Thefocusturnedtowhitewomen.Asearlyas1867,secretsocietiesbegantoform,liketheKnightsoftheWhiteCamelia,whichfirstorganizedinLouisiana.Memberssworetomarryawhitewoman,andtheyagreedtodoeverythingintheirpowertopreventthe“productionofabastardanddegenerateprogeny.”24

In1868,FrancisBlairJr.,theDemocraticnomineeforvicepresident,touredthecountryandmadethemongrelthreatoneofthekeyissuesofthecampaign.Thenextyear,ChiefJusticeJosephBrownoftheSupremeCourtofGeorgiaissuedamonumentaldecision.Theformerrebelgovernorruledthatthecourtshadtherighttodissolveallinterracialmarriages.“Amalgamation”wasclassedwithincestuousunionsandmarriagesbetweenidiots,whichthestatealreadyproscribed.Bygenerating“sicklyandeffeminate”children,Browninsisted,suchabhorrentmarriagesthreatenedto“dragdownthesuperiorracetotheleveloftheinferior.”Hewasrepeatingtheestablisheddefinitionusedbyanimalbreederstocategorizeamongrel.EvenmoretellingisBrown’seugeniclogic:thestatenowhadtherighttoregulatebreedinginordertopreventcontaminationoftheAnglo-Saxonstock.25

Still,forDemocratsandRepublicansalike,racecouldneverbedecoupledfromclass.Thiswaswhythescalawagcameundervenomousverbalattacksandexperiencedactualphysicalviolence.ThescalawagwasseenasthegluethatheldtogetherafragileRepublicancoalitionoffreedmen,transplantednortherners,southernUnionists,andconvertedConfederates.FormanysouthernDemocrats,thiswhitetraitorwasamoreseriousobstaclethanthecarpetbagger,becausehewasbornandbredintheSouth,andheknewhiswayaroundthestatehouse.DismantlingtheRepublicanholdovertheSouthdemandedthefigurative(andattimesliteral)deathofthescalawag.26

Duringtheelectionyearof1868,thescalawagwasaccusedofincitingblacksandgivingthemtheideathattheydeservedsocialequality.Theso-calledfreedmen,oneangryjournalistblasted,werenowthe“slavesofthescalawagwhitetrash.”Heviolatedsocialnormsbymixingfreelywithblacksinpublicandprivateplaces.Heinvitedtheblackmanhometodinner,woundingthesensibilityofhisproperwife.Andyetthisworthless,ill-bredcreaturehadsuddenlyacquiredpower.Theverytraitstheydespisedinhim—hislow-classways,hiswillingnesstocomminglewithblacks—madehimtheperfectpartyoperative.Inavolatileelectionyear,thescalawag’sracialandclasspedigreebothbecameissues.27

AbrilliantpieceofDemocraticpropagandawas“TheAutobiographyofaScalawag.”Theprotagonist,JohnStubbs,hadbeenborntoapoorfamilyoffourteeninShifflet’sCorner,Virginia,acommunityknownforlowlifesandcriminals.JoiningtheConfederatearmy,heslidfromanartillerypostingtoteamstertocleaningJeffersonDavis’sstables.Hehadnoambitionforhonororglory;hiswartimetrajectorywaspredictablydownward.

Deserting,StubbsliedtotheYankeesthathewasaUnionman.ReturningtoVirginiain1866,hebecameascalawagandfoundhehadatalentfor“niggerspeaking.”HedefendedNegrosuffragenotonanyhigh-principledstand,butonhislow-downmotto:“everymanforhimself.”Stubbsknewthecarpetbaggershadnorespectforhim,buthedidn’tcare,aslongasageneroussupplyofwhiskeyaccompaniedtheirsnubs.Hewasrewardedwithacountyclerkposition,withouthavingtoimprovehimself.InhisunsentimentaljourneyuptheRepublicanladder,helearnedthathis“rascality”wasincreasinglytoleratedasheroseintheworld.28

“TheAutobiographyofaScalawag”wasabeautifulburlesqueoftheself-madenorthernman’sstoryofhardworkandmoraluplift.StubbswasafarcryfromthehereditaryleadershipoftheOldSouth,whoseeducation,refinement,andhonorablebearingwerelegendevenindefeat.Hewasagrossmaterialist,someonewholackedforethought,wholiedandcheatedtogetahead.HewasapowerfulreminderthatelitesouthernDemocratsstilldespisedthelowerclasses.AsoneNorthCarolinaconservativedeclaredin1868,theRepublicanPartywasnothingmorethanthe“lowbornscumandquondamslaves”wholordedovermenofpropertyandtaste.WhensouthernDemocratscalledfora“WhiteMan’sGovernment,”theydidnotmeanallwhitemen.29

ThescalawagwastheDemocrats’versionofwhitetrash.Justaskex–ConfederatecolonelWadeHampton,whoin1868wasstilleightyearsfrombeingelectedgovernorofSouthCarolina.Hewasaheroofthe“Redeemers,”whosemovementultimatelytoppledRepublicanruleinthesouthernstates,andhemustbecreditedwiththemostmemorableinsultofall,ashiswordstraveledallthewaytoEngland.Knowinghishusbandry,Hamptoninvokedthebest-knownusageof“scalawag”asvagabondstock,“usedbydroverstodescribethemean,lousy,andfilthykinethatarenotfitforbutchersordogs.”Thescalawagwashumanwastewithanunnaturalambition.Hewasbiologicallyunfit,andatthesametimeaskilledoperativewhostirredthescumandthrivedinthemuck.30

ThomasJeffersonSpeer,arealscalawag,gaveaspeechthatyearproudlydefendinghis“kine.”IncontrasttoHampton,hewasaformerConfederatewhohadturnedRepublican,servedintheGeorgiaconstitutionalconvention,andwouldlatersitintheU.S.Congress.Speerwasunashamedofhiscommonschooleducation,admittingthathewas“nospeaker.”Hehadopposedsecession,however,andbelieved

thatthetermsofdefeatofferedbytheUnionhadbeenmagnanimous.AnativeGeorgianwhose“ancestors’bonesreposedbeneaththissoil,”heassertedthathewasa“friendofthecoloredrace.”31

Likehisownratherfortunatenaming,T.J.Speerunderstoodthat“scalawag”wasjustanametoo.Butsouthernpoliticsthrivedonsuchsymbolism.Itwasrootedintheinheritedrevulsiontoboththerealandtheimagineddregsofsociety,whetherwhiteorblack.Whenthelow-downdaredtospeakup,reachacrossthecolorline,thehereditaryleadershipclassoftheSouthsimplycouldnotstomachtheiroverreach.

Mongrelsandscalawagswereconjoinedtwins,then,fusingtheassociatedthreatsofracialandclassinstability.AftertheCivilWar,andwiththepassageoftheThirteenthAmendmentprohibitingslavery,unreconstructedwhitesouthernersimaginedanalmostgothiclandscapeintheirmidst,atheaterofsexualdevianceoverseenbydefectiveleaders.TheFourteenthAmendmentappreciablyaddedtothosefears,grantingequalprotectionunderthelawtoblackmalevoters,whiledivestingformerConfederatesoftheirrighttoholdofficeorevenvote.Itwasaworldturnedupsidedown,asbuffoonsruledtheRepublicankingdom.Ofcourse,fewwhitesouthernRepublicansactuallyfitthismanufacturedtabloidimage,yetthelabelstuck.Scalawagswereassumedtobewhitetrashontheinside,regardlessofthewealth(orwealthofpoliticalexperience)theymightaccrue.32

AstheReconstructioneraended,so-calledmenofinheritedworthwerereturnedtopoliticalpoweracrosstheSouth.Inthe1880s,thewhiteNorthandSouthreconnected.The“redeemed”crackerbecameahardworkingfarmer,whileotherspraisedtheunsulliedmountaineer,bothcapableofeducationandhavingrisenenoughthattheywouldnolongerbeaburdenonthesoutherneconomy.Forabriefmoment,reconciliationstorieswerepopular,andpreviouslywarringsidesinthenationaldramaentertainedbrightprospectsfordomesticharmony.33

CrackerJoe(1883)waswrittenbyaNewEnglander.Thetitlecharacter’sstorywassetinFlorida,andusedloveandforgivenesstoovercomepastwrongsandresentments.Joe,a“bornCracker,”runsasuccessfulfarm.Hedefieshisheritagebyexhibitingshrewdambition.Heisa“go-ahead”man,anavidreaderwithaphenomenalmemory.Hecallshiswife,Luce,“thewhitestwoman,soulandbody,Ieverdidsee,”suggestingthatheisnotquitewhite,but“onlyacracker,youknow.”(LikethefamilyinHarrietBeecherStowe’sDred,Joeisahalf-breed,hismotherof“goodblood.”)Heisforcedtomakeamendswiththesonofthewealthyplanterwhomhehadtriedtomurdermorethanadecadeearlier,andforhispart,theplanter’ssonmustreclaimhisfather’sdilapidatedmansionandspoiledlands,savinghislegacyintheonlywaypossible,bymarryingthedaughterofaNewYorkcarpetbagger.Ifall

ofthisisn’timprobableenough,Joehasamulattodaughter,whomhewelcomesintohishomewithhiswife’sblessing.34

Convenientdistinctionsweredrawn.Inthe1890s,third-generationabolitionistWilliamGoodellFrost,presidentoftheintegratedBereaCollegeofKentucky,redefinedhismountainneighbors:“The‘poorwhite’isactuallydegraded;themountainwhiteisapersonnotyetgradedup.”Thelatterhadpreservedauniquelineageforcenturies,andinthisimportantwayhadnotlostthebattleforthesurvivalofthefittest.Frostsawthemountaineerasamodern-daySaxon,withthe“flavorofChaucer”inhisspeech,andaclear“Saxontemper.”Hewas,thecollegepresidentwrote,“ourcontemporaryancestor!”WhatmadethisisolatedwhitethebestofAmerica’spastwashis“vigorous,unjadednerve,prolific,patriotic—fullofthebloodofspiritofseventy-six.”MountainfolkformedtheverytrunkoftheAmericanfamilytree.Frosttried.Formanywhodidnotbuywhathewasselling,however,mountainwhiteswerestillstrange-lookingmoonshinehillbillies,pronetoclannishfeuds.35

Itwasataboutthistimethattheterm“redneck”cameintowideruse.ItwelldefinedtherowdyandracistfollowersoftheNewSouth’shigh-profileDemocraticdemagoguesofthelatenineteenthandearlytwentiethcenturies:SouthCarolina’sBenTillman,Arkansas’sJeffDavis,andthemostinterestingofthebunch,Mississippi’sJamesVardaman.The“redneck”couldbefoundintheswamps.Hecouldbefoundinthemilltowns.Hewasthemaninoveralls,theheckleratpoliticalrallies,andwasperiodicallyelectedtothestatelegislature.HewasGuyRencher,aVardamanally,whosupposedlyclaimedthenameforhimself,railingontheflooroftheMississippiHouseabouthis“longredneck.”Oneotherpossibleexplanationdeservesmention:“redneck”cameintovogueinthe1890s,atthesametimeAfrikanerswerecallingEnglishsoldiers“rednecks”intheBoerWarinSouthAfrica,highlightingthecontrastbetweentheBrit’ssun-scoredskinandhispalewhitecomplexion.Suchterminologywasalsoastapleofthesharecropper’srhythmicchant(circa1917):“I’ddrutherbeaNigger,an’plowoleBeck,DanawhiteHillBillywidhislongredneck.”36

•••

ThiswastheworldofW.E.B.DuBois.ThiswasalsotheworldofTheodoreRoosevelt.Thetwomenagreedonverylittle—andobviouslynotonevolutionarytheoryorthescienceofeugenics,towhichRooseveltwasacompleteconvert.CertainlyDuBoisfoundnocomfortinthepresident’smilitarismorhisglorificationofthewhitesettler’ssavageryintheOldWest.Buttheywereintotalagreementononething:themenaceofredneckpolitics.

Rooseveltunexpectedlybecamepresidentin1901,upontheassassinationofWilliamMcKinley.Onlyforty-twoatthetime,hewasknownfordaringmilitary

exploitsduringtheSpanish–AmericanWar,whichhadearnedhimaplaceontheRepublicanticket.ThoughhismotherwasborninGeorgiaandhecouldclaimaConfederatepedigree,theNewYorkpoliticoprovedhimselffairlyineptatnavigatingtherocksandshoalsofsouthernpolitics.HerousedtheireofmanywhitesouthernerswhenhedaredtoinviteBookerT.WashingtonoftheTuskegeeInstitutetodinnershortlyafterhisinaugurationaspresident.RevivingthescriptfromReconstruction,Democratschargedthenewchiefexecutivewithpromotingsocialequalitybetweentheraces.Forangrysoutherners,breakingbreadwithablackmaninsuchapublicandhighlysymbolicwaywasbarelyonestepfromendorsinginterracialmarriage.Withnosubtletywhatsoever,VardamancalledRooseveltthe“coon-flavoredmiscegenationist,”describingaWhiteHouse“sosaturatedwiththeodoroftheniggerthattheratshavetakenrefugeinthestables.”SouthernsatiristBillArppredictedamongrelweddingintheexecutivemansion.InthatBookerT.Washington’sdaughterPortiaattendedWellesleyCollege,shetoowouldbeinvitedtotheWhiteHouse,Arpmused.Andthen,hesneered,shewouldbefoundtobeasuitablematchforoneofTR’ssons.37

InRoosevelt’sopinion,Vardamanandhisilkbelongedtothelowestorderofdemagogues.WritingtheCongregationalistministerandeditorLymanAbbott,thepresidentsaidthattheMississippian’s“foullanguage”and“kennelfilth”wereworsethanthatofthelowestblackguardwallowingintheguttersofNewYorkCity.Such“unspeakablelowness”putthissouthernerbeyondthepaleofAmericanvalues.InexcoriatingVardaman,thepresidentrefusedtorepeathishatefulwords,buttheinsultthatmostinfuriatedhimwasacrudebirthingallusion,totheeffectthat“oldladyRoosevelt”hadbeenfrightenedbyadogwhilepregnant,whichaccountedfor“qualitiesofthemalepupthataresoprominentinTeddy.”Vardaman,incapableoffeelingshame,jokedthathewasdisposedtoapologizetothedogbutnottothepresident.38

SowhowasthisMississippicarnivalbarker,knownforhiswhitesuitsandwhitecowboyhatandlongdarklocks,whoclaimedtobethevoiceof“rednecks”and“hillbillies”?JamesVardamanhadbeenanewspaperman,whounderstoodthepowerofinvective.SouthernersfromAndrewJohnsontoWadeHamptonhadrecurredtothebarnyardinsultwhentheydamnedtheirenemies.ForVardaman,democracy,nomatterhowdirty,belongedto“thepeople,”andthepeoplehadtherighttosaywhatevertheyfelt.Friendsandfoesalikecalledhimthe“WhiteChief,”partlyforhiswhitegarbandpartlyforhissupremacistrhetoric.Buthewasa“medicineman”tohisenemies,awitchdoctorwhoknewhowtoinflamethelow-downtribeofwhitesavages.39

Hesawhimselfasthedefenderofpoorwhites.Inhisrunforthegovernorshipin1903,Vardamanpittedpoorwhitesagainstallblacks.Educatingblackswaspointless

anddangerous,heargued,andthestateshouldensurethattaxdollarsfromwhitecitizensshouldonlygotowhiteschools.TheconsummateshowmanrodetoSenatevictoryin1912—quiteliterally—onthebackofanox.WhenhisDemocraticprimaryopponentderidedhissupportersasanignorantherd,heexploitedtheincident.TravelingthroughMississippigivingspeeches,helikedtopullupina“crackercart”amidalonglineofcattle.Atonerallyherodeintotownastrideasingleox.Thebeastwasadornedwithflagsandstreamerslabeled“redneck,”“cattle,”and“lowdown.”Hedramaticallyembracedthewhitetrashidentity.40

Insofarasthesurvivingplantereliteandmiddle-classMississippiansdespisedVardaman,heintentionallydrummedupclassresentments.Inhisreminiscence,WilliamPercy,thesonofVardaman’sDemocraticopponent,LeRoyPercy,bestexpressedtheclassanger.Recallinghowhesurveyedthesurlycrowd,wonderingifVardaman’sarmywouldlaunchrotteneggsathisfather,Percywrote:

TheywerethesortofpeoplethatlynchNegroes,thatmistakehoodlumismforwit,andcunningforintelligence,thatattendrevivalsandfightandfornicateinthebushesafterwards.TheywereundilutedAnglo-Saxons.Theywerethesovereignvoter.Itwassohorribleitseemedunreal.

Thoughhehadnopatienceforthepoliticsofhaterunasasideshow,PercyconcededthatVardamanwasasavvypoliticianwhogavethe“sovereignvoter”whathewanted—redmeat.41

Roosevelt,apatrician,hadlittlechoicebuttojoustwithhisredneckfoes.In1905,duringhissoutherntour,herebukedArkansasgovernorJeffDavisfordefendingthelynchmob.Onenewspaperjokedthatthepresident’sentouragewaswisetotravelthroughMississippiatnight,sothatVardamanwouldn’thavetoshoothim.RooseveltalsoruffledthefeathersoftheproudwhitewomenoftheSouthwhenhehaddaredtoclassJeffersonDavis(theConfederatepresident)withBenedictArnold.Whenhedidthat,oneincensedGeorgiawomandeclaredthatthepresidenthaddishonoredhismother’sblood.42

BloodwasthickerthanwaterforRoosevelt,butnotinthewaythetestyGeorgiawomanwouldhaveviewedthematter.Hisunderstandingofraceandclassremainedrootedinevolutionarythinking,andhebelievedthatblackswerenaturallysubordinatetotheAnglo-Saxon.Buthealsofeltprogresswaspossible,whichwaswhyhebackedBookerT.Washington’sprogramforindustrialeducationatTuskegeeInstitute.Ifblacksprovedthemselvescapableofeconomicself-sufficiency,thentheycouldqualifyforgreaterpoliticalrights.ButtheHarvard-educatedpresidentneverabandonedthepremisethatracialtraitswerecarriedintheblood,conditionedbythe

experiencesofone’sancestors.Asanardentexponentof“Americanexceptionalism,”Rooseveltarguedthatthenineteenth-centuryfrontierexperiencehadtransformedwhiteAmericansintosuperiorstock.43

Roosevelt’smottocanbesummedupinthreewords:“work-fight-breed.”Thereisclearevidencethathewasinfluencedbythemountaineers’myth,bywhichgoodSaxonstockwasseparatedfromthedebasedsouthernpoorwhite.Historywaswritteninblood,sweat,and“germprotoplasm”—theturn-of-the-centurytermforwhatwenowrefertoasgenes.Rooseveltbelievedthateverymiddle-classAmericanmalehadtostayintouchwithhisinnersquatter;hemustneverlosethemasculinetraitsthatattachedtothe“strenuouslife.”Toomuchdomesticpeace,luxury,andwillfulsterility,asTRputit,madeAmericansweak,lethargic,andpronetoself-indulgence.44

Theillsattendingmodernitycouldbecorrectedinthreeways.Amancouldreturntothewilderness,asRooseveltdidwhenhehuntedbiggameinAfricaandmadeaharrowingtripdowntheAmazonRiverattheageoffifty-five.War—therawfightforsurvival—wasasecondmeansofbringingforthancestralSaxontraits.Breeding,however,remainedthemostprimitiveofinstincts.InRoosevelt’smind,childbirthwasnature’sbootcampforwomen,alife-or-deathstrugglethatstrengthenedtheentirerace.45

Asforwar,itdidnotjustbuildcharacter;itliterallyreinvigoratedthebestqualitiesoftheAmericanstock.AfterspendingseveralyearsintheDakotasasarancher,RooseveltpublishedhisvoluminousWinningoftheWest(1886–96),partAmericanhistoryandparttreatiseonevolution.TheauthorreturnedtoNewYork,tookuppolitics,anddiscoveredanewaggressiveoutletinimperialistcrusading.HeralliedbehindtheSpanish–AmericanWarin1898andformedhisownregiment,theRoughRiders,whichhefilledwithcowboysandmountaineersfromtheWest,plusmenlikehimself,athletes,whohadcomefromIvyLeagueuniversities.HeevenincludedanumberofIndians(inaseparatecompany),afewIrishandHispanics,oneJewishrecruit,andoneItalian,allinanattempttorecreatewhathethoughtwastherightmixofethnicstocksforthenewAmericanfrontierinCuba.Itisimportanttonotethathedidnotincludeanyblackmen,norgenuinesoutherncrackers,inhismuscularversionofDarwin’sGalápagosIslandsexperiment.46

Roosevelt’sfamedrideupSanJuanHill(actuallyKettleHill)wasvividlycapturedbytheequallyfamedartistFredericRemington.BeforeheheadedtoCuba,RemingtonhadtakenamagazineassignmentinFlorida.Therehefoundthe“Crackercowboy,”whowastheantithesisofthepure-bloodedAmericanwesternerhehadearlierknown.ThemenheencounteredinFloridaworea“bedraggledappearance”;theirunwashedhair,tobacco-stainedbeards,andsloppydressremindedhimof

Spanishmossdrippingoffoaksintheswamps.Remingtonsawtheirlackof“fierceness”(relativetothefrontiersman)andcomparedittothedifferencebetweena“fox-terrier”anda“yellowcur.”Pursuingtheanimalkingdomanalogyfurther,hesaidtheyhadnobettersenseofthelawthan“grayapes.”Thesecurlike,apishwould-beconquerorsstolecattle,andthenshowedsurprisewhenindictedfortheircrime.TheirignorancewassoastoundingthattheycouldnotevenfindTexasonthemap.Rooseveltwouldhaveagreed:thedistinctcultureoftheWestdidnottranslatetotheSouth.47

Thatsaid,RooseveltdidnottrytoresolveallthecontradictionsinhisapproachtotheSouth.Hemayhavedefendedracialpurityandopposedmiscegenation,buthealsoconfessedtoOwenWister,authorofTheVirginian,thathebelievedthatsouthernwhitemen,despitetheiroutrageoverracemixing,werethefirsttoleeratmulattowomenandtakeblackmistresses.Unimpressedbysouthernwhites,andvaluinghardworkingblackmen,hedidnothingtoprotectthelatter’srighttovote.Washington,Lincoln,andGrantwerehisheroes,menwholivedactive,virtuouslives,rejectingcomfortandcomplacency.Theyweren’tpoliticaltricksters,like“Br’erVardaman,”asonecleverjournalistcalledtherabidMississippian.Theyweren’tthearistocratsoftheantebellumSoutheither,whodrank,dueled,andmade“perverse”speeches.AshetoldWister,whitesouthernershadtakenawrongturnontheevolutionaryladder,usingemptybombasttoconceal“unhealthytraits.”Inthefinalanalysis,thepresidentopined,theConfederategenerationandtheirheirshadcontributed“very,verylittletowardanythingofwhichAmericansarenowproud.”Forhim,theVardamansmightbeanuisance,buttheirdayswerenumbered.48

HecouldbeconfidentinthisfuturebecauseRooseveltwasanunabashedeugenicist.Heusedthebullypulpitofhisofficetoinsistthatwomenhadacriticalcivicdutytobreedagenerationofhealthyanddisciplinedchildren.Hefirstendorsedeugenicsin1903,andtwoyearslaterhelaidouthisbeliefsinspeechbeforetheCongressofMothers.Worriedabout“racesuicide,”asheputit,herecommendedthatwomenofAnglo-Americanstockhavefourtosixchildren,“enoughsotheraceshallincreaseandnotdecrease.”Women’sdutytosuffer“birthpangs,”andevenfacedeath,madethefertilefemaletheequivalentoftheprofessionalsoldier.Womenwhoshirkedtheirprocreativedutywereworsethandeserters.Sohepushedforpassageofaconstitutionalamendmentin1906thatwouldplacemarriageanddivorceunderthecontroloffederallaw.49

Takingmarriageanddivorcelawsoutofthearbitrarycontrolofthestatesservedalargereugenicpurpose.Everydie-hardeugenicistbelievedthatcitizensdidnothaveanindividualrighttomarryortoreproduce.Asaleadingeugenicorganizationreportedin1914,“Societymustlookupongerm-plasmasbelongingtosocietyandnotmerelytotheindividualwhocarriesit.”Becausechildrenproducedbyunfit

parentscouldcosttaxpayersiftheybecamecriminals,societyhadtherighttoprotectitself.Farmoredangerouswasthecosttothenation’shumanstockifdegenerateswereallowedtobreed.In1913,RooseveltwrotesupportivelytotheleadingeugenicistCharlesDavenportthatitwasthepatrioticdutyofeverygoodcitizenofsuperiorstocktoleavehisorher“bloodbehind.”Degenerates,hewarned,mustnotbepermittedto“reproducetheirkind.”50

Itwasduringtheeugeniccrazethatreformerscalledforgovernmentincentivestoensurebetterbreeding.Thiswaswhentheideaoftaxexemptionsforchildrenemerged.TheodoreRooseveltcriticizedthenewincometaxlawforallowingexemptionsforonlytwochildren,discouragingparentsfromhavingathirdorfourth.Hewantedmonetaryrewardsforbreeding,akintothebabybonusesestablishedinAustraliain1912.Healsopromotedmothers’pensionsforwidows—anideathatcaughton.Asonedefenderofpensionsclaimedin1918,thewidowedmotherwas“asmuchaservantoftheStateasajudgeorgeneral.”Herchild-rearingdutieswerenolessapublicservicethanifshehadtoiledonthebattlefield.LikeSelectiveService,whichweededoutinferiorsoldiers,thepensionswereallottedexclusivelyto“afitmother.”51

Rooseveltwasfarfromalone.Academics,scientists,doctors,journalists,andlegislatorsalljoinedthe“eugenicmania,”asoneCaliforniadoctortermedthemovement.Advocatesbelievedthatthewaytoencourageprocreationofthefitwastoeducatethemiddleclassonpropermarriageselection.Eugenicthinkingfoundexpressioninafloodofbooksandpopularpubliclectures,aswellas“betterbaby”and“fitterfamily”competitionsatstatefairs.Eugenicscourseswereaddedtocollegecurricula.Sucheffortsresultedinthepassageoflawsimposingmarriagerestrictions,institutionalsexualsegregationofdefectives,and,mostdramatically,state-enforcedsterilizationofthosedesignated“unfit.”52

•••

CharlesDavenportestablishedaresearchfacilityatLongIsland’sColdSpringHarborin1904.HisfacilitygrewintotheEugenicsRecordOffice.AHarvard-trainedbiologistandprofessor,Davenport,alongwithhisteam,collectedinheritancedata.Notsurprisingly,hewasalsoaninfluentialmemberoftheEugenicsSectionoftheAmericanBreedersAssociation,agroupofagriculturalbreedersandbiologists.Thisgroupincludedmanyprominentfigures,includingthefamedinventorAlexanderGrahamBell.Davenport’ssecondincommand,HarryH.Laughlin,becametheeugenicsexpertfortheHouseCommitteeonImmigrationandNaturalization,and

playedacrucialroleinshapingthe1924ImmigrationAct,oneofthemostsweepingandrestrictivepiecesoflegislationinAmericanhistory.53

Wheneugeniciststhoughtofdegenerates,theyautomaticallyfocusedontheSouth.Tomakehispoint,Davenportsaidoutrightthatifafederalpolicyregulatingimmigrationwasnotputinplace,NewYorkwouldturnintoMississippi.InHeredityinRelationtoEugenics(1911),heidentifiedtwobreedinggroundsfordiseasedanddegenerateAmericans:thehovelandthepoorhouse.Thehovelwasfamiliar,whetheroneidentifieditwiththecracker’scabin,thelow-downer’sshebang,orthepoorwhitepigsty.EchoingJamesGilmore’sDowninTennessee(1864),Davenport’sworkexpressedagraveconcernoverindiscriminatematingthatoccurredinisolatedshacks.Brotherssleptwithsisters,fatherswithdaughters,andthefearofaninbredstockseemedveryreal.Hisattackonthepoorhousealsopointedsouth.Mississippididnotprovideseparatefacilitiesformenandwomenintheirasylumsuntil1928.Poorhousesallowedcriminalsandprostitutestoproduceallmannerofweak-mindeddelinquentsandbastards,hebelieved.Finally,Davenport’santiruralbiaswasespeciallypotent.Thesurvival-of-the-fittestmodelhesubscribedtoemphasizedmigrationfromthecountrysidetothecity;asthefitterpeoplemoved,theweakerstrainsremainedbehind.54

Almostalleugenicistsanalogizedhumanandanimalbreeding.Davenportdescribedthebestfemalebreedersaswomenwithlargehips,usingthesamethinkingthatanimalbreedershademployedforcenturiestodescribecows.ThebiggestdonortotheEugenicsRecordOfficewasMrs.MaryHarriman,widowoftherailroadmagnateAverellHarriman;shecamefromafamilyofavidhorsebreeders.AlexanderGrahamBellimaginedrearing“humanthoroughbreds,”sayingfourgenerationsofsuperiorparentswouldproduceonethoroughbred.AwealthyNewYorkhorsebreeder,WilliamStokes,publishedaeugenicsbookin1917,andwentsofarastocontendthatAmericanscouldbebredtoclass,guaranteeingthatintellectualcapacitymatchedone’sstation.Hepopularlyarguedthe“rightoftheunborn”tobebornhealthy.Whyshouldonegenerationbepunishedforthebadbreedingchoicesoftheparents?55

Threesolutionsaroseintheeffortto“cull”Americanbloodlines.Asinanimalbreeding,advocatespushedforlegislationthatalloweddoctorsandotherprofessionalstosegregateandquarantinetheunfitfromthegeneralpopulation,ortheycalledforthecastrationofcriminalsandthesterilizationofdiseasedanddegenerateclasses.Ifthatseemsagrossviolationofhumanrightsinanyage,aMichiganlegislatorwentastepfurtherin1903whenheproposedthatthestateshouldsimplykillofftheunfit.Anothereugenicsadvocatecameupwithaparticularlyludicrousplantodealwithaconvictedmurderer:executehisgrandfather.Suchproposalswerenotmerelyfringeideas.By1931,twenty-sevenstateshadsterilization

lawsonthebooks,alongwithanunwieldythirty-fourcategoriesdelineatingthekindsofpeoplewhomightbesubjecttothesurgicalprocedure.Eugenicistsusedabroadbrushtocreateanunderclassoftheunfit,callingfortheunemployabletobe“stampedout,”asHarvardprofessorFrankWilliamTaussigwroteinPrinciplesofEconomics(1921).Ifsocietyrefusedtosubjecthereditarymisfits(“irretrievablecriminalsandtramps”)to“chloroformonceandforall,”then,theprofessorfumed,theycouldatleastbepreventedfrom“propagatingtheirkind.”56

Eugenicistsweredividedovertherolewomenshouldplayinthenationalcampaign.Someinsistedthattheyremainguardiansofthehearth.Thisidealcoincidedwiththetraditionalsouthernethosthatassertedplanterandmiddle-classwomenpossesseda“naturalaversion”toassociatingwithblackmen.TheNewYorkhorsebreederStokescalledonwomentoscrutinizepotentialsuitors,demandingfamilypedigreesandsubjectingthemantoaphysicalexamination.(Itiseasytoseehowheborrowedfromthehorsebreeder’sdemandforpedigreepapers,nottomentiontheproverbial“gifthorse”mouthinspection.)Itbecamepopularforyoungwomentopledgetoaeugenicmarriage,acceptingnomanwhodidnotmeetherhighscientificstandards.In1908,aconcernedfemaleteacherinLouisianastarted“betterbaby”contests,inwhichmothersallowedtheiroffspringtobeexaminedandgraded.Thisprogramexpandedinto“fitterfamily”competitionsatstatefairs.Thecontestswereheldinthestockgrounds,andfamilieswerejudgedinthemannerofcattle.Thewinnersreceivedmedals,notunlikeprizebulls.57

Educatedwomenwerethegatekeepers,theguardiansofeugenicmarriages,thoughfecundpoorwomencontinuedtooutbreedtheirfemalebetters.So-calledexpertscontendedthatthosewhooverindulgedinsexualactivityandlackedintellectualrestraintweremorelikelytohavefeeblechildren.(Heretheywereimaginingpoorwhitesfornicatinginthebushes.)OnceexpertslikeDavenportidentifiedharlotryandpovertyasinheritedtraits,sexuallyaggressivewomenofthelowerclasseswereviewedasthecarriersofdegenerategermprotoplasm.In1910,HenryGoddard,whoranatestinglaboratoryattheschoolforfeeble-mindedboysandgirlsinVineland,NewJersey,inventedaneweugenicclassification:themoron.Moreintelligentthanidiotsandimbeciles,moronswereespeciallytroublesomebecausetheycouldpassasnormal.Femalemoronscouldenterpolitehomesasservantsandseduceyoungmenorbeseducedbythem.Itwasthoughttobearealproblem.58

This1929chartfromaKansasfairstatesunequivocallythathereditydetermineseveryperson’sdestiny.Itsmessageisclear:unfitnessmustbe“bredout”ofthenationalstock.

Scrapbook,AmericanEugenicSocietyPapers,AmericanPhilosophicalSociety,Philadelphia,Pennsylvania

Thefearofpromiscuouspoorwomenledeugenicsreformerstopushfortheconstructionofadditionalasylumstohousefeeblemindedwhitewomen.Inthiseffort,theydeployedtheterm“segregation,”thesameaswasusedbysouthernerstoenforcewhite-blackseparation.The“passing”femalewasnotanewtropeeither:itborrowedfromtheothersouthernfearofthepassingmulatto,whomightmarryintoaprominentfamily.PassingalsoconjuredtheoldEnglishfearsoftheclassinterloperandunregulatedsocialmobility—thehouseservantseducingthelordofthemanor.59

Evenwithsuchracialovertones,themajortargetofeugenicistswasthepoorwhitewoman.Goddard’sdescriptionofthefemalemoronasonelackingforethought,vitality,oranysenseofshameperfectlyreplicatedReconstructionwriters’portrayalofwhitetrash.Davenportfeltthebestpolicywastoquarantinedangerouswomenduringtheirfertileyears.Howthispolicyprescriptionledtosterilizationisrathermorecalculated:interestedpoliticiansandeagerreformersconcludedthatitwascheapertooperateonwomenthantohousetheminasylumsfordecades.Southerneugenicistsinparticulararguedthatsterilizationhelpedtheeconomybysendingpoorwomenbackintothepopulationsafelyneuteredbutstillabletoworkatmenialjobs.60

WorldWarIfueledtheeugenicscampaign.Firstofall,thearmyrefusedtoissuesoldiersprophylactics.Thetopbrassinsistedthatsexualcontrolrequiredadegreeofinternaldiscipline,whichnoarmyprogramwouldeffectivelyinculcate.Thearmy,alongwithlocalantivicegroups,roundedupsomethirtythousandprostitutesand

placedasmanyaspossibleindetentioncentersandjailswheretheywerekeptoutofthereachofsoldiers.Thusthefederalgovernmentbackedapolicyofsexualsegregationoftaintedwomen.Atthesametime,advocatesforthedraftarguedthatavolunteerforcewouldbebothunfairanduneugenic.SenatorJohnSharpofMississippiinsistedthatwithoutadraftonlythe“bestblood”wouldgotothefront,leavingbehindthoseofan“inferiormold”to“begetthenextrace.”61

Thewaradvancedtheimportanceofintelligencetesting.Goddardhadcreatedthe“moron”classificationbyusingtheBinet-Simontest,whichwassucceededbytheIQ(intelligencequotient)scalepromotedbyStanfordprofessorLewisTermanandthenusedbytheU.S.Army.Thearmy’sfindingsonlyservedtoconfirmalong-held,unpropitiousviewoftheSouth,sincebothpoorwhiteandblackrecruitsfromsouthernstateshadthelowestIQscores.Overall,thestudyfoundthatthemeanintelligenceofthesoldierregisteredatthemoronlevel—theequivalentofa“normal”thirteen-year-oldboy.Giventheresults,observerswonderedifpoorwhitemenweredraggingdowntherestofthenation.62

ThelackofpubliceducationfundingintheSouthmadethearmy’sintelligencetestresultsinevitable.ThegapineducationlevelsmatchedwhathadexistedbetweentheNorthandSouthbeforetheCivilWar.Manyofthemenwhotookthetesthadneverusedapencilbefore.Southernwhitemenexhibitedstuntedbodies—armymedicalexaminersfoundthemtobesmaller,weaker,andlessphysicallyfit.Nationalcampaignstofighthookwormandpellagra(bothassociatedwithclay-eatingandidentifiedaswhitetrashdiseases)onlyreinforcedthisportrait.Beginningin1909,theNewYork–basedRockefellerInstitutepouredmassiveamountsofmoneyintoaphilanthropicprogramaimedateliminatinghookworm,whiletheU.S.PublicHealthServicetackledpellagra.TheRockefellerFoundationpublishedshockingpicturesofactualhookwormsubjects,somepairingboysthesameage,onenormalandtheotherliterallydwarfedanddisfiguredbythedisease.Itdidn’thelptheSouth’simagethathookwormwasspreadbythelackofsanitation.Outhouseswererareamongthesouthernpoor,letalonetoilets.63

The10,000HookwormFamily(1913)fromAlabamawerepresentedaspoorwhitecelebritieswhoescapedthe“lazydisease.”Theystoodincontrasttothe“fitterfamily”competitionsasaperfectexampleofthe

unfitAmericanfamily.201HAlabama,Hookworm,Box42,Folder1044,#1107,1913,RockefellerArchiveCenter,SleepyHollow,New

York

This1913photographfromNorthCarolinashowsthedisfiguringeffectsofhookworm.Inashockingcontrast,anundersizedyoungman,agetwenty-three,isplacedalongsideanormalboy,twoyearsyounger,

whotowersoverhim.236HNorthCarolina,Box53,Folder1269,#236VashtiAlexanderCounty,NorthCarolina,May29,1913,

RockefellerArchiveCenter,SleepyHollow,NewYork

Allinall,theruralSouthstoodoutasaplaceofsocialandnoweugenicbackwardness.Tenantfarmersandsharecroppers,wanderingthedustyroadswithabalkymule,seemedathrowbacktoeighteenth-centuryvagrants.The“lazydiseases”ofhookwormandpellagracreatedaclassoflazylubbers.Illiteracywaswidespread.Fearofindiscriminatebreedingloomedlarge.ThestockofpoorwhitemenproducedintheSouthweredismissedasunfitformilitaryservice,thewomenunfittobemothers.Inthetwodecadesbeforethewar,reformershadexposedthatmanypoorwhitewomenandchildrenworkedlong,gruelinghoursinsoutherntextilefactories.Wasthisanothersignof“racesuicide,”someasked?Couldtheypossiblyproducefuturegenerationsofhealthy,courageous,intelligent,andfertileAmericans?Formanyintheearlytwentiethcentury,then,the“newraceproblem”wasnotthe“negroproblem.”Itwasinsteadadifferentcrisis,onecausedbythe“worthlessclassofanti-socialwhites.”64

•••

ItwasAlbertPriddywhocalledpoorwhiteVirginians“theshiftless,ignorant,andworthlessclassofanti-socialwhitesoftheSouth.”HewasthesuperintendentoftheStateColonyforEpilepticsandFeeblemindedinLynchburg,Virginia.Hehelpedshapetheoptimallegaltestcaseforsterilization,acasethatwenttotheSupremeCourtinBuckv.Bell(1927).Priddybeganbuildinghiscasein1916,targetingprostitutes.Herecruitedtopeugenicsexperts,includingtwocolleaguesofDavenport’swithtiestotheEugenicsRecordOfficeandtheCarnegieInstitutionofWashington.65

PriddyalsohadthesupportoftheUniversityofVirginiaSchoolofMedicine,whichtooktheleadineugenicscienceandpublicpolicy.DeanHarveyErnestJordansawVirginiaasthe“perfectlaboratory”forcomparingthebest(Virginia’sfamed“FirstFamilies”)andtheworststocksofpoorwhites.In1912,heproposedintelligencetestingofwhite,black,andmulattochildren.Hefoundawaytopervertthemeaningofaclassicphraseoftheuniversity’sfounder,ThomasJefferson,intoeugenicnonsense:“Mandoesnothaveaninalienablerighttopersonalorreproductivefreedom,ifsuchfreedomisamenacetosociety.”Inalienablerightswerenowtheinheritedprivilegesofthesuperiorclasses,whatJordancalledAmerica’s“humanthoroughbreds.”66

EugenicistsmadeVirginiathenationaltestcaseforweedingoutbadblood.PriddyrecruitedArthurEstabrookoftheCarnegieInstitutiontohiscampaign,gettinghimtoofferintheVirginiacourtshisexpertopiniononintelligencetesting.ButthiscolleagueofDavenport’sspreadtheeugenicsmessageinyetanotherway.In1926,EstabrookpublishedMongrelVirginians,astudyofanisolatedmountaincommunity

inVirginiaknownastheWintribe.TheWinsofferedacuriouscaseofinbreedingandinterracialbreeding;theywereof“mixedraces,neitherblackorwhite”—largelyIndian.Theportraitwasdamning:thecommunityEstabrookdescribedsufferedfromcongenitalignorance,allspringingfromthelicentiousnessofmixed-racewomen.Theirhabitofbreedingwasinhiswords,“almostthatofananimalintheirfreedom.”67

TheevidenceinMongrelVirginianswassufficienttoguidepassageoftheRacialIntegrityActof1924,whichprohibitedmarriagesbetweenblacksandwhites,andtreatedIndianbloodnodifferentlyfromblackblood.TheVirginialawdefinedawhitepersonasonehaving“notrace”ofanybutCaucasianblood.Followingtheagendaoftheeugenicists,thefirstdraftofthelawrequiredaracialregistry,trackingpedigreesinordertoensurethatnolight-skinnedblackwithIndianbloodmightmarryawhiteperson.Thisregulationwasremovedfromthefinalversionofthebill,butthelawstilldividedthepopulationintowhiteandblack,fitandunfit,pureandtaintedbloodlines.Intheend,Virginialegislatorsbelievedtheyhadimmunizedthepopulationagainstmongrelismatthealtar.ItstoppedthecontagionthatpassedfromblacksandIndianstopoorwhitesandupthehierarchytotheunsuspectingwhitemiddleclassandelites.68

Threeyearslater,ChiefJusticeOliverWendellHolmeswouldofferarevolutionarydecisioninBuckv.Bell,whichgavethestatethepowertoregulatethebreedingofitscitizens.LikeJusticeTaneyintheDredScottdecision,hebelievedthatpedigreecouldbeusedtodistinguishworthycitizensfromthewastepeople.Heruledthatsterilizationwastheappropriaterecourseinordertocurb“generationsofimbeciles”fromreproducing.Holmesarguedthatsterilizationwasacivicduty,savingthenationfrombeing“swampedwithincompetence.”HeechoedwhattheEnglishhadarguedinthe1600s:theunfitwouldeitherstarveorbeexecutedforsomecrime,sosendingthemtobesterilizedwasthehumaneoption,asbeingsenttothecolonieshadbeencenturiesbefore.69

CarrieBuck(ofBuckv.Bell)hadbeenchosenforsterilizationontheorderofPriddy,becauseshewasoneof“thesepeople”—that“worthlessclass”ofsouthernwhites.Shewas,inaword,aperfectspecimenofwhitetrash.WhileCarrieBuckwastheplaintiff,hermotheranddaughterwereontrialtoo.Carrietestedatthe“moronlevel”andhermotherslightlylower,accordingtothehighlybiasedexperts.Herillegitimatechild,examinedatsevenmonths,wastermedfeebleminded—thiswasbasedontheobservationsofaRedCrossworkerandonatestadministeredbyEstabrook.Theexperts’pedigreechartproveddegeneracyaswellassexualdeviance:Carrie’smotherwasaprostitute,andCarriehadbeenrapedbythenephewofheradoptiveparents.Herrapistwentunpunished,andyetshewassterilized.70

•••

Eugenicssuffusedthecultureofthetwenties.Socialclasseswererankedaccordingtolevelsofinheritablepotential.Atthetopwasthenewprofessional“masterclass.”Manybelievedthatintelligencewasinheritedandthattestsofschoolchildrenprovedthatthebrightestpupilswerethosewhoseparentswerehighlyeducatedprofessionals.Thiselitehadtobenotjustmentallybutalsophysicallyfit.AttheSecondInternationalCongressofEugenicsinNewYork,in1921,twostatueswereputondisplayatoppositeendsofDarwinHallintheMuseumofNaturalHistory.OnewasacompositeofthebiometricmeasuresofthefiftymostathleticmenatHarvard,theotheranamalgamofonehundredthousanddoughboysofWorldWarI—inotherwords,the“averageAmericanmale.”TheHarvardspecimenwasthedecidedlymoreimpressiveofthetwo.Anewwordwascoinedforthecognitiveelite:“aristogenic”—whatwewouldcallageneticleadershipclass.Onewasonceagainborntoastation,asinthetraditionalmeaningofaristocracy,butitwasnotbecauseoffamilynameorwealth.Nowitwastheendowmentofinbornqualitiesthatmarkedoffthesuperiorclass.71

CarrieBuckandhermother,Emma(1924).Carrie,hermother,andCarrie’sillegitimatedaughterwereallputontrialinBuckv.Bell(1927).Theircrimewasoneofpedigree—adefectivebreedperpetuatedover

threegenerations.ArthurEstabrookCollection,M.E.GrenanderDepartmentofSpecialCollectionsandArchives,Universityof

AlbanyLibraries,Albany,NewYork

Whileeugenicistsmadeitfashionabletocelebrateahereditaryrulingclass,theywereasbentonorganizingsocialclassesonthebasisofbreedingcapacity.Oneofthemostpopulareugenicslecturers,C.W.Saleeby,spokeupforsomethingcalled“eugenicfeminism,”insistingthatthebrightestwomenshouldnotonlytakeupthesuffragecausebutalsoaccepttheirpatrioticdutytobreed.Heimaginedfemalesocietyorganizedasabeecolony:thequeensofsuperiorstockbredthroughouttheirfertileyears,whileeducatedsterilewomen(orpostmenopausal)werebestsuitedforreformactivity.ProfessorWilliamMcDougallatHarvardcameupwithanequallyradicalsolution.Hecalledforabreedingcolonyof“Eugenia,”aseparateprotectoratewithintheUnitedStates,inwhichthebestandbrightestwouldpropagateasuperiorstock.Eugeniawouldbeatonceauniversityandastudfarm.Raisedas“aristocrats”inthetraditionof“noblesseoblige,”theproductsofthespecialcolonywouldgooutintotheworldasskilledpublicservants.72

Theobsessionwithwhitetrashdidnotloseanytractioninthe1920s.Reformersandlegislatorspushedtheircampaigns,whilejournalistswrotesensationalnewspaperstoriesandpublishedshockingphotographs.TheSupremeCourtrulinginBuckv.BellinspiredMississippi,NorthCarolina,SouthCarolina,andGeorgiatopasssterilizationlawssimilartotheoneadoptedinVirginia.Protectingandpromoting“goodblood”wouldmeanlittleifremoving“badblood”didnotreceivethesameattention.73

Thedecadealsosawtheappearanceofanewgenerationofnovelistswhoexperimentedwitheugenicideas.Ofthese,theverypopularSherwoodAndersonstoodout.Hecomposedsemiautobiographicaltalesaboutsmall-townlife,publishingtheunmistakablytitledPoorWhitein1920.HischaracterHughMcIveyisthesonofwhitetrash,bornina“hole”ofatownonamuddybankalongtheMississippi,inMissouri.Hisnatureisthatofalistlessdreamer,hissleepymindunabletofixonanythingimportant.Heissavedfromhis“animal-likestupor”whentherailroadcomesthroughtown,bringingafresh-facedNewEngland–bornMichigander,inwhoseveins“flowedthebloodofthepioneers,”andwhobecomeshisschoolteacher.AlmostRousseau-like,shestimulatesinhimanewintellectualvitality.74

Wantingtoescapehispastandrisesocially,HughleavestheSouthbehind.Hewandersfromtowntotownforthreeyears,eventuallysettlinginBridewell,Ohio.There,afterhetakesajobinatelegraphoffice,technologyshapeshisdestiny,andhisdreamynatureblossomsintowhatthereaderrecognizesasgoodold-fashionedAmericaningenuity.Heinventsaseriesofmachines,themostsuccessfulofwhichistheMcIveyCorn-Cutter.Transformedintoaheroinhisadoptiveindustrializingtown,HughmeetstherebelliousClaraButterfield,acollege-educated,feminist-leaningwoman.Shechooseshimforahusband,inanactofeugenicmaritalselection,preferringwhatshedescribesasa“kindhorse”toa“wolforwolfhound.”75

Itistheforceofreproductionthatultimatelysavesthecouplefromthetensionsthatariseamidthesurgeofmodernlife.Afterfacingvariousdangers,Hughbecomesdarkandbroodingwhenhestartstoseethemachineageasnihilisticandfutile.Hiswifepullshimbackfromthebrinkofinsanitybyremindinghimofthesonshecarriesinherbelly.Feelingaprimitive,animalimpulsetoreproduceallowshimtocarryon.76

Anderson’snovelrejectedthejingoisticoptimismofthenineteenthcentury,butitalsopointedtotheeugenicideathatpoorwhitessufferedfrom“childishimpotence”or“arresteddevelopment,”requiringthereactivationoftheirbetterSaxonqualities.Facingchallenges,HughneverreachesthelevelofhopelessnessthatinfusesErskineCaldwell’sfirstnovel,TheBastard(1929).CaldwellwasthesonofaministerinGeorgia,andhisfatherwassympathetictoeugenics.TheBastardseekstoprovethatnohumancanhidefromhis“inborn”traits,fromtheimprintofhisancestors.77

Caldwell’sprotagonistisGeneMorgan(“Eugene”comesfromthesamerootofwellbornas“eugenic”).Ourironicallynamedheroisabastard.HelearnsthathisharlotmotherwasmurderedinLouisiana,herbellyslitopenlikea“swamp”—anallusiontothepollutedwastelandinsideher,fromwhichhewasspawned.Geneisaviciouswhite,awanderer,andhisonlypleasurecomesfromviolence.RaisedbyanoldNegrowomanandsexuallyattractedtoamulattogirl,hethoughtlesslytransgressesthecolorline.78

GeneislostuntilhemeetsMyraMorgan,a“clean...femininewoman.”TheymarryandmovetoPhiladelphia,whereheworkshardtosupporthisnewwifeandthebabythatsooncomesalong.Theparentswatch,totheirhorror,astheirchildtransformsintoafreak.Hisbodyiscoveredwithblackhair,likethatofawildanimal,provingthatthetaintoftheswampisstillpresentinhisblood,despiteMyra’spurity.Thedoctortellsherthatshecanexpectallofherchildrentobedegenerate,leavingaclearmessage:thebastardGeneiscongenitallycursed.Therearehintsofinbreeding,sinceGeneandMyrahavethesamelastname.Hecontemplatesmurderinghisson,butdoesn’tgothroughwithit.Heleaveshisbelovedwife,hopingshewillmarryanormalman.79

Therisinggenerationofanew,moderncenturysawlittleofenduringsubstanceinfamilydynastiesoftheGildedAge.Alltheyhadtospeakofwastheirmoney.InplaceofAmerica’simperfectaristocracy,progressivereformerswereeagertorearacognitiveelite,onethatcoulddealwithmoderntechnologyandbureaucracy.Classcontinuedtomattergreatly,butitwasn’tgoingtobetheflamboyantaristocracyoftheeffeteOldWorldthatwouldmonitormodernity;hopelayinsteadwithacadreofmeninwhitelabcoatsandbureaucratsintailoredsuits.Professionalexpertisewouldbeconvincingenoughevidenceofinbornmerit.80

ItshouldseemoddtousthatthehightideofeugenicscoexistedwiththestoriedglamouroftheRoaringTwenties:Lindbergh’stransatlanticflight,lightheartedflappers,andunpolicedspeakeasies.Yeteventheflapperswerewarnedthattheirdaringdancingstyletoocloselyresembledthewaysofthosewhohad“gypsy”(i.e.,black)blood;theywouldbebetterservedtosettledownwithaeugenicallysuitablemate.Ifevertherewastimewhenclassconsciousnesssankdeeproots,thiswasit.The1920ssawsocialexclusivenessmasqueradeasscienceanddisdainforruralbackwardnessandthemongreltaintintensify.Inacultureundersiege,whitetrashmeantimpure,andnotquitewhite.Likethemoronwhosomehowpassedintothemiddleclass,theill-bredbastardgaveawatchfulpeopleanewsetofsocialhazardstolookoutfor,whiletheylistenedtothestocktickerandmarchedoffacliffwiththemarketcrashin1929.81

I

CHAPTERNINE

ForgottenMenandPoorFolk

DownwardMobilityandtheGreatDepression

Shallthenthismangohungry,hereinlandsBlestbyhishonor,buildedbyhishands?Dosomethingforhim:lethimneverbeForgotten:lethimhavehisdailybread:Hewhohasfedus,lethimnowbefed.Letusrememberhistragiclot—Remember,orelsebeourselvesforgot!

—EdwinMarkham,“TheForgottenMan”(1932)

n1932,threeyearsafterthestockmarketcrashthattriggeredtheGreatDepression,WarnerBrothersreleasedIAmaFugitivefromaChainGang,thegrippingstoryof

aWorldWarIveterantransformedintoabeastofburdenwhileworkingonasouthernchaingang.Itisastrangelypowerfulfilmthatcelebratestheredemptivepowerofwork.Throughnofaultoftheirown,20percentoftheAmericanlaborforcewasoutofworkby1932.Averagemenwoketofindthemselvesasoutcasts,withouttheemblemsofAmericanmaleidentity:jobs,homes,themeanstoprovidefortheirfamilies.Thefilm’sfugitive,JamesAllen,becameapowerfulsymbolofthecountry’sdecline.Hisstoryisthatofapatriotic,ambitious,creative,suddenlyjoblessnorthernerwhobecomes,inturn,atramp,aconvict,andafugitive.HeistheDepression’s“ForgottenMan,”exiledfromthelaborforce.Hisfateissealedwhenhegoessouth.Inthelastsceneofthefilm,Allenstepsbackintotheshadows,allhopeofreclaiminghisformerlifegone,amanforcedtoadmitthathisonlyrecourseistostealinordertosurvive.Sounsettlingwasthescenethatitwasalmostcutfromthefilm.1

IAmaFugitivefromaChainGangisagrimanddevastatingexposéofthedegradedSouth.ThestoryservedasaconfirmationoftheNewDeal’sconclusionthatthesoutherneconomywastragicallyoutofstepwiththeAmericandream.In1938,sixyearsafterthefilmdebuted,PresidentFranklinRooseveltdeclared,“TheSouthpresentsrightnowtheNation’sNo.1economicproblem.”WillAlexander,theTennesseanwhoheadedtheFarmSecurityAdministration(FSA),arguedthat

southerntenancyrobbedmenofanychancetobecomeself-reliant.Hisagencyengagedin“ruralrehabilitation”—usingthesamewordthatwasappliedtophysicallydisabledsoldiersortoworn-outlands.Destitutefamilieshadtoberetrainedandresettled(butnotcoerced)intoprograms.ForAlexander,theproblemwasstarkandsimple:successcouldonlybeachievedwhentheprejudiceagainstwhitetrashwasovercome.Inotherwords,psychologicalreconditioningwasasnecessaryaseducationalreform.2

DependencyhadlongdefinedtheSouth.Sincethe1870s,impoverishedsharecroppersandconvictlaborers,whiteaswellasblack,hadclungtothebottomrungofthesocialorder.Itmaybehardforustofathom,buttheconvictpopulationwasnobetteroffthansouthernslaveshadbeen.Aprisonofficialsaiditall:“Onedies,getanother.”Poorwhiteswereinexpensiveandexpendable,andfoundtheirlotcomparabletosufferingAfricanAmericanswhenitcametothejusticesystem.Nothingprovesthepointbetterthanthefactthatbothblackandwhiteconvictswerereferredtoas“niggers.”3

Harshsentenceswerecommonforminoroffensesamongthisclass.RobertBurns,theNewJerseymanwhosememoirinspiredtheHollywoodfilm,facedsixtotenyearshardlaborforarobberythatnettedhim$5.80.TheSouth’stransportationinfrastructureandexpandedindustrialbasewasbuiltonthebacksofchaingangs.Statesrakedintremendousrevenuesbyleasingprisonerstoprivatebusinesses.Historically,themajorityoftheselaborerswereblack,butduringtheDepressionmorepoorwhitesfoundthemselvessweptupinthesystem.4

WarnerBrotherswassaidtobethemost“pro-Roosevelt”studioinTinseltown.Itstopexecutiveswerecommittedtothebottomline,buttheywerenotafraidofsocialjusticeissues.IAmaFugitivefromaChainGangtoldofthedestructionofthehumanspirit,andhowAllen’sfatewassealedthemomenthewasthrustintothechain-gangcamp.Monotonystalkstheprisonerswhoaren’tliterallyworkedtodeath.Theycandonothingwithoutaskingaguard’spermission,notevenwipethesweatfromtheirbrows.Nothingbettercapturesthesoul-killingprocessthanwhenthecamerapansacrosstheshackledmenloadedonatruckandthenturnsthelenstowardapackofmules.Bothherdsaremindlessbeastsofburden.Themulewasatthesametimemeantasareminderofthebackwardsharecropper.5

Asanortherner,Allenfeelsasifhehasbeenthrownintoaliencountry.Herefusestoletconditionsbreakhiswill.Healoneamongtheprisonersretainsthedesiretoescape;intimeheuseshisbrainpowertooutwittheguards.Topulloffhisplan,heviolatesacardinalruleofthewhiteSouthbysolicitinghelpfromablackconvict.ItisSebastian’ssuperiorskillwiththesledgehammerthatbendsAllen’sanklebracelets.ReversingthepatternsetbytheThirteenthAmendment,asouthernblackmansetsa

northernwhitemanfree.Itisapoignantscene.Thelargermessagewascrystalclear:theSouthisbackwardbecauseofitsfailuretoincorporateblackmenintothefree-marketeconomy.

Yetthetalentandlaborofpoorwhitesiswastedtoo.JamesAllen’sfellowwhiteprisonersaredeadontheinside.“Toworkout,ordieout,”theyaretold.Itistheonlywayout.TheylearntoappreciatethetruemeaningoflibertyonlybywatchingAllenachieveit.Hisdaringescapeisaccomplishednotbyviolencebutbyrationalplanning.Itprovestobeatemporarysuccess,butatleasthesucceedsinofferinghiscomradesadifferentvisionofmanhood.

Allen’sdreamistobeanengineer.ThataspirationrepresentedtheprideAmericansfeltinraisingtheEmpireStateBuilding,oneofthedecade’sconsummateachievements.In1932,thesameyearthatthefilmwasreleased,thephotographerLewisHinepublishedabookabouthistimewiththe“skyboys,”astheskilledmenwhobalancedonthebeamsandbuilttheiconicskyscraperwereknown.InMenatWork,nowaclassic,Hinevividlyportrayedthecourageandimaginationoftheworkerswholefttheirimprintontheurbanlandscape.“Citiesdonotbuildthemselves,”hepronounced,“machinescannotmakemachines,unlessbackofthemallarethebrainsandtoilofmen.”Attheageofsixty,withanestablishedreputationforreform,thecameramanbelievedthatlifewasgivenpowerthroughlabor.Whatdistinguishedhumansfrombeastswasthecapacitytosolveproblems,tocreateanew,andtoapplycognitiveenergytothelaborprocess.ThequoteHineselectedashisepigraphwastakenfromthelatephilosopherWilliamJames’s“WhatMakesaLifeSignificant”:“Notinclangingfightsanddesperatemarchesonlyisheroismtobelookedfor,butoneverybridgeandbuildingthatisgoingupto-day,onfreighttrains,onvesselsandlumber-rafts,inmines,amongthefiremenandthepolicemen,thedemandforcourageisincessantandthesupplyneverfails.”Manuallaborersdeservedthesamerespectasheroesonthebattlefield.Ifanewbreedofhumanarosewhenitgavelaborenhancedsocialmeaning,thentheSouth,withitsdullrefusaltoappreciatethevalueofwork,remainedcaughtinaprimitivestateofmind.6

IftheEmpireStateBuilding,whichopenedin1931,representedthehighesttestamenttomoralcourage,thenthetragedythatplayedoutinWashingtoninthespringandsummerof1932displayedAmericaatitslowestebb.VeteransofWorldWarIformeda“BonusArmy,”sometwentythousandunemployedarrivingwiththeirhurtingfamiliesandsettingupashantytownacrosstheriverfromCapitolHill.TheydemandedofCongresstheirbonuspay.“Wewereheroesin1917,butwe’rebumsnow,”saidtheirspokesmaninapleabeforetheHouse.TheHousepassedthePatemanBillthatwouldissuethebonuses,butitfailedintheSenate.PresidentHerbertHooverlabeledthemarcherscriminalsandcalledouttheU.S.Armytodispersethosethatremainedafterthebillfailed,usingbayonets,teargas,andtanks.

“Themostpowerfulgovernmentintheworldshootingitsstarvingveteransoutofworthlesshuts,”washowJohnHenryBartlett,formergovernorofNewHampshire,describedthedisturbingeventinhiseyewitnessaccount.7

Sothiswashowtheimageofthe“ForgottenMan”wasimprintedinthepublicmind,asIAmaFugitivefromaChainGanghitthetheaters.Allen’sstatusasabummingveteranassociatedhimwiththemenoftheBonusArmy.Inthefilm,hediscoversthathecan’tpawnhiswarmedal.Thepawnbrokerpullsoutaboxfilledwithsuchmedals—by1932,discardedjunk,liketheveteransthemselves.Thetruthcouldhardlybedenied.Class,asdefinedintermsofdignity,wasincreasinglyinsecure.

•••

TheDepressionwasassociatedwithwaste.Wastedlives,wastedland,humanwaste.Thestockmarketcrashunleashedanightmarishdownsidetothemuch-vauntedAmericandream,itsunpredictableandunpreventabledownwardmobility.Thetraditionalmarksofpovertywerenowappearingeverywhere.TherewereHoovervillesnotjustinWashingtonbutattheNewYorkCitydump.St.Louishadthelargestshantytown,withtwelvehundredmen;Chicago’smakeshiftcommunity,onorderofthemayor,wasburnedtotheground.Thepoorcouldnolongerbeconsideredoutcasts,“untouchables,”orevenhoboes.8

Thelinesseparatingthepoorfromtheworkingandmiddleclassesseemedmorepermeable.Thepoorweresimplymenandwomenwithoutjobs,andthosewhostillhadgainfulemploymentsensedthattheywereatriskofexperiencingthesamefate.ThisfearwascapturedinEdwardNewhouse’snovelYouCan’tSleepHere(1934),aboutaNewYorkCityHooverville.Onweekends,Newhousewrote,hundredscametowatchthemenintheshantytownasiftheywere,collectively,a“monkeyinacage.”Insteadoflookingatthemwithdisgust,“Sundaytourists”wonderediftheymightbenext.9

Oldclichésranghollow.Upwardmobilitywasnotadestinationtobereached,noraladdertobescaledbydiligenceandhardwork.Inanautobiographicalnovelaboutbumming,calledWaitingforNothing(1935),TomKromerputitbestwhenhewrotethathisjourneyinlifewentnowhere:“Whatisbeforeisthesameasthatwhichisgone.Mylifeisspentbeforeitstarted.”Longadmiredforhiscompetitivespirit,intheliteratureofthethirtiesthe“ruggedindividualist”appearedruthlessandgreedy.Thetoweringgiantsofthebusinessworldwerenow“greatlittlemen.”AninvestmentbankerfromNewYorkscoffed,“TheAmericanStandardofLiving—theproudest

boastofseveraladministrations[is]thesubjectofinternationalgibe.”The“CityuponaHill”layinruins.10

MargaretBourke-Whiteusedhercameratoexpressthenewcriticaloutlook.WorkingforLifemagazine,sheshotalineofsomberblackmenandwomenwaitingforrelief.Theystoodbeforeagarishbillboardthatfeaturedaruddy-cheeked,smilingfamilyoffourdrivingdowntheroadinanicecar—that’swhoandwhathungovertheserealvictimsofanOhioValleyflood.Ironyshoutedatthemagazine’sreadersliketheslogansthatblaredfromthecartoonishbillboardimageoftheidealizedwhite,middle-classfamily:“World’sHighestStandardofLiving”;“There’sNoWayLiketheAmericanWay.”Bythetimethisprovocativephotographappearedin1937,mostAmericanshadalreadycometoaccepttheuncomfortabletruthabouttheirnationalsituation:equalopportunitywasagrandillusion.IntheverysameissueofLifewerephotographsofblackmeninchaingangs,shoringupleveesinTennessee.11

Bourke-Whitedidanother,similarphotoessaythatyear.Thistimeheraimwastodisputethemythoftheclasslesssociety.VisitingMuncie,Indiana,thecitymadefamousinthe1929studyMiddletown,thephotographerquestionedtheideaof“typicalAmericans”thatthecommunityhadsupposedlycometorepresent.Sheangeredtheresidentswhenshefeaturedtheinsidesofhomes,contrastingapoorwhitehovelof“Shedtown”withtheopulentparlorofoneofthewealthiestfamilies.Hercriticschargedthatshewasfocusedontheuppercrustand“soakedbottom,”whileignoringthe“middlefilling”ofthe“communitypie.”Butthatwasherpoint.TherewasnosinglerepresentativeAmericanwayoflife.12

Thestockmarket’s“crash”andensuing“Depression”invokedobviousmetaphorsofphysicalcollapse.OnehighlycynicalobservercomparedthebottomingoutofWallStreettoaburiedEgyptiantomb,“filledwiththedebrisofdelusionsandfalsehopes.”Townandcountrysuppliedcompetingimagesofruin:boarded-upstoresandbanksinghosttowns,citybreadlines—bothsymbolsofidleness.Inruralsettings,once-prosperousfarmshadeitherdrieduporbecomeburiedindust,andfertilefieldswerescarredbycavernousgullies.“Depression”wasanotherwordforwhattheeighteenth-centurygovernorofVirginiacalledhisimpoverishedneighborNorthCarolina:a“sinkhole.”13

Inthewritingsthatsuffused1930speriodicalsaswellasgovernmentreports,economicfailurewasassociatedwiththeoldnotionofwasteland.WhenRoyStrykerwasputinchargeoftheHistoricalSectionoftheResettlementAdministrationin1935,hehiredateamoftalentedphotographerstorecordimagesofbarrenlanddottedwithabandonedfarmsandlongstretchesofterraindestroyedbyduststorms,floods,andgullies—allcausedbydestructivefarming,irresponsiblelumbering,andtraditionalminingtechniques.Inthisliteraryandvisualconstructionofrealityonthe

ground,classidentitywasnotjustaslipperyslope;itwascloserinnaturetotheerraticallyformed,man-madefurrowsofthegully.PeoplewereseeninthenumerousimagesoftheFSAasscatteredandanonymous,squattingalongroads,worn,beaten,setadrift,washedup.Theabsenceofactivelaborersconveyeditsownunmistakablemessage—aLifestoryexplainedthatitwashardto“see”depressionbecauseof“businessnotbeingdone.”DocumentaryphotographerArthurRothsteintookahauntingpictureofanOhiofarmcommunity.Onlyafewbuildingswerevisible,andtherewerenopeoplepresent.Hiscamerafocusedonasignplantedinthefrozenmud,markingtheidentityofthisunincorporatedtown.Itread,“Utopia.”14

ArthurRothstein’spowerfulimageoferosionandwasteland(1937).HeretheAlabamalandisscarredbymassivegulliesasaforlorntenantfarmerstandshelplesslybyhisbarn.

Erodedlandontenant’sfarm,WalkerCounty,Alabama(ArthurRothstein,1937),LC-USF34-025121,LibraryofCongressPrintsandPhotographsDivision,Washington,DC

HenryWallace,FDR’ssecretaryofagriculture,arguedthatwhathadalwaysmadeAmericauniquewastheconstant“pressinguponsocialresources”andthegeneralbeliefina“limitlessandinexhaustiblesoil.”Butthesoilwasnotlimitless,andthefrontierwasofficiallyclosedbythegovernmentin1934.Writersofallstripes,notjustagriculturalexperts,lamentedhowvaluabletopsoilwaswashingdownAmerica’srivers,theresultingwastemadeworsebylevees.Inthisway,theDepressionwasan

upheavalthatportrayedclasslevelingwithdisorderedimagesoflanderosion.Thewashingawayoftopsoilanddebriswasrelatedlyseeninthewashingawayofdifferentclassesofpeople,churnedupandletlooseinmassmigrationscausedbyeconomicdisaster.InDorotheaLange’sAnAmericanExodus(1939),aphoto-essaybook,imagescapturetheturningofthelandscapeintowasteland.ThemiddleAmericanDustBowlsweptupcloudsofsoil,anddislodgedhumansweredrivendowntheroad“likeparticlesofdust.”15

PoorwhitesremainedattheforefrontoftheAmericanconsciousnessinthethirties.TheBonusArmy’sHoovervillewasanurbanmanifestationoftheoldsquatter’sshack.Tenantfarmersinthesouthernstatescontinuedtoresideinrun-downcabins,ahighlymobile,migratorylaborforcethatwastheveryantithesisofself-sufficiency.Afterthedroughtanddustbowlsthathitduringthemiddleyearsofthedecade,“Okies”and“Arkies”capturedthemedia.FamiliesinoldjalopiescrammedwitheverythingtheyownedheadedwesttoCalifornia;enroute,theysetupcampsalongmajorhighways.TheywerevisibleontheroadsintheGoldenState,takingseasonaljobsascroppickers.Asmigrantworkers,theycalledthemselves“Migs,”whileotherslabeledthem“rubbertramps”or“shantytownsonwheels.”Inhis“TalkingDustBowlBlues,”thelegendaryfolksingerWoodyGuthrieexpressedthemobile-homethemewiththelyric“IswappedmyfarmforaFordmachine.”LiketherefugeesfromArkansaswhopouredintoMissouriduringtheCivilWar,theMigsformedamodern-daycaravanofvagrantsandnomads.JohnSteinbeckandJohnFordmadethiscross-countrytrekfamous,Steinbeckinhisbestselling1939novelTheGrapesofWrath,andFordinhisdarkanddisquieting1941HollywoodfilmofthesamenameabouttheJoads’pilgrimage.16

Anotherchaoticmigrationwasthe“BacktotheLand”movementthatledtonumerousruralcommunes.Someofthesehadoutspokenleaders.RalphBorsodi,whosetupasubsistencehomesteadontheoutskirtsofNewYorkCity,helpedtoorganizeacooperativevillagenearDayton,Ohio.Similarventuresappearedinotherstates.ThesouthernjournalistCharlesMorrowWilsondescribedthesefolksas“Americanpeasants,”buttheyareperhapsbetterdescribedastheheirsofJamesOglethorpe’seighteenth-centuryGeorgiacolonists.OnesuchgroupfromTulsaestablishedacommunityintheOzarkhills.Theyfoundedacorporation,muchliketheolderjoint-stockcompanies,andadoptedasetofbylaws,inwhicheachmemberwasashareholderandhadavote.Theysoldtimber,raisedhogsandchickens,repairedthelumberingshantiesontheproperty,andsetupaschool.17

UnlikeArkansastenantfarmersandsharecroppers,theTulsacolonistsownedtheland,albeitlandoflittlevalue,whichloweredthemtothelevelofsubsistencefarmers.ThecommonpatterninArkansaswasdifferent.Here,nearly63percentoffarmersworkedastenants.TheArkieswereunliketheTulsans,manyofwhomwere

educated,willingtoworkcollectively,anddevisedaplanforthefuture.Theymightbeslummingaswhitetrashandlivinginshanties,butwhentheeconomyimproved,thecityfolkwouldreturntotheirformerlives.Forthemthelandwasa“refuge,”notapermanentsourceofclassidentity.18

The“BacktotheLand”movementhadamarkedinfluenceonNewDealpolicy.SoitmadesensewhenMilburnLincolnWilson,atrainedsocialscientistandexpertinagriculture,becamethefirstdirectoroftheSubsistenceHomesteadsDivisionin1933.Thegovernment’sgoalwastogivetenantsandsharecropperstheresourcesandskillstoriseuptheagriculturalladderandhelpcityfolkwithoutjobs.Likethesoil,thedispossessedhadtoberehabilitated.Land,heinsisted,wasnotjustasourceofprofit,butwaspartofa“wellintegrateddemocracted[sic]community,”onethatknitpeopletogetherbyattendingtotheresilienceoffamilies.InWilson’sgrandscheme,thehomesteadcommunitywasalaboratory,ademonstrationofhowgovernmentcouldeasetheimpactofaflaggingeconomyandmakeitpossibleforlow-incomeruralandurbanfamiliestobecomeself-sufficienthomeowners.Thefamiliesinvolvedweregivenlong-termloanssothattheycouldbuytheirhomes.Theprogramcontributedbetterhousingfortheunemployedwhileactingtohumanizelivingconditionsforpoorwhites.19

Atitsmostvisionary,Wilsonsawrehabilitationastheprocessoftakingstrandedcoalminersinabandonedtowns,displacedfactoryworkerswithoutjobs,andtenantstrappedonunproductivelandandhelpingthemalladoptanewwayoflife.Themodernhomesteadofhisdesignwasasourceofagenuinedemocracy,producing“asturdyratherthanservilecitizenry.”IfevertherewasaproactivepolicyforcreatingtheyeomanrepublicofThomasJefferson’simagination,thiswasit.

Itwasinevitablethatpoorsouthernersbecameagreaterconcernfortheagency.WilsondirectedattentiontotheSouth’sone-cropsystemand“ruralslumareas”inthecountryside,whichguaranteedtheperniciouscycleofpoorwhiteandblacksharecroppers’povertyfromonegenerationtothenext.Two-thirdsofthenation’stenantfarmerswereintheSouth,andtwo-thirdswerewhite.Thesefactscannotbeoverstated.TheagriculturaldistressoftheDepressionexposedtheSouth’slong-standingdependenceonsubmarginallandandsubmarginalfarmers.20

Inthisway,thefederalgovernmentdrewnationalattentiontotheSouth’soppressiveclassenvironment.Thehomesteadbecameasymbolofclasssecurity,sustenance,andnormalcy.In1935,theSubsistenceHomesteadsDivisionproducedapamphletthatcontrastedWestVirginiacoalminers’darkanddismalshackswithbrightnewhomesteads(portrayedthroughapublishedimageofchildrenplayingoutsideongrass).Ayearlater,thePresident’sCommitteeonTenancymadethepointclearerbycomparingtherungsoftheagriculturalladdertoprisonbars.Tenancywasacage,classstatusajail.Chainstiedpoorwhitestorottensoilandlockedthemaway

inabysmalshacksthatweren’treallyhomesatall.TherewasmorethanonechaingangintheSouth.21

ArthurRaper,oneoftheleadingauthoritiesontenancyintheSouth,explainedconditionsinhis1936studyPrefacetoPeasantry.Mostsoutherntenantswereindebttolandlords,hadlittlecash,noeducation;hookwormandpellagrastillhauntedthem.UnlikethefugitiveJamesAllen,theyhadnoplacetorun.Rarelydidpoorwhitesstayonasingleplantationformorethantwoorthreeyears;inthewintermonths,theycouldbeseenfillingcartswiththeirchildrenandtheirjunkandmovingon.ThisannualphenomenonofsoutheasterntenantdispersionwasalreadyoccurringbeforethemasswesternexodusofOkiesandArkies.22

Theentiretenantsystemoperatedbycoercionanddependence.Landownersdidnotwanttheirtenantstoimprove,becausethentheywouldhavelesscontroloverthem.Ahungryworkerwasthebestworker,orsomanysoutherncottongrowersbelieved.Noone—neithertenantsnortheirlandlords—hadanyproblemmakingchildrenandwomenworkinthefields.Foralltheabovereasons,then,educationremainedcrucialtothesubsistencehomesteadprogram.Prospectiveclientsrequirednotonlyguidanceinmodernagriculturalpractices,butalsoschools,churches,andtraininginthemethodsofhomefoodproduction.Wilsonintroducedapsychologicalelementoftenlackingintraditionalformsofcharity.Forpoorwhites,thismeanttheyhadtoovercomethefeelingthattheywere“justtrash,”abreedlackingthecapacityforchange.Thehomesteadprogramwouldproveaboveallthatpoorwhiteswerecompletelynormalpeople.23

Wilson’sfellowIowan,HenryWallace,hadasimilaroutlook.Inferiorheredityhadnothingtodowithruralpoverty.SecretaryofAgricultureWallacepredictedthatifatbirthonehundredthousandpoorwhitechildrenweretakenfromtheir“tumble-downcabins”andanotherhundredthousandweretakenfromthewealthiestfamilies,andbothgroupsweregiventhesamefood,education,housing,andculturalexperiences,bythetimetheyreachedadulthoodtherewouldbenodifferenceinmentalandmoraltraits.“Superiorability”wasnot“theexclusivepossessionofanyoneraceoranyoneclass,”hesaid.ReactingtoAdolfHitler’sAryanfantasy,Wallacepredictedthatevena“masterbreeder”mightovergenerationsraiseagroupofpeoplewiththesameskin,hair,oreyecolor,buthewouldjustaslikelyproduceagroupof“blondmorons.”24

BothWilsonandWallacedismissedthenotionthatclass(orevenrace)wasbiologicallypreordained.Wallacestressedtheimportanceofunderstandingclassinsecurity.Overtime,hewarned,economicbenefitsaccruedtothestronger,shrewderpeopleinsociety,andifunrestrainedbygovernment,conditionswouldleadto“economicautocracy”and“politicaldespotism.”Soundingalotlikethecriticsinour

presentwhodeploretheconcentrationofwealthamongthetop1percentofAmericans,Wallacein1936arguedthatlibertywasimpossibleif“36thousandfamiliesatthetopoftheeconomicpyramidgetasmuchincomeas12millionfamiliesatthebottom.”25

TheDepressionrevealedthatlibertyforsome—fortheselect,theprivileged—wasnotlibertyforall.Inaremarkablearticleof1933,titled“TheNewDealandtheConstitution,”apopularwriternamedJohnCorbinquestionedtheclaimsofAmericanstoanexclusivequalityoffreedom.Heposedarhetoricalquestion:“Cananationcallitselffreeifitfindsitselfperiodicallyonthevergeofbankruptcyandstarvationinthefaceofthefactthatitpossessesallthematerialsofthegoodlife?”Hemeantthatfreedomwascompromisedwhenanationallowedthemajorityofitspeopletosufferdevastatingpovertyandenduringeconomicinsecurity.Regulation,regionalplanning,andreadjustment(thelastafavoriteNewDealterm)wereneededtocorrectmarketabuses,controltheexploitationofnaturalresources,andadjustclassimbalance,andtodoso,inPresidentRoosevelt’sphrase,“nottodestroyindividualismbuttoprotectit.”Wilson,Wallace,andCorbinallagreedthattheoldlaissez-fairedoctrinescouldnolongerbesustained,andthatthefrontierthesis—whichpresumedthatwesternmigrationhadalleviatedpoverty—nolongerworked.ForWilson,the“greatdisorganizingforceofthedepression”was“agreat,magicdarkhand.”UnlikeAdamSmith’sinvisiblehandofthefreemarket,Wilson’sdarkhandrepresentedthedangersofanunregulatedeconomy:downwardmobilityandtheruinofcountlesslives.26

Ifforpoorruraltenantsandsharecroppersclasswasaninescapablecageoraprison,itwasequallyasourceofwhatHenryWallacelabeled“humanerosion.”Humanerosionwasthereasonforsoilerosion,andnottheotherwayaround,hecontended.Tenantfarmingwasaperfectexampleofthisprocess:thetenantshadlittlereasontocareforthesoilastheyattemptedtoekeoutalivingfromit,whilethelandownersremainedunwillingtoinvestinsoilconservation.ThewillingnessofAmericanstotoleratewastewastherealcauseofhumanerosion.Itreflectedthelargersocialproblemofdevaluinghumanlaborandhumanworth.27

WallacehadpositivethingstosayaboutruralAmericans,whoproducedmorechildrenthantheirurbancounterparts,andplayedacrucialroleinbuildingupsociety.“Thelandproducesthelife-streamofthenation,”heexplained,referringto“youngpeoplebredonthefarms.”Inunmistakablelanguage,Wallaceurgedthewholecountrytobe“concernedthatitsbreedingstockistakencareof,thatthenationdoesnotdeteriorateatthesourceofitslife-blood.”ThiswasthewarningsignJohnFordsoughttogetacrossinthefilmversionofTheGrapesofWrath,whenMaJoadsays,“Richfellas...theirkidsain’tnogoodanddieout,butwekeepa-comin’....We’llgoonforever,Pa,coswe’rethepeople.”Thecityfolkneeded“thepeople,”needed

theirfecundity.ItwasasthoughJeffersonandFranklinweretalkingtoWallace,Steinbeck,andFord,stillpromotingtheoldEnglishideathatnationalstrengthwasboundupwithdemographicgrowth.28

•••

Unfortunately,theSubsistenceHomesteadsDivisionranintoseriousdifficulties.First,thefundingitreceivedwasmeager;second,ittooktimeforbureaucracytoapproveandbuildcommunities.Ontopofeverythingelse,theHomesteadsDivisionfacedalegalchallengethatthreatenedtheentireprogramwithtermination.PresidentRoosevelt,asaresult,issuedanexecutiveordercreatinganentirelynewagency,theResettlementAdministration(RA),in1935.RexfordG.Tugwell,aformereconomicsprofessoratColumbia,waschosentoheadthenewagency.Acharismaticfigurewithasharpmind,hehadaprofoundinfluenceontheNewDeal’soverallapproachtopoverty.29

Unlikepreviousprograms,theRAhadaclearmandatetohelptheruralpoor.Itpurchasedsubmarginalland,resettledtenants,extendedrelieftodroughtvictims,arrangedwithlocaldoctorscooperativemedicalcareforfarmers,restoredruinedlands,andsupervisedcampsformigrantworkers,especiallyinCalifornia.Oneofitscentralgoalswastoprovideloansforfarmimprovements,andtohelptenantsobtainbetterlivingconditionsandlearnhowtobecomefarmowners—servicesthatgreatlyexpandedtheongoingprogramthatwasbuildingexperimentalcommunities.TheResettlementAdministration,anditsreplacement,theFarmSecurityAdministration(1937),establishedregionalheadquarters;by1941,ithadprojectmanagersineverystate.WhatTugwellbeganin1935carriedovertohissuccessor,WillAlexander,whoasthesonofanOzarkfarmerwasthefirstsouthernertobeputinchargeofaNewDealruralpovertyagency.BoththeRAandFSAwerepoliticallysavvyagencies,consciouslyorchestratingpublicitycampaigns.AttheforefrontoftheireffortwasRoyStryker’sphotographicunit,whichdistributedoptimalimagestomajornewsoutlets.30

Tugwellwentonthelecturecircuit,didradioshows,andwrotearticles.IntheNewYorkTimes,heoutlinedtheRA’sprogramintermsofthefour“R’s”—retirementofbadland,relocationofruralpoor,resettlementoftheunemployedinsuburbancommunities,andrehabilitationoffarmfamilies.Inhisactivism,though,TugwellwasnotreallyaJeffersonian.Inhisworldview,thefarmwasnotsomesacredspaceforcultivatingvirtue;itwasmoreoftenanunrewardingstrugglewith“vicious,ill-temperedsoil.”Asaresult,farmerssufferedfromoverwork,badhousing,andan“ugly,broodingmonotony.”Insteadofhealthyyeomen,Jefferson’stheoryhad

producedgenerationsof“humanwastage”;wishingforuniversalhomeownershipwasbutafoolishdream.31

Tugwellwasnothingifnotcontroversial.Understandingthatmosttenantscouldnotvotebecauseofpolltaxes,hemadetheireliminationoneoftherequirementsforstatestogethomesteadloans.ChangingtheSouthrequiredshiftingthebalanceofpower—hisagencywouldenablepoorwhitestochallengethestatusquo.Whilecynicalpoliticianscontinuedtodismissthemas“lazy,shiftless,no-account,”Tugwellsoughttomakethemintoapoliticallyvisibleconstituency.Herewasaproactivefederalagency.32

Theoppositiontohisprogramscamefromvestedinterests,specificallylarge-scaleagribusinessandsouthernersresistanttoanyattentionto(orattemptstosubvert)theclassorder.RepresentingthiscrowdwasSenatorHarryF.ByrdofVirginia,whomouthedtheconventionalwisdomthat“simplemountainpeople”didn’tdeserveelectricity,refrigerators,orevenindoorprivies.Simplemeantprimitive,apeopleincapableofaspiringtoacreditablewayoflife.33

Toarangeofcritics,Tugwellwasa“parlorpink”(i.e.,aliberalwithcommunistleanings).Republicansmockedhimbyusinglinesfromapopularsongof1933,“DidYouEverSeeaDreamWalking?”Tugwellwas“adreamwalking,”allairyphilosophy.Thegovernment’sliberaldarlingcouldbeseen“winkingatMarx”andatthesametime“kissingthefootofMadison”forhavinggivenhimtheideaofasuper-flexibleConstitution.Somehow,incombiningthesetwodisparatehistoricalpersonae,Tugwellwaswearinga“RussianwigunderaFounder’shat.”Anotherjournalistnotedthat“Tugwellism”waslessaboutthemanthanaboutthetimes,thatis,acontestaboutclasspoliticsandwhocouldclaimtorepresentpoorwhites.Onthesurface,thisforty-three-year-oldIvyLeaguer,withacool,“carefully-studiedinformalityofappearance,”projectedanairofhaughtinessandseemedtoregardhumanityassomethingfor“experimentation.”ToTugwell’scritics,then,nothingabouthimsuggestedabonafideunderstandingofruralAmerica.34

Tugwell,however,refusedtoengageinatheatricaldebateoverwhatitmeanttobea“manofthepeople.”Americaalreadyhadalonghistoryofpoliticianspretendingtoidentifywiththeearnestplowman.IntheSouth,itwasmorethanapastime—itwaseverything.TheeruditeBrainTruster,thoughraisedonadairyfarminupstateNewYork,couldn’tclaimtobeofhillbillystock,nordidhesportfarmers’redsuspenderslikeoneoftheNewDeal’sloudestcritics,GeorgiagovernorEugeneTalmadge.HewasnotarusticclownlikeHueyLong,whocaptivatedaudiences.Hedidn’thaveafolksynicknameeither,likeSouthCarolinasenator“CottonEd”Smith,whowentonthewarpathagainstTugwell’sappointmentasundersecretaryofagricultureevenbeforeRooseveltnamedhimasheadoftheResettlement

Administration.Beforehisconfirmationhearing,Tugwell’sfriendshadadvisedhimto“affectahomelydemocraticmanner,tosuggestthedearoldfarm.”Herefusedtodoso.35

In1936,ayoungWashingtonjournalistnamedBlairBollesaccusedTugwellofaseriesofcrimesagainstAmerica.WritingforH.L.Mencken’sAmericanMercury,hesharedtherenownededitor’scholericrageforharebraineduplifters.Bollesclaimedthatthepoorwhowereundertheagency’ssupervisionwerewillingto“crawl”intothe“impersonallap”ofgovernmentdependency.Theywerealldeludedandundeserving—thelitanywillsoundfamiliar:“hillbillyclay-eaters,”“hoe-wielders”(backwardtenantfarmerslookingforahandout),“urbanpoorwhoseesuccessingreenpastures,”and,lastbutnotleast,“desert-dwellingIndians.”Eachofthesewaspresumedabreedofmenwithnowheretogo.36

Againandagain,enemiesoftheNewDealrailedagainsttheroyalistbureaucrat“Rex”Tugwell.Hecontinuedtoinfuriateopposingcongressmenbydismissingtheirlogicanddefendinggovernmentpatronagewiththeline“nothingistoogoodforthesepeople.”Tugwellhadnopatiencefortheillusionofdemocracy,orthepretenseofbeingamanofthepeople,ortheemptyrhetoricofequalopportunity.Anurbane“voiceinthewilderness,”heboldlychallengedthecredibilityoftheold,illusivebeliefthatAmerica’sclassboundarieswereporousandthathardworkwasallittooktosucceed.37

Tugwell’sclassargumentwassimple.Hesummeduphisviewsina1934speechinKansasCitywhenhesaidthattheoldstandbyrefrainof“ruggedindividualism”reallymeant“theregimentationofthemanyforthebenefitofthefew.”TheNewDeal’smissionwastomakeindividualismavailabletothoseordinarilydeprivedofit,freeingthemanyfromtheirvirtualimprisonmentatthehandsofthefew.LikeThomasJefferson,andlikeHenryWallace,Tugwellbelievedthatconcentrationofpoweratthetopdestroyeddemocracy.ButlikeJamesMadison,thefounderhemostadmired,heremainedconfidentthatthestatecouldactasaneutralarbiteramongcontendinginterests—bound,inthisemergency,tointercedesoastopreventahardeningofclassdistinctions.38

TugwellfeltthattheextensionofloanstofarmerswasthemostsuccessfulpartoftheResettlementAdministration,andmostAmericansagreed:aGalluppollof1936foundthat83percentofrespondentsheartilyendorsedtheprogram.Buttheexperimentalcommunities,nearlytwo-thirdsofwhichwereintheSouth,didnotdoatallwell.ThoughnotunderthesupervisionoftheResettlementAdministration,Arthurdale,intheabandonedcoal-miningregionofReedsville,WestVirginia,wasonenotablelightningrod.ConstantlyinthenewsbecauseitwasthepetprojectofEleanorRoosevelt,thisexperimentalcommunitywasaccusedofwastingmoneyand

WorksProgressAdministrationman-hours.AreporterfortheSaturdayEveningPostarguedthatthecommunitywasnotevenfunctioningasanorganofreliefbecausethescreeningprocesswasgearedtowardacceptingonlythoseapplicantswhosesuccessseemedassured,ratherthanbringinginthefolkswhomostneededgovernmentassistance.Intheend,CongressensuredthefailureofArthurdalebyrefusingtosupportafactorythatwouldhaveproducedfurniturefortheU.S.PostOfficewhileprovidingthecommunitywithasteadysourceofemployment.39

Arthurdalecastalongshadow.Thebadpublicityitreceivedcoloredthereceptionofotherplannedcommunities,astheFSAdirectortestifiedbeforeCongressin1943.ButthedeeperproblemofArthurdalewasrootedinitsemphasisonhomeownership.EvensuccessfulcommunitiessuchasthoseoutsideBirminghamandJasper,Alabama,failedintheirmissiontohelpthepoorest,ultimatelyretainingonlymiddle-classresidents.Withoutsubsidies,poorerfamilieswerenotaworthycreditrisk.AresidentofPalmerdalewhoworkedattheBirminghamNews-AgeHeraldexplainedthatheactuallyhadtwojobsinsteadofone:heworkedatthenewspaperfrom9p.m.untilearlymorning,andthenwenthometocareforhisfields.True,hefreedhisfamilyfromdebtandfedhisfourchildrenwithcannedgoods,butthehomesteadmodelonlyservedtodoublethelaboroffamilieslikehis,ratherthantoeasetheirburdens.40

ThepublicitygeneratedbytheRAandFSAcontributedtounrealisticexpectationsandtime-mangledappearances.SomephotographsofPalmerdale,andPenderleainNorthCarolina,showedsharp-lookinghomes,ornamentedwithchildrenonbicycles;anothershowedamaninoverallspushinganantiquatedplow—anaptsceneinan1840sdaguerreotype,perhaps,butoutofplaceindepictingamodernhome.Barelyhangingontohissymbolicexistence,theyeomanhadbecomeaquaint(andcontrived)artifactofaonce-pristineAmericanlife.41

PenderleaHomesteadsinNorthCarolinawasshowcasedasthegovernment’ssolutiontotenancy.Theresidentswerenotwealthy,buttheywerehappyamid“pleasant,congenial,andbeautifulsurroundings.”Butperfecthomesdidnotmakeperfectcommunities.Sabotageemergedfromwithintheranksofresidents.CliquesformedinPenderlea,leadingsometorefusetoparticipateincommunityactivitiesandtoridiculethosewhotriedtodothings“bythebook.”Tensionsflaredasresidentsfailed—orrefused—toadjusttoamiddle-classenvironment:detailedrecordshadtobekept,parliamentaryruleshadtobeusedatmeetings,andhouseholdconveniencesthatwiveshadneverseenbeforewereincludedintheresidences.Bureaucraticmisstepsexplainedsomeofthesetroubles,butitwastheartificiallyimposedclassstructurethatmostdisturbedthepeace.Middle-classbehaviorwasnoteasytoteach.42

AniconicimageofPenderleaHomesteads(1936),whichoddlyjuxtaposesamodernhomeandamule-drawnplow.

Homestead,Penderlea,NorthCarolina(1936):LC-USF33-000717-M2,LibraryofCongressPrintsandPhotographsDivision,Washington,DC

Ittookmorethanavillage.Cooperativefarmingwasnopartofsouthernpractice,andespeciallyamongsmall(ortenant)farmers.Tugwellunderstoodtheproblem.Americansingeneralwerenothostiletoplannedcommunities,whichexplainsthepopularityofTugwell’sfavoriteprojects.The“Greenbelttowns”ofMaryland(justoutsideWashington,DC),Milwaukee,andCincinnatiattractedanamazingtwelvemillionvisitorsin1936–37.Here,federalhousingrevolutionizedmethodsofprefabrication,layingastrongfoundationforthegrowthofsuburbiaintheaftermathofWorldWarII.However,thefederalgovernmentcouldnotbridgetheNorth-Southdividewhenitcametostandardsofpublicruralhousing;southernprojectswereadministeredbysouthernerswhowereloathtospendonamenities—suchasindoorplumbing.WillAlexander,theMissourianwhoreplacedTugwellattheRA,andthentookoverattheFSA,remarkedonthepersistenceofsouthernbackwardness:“Ifwecouldhouseallourlow-incomefarmfamilieswiththesamestandardsDanesusefortheirhogs,wewouldbealongstepahead.”SouthernpoliticiansshortchangedruralAmericansinanothercrucialway:theymadesurethattheNewDeal’ssignatureSocialSecurityprogramexcludedfarmlaborers.43

Tugwell’stenureattheRAwasshort—justoneyear—buthisinfluencelingered.Themostdefinitivegovernmentstatementonproblemsfacingpoorfarmers,FarmTenancy:ReportofthePresident’sCommittee(1937),showedhishandaswellasthat

ofWilsonandWallace.Nolessimportant,thereportreflectedtheinsightsof“southernregionalists”ArthurRaperandHowardOdum.44

•••

Morethananyoneelse,HowardOdumworkedtochangethemeaningoftheSouthandthecharacterof“poorfolk,”asprominentgovernmentofficialsoftheNewDealcametounderstandthem.Hewasbothasociologistandapsychologistbytraining.HiredattheUniversityofNorthCarolinain1920,heheadedtheDepartmentofSociologywhilesimultaneouslyservingasthefirstdirectoroftheSchoolofPublicWelfare.AGeorgianbybirth,OdumstudiedtheclassicsatEmorybeforeearninghisdoctorateinpsychologyatClarkUniversity(afacultymadefamousafterSigmundFreud’slandmarkvisit);hethenacquiredhisPh.D.insociologyatColumbiaUniversity.Amanoftirelessenergy,Odumpublishedtwenty-fivebooksandnearlytwohundredarticles,foundingthejournalSocialForcesasaforumfornewapproachestostudiesoftheSouth.Inhissparetime,hewasabreederofcattle.45

HebeganhiscloserelationshipwiththefederalgovernmentwhenPresidentHoovernamedhimtotheResearchCommissiononSocialTrends.Butitwasin1936thatProfessorOdumissuedhismostcomprehensivestudy,SouthernRegionsoftheUnitedStates,atextofmorethansixhundredpagesthatbecametheNewDeal’smajorresourceforregionalplanning.Oneofhisstudents,journalistGeraldW.Johnson,translatedthemassivestudyintoareadableandpopularbook,momentouslytitledTheWastedLand.Anotherstarstudent,ArthurRaper,wrotethedefinitiveworkonsouthernfarmtenancy,andservedasaprincipalresearcherfortheDivisionofFarmPopulationandRuralWelfarewithintheBureauofAgriculturalEconomics.OdumcollaboratedwithRoyStrykeroftheFSA’sphotographicunitinoverseeingathree-yearsociologicalprojectofthirteencountiesinNorthCarolinaandVirginia.46

TherealstrengthofOdum’sworkcamefromtheamountofinformationheamassed.HewasabletoprovethattheSouthhadsurrenderedninety-sevenmillionacrestoerosion(anarealargerthanthetwoCarolinasandGeorgia);ithadsquanderedthechancesofmillionsofpeoplebytoleratingpovertyandilliteracy;andithadignoredhumanpotentialbyrefusingtoprovidetechnologicaltraining,orevenbasicservices,toitspeople.TheoverwhelmingpowerofOdum’sdataundercut(whatOdumhimselfcalled)GonewiththeWindnostalgia—thecollectiveself-imageelitesouthernershadcultivated.Herewasonesouthernerwhowantedtoseesome“sincere,courageoustellingofthetruthabouttheSouth.”Hewas“tiredofthedefensecomplex,”hesaid,andtheunendingridicule,complacency,ignorance,and,aboveall,thepoverty.ThegreatestvirtueofSouthernRegionswasitsquantitative

weightanditsobjectiveoutlook.AsthesouthernhistorianBroadusMitchellinsistedatthesametime,“TheSouthdoesnotneeddefense,butexposition.”47

TheprimarytargetofOdum’sresearchwassectionalism’sdestructivelegacy.MitchellinterpretedOduminsuchawayastosaythattherewasnolongerajustificationforusingYankeeoppressionfortheSouth’srefusaltochange.ToOdum,therewere“manySouths”;whatwasneedednowwasaregionalvision.Asacattlebreeder,hecomparedthesectionaldictateto“culturalinbreeding,”andtothe“stagnation”thatcamefromresistingthe“cross-fertilizationofideas”andbyrefusingtoengagewiththosebeyondone’sstate.WhenhelookedattheTennesseeValleyAuthority,hesawunmistakablythemostsuccessfulofNewDealprojectsinregionalplanning;theTVAhadharnessedthepowerofsevenmonumentaldams,coordinatingamongsevenstatesandemployingnearlytenthousandpeopleinanareathatpreviouslyhadsufferedundertremendouspoverty.OdumsaidhehopedtheTVA“wouldconstitutethe49thState.”Thestraitjacketofstates’rightshadsuffocatedsouthernprogresslongenough.48

OdumwasrightabouttheTVA.Itwasashiningexampleofpositiveplanning.Itsdamsaloneweremarvelsofengineering,elegantandmodernarchitecturalwonders.Intelligentmanagementresultedinsoilconservation;flood,malaria,andpollutioncontrol;reforestation;andimprovedfertilization—allsensibleland-usestrategies.TheTVAledtowell-designedcommunitiesthatsupportedlibrariesandhealthandrecreationfacilities—everythingthatWilsonhadprescribedforthehomesteadvillages.Thereweretrainingcentersinagriculture,marketing,automotiveandelectricalrepair,mechanicalworkandmetalwork;therewereclassesinengineeringandmathematicsatnearbycolleges,plusunprecedentedopportunitiesforadulteducation.Abookmobilecarriedlibrariestoworkersandtheirfamilies.49

Odumknewitwouldbeextremelydifficulttodislodgeculturalprejudices.In1938,hesentquestionnairestodistinguishedacademicsacrossthecountry,askingeachtodefinewhat“poorwhite”meanttohim.Whereandwhendidtheyfirstheartheterm?hewantedtoknow.Weretherestateandregionaldifferencesinhowthetermwasused?Wheredidtheythinkthetermoriginated?Whatwereitsdistinctivefeatures?Whatothertermswereprevalentthatcarriedsimilarmeaning?50

Theresponsesrevealedhowslipperythelabel“poorwhite”couldbe.Whileseveralsociologistssaidoutrightthatthetermwas“fuzzy,”alooseexampleofname-calling,mostofOdum’sknownforty-sixrespondentslistedasmanynegativeattributesassociatedwithpoorwhitesascametomind.Themostpopularadjectivewas“shiftless.”Itwasconnectedtoastringofsynonyms:purposeless,handtomouth,lazy,unambitious,noaccount,nodesiretoimprovethemselves,inertia.Allthesedescriptionsconflatedtheunwillingnesstoworkwithsomeinnatecharacterflaw.51

“Shiftless”wasnotanewword.Chroniclinghissoutherntourinthe1850s,FrederickLawOlmstedhadusedittocategorizeslothfulslaveownersandslavesalike.ItwasafavoritewordamongNewEnglandersindescribingbadfarmers,andwasacommonreproachtowardtavernkeepersandotherimmoralcharacterswhocongregatedindenswithlowlylaborers.ByTheodoreRoosevelt’stimeitwasthewordofchoiceinlegislationthatpunisheddesertinghusbands;“shiftlessness”wasamajorsymptomintheeugenicist’sdiagnosisofthedegenerate.Anditwasofcoursesecondnaturetovagrantsandhoboes.W.J.Cash,inTheMindoftheSouth(1941),portrayedashiftlesspoorwhitesittingunderatree,holdingajugandsurroundedbyhishounds,whilehiswifeandchildrenwereoutworkingthefieldswithakindof“lackadaisicaldigging.”52

Socialproximitytoblackswasthesecondmostpopularexplanationfortheirassociationwithshiftlessness.In1929,withhisappearanceinthemovieHeartsinDixie,theveryvisibleAfricanAmericanactorknownasStepinFetchitbeganafilmcareerinwhichhepopularizedforanentiregenerationthecrudestereotypeoflazinesssuggestedbyhison-screenname.InhisresponsetoOdumonpoorwhites,IradeA.Reid,ablackscholaratAtlantaUniversity,recalledthatwhenhewasgrowingup,“raceetiquette”requiredthatheneveraddressa“poorwhite”withthatname,unlessheexpectedtobecalled“nigger”inreturn.ForReid,“whitetrash,”“poorwhites,”and“niggers”allconveyedthesamesocialstigma.53

ManyofOdum’srespondentsclaimedthatthedesignation“po’whitetrash”derivedfromblackvernacular.AccordingtoaMississippian,whenwhitesoftheupperormiddleclassusedit,theyqualifieditwith“asblackswouldsay.”Odum’srespondentsnotedthatpoorwhiteslivednearpoorblackneighborhoods,anditwasvirtuallyimpossibletodistinguishtheirdwellings.Tosomemiddle-classwhites,theslightelevationinstatusofpoorwhitesoverpoorblackswasbutanemptycourtesy.FromoutsidetheSouth,inCincinnati,onesociologistwroteOdumthatmountainwhiteswerecalled“briarhoppers”andsubjecttodefactosegregationjustasurbanblackswere.(“Briarhoppers”wasavariationontheoldEnglishslurof“bogtrotters,”aimedattheIrish.)54

ToOdum’srespondents,thetwentiethcenturyhadhadlittleeffect.Poorwhiteswerestilladjudgedabreedapart,anill-definedclasshalfwaybetweenwhiteandblack.Undernocircumstancesdidtheyeversocializewith,letalonemarry,respectablewhites.ToanotherofOdum’scorrespondentstheywerelikeamuletoahorseorahoundtoadog;whereasdogswere“respectable,”houndswere“ornery.”Asdyed-in-the-woolracistssaidofallblacks,itwassaidofwhitetrashthat,liketheleopard,hecouldnotchangehisspots.55

HowcouldeducatedAmericanshavedeniedtheeffectofsuchpersistentprejudiceindistortingthesouthernclasssystem?Thereasonisactuallyratherobvious:afearofunleashinggenuineclassupheaval—whicheventheliberalelitewereloathtodo—ledsignificantnumberstoblamethepoorfortheirownfailure.Odumsawdifferently,andwasinstrumentalinreframingthemeaningofruralpoverty.Hearguedthatpoorwhiteshadaculture—whathecalled“folkways.”Hedidnotthinkthattheyhadtoremainhaplesspawns.Nordidtheirupwardpathmeanmerelyimitatingthemiddleclass;theycouldshapeaviableexistencebydrawingontheirownfolkvalues,ratherthanstrivingtobealesserversionofthewhite-collarclass.Thesolutionforpoorfolkrestedongivingthemaccesstoeducation,allowingthemtobecomeself-sufficient.ThisdemandedrestructuringtheSouth’sresourcemanagement.Theregionhadtodevelopamorediverseandtechnologicallyadvancedeconomyandagriculturalsystem,whichinturnwouldrequireamorehighlyskilledpopulationofworkers.Buttransformingeverymanandwomanwouldbealonguphillbattle,ofcourse.OneofOdum’srespondentsputitbluntly:“Nooneknowswhattodowithhim.”Aslongasheappearedstuck,hewouldremainnolessafeatureofthestaticSouththanthegullyandthemule.56

•••

ItwouldtaketheTennesseanJamesAgeetoprobethemeaningof“poorwhite”onatrulymeaningfullevel.Inhispowerfullydrawn,enduringlyevocativeLetUsNowPraiseFamousMen(1941),Ageeattemptedtotossthesourceofthewhitetrashfetishbackontothemiddleclass.Theunusualbookincludedthechastestilllife–stylephotographsofWalkerEvans,andaddressedwhatOdum’sslow-to-changecohortrefusedtodo:interrogatehowaninterpreterimposedhisvaluesonthesubject.Therecouldbenosuchthingasobjectivejournalism.

AgeeopenedthebookbywonderingoutloudhowaHarvard-educated,middle-classmanlikehimselfcouldwriteaboutpoorwhiteswithoutturningthemintoobjectsofpityordisgust.Hedidnotwanttobeameregawker.Howcouldhe“pryintimatelyintothelivesofanundefendedandappallinglydamagedgroupofhumanbeings,anignorantandhelplessruralfamily,forthepurposeofparadingthenakedness,disadvantageandhumiliationoftheselivesbeforeanothergroupofhumanbeings,inthenameofscience,of‘honestjournalism’”?Wasitpossibletoconveythe“cruelradianceofwhatis”?Probablynot.57

SoAgeeexperimentedwithdifferentstrategies,offeringdetaileddescriptionsofmaterialobjects:shoes,overalls,thesparsearrangementoffurnishingsinthecropper’shome.Withameticulousattentiontodetail,hetriedinwordstoimitatethecamera’s“ice-cold”vision.Inanotherofhisdeparturesfromconventionalreporting,

heinterspersedwhatheimaginedweretheunspokenthoughtsofthepoortenantwiththeuncensoredinsultshehadheardfromthelandlord.Insidethemindofthecropper,hevoiceddisbelief:howdidheget“trapped,”howdidhebecome“beyondhelp,beyondhope”?Hegavehissubjectsrealfeelings,descriptivelaments.Thelandlord’scrueltycomesthroughhislaughteroverAgee’senjoymentofthetenants’“homecooking.”Thelandlordcursesapoorcropperasa“dirtyson-of-a-bitch”whohadbraggedthathehadn’tboughthisfamilyabarofsoapinfiveyears.Awomaninoneofthetenantfamilieswas,inthelandlord’swords,the“worstwhore”inthispartofthiscountry—secondonlytohermother.Thewholebunchwere,totheowner,“thelowesttrashyoucanfind.”58

TherewasamethodtoAgee’smadness.Inthisstrangelyintrospective,deeplydisturbingnarrative,theauthortriestoforcereaderstolookbeyondconventionalwaysofseeingthepoor.Insteadofblamingthem,heaskshisaudiencetoacknowledgetheirowncomplicity.Thepoorarenotdullorslow-witted,heinsists;theyhavemerelyinternalizedakindof“anesthesia,”whichnumbsthemagainstthe“shameandinsultofdiscomforts,insecurities,andinferiorities.”Thesouthernmiddleclassdeservesthegreaterportionofshame,andespeciallythosewhoexcusedtheirowncallousindifferencewiththeline,“Theyare‘used’toit.”59

Despiteitssubsequentliterarysuccess,Agee’sunsettlingtextreachedfewreadersin1941.Foritspart,Odum’sworkcameunderattackforspeakingabove(ratherthanto)thepoortenantfarmer.OneofOdum’smostoutspokencriticswastheVanderbiltUniversityEnglishprofessorandpoetDonaldDavidson,whowasalsohostiletotheTVA,whichhesawasevidenceofnorthernmeddling.AsoneofthecontributorstoI’llTakeMyStand,DavidsondefendedtheoldagrarianidealoftheSouth.HedaredtopraisetheKuKluxKlanfordefeatingthe“detestable”northernmissionariesoftheFreedmen’sBureau,andhisonlyregretwasthattheKKKcouldnotpreventtheriseofthe“moresubtleutopians”oftheNewSouth(bywhichhemeantOdumandhisUniversityofNorthCarolinacrowd).Thescholarly“southernregionalists”couldneverunifytheSouth,Davidsondeclared.Odum’s“indices”couldnotbetranslatedintothe“languageofthe‘ignorantman.’”Whatremainedwasanapparentparadox:Wasitonlythesectionaldemagoguewhowouldeverbeabletoco-optthepoorintheSouth?EvenifanAgeeoranOdummomentarilycapturedthe“cruelradianceofwhatis,”wasn’titobviousthatthepoorwhitestheywishedtofreeweren’tlistening?ThatwaswhatDavidsonbelieved.60

SomewherebetweenthewritingstylesofAgeeandOdumwasanewkindofsouthernwriter.JonathanDaniels’sASouthernerDiscoverstheSouth(1938)notonlymadethebestsellerlist,butalsowonoverFranklinandEleanorRoosevelt.HerewasaNorthCarolinajournalistwithaneyeforirony.HeavoidedthedensityofOdum’sencyclopedicstudy,andhesteeredclearofthesleepypastoralismofthesouthern

agrarian.Withnaryahintofdefensiveness,hetraveledthousandsofmilesthroughtheSouthandletthepeoplehemettalkforthemselves.61

DanielsfoundevidencethatdisprovedDavidson’scritiqueofHowardOdumwhenhehappenedonasmall-townlawyerwhoownedandcherishedallofthesociologist’sbooks.HevisitedthefamousProvidenceCanyon,a150-foot-deepGeorgiagully,whichbecameastrangemonumenttosoilerosionandanaturalwonder.HeattackedtheSouth’sprisonmentality,theideathatgenerationaftergenerationofmanuallaborersshouldaccepttheirexploitationasnatural.AtCannonMills,inNorthCarolina,henotedthecyclonefencesthatturnedmillsintovirtualprisons.Acrossthestreetfromonemassivefactorywasaplayground.Theunintendedlessonwasto“teachthechildrenthatpropertyisafraidofthepeople—theirpeople.”62

Heofferedvariedportraitsofpoorwhites,defending“restlessness”andrefusingtocallitshiftlessness.DanielslikedwhathesawinNorris,Tennessee,aplannedtownthatwaspartoftheTVA.Itwasnotthephotoelectriccelllightingandheatingofthebigschoolbuildingthatimpressedhimsomuchasthe“collisionofchildren”insidetheschool—the“hillchildrenofthebig,poorfamilies”alongsidethechildrenofengineers.Herewasaclear-cutexperimentinclassdesegregation.IfonlythiswasAmerica,hethought.63

AsMaJoadfromTheGrapesofWrathhadputit,Danielsrepeatedforhissouthernaudience:thepoorarealwayscoming.HepraisedtheTVAfordiscoveringthatordinarysouthernwhiteswerereceptivetotrainingifgivenafairchance.Some,heacknowledged,were“underfed,”some“feeble-minded,perverted,insane.”Buttheycouldnotrepresentthewholepoorpopulation—orthefuture.Itwasnotonlypellagraorilliteracythatstoodinthewayoftheirrise;therewasalsothefearofthewealthierclassesthatpoorwhites,likeblacks,mightnotbewillingtostayintheirplace.Danielsrefutedthe“slander”thathadbeenperpetuatedbytheeducatedclasses,andhemadesurehisreaderstookheed:“TheSouthernNegroisnotanincurablyignorantape.TheSouthernwhitemassesarenotbiologicallydegenerate.”64

DanielswasunwaveringinhisbeliefthatJeffersoniandemocracyhadlongsincedied,onlytobereplacedbydemagoguesontheorderofHueyLong,who,followingontheheelsofgenerationsofsouthernpatricians,plunderedthepeopleatwill.HetookupOdum’scautionaryadvice,insistingthatallplanningforsouthernrevivalhadtostartatthebottomifitwastoeffectanythingapproachingrealchange.“MaybestilloneRebcanbeattenYankees,”wroteDaniels.But“itisirrelevant.”Rebelpridehadblindedallclasses.“Thetyrantsandtheplutocratsandthepoorallneedteaching.Oneofthemnomorethantheothers.”Odum,Agee,andDanielsallwantedtoseetheSouthrescuedfromitsideologicaltrap.Theywerenotcynical;theywerehopeful.Theyrecognizedthatsimplesolutions—asmatteringofprettifiedhomesteads—were

nocure.Somethinggrander,onthescaleoftheTVA,representedtheonlychancetoshakeuptheexistingconsensusandrearrangeclassstructure.65

Inthe1930s,theforgottenmanandwomanbecameapowerfulsymbolofeconomicstruggleallacrossAmerica.AgoodnumberofvoicespaidspecialattentiontopoorwhiteswhohauntedtheSouth.Theproblemwasnot:“Nooneknowswhattodowithhim.”Itwasthis:“Noonewantstoseehimashereallyis:oneofus,anAmerican.”

M

CHAPTERTEN

TheCultoftheCountryBoy

ElvisPresley,AndyGriffith,andLBJ’sGreatSociety

I’maself-confessedrawcountryboyandguitar-playingfool.—ElvisPresley(1956)

Lyndonwasn’tupperclassatall.Countryboy,grownupinthehills.—VirginiaFosterDurr,Alabamacivilrightsactivist(1991)

ostwillrememberthefamousphotographofElvisPresleystandingalongsidePresidentRichardNixonintheOvalOffice.ButwhyisitforgottenthatPresley

gainedthefriendshipofLyndonBainesJohnson?AtGraceland,Presleyaddedathree-televisionconsoleliketheoneLBJhadintheOvalOffice;“theKing”alsohunginhishomean“AlltheWaywithLBJ”bumperstickerfromthe1964presidentialcampaign,andposedforapublicityphotowiththepresident’sdaughter,LyndaBirdJohnson,whoatthetimewasdatingtheactorGeorgeHamilton.PresleyandJohnsonatfirstseemtobetheoddestofcouples—buttheyhadmoreincommonthantheirseparatecelebrityworldswouldsuggest.Bothbecamenationalfigureswhochallenged—whoseverylivesdisrupted—thehistoricallytoxiccharacterizationofpoorwhites.1

WhenElvisstormedontothenationalscenein1956,heseemedtobedoingeverythinghecouldtoactnonwhite.Heopenlyembracedblackmusicalstyle,blackpompadourhair,andflashyoutfitsthathadbeenassociatedwithblacksaswell.Hisgyrationscausedhiscriticstocomparehiswildlysexualizeddancingtothe“hootchy-kootchy,”orburlesquestriptease,andtherebelliouszootsuitcrowd.HisphenomenalfameandadoringfanshelpedtopropelhimtoTheEdSullivanShow,andfromtheretothesilverscreen.HesoonownedastableofCadillacs.Elvishadachievedwhatnowhitetrashworking-classmalehadeverdreamtpossible:hewasatoncecoolandsexuallytransgressiveanda“countryboy.”Nolongerafreakishruraloutcast,asinthepast,Elviswasa“HillbillyCat,”someonemanyteenageboyswishedtheycouldbe.2

LyndonJohnson’ssuddenelevationtotheofficeofchiefexecutiveonNovember22,1963,cameasagreatshocktothenation.Eerilyreplayingwhathadhappenedacenturyearlier,asecondunelectedJohnsonenteredthepresidencyafterashockingassassination.Butthistime,insteadofthesorrow-laden,war-wearyLincoln,thenationhadlostthevigorous,photogenic,EastCoasteliteJohnF.Kennedy.Inthewakeoftragedy,theseasonedsouthernpoliticianpursuedanaggressivelegislativeagendainfavorofcivilrightsandsocialreform—themostdramaticforaysinceFDR.The“GreatSociety,”ashisvastarrayofprogramsbecameknown,calledfortheeliminationofpolltaxesandvotingdiscrimination,thepromotionofeducationandhealthcarefunding,anddaringnewprogramsinanefforttoeradicatepoverty.YetwhatmadeLBJdifferentfromhisDemocraticpredecessorwasthenecessitythathereinventhimselfbysheddingthepredictabletrappingsofasouthernbackwateridentity—whichhedidwithoutunlearninghisfamousTexandrawl.Theaccidentalpresidenthadtotransformhowhewasperceivedontelevision,howhewasjudgedbyWashingtonreporters,howhewasreceivedasanationalleader.ThoughJohnsonhadaprovenrecordasaNewDealerandmodernprogressive,onthenationalstagehewasstillregardedasaregionalfigure.HerefusedtogoeasyonwhiteruleintheSouth.Inhis1965inauguraladdress,hemadeprogressivechangeamatterofnationalsurvival.Hewantedtousehispowerstoworktowardbroadsocialequality.3

Inmanyways,Johnson’sinsistenceonchangeechoedwhatthesociologistHowardOdumhadprescribedinearlierdecades:southernershadtofreethemselvesfromtheirmisplacednostalgiafortheOldConfederacy.Hewasn’tafraidofmodernity.“IdonotbelievethattheGreatSocietyistheordered,changeless,andsterilebattalionofants,”Johnsonputitbluntlyuponinaugurationin1965.Mindlessconformity,whetherSovietorsoutherninstyle,wasstiflingandrepressive.4

HisheroeshadnotbeenAndrewJohnsonorJamesK.Vardaman;FranklinRooseveltwasthepoliticianhemostadmired.DuringtheDepression,Johnsonwasastrongproponentofruralelectrification,andheranthejobscorpsprogram,theNationalYouthAdministration,inTexas.Hehadnopatienceforcountry-bumpkinanticseither.LBJlovedmoderntechnology,campaignedacrossTexasbypropplanebeforeWorldWarII,andwasthefirsttouseahelicopterinhisSenatecampaignof1948.Thatyear,winninginacloserace,hepresentedhimselfasaworldlypolitician,jettisoningthefolksystyleofhisopponent,whomaJohnsonaidedescribedas“oldhat,oldways,oldeverything.”AsmajorityleaderoftheSenate,andduringhisvicepresidencyaschairmanoftheNationalAeronauticsandSpaceCouncil,itwasLyndonJohnsonwhofirstpromoted“steppingintothespacerace”andmakingitanationalprioritytoputamanonthemoon.5

Therewerenoredsuspendersinthissouthernboy’scloset,noblusteringrace-baitingtomarkhiscareer.Thepublichadnodifficultyunderstandingthehighmoral

toneofLBJ’spresidentialoratory.HedespisedthefalserhetoricofthoseDixiecratswhofeignedclasssolidaritywithpoorwhites—rhetoricthattypicallyinvolvedangryappealstowhitesupremacy.Aspresident,whenheadvocatedcivilrights,LyndonJohnsonspokethelanguageofbrotherlyloveandinclusiveness.Inspiteofallthis,theoldcountry-boyimagestillhauntedhim.6

•••

Presumablybycoincidence,asPresidentJohnsonstoodtallundertheglareofthenationalspotlight,TVnetworkexecutivesdiscoveredthehicksitcom.Threeofthemostpopularshowsinthe1960swereTheAndyGriffithShow;GomerPyle,U.S.M.C.;andTheBeverlyHillbillies.Allrevivedthehomespun,albeitunassimilable,traitsofgoodold“Sug,”theruralpolofthe1840s.LyndonJohnsonfondlyrememberedRooseveltas“adaddytome,”andastownsheriff,AndyGriffithservedasthepaternalcaretakerofMayberry,NorthCarolina.TheAndyGriffithShowhadthefeelofthethirties,notthesixties;itwasanostalgicrewriteoftheGreatDepression,featuringatownofmisfits.Speakingabouthisrole,Griffithinsistedthathewasnotplayinga“yokel”;thecreatoroftheshowdescribedthesheriffasaclevermanwitha“wrysenseofhumor”ontheorderofthelateWillRogers,thegood-naturedOklahomahumoristandfilmhero.AsforMayberry,mostproblemsweresolvedaroundAndy’skitchentable—reminiscentofhowAmericanshuddledaroundtheradiolisteningtoFDR’sfiresidechats.OutsiderswerewelcomeinAndy’sworld,wherethevirtuesofsmall-towndemocracyshone.7

Thoughtheactorstoppedshortofsayingit,SheriffAndywasindeedsurroundedbyyokels,becausetelevisiontradedontheworststereotypes.Mayberry’spopulationincludedthegulliblegasstationattendantGomerPyle(beforehegothisownshow)andhiscousinGoober,andErnestT.Bass,ascreechingmountaineerwhowentonwildrampages.AsawriterforTimenotedofJimNabors’sGomer,thenaïveenlistee“spoutshomiliesoutofalopsidedmouthandlopesarounduncertainlylikeaplowboysteppingthroughafieldofcowdung.”Heisa“walkingdisaster,”whoinhissubsequentspin-offshowsingle-handedlyfoulsupthebureaucracyoftheentireMarineCorps.8

WiththeClampettsofBeverlyHills,asthecomedianBobHopejoked,AmericanshadtheirembodimentofTV“wasteland”—awastelandwithanouthouse.Episodeafterepisode,Grannyandherkinwerestymiedbythescienceofthedoorbellandtheunbearablecomplexityofkitchenappliances,givingviewersthesaddestsortofreminderofthecultureshockexperiencedbyrealsharecroppersinFSAresettlementcommunities.BuddyEbsen’sprime-timehillbilliesappearedonthecoveroftheSaturdayEveningPost,sketchedascharactersinGrantWood’siconicpaintingof

1930,AmericanGothic.Thiswasyetanotherunsubtleallusiontothelong-heldbeliefthatwhitetrashwereanevolutionarythrowback.9

TheBeverlyHillbilliesrecastasGrantWood’sfamous1930painting,AmericanGothic.SaturdayEveningPost,February2,1963

TheBeverlyHillbillieshaditsdefenders.Tothecreatoroftheshow,“ourhillbillies”werecleanandwholesome,andthenetworkwasactuallydoingaserviceinupliftingtheimageofruralAmericans.“Thewordhillbilly,”heinsisted,“willultimatelyhaveanewmeaningintheUnitedStatesasaresultofourshow.”Hisoptimismprovedtobemisplaced.10

JedClampettwasnoDavyCrockett,eventhoughBuddyEbsenhadinfactplayedthegruffsidekicktoFessParker’scoon-cappedCrockettinthefiftiesDisneysaga.ThedifferencesbetweenJedandDavywerestark.Hollywoodhillbilliescouldonlybecrudeobjectsofaudiencelaughter—mockery,notadmiration.TheyconjurednoneofthefrontierfantasyoftheruggedindividualistCrockett(orFessParker’sTVDanielBoone).Nothingcouldredeemthem.TheClampettsdrovea1920s-eraFordjalopy,andGrannysatonboardinarockingchair—acampversionofJohnFord’sdesperateJoadfamily.11

FessParker’sbuckskinchampionwasajauntycountryboy,agenialGaryCooper–stylesuburbandad.AllviewersunderstoodthatParker’sCrockettrepresentedthebestqualitiesimaginedofearlyAmerica.The1955DavyCrockettcrazecausedadoringfanstomobtheactorinawaythatmomentarilyputhiminaleaguewithElvis;coonskincapsflewoffstoreshelvesasDisneyStudiosstagedapublicitytour.Parker,atoweringTexan,evenmadeastoponCapitolHill.Inaphotographdistributedoverthewireservices,then-senatorLyndonJohnsonandSpeakeroftheHouseSamRayburnstruckupaposewith“Davy”andhisrifle,Ol’Betsy.12

Theirsignaturelaughtrackaside,sixtiescomedieswerenotpurelyescapistfare.TheytappedintoalargeranxietyamidthemassmigrationofpoorwhiteswhoheadednorthandcreatedhillbillyghettosincitiessuchasBaltimore,St.Louis,Detroit,Chicago,andCincinnati—whichonlyfueledexistingprejudiceagainst“briarhoppers”(recallingthenomenclatureofanOdumrespondent).WritingaboutpoorwhitesinChicagoin1968,thesyndicatedcolumnistPaulHarveydrewapracticalconnectionforhisreaders:“Supposeareal-lifelikenessofTV’sBeverlyHillbilliesshouldmovetothebigcitywithoutthosemillionsofdollarsinthebank.”13

ThetrioofsitcomstappedintosuspicionsthatmodernAmericahadfailedtocreateagenuinemeltingpot;theculturaldistancebetweenruralandurbanlife,betweenrichandpoor,wasimmense.DonKnotts’sslapstickcharacterBarneyFife,SheriffAndy’sbumblingcousin,didn’tbelonginthebigcityanymorethanthecorncrackerofDavyCrockett’sAlmanackof1837didinthe1830s.Despitehisdrillsergeant’sunrelentingbadgering,Gomer,thehaplessprivate,failedtoconformtomilitaryculture;hewasn’tfitfortheMarines,letaloneforwhite-collarcorporateAmerica.AndtheClampettsmayhaveboughtamansionintheheartofHollywood,buttheyhadnotmovedevenonerungonthesocialladder.Theydidn’teventrytobehavelikemiddle-classAmericans.

HalHumphreyoftheLosAngelesTimesobservedin1963thatthejoyofwatchingTheBeverlyHillbillieswaslinkedtothefactthat“mostAmericansareextremelyclass-conscious.”Nomatterwhattheplotline,everyepisodepittedthemercenarybankerMilburnDrysdale,his“social-climbingwife,”and“boob”ofason(ayoungmanofquestionablevirility)againstthelow-downClampetts.InHumphrey’sopinion,the“JoeDoakses,”oraverageviewers,gottoseeabunchof“raggedhillpeople,”whowere“obviously...inferior,”outsmartingequallyundeserving“bigshots.”Theirswas,inshort,acontestbetween“snobs”and“slobs.”Asfarasthecriticwasconcerned,theshow’screatorhadcomeupwithaformulathatcamouflagedclassconflictwithlaughs.Finally,hejoked,theclass-bashingTVseries“cashesinonGrouchoMarx’stheoryofclassstruggle—orwasthatKarlMarx?”14

•••

Inthefaceofsocialupheaval,assomanyoldboundariesandprejudicesshifted,Americansgenerallydeniedwhattheyremained:highlyclassconscious.Theinterconnectedcivilrightsmovementandculturewarsofthefiftiesandsixtiesweremarkedbysocialstratification.AsownershipofahomeinthesuburbscametorepresenttheAmericandream,themostcontroversialhousingoptionwas,significantly,thetrailerpark.Segregation,then,wasmorethansimplyaracialissue.Zoninglawsmadeitinevitablethathousingwouldadheretoaclass-delineatedgeography.Theworkingclasshaditsbowlingalleysanddiners,and“whitetrash”itstrailerparkslums,bothofwhichcontrastedsharplywiththebackyardbarbecuesofall-whiteneighborhoodsinfavoredsuburbs,zonedforthemiddleclass.WeforgetthatPresidentJohnson’sGreatSocietyprogramstargetedbothurbanghettosandimpoverishedwhiteareasofAppalachia.Vietnamhasbeenreferredtoastheliving-roomwar,yetontheirblack-and-whitetelevisionsetsin1957,Americanshadalreadywatchedaracialandclasswar,asangrypoorwhitesscreamedcursesatwell-manneredblackstudentsastheytriedtoenterLittleRock’sCentralHighSchool.

ItisforreasonssuchasthesethatthepoorcountryboyElvissymbolizedalotofthingsforthegenerationthatcameofageinthefifties.WhilewhiteningAfricanAmericanmusicandchallengingconservativesexualmores,heretainedasocialidentitythatwasclosetothestorylineofTheBeverlyHillbillies.Herewasasonofawhitesharecropper,suddenlycatapultedtoaplaceofwealthandfame;hepurchasedGraceland,amansionoutsideofMemphis,wherehelivedwithhisparents.ForhisbelovedmotherheboughtapinkCadillac,andtomakethehousetrulyahomeshecouldappreciate,hebuiltherachickencoopinthebackyard.15

AsElvisbecamethe“countrysquire”ofGraceland,middle-classAmericansfoundthemselvespromotingthemeritsofsuburbiamoregenerally.VicePresidentRichardNixon,forone,sawtheexpandinghousingmarketasapowerfultoolinwagingColdWardiplomacy.In1959,theworld’stwosuperpowersagreedtoaculturalexchange:theSovietspreparedanexhibitonSputnikandspaceexploration,whichwasputondisplayinNewYorkCity;foritspart,theUnitedStateschoseanearthboundemblemofitsnationalpride,atypicalranch-stylehome,whichwassetupinSokolnikiParkfortheedificationofRussiancrowds.16

SpeakingattheopeningceremonyinMoscow,Nixontookstockofthethirty-onemillionAmericanfamiliesthatownedhomes,theforty-fourmillioncitizenswhodrovefifty-sixmillioncars,andthefiftymillionwhowatchedtheirowntelevisionsets.Atthisopportunisticmoment,thevicepresidentdidhisbesttowearmultiplehats,soundingontheonehandlikeaMadisonAvenueadman,andontheotherasaprophetofthenewmiddleclass.Eitherway,heexplicitlydeniedbeingrepresentativeofashallowmaterialism.TherealwonderofAmerica’sachievement,heprofessed,

wasthatthe“world’slargestcapitalistcountry”had“comeclosesttotheidealofprosperityforallinaclasslesssociety.”Thesewordsstrikeattheheartofthematter.ForNixon,theUnitedStateswasmorethanalandofplenty.Democraticinitscollectivesoul,ithadnearlyachievedakindofutopia.Forthefirsttimeinhistory,capitalismwasnottheengineofgreed,aimedatmonopolizingwealthandresources;freeenterpriseinthe1950swasamagicelixirthatwassucceedinginerasingclasslines,especiallythroughhomeownership,orsohewanteditunderstood.17

TheNixonssoldthemselvesastheperfectsuburbanfamily.NotlongbeforehisMoscowtrip,thevicepresidentandhisfamilytookatriptoDisneyland,whichmadethefrontpages.Duringthe1960campaign,whenNixoncontestedJohnF.Kennedyforthepresidency,itwasPatNixonwhopraisedherhusband(andincludedherself)asthepersonificationoftheAmericandream.Inanticipationofherhusband’snomination,shetoldreportersthattheirsuccessembodiedthepromiseofthepostwargeneration,“wherepeopleofhumblecircumstancescangouptheladderthroughsheerhardworkandobtainwhattheyworkfor.”IfshehappenedtobecomeFirstLady,shesaid,shewouldbethefirst“workinggirl”evertoinhabittheWhiteHouse.RepublicanmarketersusedPataggressively,producingtonsofcampaignmaterialsthatincludedbadges,flags,brochures,combs,jewelry,andavarietyofbuttons,allofwhichboostedPatastheidealsuburbanhomemaker.Partyorganizersstormedthebarricadesofsuburbanshoppingcenterswith“Patmobiles”and“PatParades.”UnlikeastunningyoungJacquelineBouvierKennedydeckedoutin“Frenchcouture,”PatNixonpickedherclothingoffthestoreracksandchosethoseitemsshecouldeasilypack.18

TheNixonshailedfromWhittier,insouthernCalifornia,anareaoftheSunbeltthatunderwentdramaticchangesfrom1946to1970.AsmillionsofAmericansboughtnewhomes,suburbanenclavesaroseintheorbitofmetropolitanLosAngeles,Phoenix,Houston,Miami,andelsewhere.Oneofthebest-publicizedhousingdevelopmentsoftheeragrewinLevittownontheoutskirtsofNewYorkCity.TheLevittsthoughtbig,puttingup17,400housesandattracting82,000residentstotheirLongIslanddevelopment.ThissweepingsuccessledthemtoconstructtwomassivesubdivisionsinBucksCounty,Pennsylvania,andWillingboro,NewJersey.Asskilledpromoters,theLevittsdidmorethansimplybuildhomes.Liketheirearliestprogenitor,RichardHakluytofoldElizabethanEngland,theywereplantingself-sustainingcoloniesinthehinterland.TheLevittsimaginedsuburbsasmiddle-classconsumeroutposts,gearedforleisureactivities:baseballfields,bicyclepathways,andswimmingpoolscomplementedcommerciallyzonedareasforshoppingcenters.19

ThekeytotheLevitts’systemwasnotjustcheaperhousing,buthomogeneouspopulations—intheirphrasing,“stabilized”neighborhoods.Theymeantracialandclasshomogeneity,whichledthemtoendorse“restrictivecovenants”prohibiting

ownersfromsellingtheirhomestoblackfamilies.TheLevittsknewtheSouth,becausetheirfirstlarge-scaleprojectwasanall-whitefacilityforwartimeworkersinNorfolk,Virginia.Byplantingsuburbsinquasi-ruralareas,theLevittsrecognizedthatthevalueoflandwasnotdeterminedbyindustryorcommerce.Asisolatedoutposts,landvaluesweretiedtotheclassstatusoftheoccupants.Buyingahomehererequiredthemalebreadwinnertohaveasteadyincome—amarkofthenewfiftiesmiddleclass.20

Levittownwasdubbeda“gardencommunity.”Butthenewstyleoftracthomesuneasilyoccupiedthisrusticspace.Duringthefifties,thepastoralimageofsuburbswasappliedtoallkindsofbedroomcommunities.Popularmagazinesfeaturedwivestendingtheirgardens,husbandsgrillingattheirbarbecues.ThiswasafancifulrecastingoftheJeffersonianideal:suburbaniteswerethenew,letussay,“backyardyeomanry.”ToaddtotheJeffersoniancallforexurbanprocreativestrength,thenewsuburbsacquiredunsubtlenicknameslike“FertileAcres,”owingtothehighbirthratesinyoungfamilies.Yetmanycriticssawuniformhomesandneatlawnsashollowsymbols—afarcryfromgenuinedemocraticvirtues.21

Insteadofeliminatingclassdistinctions,suburbswereturnedintoclass-consciousfortresses.Zoningordinancessetlotsizesandrestrictedtheconstructionofapartmentbuildings,emphasizingsingle-dwellinghomestokeepoutundesirablelower-classfamilies.InMahwah,NewJersey,forexample,thelocalgovernmentattractedaFordplanttothetown,andthenpassedanordinancethatrequiredone-acrelotscontaininghomesinthe$20,000pricerange,ostensiblymeaningthatlow-paidworkersintheplantwouldhavetoliveelsewhere.InNewYork’sWestchesterCounty,theboardofeducationagreedtobuildadeluxeschoolinawealthyneighborhood,whiledoingnothingforschoolsindepressed-incomeareaswherelower-classItalianandblackfamilieslived.InLosAngeles,suburbswereappraisedbytheFederalHousingAuthorityalongclasslines:highmarksweregiventoplaceswheregardeningwasapopularhobby,andlowmarkstoplaceswherepoorwhitesraisedfoodintheirbackyards.Elvis’smother’schickencoopwouldhavebeenfrownedupon.22

Inthisandotherways,thefederalgovernmentunderwrotethegrowthofthenewsuburbanfrontier.Taxlawsgavehomeownerswhotookoutmortgagesanattractivededuction.Governmentmadeitprofitableforbankstograntmortgagestoupstandingveteransandtomenwithsteadyjobs.TheServicemen’sReadjustmentActof1944,betterknownastheGIBill,createdtheVeteransAdministration,whichoversawtheex-soldiers’mortgageprogram.Together,theFHAandtheVAworkedtoprovidegenerousterms:UncleSaminsuredasmuchas90percentofthetypicalveteran’smortgage,therebyencouraginglenderstoprovidelowinterestratesandlowmonthlypayments.Alongthesesamelines,whenpotentialbuyersqueuedupforLevittownhomes,thebuilderinitiallyprivilegedveterans.Withsuchperks,itbecamecheaper

for“desirable”whitementobuyahomethantorentanapartment.Andratherthanliftupeveryone,thesystemtendedtofavorthosewhowerealreadymiddleclass,orthoseworking-classfamilieswithsteadyincomes.23

Suburbansubdivisionsencouragedbuyerstolivewiththeir“ownkind,”constantlysortingpeoplebyreligion,ethnicity,race,andclass.TheesteemedarchitecturalcriticLewisMumforddescribedLevittownasa“one-classcommunity.”In1959,thebestsellingauthorandjournalistVancePackardsummedupthesuburbanfiltrationprocessas“birds-of-a-featherflocking.”Aswehavesooftenseen,theimportanceofanimalstock,andof“breed”generally,remainedonthetipoftheAmericantonguewhenidiomaticdistinctionsofclassidentitywerebeingmade.24

In1951,theLevittsopenedtheirseconddevelopment,inBucksCounty,Pennsylvania,afterU.S.SteeldecidedtobuilditsFairlessWorksinthearea.Itattractedsteelworkers,aswellasacommunityofconstructionworkerswhoestablishedatrailercamp.Althoughlittleactuallyseparatedthetwoworking-classcommunities—thefamilieswerestableandhadaboutthesamenumberofchildren—theLevittownersfeltthattheircommunitywasa“symbolofmiddle-classattainment,”whilethecamp’sresidentswerelabeled“trailertrash.”Toexpelthetrailerfamilies,localofficialsquicklypassedordinances.Offendedlocalresidentsdismissedthetrailerfamiliesas“transients,”sayingthattheyshouldbe“gottenridofassoonaspossible.”Oneoftheargumentsmarshaledagainstthetrailerenclavewillsoundfamiliar:thepreservationofpropertyvalues.Theconstructionworkersweredeemedtrashnotbecauseoftheirclassbackgroundperse,butbecausetheylivedintrailers.Itwastheirhomesonwheelsthatcarriedthestigma.25

•••

Thetraileroccupiesanimportant,ifuncertain,placeintheAmericanculturalimagination.Representingontheonehandasymbolofuntetheredfreedom,themobilehomesimultaneouslyacquireditsreputationasa“tincan,”asmall,cheap,confinedwayoflife.Whenyouliveinatrailer,youareliterallyrootless,andprivacydisappears.Neighborsseeandhear.Attheirworst,suchplaceshavebeenassociatedwithliberty’sdarkside:deviant,dystopianwastelandssetonthefringeofthemetropolis.

Trailershadbeencontroversialsincethe1930s.Asidefromthesleekstreamlinedcapsulesthattraversetheopenroad,thesericketyboxestendtobeviewedaseyesores.Almostassoonastheywereturnedintopermanenthousing,manywereassociatedwithslumsbuiltontowndumps.Asanobject,thetrailerissomethingmodernandantimodern,chicandgauche,liberatingandsuffocating.UnlikethedullbutsafemiddleAmericansuburb,trailerparkscontainfolkswhoappearontheway

out,notup:retiredpersons,migrantworkers,andthetroubledpoor.Thisremainstruetoday.

PriortoWorldWarII,thefirstgenerationoftrailerswerejerry-riggedcontraptionsbuiltinbackyards,expresslyusedonhuntingandfishingtrips.Whentheyhittheroadinthethirties,rightwhenOkiestooktotheirjalopiesalongRoute66,onejournalistcalledthem“monstrosities,”shantiesonwheels.Warchangedthat.Facedwithaseverehousingshortage,thefederalgovernmentpurchasedtrailersforsoldiers,sailors,anddefenseworkers.Asmanyasthirty-fivethousandtrailersweredrummedintoservice,andbecausemilitaryanddefenseinstallationswereeverywhere,trailertownssuddenlypoppedupinunexpectedplacesfromMainetoMichigantoTexas.InplaceslikeHartford,Connecticut,defenseworkerslivingin“trailervillages”wereeasilycomparedtocolonistsandgypsies.26

ThemostremarkableaccountoftrailercampsformedindefensecenterscamefromthetalentedreporterAgnesMeyeroftheWashingtonPost.Herdispatchesasa“warcorrespondentonthehomefront,”asshecalledherself,werecompiledandpublishedasabooktitledJourneyThroughChaos.Well-bredAmericanwomenwerenotsupposedtosee“chaos”upclose.Indeed,thoughherfamilyconsideredhighereducationinappropriateforayoungfemale,MeyergraduatedfromBarnardCollege,studiedattheSorbonne,publishedascholarlyworkonChinesepainting,andbecamethefirstwomanhiredbytheNewYorkSun.Momentously,shewentontomarryamultimillionairewhodecidedtopurchasetheflounderingWashingtonPost.Theirdaughter,KatharineMeyerGraham,grewuptobethemostinfluentialeditorofthefamily’spaper.27

In1943,AgnesMeyerwasonafact-findingexpeditionwhenshetraveledtotwenty-sevenwarcenters.FromBuffalotoDetroit,andallthewayouttoPugetSound,Washington,southtoCalifornia,andbackeastbywayofTexas,Louisiana,Mississippi,andFlorida,shedescribedthepeopleshesawwithunsparingdetail.Hermostdisturbingencountersoccurred,notsurprisingly,intheDeepSouth.Sheshonealightontherowsoftents,trailers,andrun-downshacksinPascagoula,Mississippi,andMobile,Alabama.Shebemoanedthe“neglectedruralareas,”andcalledthewhitetrashwhomigratedfromtherepitiful,ragged,illiterate,andundernourished.Theyhadrefusedtomoveintorespectablehousingprojectsoutoffearofthelaw—butmostly,Meyerbelieved,becausetheyfearedthe“restraintofbeingmembersofadecentcommunity.”Overwhelmedbytheconditionoftheirlives,bytheirphysicalandmentalhealthandlackofprospects,sheaskedincredulously,“IsthisAmerica?”28

ItwastheshipyardsthatbroughtworkerstoPascagoula.NearlyfivethousandnewworkersandtheirfamiliescrowdedthesmalltownontheGulfofMexico,quicklyunleashingapanicamonglocalresidents.Manyoftheworkerswerebackwoodspeople,andtheirtrailerswerequiteunsanitary.Meyermetafifty-one-year-oldman

wholookedeighty—aclearthrowbacktothe1840s,whenclay-eaterswereidentifiedinthesameway:oldbeforetheirtime.Townspeopledenouncedthemas“vermin.”Themanageroftheshipyardstoldthewearyfemalereporterthatunlessthesepeoplewereliftedup,“theywillpulltherestoftheNationdown.”OntoMobile,whereshelearnedthattheillegitimacyratewashighandgettinghigher,andthatablack-markettradeinbabiesexisted.BythetimeshereachedFlorida,shefoundthepoorwhitestobehandsomeonapproach,butstrange-lookingassoonastheysmiledandexposedsetsofdecayingteeth.Still,theywerelessrepulsivetoherthan“thesubnormalswampandmountainfolk”shehadalreadyencounteredinMississippiandAlabama.29

Itwasthesouthernwarcampsthatsetthetone,butafterthewar“trailertrash”becameagenericterm,nolongerregionallyspecific.TheyappearedontheoutskirtsofPittsburghandFlint,Michigan,aswellasinNorthCarolinaandpartsoftheupperSouth.Infar-offArizona,trailertrashdoubledas“squatters,”photographedinweedyareasandwithouthousesintheirfrontyards.Tobedisplacedandpoorwastobewhitetrash.30

TrailertrashassquattersinArizona(1950).Photographofmobilehomesdescribedas“squatters,”inWinkelman,Arizona(1950),#02-4537,PhotographCollectionoftheHistoryandArchivesDivisionoftheArizonaStateLibrary,ArchivesandPublicRecords,

Phoenix,Arizona

Respondingtobadpublicity,trailermanufacturerslaunchedacampaigntodramaticallychangetheirimage.By1947,theywerecallingtheirproducta“trailercoach,”emphasizingmoreattractive,moreconvenientinteriors,soasto“woothefemininetrade.”Thedeterminedtrailermanufacturers’associationpressedforimprovedtrailer“parks”—animagethatconjuredwell-manicured,family-friendlygardensitesandwasmeanttocastoffthetemporary-sounding,refugee-bearingtrailer“camps”ofWorldWarII.Insum,tomakethemobilehomemoreacceptable,manufacturershadtodomesticateit.Thesesharp,sociallyattunedpromotersworkedhardtoreinventthetrailerasaminiaturesuburban“bungalow-on-wheels.”Theydideverythingtheycouldtoremove“trailertrash”fromtheAmericanvocabulary.31

Itproveddifficultforthetrailertocompetewiththetracthouse.Potentialbuyerswereplacedataneconomicdisadvantage.TheFHAdidnotgetaroundtoinsuringmortgagesformobilehomesuntil1971,sountilthen,eventhoughtrailerswerecheaper,ownersfacedotherhiddencostsandpenalties.Trailerparkswereexiledtotheleastdesirablelots,asorrydistancefromthenicer,better-protectedresidentialareas.Manyparkmanagersforbadechildrenandpets,thetwomostobviousattractionsforyoungcoupleslivinginsuburbia.Moreparksemergedwithsmallerlots,tinylawns—ornolawnsatall.Inmanycitiesandcounties,evenretireesfoundtheirwelcomewornout,resentedbecausetheylivedontightbudgets,contributedtoolittletocommercialgrowth,andfailedtopaypropertytaxes.32

Hollywoodcapturedtheuneasyfitbetweensuburbanidealsandlifeontheroadinafarcicalfilmof1954,TheLong,LongTrailer,whichstarredLucilleBallandDesiArnaz.Thecouplesufferedmishapaftermishapastheyprovedthatmobilehomesunderminedprivacyingeneral,andsexlifeinparticular—nottomentionprovidinginadequatespaceforthehusband’streasuredgolfclubs.Thescenethatmakesthemobilehomeproblemmostdisconcertingoccurswhentheten-foot-widetrailerflattensarelative’srosebushes,ruinsheryard,andupendswhatbeganasalovelyhomeinaquaintneighborhood.Trailerswereshowntobehazardsandnuisances—outofplaceinthesuburbandreamlandscape.33

Astrailerlivingbecameincreasinglypopular,oppositiongrewapace.Inthelatefifties,moremobilehomeswerebuiltthanprefabricatedhomes,yetmunicipalitiescontinuedtolookdownonthem.In1962,inanimportantNewJerseycourtcase,themajorityruledthataruraltownshipcouldprohibittrailerparkswithinitslimits.Still,thejudgewhowrotethedissentexposedthedangerousimplicationsofthisdecision:“Trailerdwellers”hadbecomeaclassofpeople,heexplained,throughwhichdiscriminationwastoleratedunderthevaguelanguageofprotectingthe“generalwelfare.”Foratleastthisonejurist,inheritedsocialbiaseshadreducedtheownersofmobilehomesto“footloose,nomadicpeople,”agroupof“migratorypaupers.”34

Retailersandrealestateagentsonceagainsoughttochangepublicperceptions.Sincetheycouldnoteffectivelyregulatethequalityofmobilehomeparksingeneral,theydecidedtoaddanupscaleversion,andturnedtoadvertisingmoreexclusivemobilehomecommunities.Toseparatethedumpyanddirtytrailerslumsfromfive-stardwellings,theyrebrandedtheupscalesitesas“resorts.”“Trailerpark”becameadirtyword.ExchanginghiscoonskincapforaRealtor’sjacket,theactorFessParkerbecameaninvestorinandleadingpromoterofhigh-endtrailerplaygrounds.“Carefreeliving,”Parkerboasted,coininganewmottoforanewclass.InthehandsofSunbeltspeculatorsworkinghardtoattractalucrativeclientele,trailerlifewasmeanttoinvitecomparisonstoluxuryhotels.FessParker’sresortinSantaBarbaraofferedoceanviews,agolfcourse,andastockmarkettickertape.35

DavyCrockett’scallofthewilddidnotcompletelydisappeareither.Trailerlifeupdatedtheonce-catchycryoftheopenroadbydeclaringfreedomfromthethirty-yearmortgage.In1957,drawingonaplayboymotif,awriterforTrailerTopicsmagazinepromisedawell-earnedrespitefromthe“well-harnessedSuburbanlife.”(Thestorywasaccompanyingbyaphotographofasexyblondesittingcoquettishlyonatrailercouch.)Othermobilehomedealerspromisedresidentsfreedomfromthesuburbanrutandthetediousroutineofplaying“nursemaidtolawns,patios,andplumbing.”36

InRichardNixon’sbirthplaceofYorbaLinda,California,whatwascalled“primordialNixoncountry,”aremarkabletrailercommunitywentup.(NixoncountrymeantRepublican,conservative,anddeeplyclassconscious.)LakeParkoffereda“countryclub”styleofliving,repletewithman-madelake,swimmingpool,landscapedgreenery,andgentlywindingstreets;toaNewYorkTimesreporter,itwas“suburbiainminiature.”Thedevelopers,twomenfromLosAngeles,spentthreeyearstryingtofindacityhallinOrangeCountythatwouldallowthemtobuild,andwererepeatedlyturneddown.InordertoconvinceYorbaLindaofficialsthatitwasnottheirintenttoimpingeupontheclassconsciousnessofexistingresidents,theyrecasttheprospectivecommunityasa“privateclub,”highlightingthebeautifulenvironmentandensuringthatresidentswouldpayaddedexpensestomaintaintheirlots.Whenthatwasnotenough,thedevelopersaddedonefinaltouch:afive-foot-highwallaroundtheentirecomplex.Asonecityadministratorobserved,“Wedon’tevenknowthey’rethere.”Anotherlocalresident,withoutanyapparentshame,admitted,“Wecallthem‘thepeopleinsidethewall,’andwe’re‘thepeopleoutsidethewall.’”Wasthereanybettersymbolofanundisguisedbeliefinclassstratificationthantheconstructionofawall?37

ButtheYorbaLindatrailercommunityhardlyfitthetypicalprofile.Furtherdownthescale,ofcourse,werethemanylow-downtrailerparksthatdottedthemapofAmerica.By1968,only13percentofmobilehomeownersheldwhite-collarjobs,and

asizablepercentageofthosewholivedinthepoorertrailerparkscamefromrural,mainlysouthernareas.Familiesthatcouldnotaffordtobuyanewtrailerwerebuyingorrentingdepreciated—thatis,secondhand,possiblythirdhand––trailers.Anewusedmarketemerged,fuelingwhattwosociologistscalled“HillbillyHavens”thatcroppedupontheperipheryofcitiesintheSunbelt,theMidwest,andelsewhere.Scatteredalonghighways,oftenneartherailroadtracks,run-downtrailerparkswerebarelydistinguishablefromjunkyards.TrailertrashhadbecomeAmerica’suntouchables.38

Tomakemattersworse,poorandworking-classtrailercommunitieswerebelievedtobedensofiniquity.ThechargeactuallywentbacktotheWorldWarII“defensecenters,”towhichprostitutesmigrated,inascatteringofwhorehousesonwheels.Bythefifties,pulpfiction,withsuchtitlesasTrailerTrampandTheTrailerParkGirls,toldstoriesofcasualsexualencountersandvoyeurism.Intheparlanceoftheday,thefemaletrailertramp“movedfromtowntotown—frommantoman.”AlongsidesuchtaleswasCrackerGirl(1953),soft-pornpulpthattitillatedreadersandcapitalizedonthethrillofcrossingthetracksandgettingsexonthelowdown.Trampsandtrailernomadism,likedrugsandgambling,identifiedsocialdisorderontheedgeoftown.39

Thepoordominatedthemobilehomepicture.In1969,thethirteenAppalachianstateswereonthereceivingendof40percentofmobilehomeshipments,and,notsurprisingly,thecheapestmodels(under$5,000)headedforthehills.In1971,NewYorkCityapproveditsfirsttrailerpark,afterMayorJohnLindsayfoundsupportforapolicyofhousingthehomelessintrailers.ThesewerenotBowerybums,butpeoplewhowerebeinguprootedasaresultofurbanrenewal—yetsomehowthesolutionwastostowthemawayinamostnonurbansortofaccommodation.FromAppalachiatotheBigApple,then,thosewithouteconomicsecurityandwiththeleastpoliticalcloutwereseenasthemostlikelycandidatesforthetrailerpark.40

Cheapland,aplotofconcreteandmud,andajunkyardtrailer—theupdatedsquatter’shovel—becamethemeasureofwhitetrashidentity.Bythe1960s,classwasdeeplyimprintedontomostresidentiallandscapesthroughzoning,housing,andschoolfunding.Asruralsouthernersrelocatedtometropolitanareasinsearchofwork,anewkindofclasstribalismemerged.Poorwhitesfoughtforashrinkingterritory,andclassconflictwasplayedoutinresidentialspaces.WhichbringsustoHazelBryanandthecrystalizationofthemodernmediacircus.41

•••

Nineteenfifty-sevenwasacrucialyearofsocialexperimentandconsciousness-raising.LittleRock,Arkansas,grabbednationalandinternationalattentionwhenGovernorOrvalFaubusthwartedtheracialdesegregationofCentralHighSchool.On

September4,fifteen-year-oldElizabethEckfordattemptedtoentertheschoolbuilding,butwasblockedbytheArkansasNationalGuard.Outsidetheclassroombuilding,reportershadgathered.WillCountsoftheArkansasDemocratandJohnnyJenkinsoftheArkansasGazettesetthetoneforhowthedaywouldberemembered.Theiralmostidenticalphotographsofthelonestudent’sstoicwalkaheadofanangrycrowdseemedtocapturethewayclassandraceweredefinedintheconfrontation.EachofthephotojournalistsfocusedhislensonEckfordandtheunnamedwhitegirlbehindherwhowasyellinginsults,herfacedistorted.Eckfordlookedcalm,wasdressedmodestly,andappearedearnest.Herwhiteadversaryworeadressthatwastootight,andasshepropelledherselfforward,menacingly,mouthagape,sheprojectedthecrudecallousnessoftherecognizedwhitetrashtype.Thatcontrastwaspreciselywhatthephotographersintendedtorecord.42

ThemysteriousgirlinthephotowasoneHazelBryan.Ayearlater,attheageofsixteen,shewoulddropoutofhighschool,marry,andgotoliveinatrailer.Butitiswhatshewasatfifteenthatmatters:thefaceofwhitetrash.Ignorant.Unrepentant.Congenitallycruel.Onlycapableofreplicatingthepatheticlifeintowhichshewasborn.

HazelandherfamilywerepartoftheinfluxofpoorwhitesintoLittleRockafterWorldWarII.Herfatherwasadisabledveteran,unabletowork;hermotherheldajobattheWestinghouseplant.TheyhadleftthesmallruraltownofRedfieldin1951,whenHazelwasten.Hermotherhadmarriedatfourteentoamantwiceherage.NeitherofHazel’sparentshadearnedahighschooldegree,herfatherhavingjoinedthecircus.TheirRedfieldhomehadhadnoindoorplumbingandanoutdoorprivy;theBryans’movetothecitygrantedbasicamenitiesthattheyhadnotenjoyedbefore.ThehousetheypurchasedinLittleRockwasinanall-white,working-classneighborhoodinthesoutheasternsectionofthestatecapital.43

HazelBryanistheuglyfaceofwhitetrashinWillCounts’sfamousphotographtakenonSeptember4,1957.WillCountsCollection,IndianaUniversityArchives

Thedayafterthephotographappeared,HazelBryanmadeherselfvisibleoncemore,tellingnewsmenpositionedoutsidetheschoolthat“whitesshouldhaverights,too.”IfblackstudentswereletintoCentralHigh,shedeclaredprovocatively,thenshewouldwalkout.Sheknewenoughaboutthesocialhierarchyinheradoptivehometowntounderstandthatthereputationofworking-classwhiteshingedonthesystemofsegregation.Permeableracialboundarieswouldpulldownpeoplelikeherevenfurther.AprincipalatCentralHighsaidthatHazelwasknowntohavebeenbeatenbyherfather,wasemotionallyunstable,andwasnotoneofthe“leadingstudents”byanymeasure.Asatroubledgirl—abadseed,onemightsay—sheconfirmedherdubiousclassoriginsbyherantics.44

BenjaminFineoftheNewYorkTimescomparedHazelBryantooneofthefrenziedgirlswhoattendedElvisPresleyconcerts.(SomeofthereportersatCentralHigheveneggedonthehighschoolerstodancerockandrollinthestreets.)Duringthefirstattempttoushertheblackstudentsintotheschool,astudentrandownthehallyelling,àlaPaulRevere,“Theniggersarecoming.”Parentsoutsidebeganscreamingfortheirchildrentoflee.Agroupofgirlsstoodatawindow,shrieking.

Underthedirectionofteachers,themajoritygraduallyfiledoutofthebuilding,thoughsome,includingHazel’sbestfriend,SammieDeanParker,laterclaimedtohaveleaptfromthesecond-floorwindow.45

TwonewschoolshadbeenbuiltinLittleRock:HoraceMannHighforblackstudents,andR.C.HallHigh(nicknamed“CadillacHigh”)forthewealthyfamiliesonthewestsideofthecity.OnlyCentralHigh,builtinthe1920sandcateringmostlytoworking-classfamilies,however,wasselectedfordesegregation.ArmisGuthridgeoftheCapitalCitizens’Council,theleadspokesmanforantidesegregationforces,willfullyfannedtheflamesofpoorwhiteresentmentwhenheannouncedthattherichandwell-to-doweregoingtoseetoitthatthe“onlyrace-mixingthatisgoingtobedoneisinthedistrictswheretheso-calledredneckslive.”“Redneck”wasaloadedterm,ashewellknew.Hispurposewastoremindthewhiteworkingclassofthecitythattheschoolboardeliteslookeddownonthem.46

ArkansasgovernorOrvalFaubusalsoexploitedclassrift.Hedistancedhimselffromthe“Cadillaccrowd”andconstructedhimselfasthevictimofupper-classarrogance.Thenationalmediapaintedhimasthe“hillbilly”fromGreasyCreek,intheOzarks.Timecaughthimentertainingvisitorsas“milkdribbleddownhischin”;hecouldbeheard“belchinggustily”likeabackcountryrube.AlargephotographinLifeidentifiedasthegovernor’s“kinfolk”oneTaylorThornberry,across-eyed,crazy-lookingmaninoveralls.AtaprivatemeetinginNewport,RhodeIsland,awayfromtheunfoldingdrama,PresidentEisenhowertriedtoconvinceFaubustoacceptthecourt-ordereddesegregationplan;thesoutherngovernorleftthemeetingangryandhumiliated.HelateradmittedthatheknewfullwellthatEisenhower’sadvisershadthoughthimasnothingmorethana“countryboy.”47

Fromthestartofthecrisis,FaubususeddualfearsofracialandclassviolencetojustifyorderingtheArkansasNationalGuardtoCentralHighSchool.Inhisannouncementthedaybeforetheschoolyearopened,heclaimedtohavereportsofwhite“caravans”readytodescenduponLittleRockfromnumerousoutlyingareas.Whetherornotaracewarwouldarisefromtheconflict,heletitbeknownthatwhitethugs,rabble-rousers,andredneckswerecontendingforaplaceinhistory.48

TaylorThornberry,thecross-eyedkinofOrvalFaubus,asdepictedinLifemagazine(1957).HisfeaturesunderscoredFaubus’shillbillyanddegenerateroots.

Lifemagazine,September23,1957FrancisMiller/TheLIFEPictureCollection/GettyImages

Faubuslovedplayingtheredneckcard.HiscontinueddefianceinfuriatedEisenhower,whodispatchedthe101stAirborneDivisionandfederalizedthe

ArkansasNationalGuard.MilitaryprotectionensuredthatthenineblackstudentsslatedtoattendCentralHighwerenotbarred.Onthenationalstage,andstandingbeforethecameras,thegovernorofArkansasembodiedthesouthernstereotypetoatee.Hewasacompletecaricatureoffollyandbackwardness.AreporterforTimeaccusedhimof“manufacturingthemythofviolence”andthen“whippingup”amobtomakeitareality.49

LittleRockwasthemostimportantdomesticnewsstoryof1957.IttransformedtheCentralHighneighborhoodintoanewsroom,attractingreportersfromthemajornewspapers,magazines,andtelevisionnetworks.BytheendofSeptember,thenumberofpresspeoplehadgrownfromahandfulto225highlyvisiblejournalistsandcameramen.Thestandoffbetweenthecourtsandthegovernor—the“crisis”environmentswirlingabouttheschoolgrounds—grabbedtheworld’sattention.OnSeptember24,whenPresidentEisenhowergaveatelevisedspeechannouncingthathewouldsendtroopstotheArkansascapital,62percentofAmerica’stelevisionsetsweretunedin.Asmobsdescended,reporterswerethemselvestargetedforviolence.Ablackjournalist,AlexWilson,wasbeatenandkicked,theattackrecordedonfilm.ALifephotographerwaspunchedinthefaceandthencarriedoffinapolicewagonandchargedwithdisorderlyconduct.“Thugsinthecrowd”pushedhiscolleagues,saidnewsmanJohnChancellor,andheckledthemwithnastyslurs.Onereportertooktheprecautionofdisguisinghimself.Herentedapickuptruckandworeanoldjacketandnotie.Forareportertogoundercoversafely,hehadtoalterhisclassappearance,passingasapoorwhiteworkingman.50

Themediaeasilyslippedintosouthernstereotypes,depictingthe“manyinoveralls,”“tobacco-chewingwhitemen,”orasoneNewYorkTimesarticlehighlighted,a“scrawny,redneckedman”yellinginsultsatthesoldiers.LocalArkansasjournalistssimilarlydismissedthedemonstratorsas“alotofrednecks.”Unrulywomenwhostoodbybecame“slatternhousewives”and“harpies.”Onesouthernreportersaiditoutright:“Hell,lookatthem.They’rejustpoorwhitetrash,mostly.”InNashville,mobviolenceeruptedthatsamemonth,aftertheintegrationofanelementaryschool.There,aTimereporterhadafielddaytrashingthewomeninthecrowd:“vacant-facedwomenincurlersandloose-hangingblouses,”nottomentionarock-throwingwaitresswithatattooedarm.OneobnoxiouswomanyelledtonooneinparticularwithreferencetotheAfricanAmericanchildren:“Pulltheirblackcurlsout!”51

Thesewereallpredictablemotifs,servingtodistancerabble-rousersfromthe“normal”goodpeopleofArkansasandTennessee.EvenPresidentEisenhower,inhistelevisedspeech,blamedtheviolenceon“demagogicextremists,”andassumedthatthecorepopulationofLittleRockwerethelaw-abiding,taxpaying,churchgoingpeoplewhodidnotendorsesuchbehavior.Ifthewomenincurlersandthewaitress

boastinghertattoosremindedreadersoftrailertrash,theriotingrednecksweremorelikethewild-eyed,off-his-rockerErnestT.BassofTheAndyGriffithShow.By1959,theTimesLiterarySupplementacknowledgedthatitwasthe“uglyfaces”of“rednecks,crackers,tar-heels,andotherpoorwhitetrash”thatwouldbeforeverrememberedfromCentralHigh.52

Despitetheembarrassmenthecaused,OrvalFaubusdidnotdisappear.Freedfromthenationalmediaspotlight,hesecuredreelectionin1958,andwentontoservethreemoreterms.Asagovernorwhorefusedtolaydownhisarms,hecontinuedtoportrayhimselfasastaunchdefenderofwhitepeople’sdemocraticrighttooppose“forcedintegration.”Praisinghis“doggedness,”onesouthernjournalisttracedFaubus’scharacteristicstrengthtohisOzarkmountaindays,whenhetrudgedfivemiles,dressedinoveralls,toadilapidatedschool.Ahillbillycouldgetaheaddownhere.ThusFaubusstrategicallyacceptedalossofsupportfromamongthebetterclasses,whoresentedredneckpowerinanyform.LikeMississippi’sVardamanandhisownstate’sJeffDavisbeforehim,OrvalFaubususedthethreatofpoorwhitethuggerytostayinpower.Anditworked.53

InthesameyearthatLittleRockconsumedthenewsmedia,Hollywoodproducedafeature-lengthfilmthatcapitalizedontheredneckimage.StarringAndyGriffithanddirectedbyEliaKazan,AFaceintheCrowdwasacompletelydifferentlyvehicleforGriffiththanhissubsequenttelevisionroleasthefriendlysheriff.Itwasadarkdramathatfollowed“LonesomeRhodes,”adown-and-outmandiscoveredplayingguitarinanArkansasjail,andtracedhisrapidriseintothenationallimelightasapowerfulandruthlessTVstar.Forreviewers,Griffith’sperformancewasacrossbetweenHueyLongandElvisPresley—ahollering,singing“redneckgoneberserkwithpower.”54

TheplotofAFaceintheCrowdwasonlyapartofitsstory.ThesurroundingpublicityfocusedonKazan’sdirectingtechnique.TogetGriffithintocharacter,heexploitedtheactor’schildhoodmemoriesofbeingcalledwhitetrash.Inthisway,itwasanunusualfilm,anditofferedatwo-partmessageaboutclass.First,itremindedaudiencesofthedangerinelevatingalower-classredneckabovehisaccustomedstationandgivinghimpower—fortheredneckpersonalityon-screenwasavolatilemixofanger,cunning,andmegalomania.Second,Kazan’sexploitationofthebackstoryonGriffithdeliveredasternrebukeofsouthernculture,wherethepoorweretreatedlikedirt.55

Kazantriedhishandatanothersouthernstory,thistimesetduringtheDepression.WildRiver(1960)concernedtheTVA,astheconstructionofadamwasdisplacinganoldmatriarchandherfamilywhowerelivingonanislandintheTennesseeRiver.Thematriarch’ssonswereshownaslazyandoafish,unwillingtoworkorleavetheisland,anddependentontheblacksharecropperswhofarmedtheirfields.Thedaughterwas

abittrampish,morethanwillingtosleepwiththeTVAagentbecauseshesawhimasheronlyticketofftheisland.Agroupofsurlywhitesbeatuptheagentwhilethelocalsheriffandhisdeputylookedon.Asintheearlierfilm,Kazanprovokedanewsstorywhenhecastrealpoorwhitestoplaytheextras.The“whitetrashsquatters”ofthefilmlivedinaplacecalledGumHollow,whichwasanexistingshantytownliterallysituatedonthetowndumpinCleveland,Tennessee.Communityleaderswerefuriousattheappearanceofsuchunappealingmeninthemovie.Kazangaveintopressureandreshottheoffendingscenes,thistimehiringwhatthetownspeoplereferredtoas“respectable”unemployed.Inthisstrangeepisode,proudsmall-townarbitersofmoralityrefusedeventoacknowledgetheextremepoor.56

WhileKazan’sfilmsreachedmiddle-andupper-browaudiences,anotherfilmoftheerawasgearedfordrive-insandbecameasmashhitin1961.ThiswasthesecondincarnationofPoorWhiteTrash,whichhadfirstbeenreleasedunderthetitleBayouin1957andflopped.Anaggressiveandslickmarketingcampaignturnedthisturkeyintoahit.Exploitingthenewtitle,theproductioncompanyplacedprovocativeadsinnewspapers:“ItexistsToday!...PoorWhiteTrash.”Toenticeprurientadults,thecageypromoterswarnedlocalcommunitiesthatnochildrenwouldbepermittedtoseethemovie.Butthefilmturnedouttobelessluridthanvoyeuristic.ItsmostfascinatingscenefeaturedamassivelybuiltpoorwhiteCajun(playedbyTimothyCarey,anactorfromBrooklyn)performingawild,almostautoeroticdance.LearninghismovesfromElvis,thesweaty,shakinggiantdoubledasafrighteningax-wieldingbullyfromtheswamps.Oversexedandviolentwasthefeaturedpoorwhite,aprimalbreed.57

Ofallthefilmsthatbelongtothisculturalmoment,ToKillaMockingbird(1962)wasthemosthighlyregarded,andofferedthemostdamningpictureofpoorwhites.BasedonHarperLee’sbestsellingnovel,ittellsthestoryofasmallsoutherntowninthethirties.Themoviehighlightsthelimitsofjusticeinasocietywherelawandordergivewaytoadefunctcodeofsouthernhonor.Ablackman,TomRobinson,isfalselyaccusedofrapingapoorwhitegirl,MayellaEwell.Watchingthetrial,theaudiencebecomesthejury,onemightsay,forcedtochoosebetweenthehardworkingfamilymanandthepathetic,ill-educatedgirl.Doesracetrumpclass,ordoesclasstrumprace?Thisisthechoicetheaudiencemustmake.Robinsonrepresentstheworthy,law-abidingblacksinthecommunity.Heishonestandhonorable.TheEwellsarewhitetrash.58

ViewersneverseetheEwells’dilapidatedcabin,whichinthenovelHarperLeedescribesasthe“playhouseofaninsanechild.”Nordoviewersseethewhitetrashfamilypickingthroughthetowndump.Lee’seugenicallusionsaremutedinthefilm,buttheviciousnessofMayella’sfather,BobEwell,isunderscored.HespitsinthefaceofAtticusFinch,Robinson’sheroic,morallyimpeccabledefenseattorneyplayed

byGregoryPeck,andheattemptstomurderFinch’stwochildren.Ofcourse,nothingcouldbemoreinsidiousthanchildmurder.ThereisonlyonepossibleverdictforBobEwell.JustasAtticusFinchshootsa“maddog”inthestreet,thesamefateawaitsthevicious,vengefulpoorwhitevillaininthefilm’sdenouement.Itisnotthefatherwhoresortstoviolence,though;itishisghostlyneighbor,BooRadley.Asocialoutcastwithatroubledpast,Radleyactsthepartofaguardianangel,savingthechildrenonHalloweennight.59

TheEwellsmayhavebeencaricatures,astheNewYorkTimesmoviecriticdirectlyclaimed,buttheywerefamiliarones.Hollywooddidnotexposetheseamyeconomicconditionsofpoorwhitessomuchasemphasizetheirdarkinnerdemons.Bythefifties,“redneck”hadcometobesynonymouswithanalmostinsanebigotry.TheactorplayingBobEwellwasscrawny,andonereviewerevencalledhim“degenerate,”suggestingthepersistenceoftheolderhereditarycorrelationbetweenashriveledbodyandacontractedmind.Sensationalizingredneckbehaviordidnotjustoccuronthebigscreen,however.InNashville,in1957,theracisttroublemakerattheheadofthemob(withanaffectedsouthernaccent)wasapaidagitatorfromCamden,NewJersey.60

Forfilmmakers,theallureofredneckcharacterswasdoubled-edged.Ontheonehand,theywereready-madevillains;ontheother,theyweremenwithoutinhibitions.Unrestrainedandundomesticated,theystoodinsharpcontrasttotheboxed-insuburbaniteandcouldoccasionallybeappreciatedfortheirearthymachismo.SloanWilson’smaleprotagonistinTheManintheGrayFlannelSuit(1955),anothernovelmadeintoaHollywoodfilm,starringGregoryPeck,wasapaleimitationoftheprimalCajundoinghisdancetodrumbeats.JamesDean,ElvisPresley,MarlonBrando,andevenTimothyCarey,aspoorwhitetrash,wereallunreformedAmericans,undomesticandunconventional.Theyplantedawildseed,tauntingconformistmalespectatorswhomightbeitchingtobreakloose.61

“Redneck”and“whitetrash”wereoftenusedinterchangeably,thoughnoteveryoneagreedthatthetwoweresynonymous.InASouthernerDiscoverstheSouth(1938),JonathanDanielshadinsistedthatnotallhumblybornsouthernmenwere“po’whites.”HegaveasexamplesAndrewJacksonandAbrahamLincoln,southernfolkwhose“neckswereridgedandredwiththesun.”Hethusdividedthepoorintotwocamps:theworthy,hardworkingpoorwhostrovetomoveupthesocialladder,andthevulgarandhopelesswhoweretrappedonitslowestrung.Hisworthypoor,havingthe“stout,earthyqualitiesoftheredneck,”borrowedfromtheolderclassofyeoman,acategorythatnolongermeantwhatitoncehad.Thatsaid,Daniels’sobservationwasnothistoricallyaccurate:asweknow,Jacksonwasvilifiedbyhisenemiesasaviolent,lawlesscracker,andLincolnwasdisparaginglytermedapoorwhite“mudsill.”ButevenDanielshadtoadmitthatmanyothersouthernersdefined

theredneckasonewhowas“raisedonhate.”Hedespisedblacksanddemeaned“niggerlovers.”InthemoldofBobEwell,hestoodpreparedtostickaknifeinthebackofanywhocrossedhim.That,then,wasthelabelthatstuck.62

•••

Andwhataboutthehillbilly?ThoughredneckandhillbillywerebothdefinedbytheAmericanDialectSocietyin1904as“uncouthcountrymen,”thefollowingregionaldistinctionwasoffered:“Hill-billiescamefromthehills,andtherednecksfromtheswamps.”Likerednecks,hillbillieswereseenascruelandviolent,butwithmostoftheirangerdirectedatneighbors,familymembers,and“furriners”(unwelcomedstrangers).LikethelegendaryHatfieldsandMcCoysinthe1880s,theywereknownforfeudingandexplosiveboutsofrage.Whentheyweren’tfighting,theywereswillingmoonshineandmarryingofftheirdaughtersatseven.Likethesquatterofold,theyweresupposedlygiventolongperiodsofsloth.Storiesspreadofshotgunmarriages,accountsofbarefootandpregnantwomen.Ina1933studyofanisolatedcommunityintheBlueRidgeMountainsofVirginia,awomanbeinginterviewedblurtedoutthatmarriagemeantshewas“goin’tohavehernumber”(ofchildren).“Idonehadmine,”sheexplained.“Fifteen.Ninelivingandsixdead.”63

HollywoodreleasedMountainJusticein1938,afilmbasedontheactualmurdertrialof“theHill-billygirl”RuthMaxwell,whohadslainherfatherinself-defensewhenhecameatherinadrunkenrage.Incoverageofthetrial,Maxwell’shomeofWiseCounty,Virginia,wasdescribedasaplacewhere“slatternwomenandganglingmentakeupthedullbusinessofliving.”WarnerBrothersmadethefilmbothhokeyandviolent.Thefilm’stechnicaladvisertoldthestudiotoshipin“sixcoonhounds,30corncobpipes,43plugsofchewingtobacco,”andoverathousandyardsofcalico—alltomakesurethataverydimportraitofmountainwayswaspresented.Advancepromotionpromiseda“GrippingMelodramaofLustandLash.”Themostshockingon-screenmomentoccursasRuth’sfathertowersoverherwithanenormousbullwhip.64

ThethirtiesandfortiessawthepopularityofLi’lAbneraswellasPaulWebb’scartoonstripTheMountainBoys.Webb’sworkwasconvertedintoaslapstickfilm,KentuckyMoonshine(1938),featuringthepopularRitzBrotherscomedyteam—itwasahillbillyversionofTheThreeStooges.AtrioofNewYorkersdisguisethemselvesashillbillies,appearinginlong,unkemptblackbeardswhilewearingtallconicalhatsandraggedpants(heldupbyropes)exposingtheirdirtybarefeet.TheGrandOleOpryradiostationgotitsstartinthesamedecade,andmusicgroupsappearedwithnamesliketheBeverlyHillbillies.MinniePearl,knownforherfamoushillbillygreeting,“Howdee,”beganhercareerontheOpryinthe1940s,andlater

becameastarofthelong-runningtelevisionseriesHeeHaw.Shewasbynomeansanauthenticmountaingal.“Minnie”wasbornintoawealthyfamily,waswelleducated,andcraftedanaïvepersonathatmadehervaudevilleactasuccess.Thehillbilly“Minnie”wassooutoftouchwithmainstreamAmericathatsheworehertrademarkhatwiththepricetagstillattached.65

Bytheforties,then,hillbillywasastageact,andakindofcatchallnameforcountryfolk.Politicianstookuptheroletoo,offeringamilderversionofthetheatricsofMississippi’s“WhiteChief”JamesVardamanandLouisiana’sHueyLong.Asharecropper’ssonnamedJimmyDavisbecameLouisiana’sgovernorin1944.Thoughhegamelycalledhimself“justapo’countryboy,”Daviswaspeculiarlyabletostraddleclassdivisions.Hewascountrycrooner,aHollywoodactor(inwesterns,ofcourse),andahistoryprofessor.Asonenewspaperobserved,the“hillbillyinLong’sChair”wasanewpoliticalbreed.Hedidn’tyell,orgivelongharangues,orwavehisarms,ormakeemptypromises.Hewas,conciselyput,ahillbillywithatouchofstyle.Ofcourse,hewasnotbeyondHollywoodtheatricseither,ridingahorseupthestepsofthestatecapitol.66

Asdistinctiveashewas,JimmyDaviswasnottheonlyoneofhiskind.In1944,IdahomatchedLouisianabyelectingthe“SingingCowboy”GlenTaylortotheU.S.Senate.Evenearlier,Texasvoterswerecharmedbythehillbillyballadsandgoodol’radioplatitudesofWilbertLee“Pappy”O’Daniel,aflourmerchantwhomtheyfirstsenttothegovernor’smansion,thentotheU.S.Senate.ItwasLyndonJohnson,infact,whomtheOhio-rearedO’Danieldefeatedinthe1941Senaterace.MissouriboastedtheonlyRepublicaninthebunch,acandidatenamedDeweyShort.Hedidnotsing,butstillearnedtheaffectionatenickname“HillbillyDemosthenes.”Asaphilosophyprofessor,ordainedpreacher,andcongressman,heworeseveralhats.HisstyledidnotborrowfromtheancientGreekoratoricaltradition,butreliedinsteadoncaustic,alliterativeadjectives.HecreativelycalledCongressa“supine,subservient,soporific,supercilious,pusillanimousbodyofnitwits,”andmalignedFDR’svauntedBrainTrustas“professionalnincompoops.”Short’sconstituency,describedinthepressasthecornponecrowd,keptreelectinghimbecausehespiceduphisprosewithafineassortmentofsassyflourishes.67

Whythisfascinationwiththehillbilly?In1949,anAustralianobserverdescribedthisphenomenonbest.Americanshadatasteforwhathecalleda“democracyofmanners,”whichwasnotthesameasrealdemocracy.Hemeantthatvotersacceptedhugedisparitiesinwealthbutatthesametimeexpectedtheirelectedleadersto“cultivatetheappearanceofbeingnodifferentfromtherestofus.”68

Thepositivemythologyabouthillbilliessuitedsuchappealstoauthenticity.Beyondtheimageoffeudingandwastingtimefishing,hillbilliesalsotappedintoa

setofgoldenagebeliefs:theywereisolated,primitive,androughontheoutsideyetpracticedakindofgenuinedemocracy.TheywereonceagainWilliamGoodellFrost’srusticAmericansofpureAnglo-Saxonblood.Thefantasyunderwentarevivalduringthe1940sand1950s,intheformofstoriesofplain,honestmountainpeoplewith“norespectformoney,norfame,orcaste.”Butthevaudevilleanticsneverlosttheirappealeither.Somehillbillybandsbecameglamorous,andafemaleperformernamedDorothyShaylaunchedhercareerin1950byplayingthe“ParkAvenueHillbilly.”Shedressedasacitysophisticatewhilesinging“happy-go-lucky”tunes.69

Thequintessentialpopiconofthe1950s,ElvisPresley,was,somebelieved,parthillbilly.Oneofhisearliestperformanceswasbilledas“TheHillbillyJamboree,”andtookplaceatPontchartrainBeachnearNewOrleansin1955,wherethe“MissHillbillyDumplin’Contest”wasalsoheld.HealsotouredwithAndyGriffith.Intheearlyyears,Elvis’smusicalstylewasseenasamixturebetweenhillbillysingingandrhythmandblues.In1956,themusicreviewerfortheTimes-Picayunewasrelievedtodiscoverthatthe“self-confessedcountryboy”singingabouthisbluesuedeshoeslackedan“exaggeratedhillbillydialect.”Thatsameyear,HeddaHopper,theHollywoodgossipcolumnist,wasjustasrelievedtofindthatElvishadnotbeenofferedthefilmpartofLi’lAbner.70

TherealElviswasnotahillbillyatall.HewasapoorwhiteboyfromTupelo,Mississippi.Hewasthesonofasharecropper.Hewasbornintopovertyinashotgunshacksituatedinthewrongpartoftown.Yetwhenheputaguitarinhishandandmillionsogledathisfrenzied(somethoughtviolent)dancemoves,hewasatonceseenasdefyingmiddle-classnormsandbehavingasasortofhillbilly—wellsuitedtohisnewhomeofTennessee.Afriendofhisconfirmedthehillbillyimagewhenheremarkedtoareporterin1956thatallElvishadtodowas“jes’showhisselfandthegalsgittothrashin’roundandpantin’likemountainmules.”71

Andsoitwasin1956thatcountrymusic,popculture,andclasspoliticsallcametogetheronthenationalstage.Thatyear,Tennessee’sgovernor,FrankClement,becametheDemocraticParty’sgolden(country)boy.HewaschosentogivethekeynoteaddressattheDemocraticNationalConventioninChicago,anhonorthatplacedhimintherunningforthevicepresidentialnomination.InanticipationofClement’sbigspeech,awriterfortheNationcalledthethirty-five-year-old,six-foot-tall,dark-hairedgovernor“oneofthehandsomestmeninAmericanpolitics.”HewasknownforstumpingintheTennesseemountains,andfolksadmiredhimforhis“barefootboysincerity”—aclearallusiontothe“honesthillbilly”myth.Evenhisstore-boughtsuitsprojectedallegiancetothecommonman:the“typeofrigasuccessfulmountainmanwouldwearonavisittoNashville.”72

Hiscountrifiedeloquencecoveredthefullrangeofregisters:hisvoiceboomed,thensanktoawhisper,or,asonereporterclaimed,he“sanglikeamountainfiddleanddiedaway.”Heusedbrimstonethreatsandusuallyendedwithaprayerfulbenediction.LikeDeweyShort,helitupwithalliteration.Totopitalloff,hehadthesupportofthegrandesthillbillygovernor,“BigJim”FolsomofAlabama,whostoodsixfooteightandwasknownfortakinghisshoesoffonstageandcampaigningwithhis“strawberry-pickers,”astheFolsombandwascalled.In1954,atalargeDemocraticprimarygathering,hetoldClementtouseallhispowersontherostrum,sayingheshould“gooutthereguttin’,cuttin’,andstruttin.”“KissingJim,”fondofwhiskeyandwomen,gavehisblessingtotheflamboyantClement.73

JohnSteinbeck,thefamedauthorofTheGrapesofWrath,wroteoneofthemostrevealingappraisalsofClement’skeynoteaddress.Headjudgedthatthegovernorhadafuture,whetheritwasin“statesmanshipormusicalcomedy”;hesawtheDemocrataspart“oldcountryboy”andpartElvis,withadashofBillyGrahamandLiberaceaswell.AsSteinbeckputit,Clement’svoicehadthe“frayedpiercingpainfulnessofasquaredancefiddle,”and“inhismostimpassionedandrehearsedmoments,...arefinedbumpandgrind.”WhiletheauthorthoughtClementwouldshakeupthepartyinagoodway,atthesametimehewassuggestingthatthe“corn-shucker”stylewasaregionaltastethatmightnotbesoeasilycultivatedelsewhere.74

Steinbeckidentifiedthecruxofthesouthernpoliticianproblem:wasthegovernormerelyarabble-rousingentertainer,orcouldhetrulyspeakforthewholenation?Reflectingonhisbrightmomentfromtheperspectiveof1964,Clementsaidheknewthatpeoplewerecheeringhisspeech,buthewasjustassurethatsomeintheaudiencewerelaughingathim.Thatyear,theTexanHoraceBusby,aspecialassistanttoPresidentJohnson,toldBillMoyersthatLBJ,withhissoutherndrawl,shouldineffectbetheanti-Clementwhenhedeliveredhisnominationacceptancespeech.“Forensicsshouldbemodern,untingedwithanoldfashionedstyle,”Busbysaid.“Alliterationshouldbeminimized.”75

TheTennesseegovernorwiththeElvis-likemovementsdidnotwinthevicepresidentialnominationin1956.SecondplaceontheticketwentinsteadtoSenatorEstesKefauver,anotherTennessean,butonewhoexpressedasomewhatsofterhillbillypersona—afterall,hehadearnedaYaledegree.Backin1948,Kefauverhadwornacoonskincapwhenheranforoffice,afterhisopponentcalledhimasneaky“petcoon”whowasflirtingwithcommunism.In1956,Kefauverwasmeanttoaddtothepresidentialticketwhatonereporteraptlyreferredtoasthe“calculatedcommontouch”—thepointbeingthattherewasnothingauthenticaboutKefauver’spose.Hewasa“spurioushillbilly,”acheapploytooffsetpresidentialcandidateAdlai

Stevenson’slackofpopularappeal.TheIllinoisanwascalledan“egghead,”abore.StevensonandKefauverlost,ofcourse.76

Meanwhile,ClementhostedElvisatthegovernor’smansion,andin1958didtheperformeragoodturnbyspeakingbeforeaSenateCommunicationscommitteeindefenseofhillbillymusicandrockandroll.VancePackard,authorofthebestsellingHiddenPersuaders,wastestifyingbeforethecommittee,insistingthatmountainmusicwaspollutingthenationaltaste.AnoutragedClementdefendedhillbilliesaspureElizabethansandtheir“nasalharmonies”asagenuineexpressionoftheAmericandream.AtartChicagoreportercomicallyexpressedhissurprisethatthegovernor“didnotvolunteertofightaduelwithaccordionsattenpaces.”77

KefauverofTennesseewasatraditionalliberal,FolsomofAlabamaapopulist,andClementofTennesseeamoderateonraceissues;yettheyallhadtoplaytheshowmantogetaheadinpoliticallife.Clementhadsethissightsonhighernationaloffice,onlytobeshutdownonthenightofhiskeynoteaddress.ItwasLyndonBainesJohnson,theseasonedTexan,who—aloneamongtheruralsoutherncontingentthatthrewtheirhatsintothevicepresidentialringduringthe1950sand1960s—eventuallycapturedthepresidencyonhisownaccord.

•••

AsmastermindanddealmakerintheSenate,MajorityLeaderJohnsonwasconsideredthesecondmostpowerfulmaninthenationafterthepresident.HewasanadmirerofHenryClayofKentucky,the“greatcompromiser.”(Aspresident,hewouldhangClay’sportraitintheOvalOffice.)CultivatinganattimespaternalisticroleamongSenateDemocrats,Johnsonkeptclosewatchonhiscolleagues’tastesandinterests.“Amanwhocan’tsmellthemoodoftheSenate,”heprofessed,“hasnobusinessbeingleader.”Heseemedacrossbetweenaschoolteacher(whichhehadbeen)andasheriff,atougher,morefearsomeversionofAndyGriffith’sMayberrycharacter.Whathehadincommonwiththetelevisionsheriffwastherusticartofpersonalpersuasion.Hisrepertoireinvolvedstorytelling,verbalcudgeling,andphysicalcontact,andheprofitedfromanintimateknowledgeofthepsychologyandpersonalquirksofeverysenatorwithwhomhedidbusiness.TheSenatewasthat“smalltown”overwhichLyndonJohnsonheldswayasitsmodern-daylawman.78

Whenheacceptedthelargelythanklesspositionofvicepresidentin1960,JohnsonbecameKennedy’sdutifullieutenant.OnlyhisunexpectedelevationtothepresidencyonNovember22,1963,alteredthepublic’sreceptiontohisearthysouthernpersona.Foratime,heacquiredthekindofsympathyhehadneverenjoyedpreviouslyamongtheliberalintellectualsofhisparty.HewasneithercoolnorsophisticatedlikeJFK,whoseoutwardstylereflectedthejauntyconfidenceofhisprivilegedupbringing.

Whilesomeinthepresscontinuedtodisparagehisdown-homeways,hiscloseassociatescounteredbyinsistingthathewas“notsomecornballruralhick.”Nevertheless,likethesouthernpoliticianofthehillbillyschool,LBJlovedtobeflamboyant.Onthecampaigntrail,heusedhisTexasvernaculartoforgeanintimatebondwiththecrowds.Onecolumnistpraisedhimfor“diggingdowndeeplyintothebasicurgesofordinarypeople.”Country-boytraitstreatedasliabilitiesbefore1963suddenlybecameanassetasthenationgrievedthelossofitsyoungpresident.79

In1963,LBJ’stourinKentuckyincludedphotographsofthepresidentconversingwithpoorAppalachianfamilies.

#215-23-64,InezKentucky,LBJLibraryPhotographbyCecilStoughton,LyndonBainesJohnsonLibrary,Austin,Texas

Johnson’ssignaturesetofprogramsknownastheGreatSocietyattachedtoadifferent,andpositive,variantofhissouthernidentity.UponpassageoftheElementaryandSecondaryEducationActin1965,thepresidentflewtoStonewall,Texas,tosignthebillattheone-roomschoolhousewherehehadtaughtduringtheGreatDepression.Whilethere,hereferredtohimselfthe“sonofasharecropper.”HiswillingnesstotacklepovertycouldbetracedtohisembraceofamodernSouth.In1960,whenhefirstranforpresident,heechoedHowardOdum’screed:hisgoalwastopreventa“wasteofresources,wasteoflives,orwasteofopportunity.”BythetimehelaunchedtheGreatSociety,thelegislationhepromotedfocusedontwodistinctclasses:thepoorurbanblackpopulationandthemountainfolkofAppalachia.SeeingtheGreatSocietyasthenewNewDeal,Johnsonconnectedhisreformtotheworkof

EleanorRoosevelt,invokinghersentimentalappealtohillbillies.LadyBirdJohnsonwenttotheKentuckyhills,whereshedistributedlunchesanddedicatedanewschoolgym;herhusbandsathimselfdownandtalkedwithfamilies.80

Astheyfollowedhimonhisfive-statetour,cameramencapturedimagesofthepresidentontheporchesofrun-downshacks,affectionatelylisteningtothemountainpeople—itwasnothingifnotaJamesAgee/WalkerEvansflashbacktothethirties.TheproblemsfacingAppalachiawereacute:ahighrateofjoblessnesscomparedtotherestofthecountry(insomeplacesthreeorfourtimesthenationalaverage);deterioratinghousing;anuneducatedworkforce;andaravagedenvironmentwroughtbystripmining.Mountainfarmfamilieshadbeenstrippedofthelegalrighttotheirpropertywhencoal-miningcompanies,aidedbystatecourts,weregiventheprerogativetoruinfields,destroyforests,buildroadswherevertheychose,andpollutethewatersupply.Intheend,theJohnsonadministrationsecuredpassageoftheAppalachianRegionalDevelopmentAct,providinginfrastructure,schools,andhospitals.ThepresidentsubsequentlystatedthatseeingthepovertytherefirsthandhadconvincedhimofthenecessityoftheMedicareAct.AndsofightingruralpovertyremainedacentralplankinJohnson’soverall“WaronPoverty.”Buteventheseboldpoliciesprovedinadequatetomanagethemassivedevastationthattheblightedregionaleconomyhadalreadyexperienced.81

LyndonJohnsonwasawareofeverydetailashewentaboutfashioninghispublicimage.Thehatheworewasnotaten-galloncowboy,butamodifiedfive-gallonversionwithanarrowerbrim.ThiswasLBJ:amodified,modernizedsoutherner.WhenhesoughtaidforAppalachia,heimaginedhimselfasakindlybenefactor,makingthe“coldindifferent”governmentnewlyresponsivetothe“littlefella.”Heofferedhomespunlogicindefenseofbasichumandecency:“NoAmericanfamilyshouldsettleforanythinglessthanthreewarmmealsaday,awarmhouse,agoodeducationfortheirchildren...andsometimessimplytoplainenjoylife.”ThiswastheJohnsoniantranslationofFDR’s1944exhortationonbehalfofasecondBillofRightsthatincluded“therighttoausefulandremunerativejobintheindustriesorshopsorfarmsorminesofthenation,”“therighttoearnenoughtoprovideadequatefoodandclothingandrecreation,”“therightofeveryfamilytoadecenthome,”and“therighttoagoodeducation.”82

Inprivate,though,Johnsonwasnotalwayskindtopoorruralwhites.HehadthistosayaboutwhitetrashondrivingthroughTennesseeandseeingagroupof“homely”womenholdingupracistsigns:“I’lltellyouwhat’satthebottomofit.Ifyoucanconvincethelowestwhitemanhe’sbetterthanthebestcoloredman,hewon’tnoticeyou’repickinghispocket.Hell,givehimsomebodytolookdownon,andhe’llemptyhispocketsforyou.”LiketheNobelPrize–winningwriterWilliamFaulkner,LBJ

knewaboutthedebilitatingnatureoffalsepoorwhitepride.Aspresident,heneverlostsightofhowcentralclassandraceweretothefracturedcultureoftheSouth.83

Johnson’spromisesdidnotconvincehiscriticsoneithertheleftortheright.MalcolmXcalledhimthe“headoftheCrackerParty.”In1964,BarryGoldwater’scampaignstaffputtogetherafear-filledmoviethatshowcaseddisturbingscenesofurbanviolence,pornography,toplessgirls,andstripteasejoints.Johnson’snamewasnevermentioned,butinthemiddleofthethirty-minuteharangueon“AmericanDecay,”aLincolnContinentalcomesspeedingacrossthedustycountrysideasbeercansarejettisonedfromthehalf-openwindow.Itwasaless-than-subtlecaricatureofLBJonanaimlessescapadealongtheperimeterofhisTexasranch,therebyreducingthetallTexantoacommonredneck.(JimmyCarter’sne’er-do-wellbrotherBillywouldlatersaythataredneckthrewhisbeercansoutthewindow,whileagoodol’boydidnot.)Goldwater’scampaignrevivedtheeugenicthemeofmoraldegeneracy,asitturnedthesittingpresidentintoasymbolofwhitetrash.LBJ’sLincolnsaidsomething.Thelarger-than-lifepresidentplainlyindulgedadefiantimpulsewhenhedrovearoundhisranchathighspeedswhileconsumingbeerfromapapercup.ForoneTimephotographer,heposedbehindthewheelandheldupasquealingpigletforview.Tauntingreporterswasanexhibitionofhiscountryhumor.84

Thecaronewasseeninregisteredclassinaveryspecialwayinthefiftiesandsixtiesanddefinedtransgressionaswellasbelonging.ElvisownedseveralCadillacs,aLincoln,andaRolls-Royce.Butwhendrivenbythewrongclassofpeople,theluxurycaronlyexaggeratedtheunderlyingdiscomfortAmericansfeltaboutupwardmobility.NothingbettercapturedthisanxietythanthespeciallybuiltpaddedseatinElvis’sfavoriteCadillacthatwasreservedforhispetchimpanzeeScatter.Theownersofbeautifulvehiclesweresupposedtodisplaybreedingthatmatchedtheglossymagazineadvertisementsreadersflippedthrough.Alower-classmandidnotlookrightexploitingthefantasyoffreedombyleavingtherestraintsofanimposedclassidentityintherearviewmirror.ThatwasElvisandhischimp.ThatwasLBJtoo,atleastforthosestodgycriticswhoinsistedonseeinghimasaTexascountrybumpkinandnotaWashingtonian.85

EvenArkansassenatorWilliamFulbright,aJohnsonallywholeanedinaliberaldirection,complainedthatElvissymbolizedtheclasshierarchyturnedupsidedown:“theKing”earnedmorethanthepresident.GeorgeMcGovernofSouthDakotawasdisturbedthatElvisearnedmorethanthecombinedannualsalariesofallthefacultymembersattheaverageuniversity.Andforwhat?TheNewYorkTimesmoviecriticBosleyCrowtherlashedout:“grotesquesinging”and“orgiastic”legshaking.86

Inmassmediaculture,lower-classdelinquencywasseenassomethingthatcouldbecontractedfrompopidols.The“MothersforaMoralAmerica”thatsponsoredthe

negativecampaignfilmaboutLBJagreed,andlinkedhisostensibleredneckwaystothedangerofclassdisorder.AsoneoftheGoldwaterfilmmakersexplained,leadershipatthetopconditionedlifeatthebottom:ifapresident’sbehaviorwastoocommon,toocoarse,hegavelicensetoimmoral,lower-classdesires.Wealthwithouthardwork,sexwithoutmarriage,andsuccesswithoutproperbreedingwerealldangersigns.Societysuffered.87

GoldwatersupportersmayhaveseenJohnson’sbehaviorasthatofadegeneratewhitetrashfatherfigure,butliberalreformersconsideredbehaviorsthatattendedpovertytobeamatterofbreedingaswell.Newtermsreinforcedpedigree:“thecultureofpoverty,”“thepovertycycle,”the“underendowed.”Classstillretainedstronghintsofthevocabularyofbloodlinesandinheritanceinthetransformationaldecadeofthe1960s.88

Norhadclasswhollydivorceditselffromthelandasasourceofidentity.Oneofthemostinfluentialintellectualsofthedecade,JohnKennethGalbraithofHarvard,identified“islands”ofpovertyamidasocietyofaffluence.SocialistMichaelHarrington,whosebookTheOtherAmerica(1962)wasinstrumentalinshapingpolicydebates,notedthatthepooroccupiedan“invisibleland,”aterritoryhiddenfromthesocialawarenessofamiddleclassnowlivinginsafe,segregatedsuburbs.Harringtondiscussedtheeconomic“rejects,”whomheidentifiedasexpendables,exiledfrommainstreamAmerica’spleasinglyproductive,upwardlymobileworkforce.TheoldEnglishideaofdumpingthepoorinadistantcolonialoutpostwasnotquiteburied.Outofsight,outofmind.89

Inhisconsiderationoftheill-servedunderclass,Johnson,too,thoughtintermsofsoil.Thepoorwere,inhiswords,the“littlefolkslivingonlittlelandswhowantwhatwealreadyhave.”Hehadinmindthesharecropperofhistorywhodreamtofacquiringameaningfultractofland.Johnsonretainedhisownattachmenttothe“harshcalichesoil”oftheTexashillcountry,acknowledgingthathisstrengthcamefromthe“rough,unyieldingstickyclaysoil.”LadyBirdJohnsonfeltthatitwasthelandofhisyouththatmadehimsounrelentinginhispolitics.Johnsonreversedtheoldernotionthatlivingonwastelandkilledthehumanspirit.Insteadofbeingstuckintheclay,Johnsonsawhimselfashavingsurmountedhisclassoriginswiththesamedrivethatwasneededtoovercometheunforgivingland.90

JamesRestonoftheNewYorkTimescapturedJohnsononthedayofhisinaugurationin1965.Herewasamanspeakingboththe“faithoftheoldfrontier”andthenewfrontierofscience.Herewasamanwho“spokeeverywordasifitwashislast”;“nobodywatchinghimupclosecoulddoubthissincerity.”InLBJ,Restonfoundafull-blown“dramatizationoftheAmericandream,”the“poorboy,thecountryboyatthepinnacleoftheworld.”91

Twoweekslater,JohnsonspoketostudentsintheSenateYouthProgram.Heconfidentlyassuredthemthatitwasnotimportantwhotheirancestorswere,orwhatthecoloroftheirskinwas,orwhethertheywereborntoatenantfarmerandlivedinathree-roomhouse.Infact,though,heknewthatallthesethingsdidmatter.Thecountryboymighthavebeenenjoyinghismomentinthesunjustthen,butheknewinhisheartthathisplaceamongthepowerelitewasnotreallysecured;hewasnotfullyaccepted.Acountryboymightatanymomentrevealsometelltalesignofawhitetrashcharacter.Hemightsaysomethinginappropriate.Hecouldneverconcealtheartlessdrawlordustoffthestickyredclay.Indeliblemarksofclassidentitywereforeverstampedonhim,nomatterhowfarhewanderedfromtheinhospitablelandofhisbirth.92

PartIII

THEWHITETRASHMAKEOVER

A

CHAPTERELEVEN

RedneckRoots

Deliverance,BillyBeer,andTammyFaye

ThefirstCrackerPresidentshouldhavebeenamixtureofJimmyandBilly[Carter]...Billy’shoo-Lord-what-the-hell-get-out-the-wayattitudeheavingupunderJimmy’sprudentrighteousness—orJimmy’sidealismheavingupunderBilly’ssenseofhumanlimitations—andforminganice-and-awfulcompoundlikelifeinGeorgia.

—RoyBlountJr.,Crackers(1980)

sidentitypoliticsroseasaforceforgoodinthelastdecadesofthetwentiethcentury,authenticitywastobeachievedbyregistering,andthenheeding,the

voicesofpreviouslymarginalizedAmericans.Whitescouldnolongerspeakforpeopleofcolor.Mencouldnolongspeakforwomen.TheNewLeft,civilrights,andBlackPowermovementsofthe1960shadhelpedtojump-startthesecond-wavefeministmovement,yetidentitypoliticswasnotthepossessionoftheleftalone.RichardNixonrodeintoofficein1968byclaimingtorepresenttheinterestsofthe“SilentMajority”ofAmericanswhosawthemselvesashardworking,middleAmericanhomeownersdutifullypayingtheirtaxesanddemandinglittleofthefederalgovernment.1

Onecouldarguethatidentityhasalwaysbeenapartofpolitics,thataspiringpeopleadoptidentitiesthesamewaythattheychangetheirstyleofdress.Yetthisisonlypartofthestory.Somepeoplecanchooseanidentity,butmanymorehaveanidentitychosenforthem.Whitetrashfolksnevertookonthatnameforthemselves,nordidtheruralpoordescribetheirplightinrecognitionofhavingbeencastoutofsocietyas“wastepeople,”“rubbish,”or“clay-eaters.”Aswehaveseen,UnionsoldiersandLincolnRepublicansembracedtheintendedinsultof“mudsill”whenitwashurledatthemfromacrosstheMason-DixonLine.Butthatwasbecausetheypossessedtheculturalpowertoshapepoliticaldiscourse.Thedispossessedhadnosuchpower.

Eventually,self-identified“whitetrash”whohadcomeupintheworldbegandefendingtheirdepressedclassbackgroundasadistinct(andperverselynoble)heritage.Beforetheendofthe1980s,“whitetrash”wasrebrandedasanethnicidentity,withitsownreadilyidentifiableculturalforms:food,speechpatterns,tastes,and,forsome,nostalgicmemories.Ifimmigrantshadforeignoriginstoreflecton,whitetrashinventedacountryoftheirownwithintheUnitedStates.Initsmostbenignincarnation,thissubstratumoftheamorphousAmericanclasssystemwasnolongertobecategorizedasaninferior“breed”(withundesirablegenetictraits)somuchasaproductofculturalbreedingthatcouldeasilybeshedandlaterrecovered—atradition,oridentity,thatonedidnothavetoshyawayfrominordertogainacceptanceinmainstreamsociety.Initsworstform,however,whitetrashidentitydredgedupaperson’searlytraumaticexperiences,repressedchildhoodmemories.Anotinsignificantpartofthatwassexualdeviance,aproblemthatstillhoversoverwhitetrashAmericatoday.Hollywoodgavethecountryanenduringsymbolofthatdeviance,andtheunwanted’srecoursetobarbarism,initsadaptationofJamesDickey’sviolentthrillerDeliverance(1970).SetinruralGeorgianeartheSouthCarolinaborder,thefilm,releasedin1972,searedintothenationalimaginationitsdevastatingportraitofwhitetrashuglinessandbackwoodsdebauchery.

Nomatterwhetheritiscastasurbanorrural,religiousorsecular,Anglo-orotherhyphenate,thesearchfornationalbelongingisnevernew.DespitethenastyculturalmemoryjarredloosebytheretrogressivemessageinDeliverance(andespeciallythehorrificrapeofNedBeatty’scharacter),thebackcountryofAmericanevercompletelylostitsregenerativeassociations.AppalachiaremainedinthemindsofmanyalostislandcontainingapurerbreedofAnglo-Saxon.Here,inthisimaginarycountryofthepast,iswherethebestofJefferson’syeoman“roots”couldbetraced.Mostofall,therewasarawmasculinitytobefoundinthehills.AlargertrendwasturningAmericaintoamoreethnicallyconsciousnation,oneinwhichethnicitysubstitutedforclass.Thehereditarymodelhadnotbeencompletelyabandoned;instead,itwasreconfiguredtofocusontransmittedculturalvaluesoverinbredtraits.

Aninherentparadoxaddedtotheconfusionoverthenatureofculturalidentity.ModernAmericans’largelyblindpursuitoftheauthentic,stableselfwastakingplaceinacountrywhererootscouldbe,andoftenwere,discarded.IntheAmericanmodel,assimilationprecededsocialmobility,whichrequiredeitheradoptionofanewidentityorassumptionofaclassdisguiseinordertoinsertoneselfintothedesiredcategoryofmiddleclass.Yetbythelate1960sthemiddleclasshadbecomethemostinauthenticofplaces:thesuburbsprovidedindelibleimagesoffoil-coveredTVdinners,banalBabbittry,andbadsitcoms.Peopletookpartinstaiddinnerparties,evocativelyportrayedinTheGraduate,wherethetalkwasofacareer-makinginvestmentinplastics—andwhatbetterstoodforinauthenticitythanunnatural

productsinventedbychemists?Therewasagrowingawarenessthatmiddle-classcomfortwasanillusion.Twosociologistsironicallyconcludedthatthefewauthenticidentitiesstillclaimablein1970existedintheisolatedpocketsoftheruralpoor:AppalachianhillbilliesinTennessee,marginaldirtfarmersintheupperMidwest,and“swampYankees”inNewEngland.2

ThebroadcastofAnAmericanFamilyonPBSin1973gavemillionsofviewersapalpablesenseofmiddle-classlife.Astelevision’sfirstattemptata“reality”show,theLoudfamilysagawasastudyindysfunction—adecaderemovedfromOzzieandHarriet,andemotionallight-yearsfromthetame,kid-friendlyBradyBunch.Threehundredhoursoftapingoverthecourseofayearwasediteddowntotwelvehoursofrivetingtelevision.

OutsidersmayhavecaredaboutthenewTVfamily,butaNewYorkTimesMagazinearticleontheLoudsdescribedtheirworldasaculturalvacuum:theyhadfewhobbies,caredlittleaboutsufferingintheworldatlarge,andseemedemotionallyshort-circuitedwhenattemptingtodealwithoneanother.Theparents,BillandPat,weregettingseparated,buttothehusband,whoavoidedconflictandadmittedtonofailures,theirpendingdivorcecamedevoidofintrospection.InthewordsofcommentatorAnneRoiphe,thebreakupofamarriagewasexperiencedbyhimas“aminortoothache.”Amidfilming,theLouds’houseburneddown,andeventhatbarelyfazedthem.Theyfloatedthroughlifelike“jellyfish,”transparentandunresponsive;theyvalued“prettiness”andgavenoattentiontoanybuttheiroutwardlyattractiveandsuccessfulneighbors;theywerenonplussedwhenitcameto“thosewhodonotmakeit.”

AsRoiphesublimelyputit,withreferencetoMarioPuzo’sGodfatherclan,“Maybeit’sbettertobeaCorleonethanaLoud.”AtleasttheSicilians’tribal,violentcharactergotthebloodflowing.(Shemightjustaswellhaveused“redneck”inplaceof“Corleone.”)Blindtotheirblandness,theLoudswereadrift,likesomanyothersoftheseventiesmiddleclass.Roiphe’supdatedmottoforthefamilysampler:“Beiteversohollow,there’snoplacelikehome.”3

•••

Historicalfictionsprovidedasolutionforculturallonging.AlexHaley’sRoots(1976)createdamediasensation.Itspenttwenty-twoweeksatoptheNewYorkTimesbestsellerlistbeforebecomingatwelve-hourminiseriesthatwonnineEmmys.Haleyhaddonesomethingfewimaginedpossible:hehadtracedhisAfricanAmericanfamily’shistorybacktoavillageinGambia.

Theauthor’ssuccesswasbasedwhollyonhisclaimstohavediscoveredhispaternalancestor,KuntaKinte,whoacquiredthenameTobyinAmerica.Haley

insistedthathehadspentlongyearsdoingcarefulresearchthathadenabledhimtoprovethathisfamily’soralhistory(andthattoldbyanAfricanstoryteller)couldbecorroboratedwitharchivaldocumentation.Thedialogueinhisbookmayhavebeenmadeup,butthefamilysagawasatruesliceofhistory.

Impressedbythisgargantuaneffort,theNewYorkTimespraisedHaleyforhis“wealthofauthenticdetail,”andforhavinginstilledhisnarrativewiththe“feelofhistory.”Themostprominentreviewinthenewspaperofrecordaverred,“Itstruthshavebeenquarriedbyamountainoffacts.”Newsweeklikewiselaudedtheworkasan“extraordinarysocialdocument,groundedinexhaustiveresearchandanimatedbyagrandpassionforpersonalandhistoricaltruth.”Butitwasallalie.4

Farfromuncoveringhisrealroots,itwasdiscoveredthatthemega-sellingauthorhadinventedhislineage.Controversyoverhishistoricalclaimshitthenewsin1977,asprominentjournalistsandscholarscalledhisworka“fraud,”andthefullstoryunfoldedoverthenextfiveyears.Hehadmanipulatedhisfamilyoralaccountsandembellishedhisfamilytreeinordertotellagrandtaleofanexceptionalheritagethatneverexisted.Forstarters,theGambianstorytellerherelieduponmerelytoldHaleywhathewantedtohear.ThehistoricalTobywasnotevenbornwiththenameKuntaKinte—thatgenealogicallineagewaspurefiction.WhileHaley’sAfricawasnotacaricatureontheorderofTarzan’soverripejungle,itwasahalf-consciousorself-consciousdistortion:heconvertedGambiaintoaplacemirroringmiddleAmerica,asalandofmanyvillages.Theactualvillageofhisreputedancestors,asHaleyadmitted,wasaBritishtradingpost,notthesymbolicWestAfrican“Eden”itwasportrayedas,apristineworldtoconstituteforhistory-hungryAfro-AmericansareversePlymouthRock.5

Ifthatweretheextentoftheauthor’scrimes,itwouldbebadenough.ButHaley’sattemptsatresearchactuallyexposedfarmoreseriouserrors.ThebirthdatesofKuntaKinte’sAmericanprogenywerewronglygiven,andHaleyattributedtohisfamilytreethenamesofpeopletowhomhewasunrelated.NeitherthewhitenortheblackfamiliesarchivedinRootsmatchedexistinghistoricalrecords.

AstohisdescentfromthewhiteLeafamilyofNorthCarolina,HaleycompletelyinventedavillainouscrackercharacternamedTomLea,whorapedKuntaKinte’sdaughter,Kizzy(Haley’sallegeddirectancestor),andbetrayedhisownmulattoson,“ChickenGeorge,”bysellingoffhisfamily.Thiscouldnothaveoccurred,becausethehistoricalThomasLeawasalreadydeadbythattime.AndLeawasnotinfactHaley’s“po’cracker,”butaprosperouslandownerwithsixteenthousandacresandnumerousslaves;someofhisrelativesheldprestigiouspoliticaloffices.

TheclasselementinRootswas,inthisway,aswrongontheAmericansideasontheAfrican.NorwasthereashredofevidencethatHaley’slostGambianancestorswereofanelitebloodline,andToby/KunteKinteabreedandaclassabovethe

AfricanAmericanfieldhandswhodidthemostbackbreakinglaborintheU.S.South.YetforHaley,KuntaKinteinAmericahadtobefashionedasamanwhohonoredthememoryofhisproudAfricanancestors;andinspiteofhisenslavedcondition,heandhisfamilyhadtosetthemselvesapartfromtheirlow-classcrackerrelatives.6

Letusbeclear,then.Besidesbeingafabricationofhisfamily’shistory,Haley’sbookappliedakindoflogicthatwasdownrightconservative.HeconstruedhimselfasoneofanAfricannobility,andheheldthatancestrysaidalotaboutwhatapersoncouldbecome—andpasson.Rootswastoogoodtobetrue,whichwaswhyHaley,whopitchedhisstorytothenetworksbeforehehadevenwrittenit,waseventuallyexposedasahoaxerandahustler.7

Haley’sRootsdemonstratedhoweasyitwastoinventapedigree.Fictionalfamilytreeswerealltherage.JamesA.Michener,arguablythemostpopularoftwentieth-centuryhistoricalfictionwriters,producedaprimarilywhiteversionofRootsinhisnovelChesapeake(1978).Michenerfollowedseveralfamiliesofvaryingclassbackgroundsandtiedtheirdestiniestoalandscapedottedwithgeeseandblueherons.ThewhitetrashlineagehecoversoriginateswithoneTimothyTurlock,whomMichenerdescribesas“small,quick,sly,dirtyofdressandhabit,”andthefatherof“sixbastards.”AfteranundistinguishedlifeinEngland,TurlockwasunceremoniouslydumpedontheEasternShoreofMarylandinthe1600s,andlivedinaswamp.8

Multiplegenerationslater,littlehadchangedfortheTurlockclan.AmosTurlockwasatoothlesscranklivinginatrailerinthe1970s.Asonereviewerputit,“feralmarshlanders”anchoredtheentirenarrative.TheTurlocksremainedonewiththeirterrain.AmossurroundedhistrailerwithtackystatuaryofSantaandtheSevenDwarfs;hederivedthegreatestpleasureinfindinghiswayaroundthegamewardenandrangingaboutwithhisextra-long(illegal)Twomblygunthatheusedtohuntgeese.TheTurlocksofMichener’shistoricalreinventionwereallcunning—savagesurvivalists.9

Assweepingnarrativesandsmall-screenhistoriesaccompaniedthenation’sbicentennialcelebrationsof1976,itshouldcomeasnosurprise,then,thatthefoundersthemselvesprovidedadynasticsagaworthyofaminiseries.TheAdamsChroniclestracedthepathofacrustyNewEnglandfarmer,JohnAdams,tothepresidency,andcarriedforwardwithhisdescendants,threegenerations’worth.TheChroniclesleduptotheaccomplishedHenryAdams,astrong-mindedhistorianwhoselifecrossedintothetwentiethcentury.

InhisintroductiontothePBStreatment’scompanionbook,ProfessorDanielBoorstin,thenewlyappointedLibrarianofCongress,recastJohnAdamsasanoxymoron:a“self-madearistocrat.”Hiswell-known“vanity,”his“independence

frompublicopinion”morphsintoan“Adamstradition,”redefiningclassarroganceasanadmirablefamilytrait.TherewerenoTurlocksintheseChronicles,sotherabble-rouserSamuelAdamsstoodinforthe“slippery”sideofthefamily.“Plain”JohnAdamswascontrastedwithhissocialclimberofacousin,whoinsistedonbeingchauffeuredinafancycarriagewhenheattendedtheContinentalCongress.10

•••

Amidthereconstructionofclassestakingplaceinthe1970s,thepoliticalstatusoftwentieth-centuryethnicsenduredaseriesofchanges,beginningwithPresidentNixon’sattemptstoappealtoadifferentbreedof“forgottenAmericans”thanthoseembracedbyFDR’sNewDeal.ThosewhomNixonwishedtoconnectwithwerethe“WhiteLowerMiddleClass”identifiedbyPeteHamillina1969NewYorkmagazinearticle.Theywerethealienated“rabble,”andNixonpromisedtoembracethe“SilentMajority”asthebackboneofAmerica—hardworkingandtrue.MichaelNovak,inTheRiseoftheUnmeltableEthnics(1972),tooktheargumentonestepfurther,claimingthatethnicAmericanswerebetterAmericans,becausetheyunderstoodthetraditionalvaluesofloyalty,loveoftheflag,andhardwork,andtheydidnotexpectgovernmenttoprovideunfairspecialassistance(astheyimaginedblacksweredoing).11

ThewelfaresystemwasoneoftheissuesdividingAmericansatthistime.SomeNixonsupportersacknowledgedthattherewerehardworkingpeopleamongwelfarerecipientswhoonlyoccasionallytookgovernmentassistance;buttherewereothers,lessdeserving,whomtheysawaspermanentlytrappedinacycleofdependence.Criticsofwelfaretendedtoseetheissueasaracialone,buttherealitywasdifferent.Amongthe“forgottenmasses”wereanestimated17.4millionpoorwhites,andthemajorityofthemlivedintheSouth.In1969,womentooktheleadinthewelfarerightsmovementwhenagroupofthedisaffectedinBeaufort,SouthCarolina,refusedtobesilentoverdelaysinreceivingtheirfoodstamps.OneMrs.Frazier,whohadorganizedadaycareprogram,ledthe“welfaremothers”inavisuallypowerfulprotest.AtthesametimeasagroupofwealthywomenwereholdingtheirannualBeauforthistorichomesandgardenstour,sheorganizedatourofpoorhomes.Inthelargernationaldebate,though,Nixon’ssupporterswereseenangrilycomplainingabouthowwelfare“breedsweakpeople.”Povertywasonceagainbeingblamedonquestionablebreeding,andhardworkwasproclaimedasthemeansthroughwhichstrongfamiliesputdownsolidrootsandachievedupwardmobility.ToFrazier,welfareanddaycarewerenecessaryifoneweretobeabletoholdajobandfeedafamily.Starvationwasarealdanger—indeedthepoorinSouthCarolinawerestillbattlingparasiteslikehookworm.12

Duringtheethnicrevivalthaturbanitescelebratedinthe1970s,hardworkingGreeksandItaliansandChineseproppedupfamilytradition,asneighborhoodrestaurantsinChinatownsgrewinpopularity.Thecelebratoryimpulseoverethniccookingwasamiddle-classphenomenon,andpovertywassoftenedwhenitcouldbeseenthroughthehazyglowoftimesgoneby.Theethicofhardworkitselfwasnowengraftedontoethnicandfamilygenealogicaltrees.Pastpovertywasnoencumbrance;roots,whatevertheywere,werenotastainuponthepresent.InsummingupIrvingHowe’sWorldofOurFathers(1976),anaffectionatestoryoftheethniclifeofJewsontheLowerEastSideofManhattan,onereviewerconcluded,“Everybodywantsaghettotolookbackon.”13

Whenitledtosocialmobility,ethnicidentitywasseenasapositiveattribute.Unappealing(orun-American)idiosyncracieswerecleanedup;thefood,literature,music,anddresspromoted;andthewholeethnicitysetapartfromthediseasedanddirtyhuddledmasseswhocamethroughEllisIsland.Heritage,likehistoricmemoryitself,isalwaysselective.Ethnicsandpoorfolkcanbeadmiredfromafar,orfromatemporaldistance,aslongasdoingsoensuresthesupremacyofthemiddleclassinthenarrative.Peoplecanchoosetotreasurethosepartsoftheirheritagethattheyseeasfavorableandwishtokeep,jettisoningwhatunpleasanttruthstheywouldprefertoforget.

Thesameimpulseswouldsoonbeusedtorefashiontheredneckandembracewhitetrashasanauthenticheritage.Itwasmoonshinersknownfortrippin’whiskeyandoutrunnin’thelawwhostartedtheroughandwildsportofstockcarracing.Bytheseventies,withmoneyfromDetroitautomobilecompaniesandcelebritydrivers,anoutlawsporthadbecomeNASCAR,thetamerpastimeofarrivistemiddle-classAmericans.Meanwhile,countrycroonersJohnnyRussellandVernonOxfordreleasedthehitsingles“Rednecks,WhiteSocks,andBlueRibbonBeer”(1973)and“Redneck!(TheRedneckNationalAnthem)”(1976).VernonOxforddefined“redneck”as“someonewhoenjoyscountrymusicandlikestodrinkbeer.”In1977,theyearElvisdied,thenewqueenofcountryrockmusic,DollyParton,wasfeaturedintheelitefashionmagazineVogue.“Redneckchic”(thecleaned-upredneck)reachedHollywoodinthe1981filmUrbanCowboy,inwhichJerseyboyJohnTravoltatookontheroleofhard-hat-wearing,honky-tonk-lovingTexastwo-stepperBufordDavis.In1986,ErnestMatthewMickler’sWhiteTrashCookingwaspublished,celebratinglow-downlingoandruralrecipes.WhenMickler,acountrysingeraswellasacaterer,gavehisbooktohisseventy-two-year-oldaunt,sheremarked,“Well,that’swhattheycallus,ain’tit?”14

Thetransitiontowhitetrashacceptanceoraccommodationwasnotassmoothasitmightseem.WhileDollyPartonmadeover-the-top“floozydom”fashionable,andcombinedtheburlesqueofblondebombshellsMarilynMonroeandJayneMansfield

withDaisyMaeofLi’lAbnerfame,herpublicidentitydidnotescapethetaintofwhitetrashdegradation.“Youhavenoideahowmuchitcoststomakesomeonelookthischeap,”Partontoldareporterin1986.TheHollywoodblockbusterDeliverancelackedevenanounceofdelicacy,butofferedupinsteadoneofthemostdevastatingportraitsofrudehillbilliessincetheeugenicsmovementfadedfromview.Whitemiddle-classreadersofthenovelandfilmaudienceswrotefanmailtoauthorJamesDickey,praisingthefourintrepidAtlantaadventurersasiftheywereold-timepioneersovercomingwildernessdangerswhileescapingtheclutchesofwhitetrashsavages.AformerstudentofDickey’swrotefawninglytohismentor,apparentlyoblivioustothedehumanizingtoneofhisletter.Hewasanardentbackwoodshiker,hesaid,“thoughIcarrynobowandtherearenorednecksawaitingmeatthetopformetostalkandkill.”Hecouldnotdifferentiate,inmoralterms,betweenthethrilloftakingonthemountainsandthethrillofsendingmountainmentotheirdeaths.15

Classhostilitypersisted.Manysouthernsuburbaniteshadnosympathyforthewhitetrashunderclassintheirsection.Theydrewasharpclasslinebetweenthelower-classrednecksandthe“upscalerednecks.”LillianSmith,aSouthernnovelistandcivilrightsactivist,identifiedtheplaceswherethesetoxicfeelingsstewed.Liketheblue-collarethnicsinnortherncitieswhoswitchedtheirallegiancetotheRepublicanParty,marginallymiddle-classsouthernershatedthe“weak,lazy,good-for-nothingoneswhowhineallmonthuntilthereliefcheckcomesin.”Seeingthemselvesashardworkingandself-reliant,theupwardlymobilesonsofwhitetrashparentsbelieved,asSmithputit,that“heisresponsibleforhimselfandhimselfalone.”Thesameself-mademanwholookeddownonwhitetrashothershadconvenientlychosentoforgetthathisownparentsescapedthetar-papershackonlywiththehelpofthefederalgovernment.Butnowthathehadbeenliftedtorespectability,hewouldpullupthesocialladderbehindhim.

Sosuburbanwhiteanimositytowardblackswasrepeatedinthetreatmentofpoorwhites.Smithfoundthattheformerlypoorsouthernwhiteandtheupwardlymobileimmigrantpopulationhadsomethingincommon:“Whateveryonehasalwayswantedinthiscountry,whatmostcameherefor,wastogetawayfromallthoseotherswhosmellbad,aresleepinginashanty,andareeatingfatbackandaregoingtoloaftomorrowbecausethereisnojobtogoto.”Movingupmeantstayingaheadofthosestilltrappedinthe“povertyditch.”Butratherthanhelpothersescapedestitution,thisnewadditiontothemiddleclassdeeplyresentedagovernmentthatwastedmoneyonthepoor.16

DemocratRobertByrdofWestVirginiafitthismold.NewlyelectedastheSenatewhipin1971bybeatingthepatricianEdwardKennedy,hewas,astheNewYorkTimesMagazinequoted,the“powhitekidthatcouldclimbtotheseatofthemightyandwhipmillionaires.”Anorphan,aformerbutcherandgrocerwhoboastedhaving

LyndonJohnsonashispatron,Byrdmadehismarkbyattackingwelfare,rioters,andcommunism.HehiredinvestigatorstokickcheatersoffthewelfarerollsinWashington,DC.Rioters,hedeclaredwithmarkedcallousness,deservedtobemoweddown,andlootersshotonsight“swiftlyandmercilessly.”ByrdmadehimselfoneofthemosthatedmenintheSenate,wherehewascomparedtoDracula,JekyllandHyde,andUriahHeep—theobsequious,greedy,upwardlymobileclerkinCharlesDickens’sDavidCopperfield.AfterByrdbecamewhip,onetopSenateaideremarkedthatDemocratswouldnowhavetolookupatthe“pinchedMephistophelianfeaturesofaredneckwhomadegood.”

Byrdreferredtopeopleonwelfareas“fornicatingdeadbeats.”Heevenappearedunsympathetictochildrenobtaininggovernmentassistance:iftheyweremerelyhungry,butnotstarving,theydidnotmeritaid.AsaformermemberoftheKuKluxKlan,ByrdconvenientlydistinguishedwelfarerecipientsintheDistrictofColumbia(mostlyblack)fromthedeadbeatsofhishomestateofWestVirginia.Thushemadenoefforttorootoutwelfarecheatersamongthemountainwhites;theywerehisticketintopolitics.Inhisfirstrunforoffice,hecourtedthehillbillycrowdbyplayingfiddletunesinthebackseatofacarashewentfromshacktoshack.ReenactingtheoldtaleoftheArkansastraveler,hecleverlyplayedbothrolesinthenineteenth-centurydrama:thepoorwhiteandtheambitiouspolitician.TheNewYorkTimesdeclaredByrdtobethe“embodimentofpoorwhitepower.”HewasLillianSmith’sangryredneck,whohad“hackedhiswayoutofthebushes”ofpoverty.Asasymbolofpoliticalintolerance,hewasasruthlessastheycame.17

•••

AttheotherendofthespectrumwastheGeorgianJimmyCarter,aliberalDemocratwho,whenelectedin1970,appearedonthecoverofTimeasoneofthe“newsoutherngovernors.”ThoughdecadesremovedfromodioussouthernpoliticianslikeJamesVardamanandEugeneTalmadge,Carterstillhadtoruna“redneck”campaigninordertowin.HecouldnotignoretheexampleofAlabamagovernorGeorgeWallace,whocouldignitethewhiteman’srage.Tocapturethevotesofblue-collarandruralvoters,CarterpaintedhisequallyliberalopponentCarlSandersasacorporatelawyeroutoftouchwiththeaverageman.NicknamingSanders“CuffLinkCarl,”Carter’sstaffdevisedatelevisioncommercialwithaclosedcountryclubdoorandavoice-oversaying,“Peoplelikeusaren’tinvited.We’retoobusyworkingforaliving.”Carter’steamcirculatedtheugliestpicturesoftheircandidatetheycouldfindinordertomakehimlooklikeapoorcountryboy—insomehewasridingatractor.Hismoneycamefromthehonesttradeofpeanutfarming,andfromawarehousing

operation—orsothelogicwent.JimmyCarterwasnotoneofthe“BigWigs”inAtlantaorWashington.18

Duringtherunoffelection,Sanders’steamwentontheoffensive,producingflyerswithphotographsoftherun-downhomesofthetenantsonCarter’speanutfarm.Theflyer’scaptionplayedoffCarter’sownslogan:“Isn’tittimesomeonespokeupforthesepeople?”ThemostdamningoftheoppositionflyershadCarterclimbingintobedwitharacistleader.HereCarterwasdrawnasaclownish,barefootredneck—theabsurdityexacerbatedbyhispolka-dottedsuit.Thepointwasthathewasaleopardwhocouldchangehisspots,manipulatinghisclassidentityjustenoughtosatisfypoliticallyconservativevoters.Theattackwasnotfarfromthetruth:Carterwasokaywithalienatingblackvotersintheprimary,butinthegeneralelectionheshifted,toningdownhisredneckappeal.19

Asapolitician,CarterwasforcedtoendureascreeningofDeliveranceinAtlantain1972.Heremainedwaryofitspromoters’claimthatthefilmwasgoodforthestate.Indeed,JamesDickeyandJimmyCarterweretwoGeorgianswhohadabsolutelynothingincommon.CarterwasaBaptistandhadateetotalerwife,whileDickeywasanoutrageousalcoholicandanegomaniac,borntowealth.Hauntedbyinsecurityafterapamperedandeffeminateyouth,Dickeyreinventedhimselfasthechildofhillbillies—oneofthemanylieshetoldabouthimself.HisNorthGeorgiarelativeswereactuallylargelandowners,whosepastholdingsincludedaconsiderablenumberofslaves.20

Dickey’snovel,publishedin1970,wasatorturedexplorationoflostmanhood,anattempttorecoverhis“innerhillbilly.”Onthesurface,thenovel(andfilm)isaboutfourmenonacanoetripinAppalachia.WhenthechubbybachelorBobby(NedBeatty)israpedinthemoviebyoneofthemountainmen,heiscalleda“sow”andtoldbyhisattackerto“squeallikeapig.”Inthepsychosexualthriller,thedandifiedcityfolkaren’tmerelygiventheircomeuppance;theyareforcedtorediscovertheirprimalinstincts.Dickeysawthisasagoodthing,andhisheroendsupastrongerman.Inoneinterview,thenovelistadmittedthatthelureofthebackcountrywastohimthepossibilityofone’sbecominga“counter-monster,”behavingasmendidwholivedinremoteparts,“doingwhateveryoufeltcompelledtodotosurvive.”Inthenovelandfilmalike,thecitymencommittwomurders,concealthedeathofoneoftheirtravelingcompanions,RonnyCox’scharacterDrew,andmakeapactnevertorevealwhathappenedontheirill-fatedtrip.Rechristenedasbloodbrothers,thesurvivingtriocarrytheirdarksecretsawaywiththem.21

Drewhadtodie.HewastheonlyoneofthefourAtlantabusinessmenwhoshowedanycompassionforruralpeople.Hereachedouttotheidiot-savantteenageraftertheirbanjo-and-guitarduet.(Lonnie,thecharacterinthenovel,wassupposedto

beanalbino.)Thefilm’smessagewasclear:sympathywasasignofweaknessthatcityboyshadtoovercome.Onlybyresortingtoviolenceandtakingavicariousplungeintotheuncensoredpsycheofthebackwoodsmancouldtheyrecovertheirferalredneckroots.22

Dickey’sstoryhaditsgiantappealbecausethesearchhedescribedfoundexpressionelsewhereinAmericansociety.NASCARofferedthesamekindofallure,asTomWolfewroteinEsquire.Menwithoutinhibitionswholivedforthemomentarypleasureofdangerhadnofearoftheconsequencesoftheiractions.NorthCaroliniandriverJuniorJohnsonwasnotjusta“heroawholepeopleorclasscanidentifywith,”hewasa“rarebreed”whohadgonefromwhiskeyrunningintheisolatedhillsandhollowsofhishomestatetostockcarracing.Hehaditall:money,asplit-levelhouse,apoultrybusiness.Hemighthaveexchangedhisoverallsforawindbreakerwiththecollarup,and“SlimJim”whitepants,butthis“breedofoldboy”provedsomethingmajorbydrivingat175milesperhourwithakindofmadnessthatwas“rawandhillbilly.”Thatwastheappeal.23

ThemachostarofDeliverance,BurtReynolds,wentontomakeasouthern-accentedfilmthatwasanhomagetothestockcarracer’swayoflife.InSmokeyandtheBandit(1977),Reynolds’scharacterlivedforthechaseandranfromthelaw,whilehisfemalecompanion(playedbySallyField)wasarunawaybride—bothofthemrejectingcivilization’srestraints.TheReynoldsofthisfilmwasamodern-daysquatterlikegoodoldSug,respectedbecauseherefusedtoknuckledownandjointhedailygrindofworkingtogetahead.SmokeyandtheBanditwasthesecondhighestgrossingfilmin1977,butmostofitspopularitywasintheSouthandMidwest.Addingtothemix,in1979,CBSlaunchedTheDukesofHazzard,theplotsofwhichrevolvedaroundrebelmoonshinersdeckedoutinabrightredracingcar,andasexykissingcousinnamedDaisy,whosetrademarkwasherhigh-cutjeanshorts.DenverPylewascastasUncleJesse,knownforhisoverallsandcountrifiedhomilies;PylehadpreviouslyplayedBriscoeDarlingJr.,thesurlyfatherofamusicalhillbillyclaninTheAndyGriffithShow.24

WannabebanditswereamongthethousandsofspectatorsatNASCARwholaunchedintorebelyells,dranktoomuch,andogledthefloozyonthefloatwithher“bigblondehairandblossomybreasts”andcheapDallasCowgirloutfit.Theyembracedacertainspeciesoffreedom—thefreedomtobeaboor,outintheopenandwithoutregrets.The“upscalerednecks,”therisingwhitetrashmiddleclass,identifiedwiththesehillbillyracers,menwhohadescapedtheoverallsandgainedasmuchrespectascouldbehadinacceptingwadsofcashfromDetroit.Classstructurehadnotchangedappreciablyfortheruralpoor:moneymayhavemadeahillbillyortwo

reputable,butthoseleftinthehillswerenotreapinganysocialbenefits.“Upscalerednecks”hadnotroublespottingthosebelowthemintheirrearviewmirrors.25

JimmyCarter’spresidencyseemedtoofferabreakfrompastsouthernpoliticians.Hewasaborn-againChristianandnavyofficer(withtraininginnuclearphysics)whopredicatedhis1976campaignonhisrefusaltolietothevoters.Intheearlydaysofthecampaign,hegaveanunusualstumpspeechtoelementaryschoolchildreninNewHampshire,proclaimingthattheUnitedStatescouldhavea“governmentasgoodandashonestandasdecentandascompetentandascompassionateandasfilledwithloveastheAmericanpeople.”Herewasasentimentaldemocrat,agospel-infusedChristianpopulist,leapsandboundsfromtheanger-fueledpopulismoftheold(redneck)South.26

Ofallhispredecessors,CarterprobablycameclosesttoFrankClement’sclean-cutdemeanor,buthemostlykepthisreligiousviewstopersonalstatements.HewasnogyratingentertainerlikeClement,nor(atfivefootseven)washeagiant-sizedjokesterlike“BigJim”Folsom.HepreferredtocomparehimselftoYalegraduateandTennesseeliberalEstesKefauver.Thecampaignrhetoriccontaineda“logcabin”storythatcapturedthefamily’srise,butitleftoutthefactthatJimmygrewupwithatenniscourtinthebackyard.Hedidexpresssouthernpride,though,gainingthesupportofcountryrockgroupssuchastheAllmanBrothers.Hispoliticalhandlersweresuretofashionaradioadforthepickuptruckcrowd:“We’vebeenthebuttofeverybadjokeforahundredyears.Don’tlettheWashingtonpoliticianskeeponeofusoutoftheWhiteHouse.”TheclosestCartercametoacknowledgingcrackerrootswaswhenhequotedthewordsofhissupporter(hisfutureUnitedNationsambassador)AndrewYoungthathewas“whitetrashmadegood.”ThatmadethepeanutfarmerJimmyCarter“reformed”whitetrash.AsablackcongressmanfromGeorgia,Youngwassuggestingthatitwaspossiblefortheoldhostilitybetweenpoorblacksandwhitestobeovercome.27

AsmuchasheroseabovethedirtypoliticsoftheNixonyears,Carter’sSundayschoolteacherpersonacouldgoonlysofar.HisimageproblemwascleverlysummedupbyfellowGeorgianRoyBlountJr.inthebookCrackers(1980).RatherthanfindhisinnerredneckasJamesDickeyhad,Carterranoneverythinghewasn’t:“Hewasn’taracist,anelitist,asexist,aWashingtonian,adimwit,aliar,alawyer...anideologue,aparanoid,acrook.”Hewasalwaysindenial.Bytakingthe“meannessandhamboneoutoftheredneck,”Blountreasoned,Carterwasleftwithout“forceorframework.”Andnomatterhowliberal,howtolerantandaccommodatingheappeared,Carter’sredneckshadowfollowedhim.Inthatshadowthemedialayinwait,preoccupiedwithJimmy’stoothygrin,hisstrangeduelwithaswamprabbit,and,mostnotably,hisredneckdoppelgänger—brotherBilly.28

Carterwastheperfectcandidateoftheseventies,becausehewassomeonewhocametopoliticswith“roots.”HeranasthemanfromtinyPlains,asonewholovedtheland,lovedhiskin,andtreasuredhislocalcommunity.Thatsimpleheritagewashiscallingcard,andasaprofileintheChristianScienceMonitorconcluded,“Fewclingtotheirrootswithmoretenacity.”LikeAlexHaley,hewasobsessedwithhisfamily’sgenealogy.Hesuccessfullycultivatedhis“commonman”originsuntilaBritishpublicationonthepeeragereleasedastartlingtwenty-three-pagefindingontheCarterfamilylineagein1977.Insteadofdescendingfromindenturedservants,thepresidenthadoneofthemostsignificantfamilyhistoriesintheEnglish-speakingworld:hewasrelatedtobothGeorgeWashingtonandthequeenofEngland.TheNewYorkTimesprojectedthathisfellowAmericanswouldfindthisdiscovery“amusing.”IttemperedtheBritishannouncementwitharemindertoreadersthatsomeoftheCartersinoldEnglandwerepoachers,theAmericanequivalentofwould-bemoonshiners.Noblebloodorhillbillymoonshiners?AspokesmanfortheBritishstudy,Debrett’sPeerage,invokedeugenicthinkingwhenheclaimedthattheCarterfamilyhadproduced“intelligenttobrilliant”people.Thefamilylinehaditsshareof“sleepers,”theexpertconfided,anditwasfromthoselesssuccessfulbranchesthatJimmy’sbrotherBillyhadacquiredhislessfineattributes.29

Thatsaid,BillyCarterwasnosleeper.Hebecamearedneckluminary,andtouristspouredintotheCarters’hometownofPlainslookingforautographsandphotographswiththedown-homecelebrity.Hebeganproducinghisownbeer,BillyBeer,andhiredanagenttocoordinatetalkshegavearoundthecountry.Hewasknownforvoicingornery,uncensoredopinions.BillysmokedfivepacksofPallMallsaday,andhiscodenameontheCBradiowas“CastIron,”forhisiron-guttedabilitytodrinkanythingandalotofit.Hewasno“HolyRoller,”nocelebrantofthe“LostCause.”WhenaskedwhatsidehewouldhavefoughtonintheCivilWar,Billyjoked,“I’dprobablyhidoutintheswamp.”In1981,afterhisbrotherleftoffice,Billywaspeddlingmobilehomes.30

RoyBlountsaidhewishedthatJimmyhadabitmoreofBillyinhim,alittlemoreirreverenceandsass:“ThefirstCrackerPresidentshouldhavebeenamixtureofJimmyandBilly,...Billy’shoo-Lord-what-the-hell-get-out-the-wayattitudeheavingupunderJimmy’sprudentrighteousness—orJimmy’sidealismheavingupunderBilly’ssenseofhumanlimitations—andforminganice-and-awfulcompoundlikelifeinGeorgia.”Blount’sCrackerPresidentwouldhave“arichervoice,andalessdismissablesmile.”31

TherewasprobablymoreredneckinJimmythanBlountrealized.WhenspeechwriterBobShrumresignedfromtheCarterteamin1976,heexposedalesscompassionatecandidate.ThemanwhopubliclyadvocatedforminerswhenhespokebeforealaboraudiencetoldShrumprivatelythat“heopposedincreasedblack-lung

benefitsforminers,because‘theychosetobeminers.’”Seeminglylackinganunderstandingofclassconditions,Carterrightthenrevealedameanstreakamilewide.Shouldminerssufferbecausetheyacceptedthedangersofthejob?Heshowedhismeansideagainin1977whenheendorsedtheHydeAmendmentforrestrictingMedicarepaymentstopoorwomenseekingabortions.InanswertoaquestionfromJudyWoodruffofNBC,thepresidentdidnotdefendhispositiononstrictlymoralgrounds,butmadeaclassargumentinstead:“Well,asyouknow,therearemanythingsinlifethatarenotfair,thatwealthypeoplecanaffordandpoorpeoplecan’t.ButIdon’tbelievethatthefederalgovernmentshouldtakeactiontotrytomaketheseopportunitiesexactlyequal,whenthereisamoralfactorinvolved.”Hebasicallyheldthatthefederalgovernmentshouldbeabletodenypoorwomenbenefitsbecausetheywerepoor.Thewealthycoulddoastheyplease,andthepoorhadtobedisciplined.Carterwaspronetothefatalisticview:poorwomendeservetheirdestiny,andcoalminersmustendureblack-lungdisease.Ineffect,themessagewas:don’texpectequalityorcompassionifyoucan’thelpyourself.32

America’sloveaffairwithJimmyCarterofPlains,Georgia,fadedfairlyrapidly.By1979,hisdecliningpopularitywassummedupintheparableoftheswamprabbit.Itwasastorythemediarefusedtoletgoof,inpartbecausethepresident’sstaffrefusedtoreleaseimagesoftheencounteruntilpressed.Cartertoldhisowntaleoftheswampadventure.Paddlingacanoe,hesawawildrabbitchasinghissmallcraftand“baringhisteeth.”Hethoughtitwascurious,andalsofunny.Reportersturneditintoamodernversionofthefrontiersman’svauntedboastingsession.Insteadof“DanielBoonewrestlingwithbears,”onejournalistchided,Carterwastakingon“PeterRabbit.”OthershadthepresidentsparringwithBanzaiBunny,orthekillerrabbitofMontyPythonfame.Itbecameametaphorforawimpypresidentialleadershipstyle,feedingthelegendofthecountryboywhoturnedcowardinwhatshouldhavebeenfamiliarterrain—themarshywildsoftheGeorgiabackcountry.JimmyCarterwasnottheheroofDeliverance;hewasclosertoJimmyStewartofHarvey,afeeblemindedmanunabletoprovethatthesupernaturalbunnyexistedorquashastorythatmadehimlooklikeacountrybumpkin.33

In1980,CarterlosttoRonaldReagan,amanwhounderstoodpreciouslittleaboutsouthernculture,butknewallheneededtoaboutimagemaking.HisWhiteHousetookonthetrappingsofaglamorousHollywoodset.ReagancouldplaytheIrishmanwhenhevisitedBallyporeen,CountyTipperary;hecouldwearacowboyhatandrideahorse,ashedidinoneofhisbest-knownfilms,SantaFeTrail.The“actingpresident”hadaskillfewpoliticianspossessedinthathewastrainedtodelivermovinglines,lookgoodforthecamera,andprojectthedesiredtoneandemotion.Sincetrueeloquencehaddiedwiththeadventoftelevision,Reaganwaslessthe“greatcommunicator”hisworshippersclaimedthanhewasanactorwithcarefully

honed“mediareflexes.”HecametoofficerejectingeverythingCarterstoodfor:theruralSouth,thecommonman,theimageofthedown-homeAmericaninbarefeetandjeans.Reaganlookedfantasticinatuxedo.Arumormadetheroundsin1980thatNancyReaganwastellingherfriendsthattheCartershadturnedtheWhiteHouseintoa“pigsty.”Inhereyes,theywerewhitetrash,andeverytraceofthemhadtobeerased.34

Ina1980newspaperpiece,oneprominentReagansupporterwithstrongconservativecredentialsmadearatherdubiousargumentaboutrednecks.PatrickBuchananchargedthaturbanblackshadbeenluredintothepovertytrapbygovernment,andthatblackmenhadbeenshornofthepridethatcamefrombeingfamilyproviders.HishopewasthattheymightswitchtheirsupporttoReaganandformanew“BlackSilentMajority.”Castingthepooraspawnsofthe“professionalpovertarians,”BuchananrevivedtheoldattackagainstRexfordTugwelloftheNewDealforbeingthepoorman’spuppeteer.ThemostremarkableofBuchanan’sprescriptionswasthaturbanblacksshouldseetheirwaytoimitatingtheredneckswhosepickupsfeaturedaReaganbumperstickerandwhosesleevessportedtheAmericanflag(heshouldhavesaidConfederate).Puttingpoorblacksandrednecksinthesameboat,Buchananmadebureaucracytheenemyofall.35

•••

IfJimmyCarter’selectionmadeoneofRoyBlount’sfriendscryout,“Weain’ttrashnomore,”thatfeelingwassadlydeflatedby1987.Thatyear’sbiggestpublicscandalwasthefallofReverendJimBakker.Risingfromobscurity,Bakkerandhiswife,TammyFaye,hadbuiltatelevangelistempireoutoftheCharlotte,NorthCarolina,PTL(“PraisetheLord/PasstheLove”)TelevisionNetworkthatwasestimatedtoreachthirteenmillionhomes;theyalsoopenedthehighlyprofitabletwenty-three-hundred-acreHeritageUSAChristianthemepark.AlongwithLibertyUniversityfounderJerryFalwellandChristianBroadcastingNetwork(CBN)founderPatRobertson,BakkerhadjoinedleadingconservativereligiousleaderswhomadeanappearanceattheReaganWhiteHousein1984.Threeyearslater,afteranFBIinvestigation(inwhichthePTLwasknownasthe“Pass-the-LootClub”),hewasconvictedofalltwenty-fourchargesoffraudandconspiracy.Thejudgewassodisgustedthathesentencedtheunscrupulouspastortoforty-fiveyearsinprison.Intheend,heservedafive-yearterm.36

Bakkerwasdescribedasa“Bibleschooldropout,”andhisstoryrevealedamanwhonotonlyfleecedhisfollowers,butledagrosslyextravagantlife.Heownednumeroushomes,a1953Rolls-Royce,asleekhouseboat,andclosetsfilledwith

expensivesuits.JimandTammyFayehadgonefromlivinginatrailertoamassingsalariesandbonusesinthemillionsofdollars.37

Bakker’sministrypreachedthewhitetrashdreamofexcess.Inone1985program,hedefendedtheextravagantstyleofhisChristianamusementparkhotel:“Thenewspaperpeoplethinkweshouldstillbebackinthetrash....TheyreallythinkChristiansoughttobeshabby,tacky,crummy,worthlesspeoplebecausewethreatenthemwhenwehavethingsasniceastheyhave.”Inadmittinghisoverindulgences,Bakkercrooned,“I’mexcessive.DearLord,I’mexcessive....GodisagreatGod.Hedeservesmybest.”Thesecond-ratehustlerwasareal-lifeversionofAndyGriffith’sroleasLonesomeRhodesinAFaceintheCrowd.OrasonereporterclaimedafterwatchinguntoldhoursoftheBakkers’show,theirprosperitytheologyandliving-roompreachinghad“thecheesyfeelofPetticoatJunction.”38

Greedwasjustthebackstory.TammyFaye,whobecameknownforthemakeupthatoozeddownhercheeksassheweptalongwithherflock,hadtobecartedofftorehabforanaddictiontotranquilizers.Meanwhile,herreverendhusbandwaspayinghushmoneytothechurchsecretary,ayoungwomanhehadusedsexuallysevenyearsearlier.JessicaHahntoldherstorytoPlayboy.Andifthatkindofexposurewasnotenough,thesamechurchofficialwhohadarrangedforBakker’smotelmeetingwithHahnconfessedthathehadhadthreeseparatehomosexualencounterswiththeTVpastor.39

ThetabloidexploitationoftheBakkeraffairmayhaveauguredtheofficialbirthof“realityTV.”Onecandirectlytracetheunholylinefromtheout-of-controlBakkerstothegawkingatruralGeorgianwhitetrashdominTLC’sHereComesHoneyBooBoo.Boththepreacher’sperversionsandtheunderagebeautycontestant’sshenaniganstappedintothepublic’sattachmenttothetawdrybehavioroftheAmericanunderclass.(TammyFayelaterstarredintherealityshowTheSurrealLifein2004.)ThepeoplewhomthePraisetheLordMinistryconnedweremainlypoorwhites;themajorityoftheprogram’sviewerswereborn-again,withlessthanahighschooleducation,andwere,mostpitifully,unemployed.Asonestafferrevealed,PTLsentoutappealsformoneyonthefirstofthemonth,whentheSocialSecurityandwelfarecheckswerearriving.Criticsofevangelicalhypocrisyventedtheirrage,andoneoutragededitorialistattackedPresidentReaganhimselfforbringing“whitetrashfrontandcenter”whenheentertainedBakkerandothertelevangelistsattheWhiteHouseandtoldAmericanstheycouldlearnfromthemabout“traditionalAmericanvalues.”TheBakkersappearedontelevisiondayandnight,“dressedlikepimps,”massacringtheEnglishlanguageanddefilingreligion.40

TheBakkerswerenotevennativetotheSouth.TammyFayewasbornintoapoorfamilyofeightchildreninasmallruraltowninMinnesota,inahousewithoutindoor

plumbing.HerparentswerePentecostalpreachers.Jim,thesonofamachinist,camefromMichigan.TheyrelocatedtoNorthCarolinabecauseitwaswheretheyknewamarketexistedfortheirPentecostalreligiousmessage.TammyFayewasthecharismaticheartoftheshow,singing,crying,andthrivingonhergaudyreputation,“àlaLiberace,”asonereligiousscholarhasconcluded.Herphysicalappearanceprojectedaclassidentity:frostedblondehair,thickmakeup,tannedskin,loud,colorfuldresses,andtrademarkfakeeyelashes.Shewasthepictureofnouveaurichefemininity.41

The“excessivewomanliness”ofDollyPartoncapturedinastand-upposterofherinaNashvillemusicstore.ThisphotographappearedinEsquirein1977.

Esquire

Inthiswayonly,shesharedapersonawiththeTennesseanDollyParton.Thecountrysingerknownforher“voluptuouslyoverflowingbody,”garishoutfits,bigblondewig—whatonescholarhascalled“excessivewomanliness.”Dolly’sgrandfatherwasaPentecostalpreacher.LikeTammyFaye,thesingerlikedtobuyherclothesatthecheaperstores.Herimage,asPartonconfessedinherautobiography,expressedthedesireofpoorwhitetrashgirlstoseethemselvesasmagazinemodels.Sheexplained,“Theydidn’tlookatallliketheyhadtoworkinthefields.Theydidn’tlookliketheyhadtotakeaspitbathinadishpan.Theydidn’tlookasifmenandboyscouldjustputtheirhandsonthemanytimetheyfeltlikeit,andwithanydegreeofroughnesstheychose.”Poverty,forafemale,wentbeyondthewretchednessofhavingnomoney.42

HereliesacluetotherealappealTammyFayehadamongherfans,whovicariouslyenjoyedtheexhibitionismandexcess.Parton’sstylecouldbeseenasaburlesque—ahookerontheoutsideandasweetcountrygirlontheinside;similarly,TammyFaye’sdragqueenlookwasembracedbythegaycommunity.ShewasoneofveryfewconservativeevangelicalstoshowsympathyforgaymenwhoweredyingofAIDS.Shealsobecamefortruebelieversareal-lifeChristianCinderellastory;onePTLpartnermadeahandcrafteddollofher(marketedforadults,notchildren)thatsoldfor$675.TheTammyBarbiewasafairy-taleprincesswithalargeheart,adorned,aswell,withexaggeratedeyelashes.43

Theseductiveandmaterialisticmessageofprosperitytheology.TammyFayeBakkeronthecoverofheralbumDon’tGiveUp.

TammyFayeBakker,Don’tGiveUp(1985)

Yetthisfairytaledidnothaveahappyending.Themediastormmadethecoupleappearcompletelypathetic;Tammygainedlittlesympathyasanaïvewife.(Herkookinessprobablysavedherfromindictment.)TherewassomethingalmostgothicintheexaggeratedwhitetrashimageofTammyFayeBakker.SheachievedtheAmericandreamnotbecauseofherbeauty,education,ortalent,butbecauseofhavingfashionedacableTVpersonalitythatrefusedtopartakeofthefinemannersofhersocialbetters.TammyFayewastherejectionofeverythingPatLoud(ofAnAmericanFamily)andmiddle-classproprietystoodfor:emotionalrestraint,properdiction,subdueddress,andobviousrefinement.Norwassherustic,ortheembodimentofold-fashionedyeomansimplicity.Sheembracedhergarishselffromheadtotoe.HertawdryexcessmadeherbelovedamongherpoorwhitefansandunredeemableintheeyesofmiddleAmerica.

Theironyisthatherwhitetrash“roots”werehardlypure,ifnotwhollycontrived.Herfakeeyelashesandthickcoatofmakeupwerepartofastrangemasquerade,consistentwiththerenegotiationofclassidentitythatcamewiththeexpansionofmassmediainthe1980sand1990s.ShesaidsheborrowedherstyleofeyelashesfromLucilleBall...andMinnieMouse.“Intermsofbroadcasthours,”RogerEbertclaimed,“shelivedmoreofherlifeonliveTVthanperhapsanyoneelseinhistory.”

Herpublicselfappearedacompositeofbadclichés—shewasnoclosertoprojectingauthenticitythanTheBeverlyHillbillies.TammyFayewascampy(mostlybyaccident),andmorethananythingelseacreatureofthesurrealworldoftelevisionthatsheloved.44

T

CHAPTERTWELVE

OutingRednecks

Slumming,SlickWillie,andSarahPalin

AdangerouschasmintheclassesisaliveandwellintheUnitedStatesofAmerica.Don’tletanybodytellyouit’snot.

—CarolynChute,TheBeansofEgypt,Maine(revised,1995)

heBakkerscandalwasnotenoughtostopthestampedetowardwhitetrashandredneckchicthatprevailedintheeightiesandnineties.MargoJeffersoninVogue

calledthenewrage“slumming.”OneofthemostsurprisingconfessionsinthisveincamefromJohnHillerman,theAmericanactorwhoplayedtheprimandproperEnglishbutlerJonathanQuayleHigginsIIIonMagnum,P.I.HillermansaidthatwhenhereceivedfanmailfromEngland,wherehewasclaimedasoneoftheirown,hewroteback,“Ihatetodisappointyou,butI’maredneckfromTexas.”1

Agrowingchorussoughttocleanuptheimage,tomake“redneck”atermofendearment.LewisGrizzard,whomadeanameforhimselfasaredneckjournalist,thoughtitwastimetostopmockingrednecks.Hepraisedthe1993antidiscriminationordinanceinCincinnatithatmadehillbillyaprotectedclass,andhehopedthatAtlantawouldpassasimilarlawforrednecksinanticipationofthe1996SummerOlympics.InFlorida,amanwaschargedundertheHateCrimeStatutein1991fordefamingapolicemanbycallinghimacracker.ForGrizzard,“redneck”meant“agriculturalist,”apersonlikehisfatherwhoworkedoutsideandacquiredanuneventanbeforetherewassunscreen.Hewaswrong,ofcourse,asthelongchronologycataloguedherehasshown.2

Acertainambiguityremained.Redneck,cracker,andhillbillyweresimultaneouslypresentedasanethnicidentity,aracialepithet,andaworkingman’sbadgeofhonor.ANorthCarolinajournalistneatlysummeduptheidentityconfusion:“Ifyouthinkyou’rearedneck,youthinkyou’rehardworking,fun-lovingandindependent.Ifyoudon’tthinkyou’rearedneck,youthinkthey’reloud,obnoxious,bigotedandshallow.”AddedtothearticlewasapopquizfeaturingquestionsaboutNASCAR,

food,andTV’sHeeHaw,asifbyasimplecomputationrightanswerscoulddistinguishthe“realBubbasfromthewanna-bes.”3

Tobesure,breedingremainedparamountinconsiderationsofidentity.In1994,oneiratejournalistinsistedthattheGeorgiapoliticianNewtonLeroyGingrichwasnoredneck:hewasborninPennsylvania,hadnosouthernaccent,hadservedasacollegeprofessor,andgotelectedtoCongressbysuburbanitesofAtlanta,manyofthemYankees.Thisnewsman’sexpertisecamefromthefactthathewas“kintoagreatmanyofthatbreed.”Besides,hechided,“Gingrichwouldn’tlasthalfanhourinaroomofgenuinerednecks.”Youwereadyed-in-the-woolredneckoryouweren’t.Bythismeasure,neitherGingrichnorDavidDuke,theformerKlanmemberwhoranforgovernorofLouisianain1991,wasaredneck.Dukewasdisqualifiedbecausehelovedun-AmericanNazisalutes.Submittingtoplasticsurgerytomakehimselftooprettywasalsooutofcharacter.“NogoodoleSouthernboywoulddreamofsuchathing.It’sunmasculine,un-Southern.”ThiswastheviewofJeffreyHart,aconservativeintellectualfromDartmouthCollegeandformerspeechwriterforPresidentsNixonandReagan.4

•••

Redneckwasnolongertheexclusiveprovinceofcountrysingers.Ithadbecomepartoftheculturallinguafranca,ameansofsizinguppublicmen,andastrangelymutatedgenderandclassidentity.Norwerewomensilentinthisdebate.Twoprominentfemalewritersearnedacclaiminthemoderngenreofwhitetrashfiction.InthetraditionofWilliamFaulknerandJamesAgee,DorothyAllisonandCarolynChuteofferedunsparingaccountsofruralpoverty.AllisoncreativelyreconstructedtheconditionssheknewfromherearlyyearsinBastardOutofCarolina(1992),whileChute,aworking-class,college-educatedwriterfromPortland,toldoftrailertrashinruralMaineinherbreakoutbook,TheBeansofEgypt,Maine(1985).Whatsetthesewritersapartwasthattheywrotefromwithintheirclass,notasoutsideobservers;theywereoutingthemselves,andknewpreciselyhowtodescribepoorwomen’sexperiences.Classandsexualityremainedtheirdominantthemes,andneithersugarcoatedhersubjectsasgoodol’girls.Whattheyshowedinsteadwasthatwomencannotwear“whitetrash”or“redneck”asabadgeofhonor.5

Allisonisthebetterwriter.Thatsaid,aspareprosemayhavebeenintentionalforChute.Shecaptureseventsastheyarehappening,offeringfewinsightsintotheinnerlifeofherwhitetrashsubjects.TheBeansareasprawlingextendedtribewhotakeovertheunderbellyofEgypt.Theyareanassortedlot.ThereisBealandhismother,MerryMerryBean,thelatterofwhomiscrazyandkeptlockedinatreehouse.Reubenisaviolentdrunkwhoendsupinprison;AuntieRobertapopsoutbabieslike

therabbitssheskinsandeats.Reuben’sgirlfriend,Madeline,enduresbeatingsathishand.Thecharacters’onlytalentsareshootingandprocreating.BealsleepswithRoberta,andsomeofherchildrenmaybehis.She,meanwhile,wouldneverwinanyawardsformothering,allowingherbabiestoroamatwillandtospit,hiss,andswallowpennies.Bealrapes(ordoesn’trape)hisneighborEarlenePomerleau,whobecomeshiswife,thoughhecontinuestosleepathisaunt’s.Madelineparadesaroundinflimsyhaltersthatletherbreastsfallout.6

EarleneisastepaheadoftheBeansinclassterms,atoncedisgustedbyandattractedtothem.ShecomparesherfirstsexualencounterwithBealtobeingmauledbyabear.Sheishorrifiedbyhislargefeet.Asshecompletesthesexact,she“picturesmillionsofpossiblebigBeanbabies,fox-eyed,yellow-toothed,meat-gobblingBeans.”Bealinjureshiseyeatwork,loseshisjob,andisrackedbypainandarangeofphysicaldisabilities,butstillheforbidsEarlenetogetfoodstamps.Herefusestogotoahospitaluntilheisfinallycarriedawaybyrescueworkers.“Iain’tworthapiss,”thebrokenmansays,scowling.Hediesinahailofpolicebulletsaftershootingoutthewindowsofawealthyfamily’shome.Earlenewatcheshimfall,thegunclaspedinhishand.7

TheBeansarewastepeople.Theirwomenarebreeders.TheytalkaboutBeanblood,andtheyalllookalike.Earlene’sfatherdamnstheBeansasuncivilizedpredators:“Ifitruns,aBeanwillshootit.Ifitfalls,aBeanwilleatit.”Earlene’sfatherissuperiortothese“tackiestpeopleonearth,”hebelieves,becausetheyinhabitanoldtrailer,whilehebuilthisownhouse.Astothewomenfolk,hesinglesoutRoberta,mutteringthatthereshouldbealawthatafterninechildrenwithnohusband,“yougettheknife,”thatis,“tyin’thetubes.”AndwhenReubenistakenawaybythepolice,hevoicesthehopethattheywill“hog-tietherestoftheheathens.”Whathemeansis:roundupthechildrenandexterminatethembeforetheybecome“full-blownBeans.”8

InTheBeansofEgypt,Maine,classwarfareisplayedoutatthelowestlevel.Themiddleclasshasnomeaningfulpresenceinthebook:allthatdistinguishesthePomerleausfromtheBeansisGram’sreligiousdisciplineandthefactthatEarlene’sdadpossessesartisanskills.ClassisvividlyshownwhenEarlene’sfatherinsistsonpatrollingthedrivewaydividingthetwoproperties.HecommandsEarlene,“Don’tgooverontheBeans’sideoftheright-of-way.Notever!”Butofcourseshedoes.Heloseshisdaughtertotheotherside.9

Chute’sreceptionasawriterwasoftenconflatedwiththelifesheled.Withsomecondescension,shewaspraisedforher“apparentignoranceofliterarytradition,”whichmagicallypreserveda“vigorousoriginality.”ThoughcomparedtoFaulkner,shehadnotreadasingleoneofhisnovelsuntilafterreviewersnotedthesimilarity

betweenherBeansofEgyptandtheMississippian’swork.AreviewerforNewsweeksawhercharactersas“candidatesforcompulsorysterilization,”where“malevolentinfantsofdoubtfulpaternitylitterthefloor.”Ininterviews,Chutetalkedaboutherimpoverishedpast,andinsistedthatsheretainedapersonalbondwith“mypeople.”Sheexplained,“Yourmaterialiswhatyoulive.”10

Herhusband,Michael,anilliteratelaborer,wasaconduitto“herpeople.”Thestorieshetoldofruralcharactersinfluencedherwriting.Sheherselfhadworkedonapotatofarm,inchickenprocessing,andinashoefactory.Growingupinaworking-classneighborhoodinasuburbofPortland,shedroppedoutofhighschool,latertakingclassesattheUniversityofSouthernMaine.HerfatherwasfromNorthCarolina,whichgavehersouthernroots.Allofthiscontributedtothedeeplypoliticalunderpinningsofherbooks.Sherejectedtheideathatanyonecouldescapethecycleofpoverty—notifitmeantleavingone’s“homeland,”“family,”and“roots.”Thetribalnatureofpoorwhiteswastheirstrength.Thesenseofplaceandoflandwastheironlyballast.11

Overthenextfifteenyears,Chute’spoliticssharpened.In1985,shedidnotcallherselfaredneck,butby2000shedid.Shelivedoffthegrid,withoutmodernplumbing,anduntil2002withoutacomputer;shecontinuedtowearworkbootsandbandanas.Bynow,“redneck”wasasymbolofworking-classpopulismforChute.SheorganizedherownMainemilitiagroup,supportedgunrights,andbecameanoutspokencriticofcorporatepower.Therewas,shewroteinapostscripttotherevisedversionofTheBeansofEgyptin1995,a“dangerouschasmintheclasses[that]isaliveandwellintheUnitedStatesofAmerica.”TheBeanswerenolongerordinarypeopletryingtosurvive;theyweresymbolsofanapproachingclasswaranda“crumbling”Americandream.12

DorothyAllisondisplayedjustasmuchofaninterestinclassasChute.Shetellsthestoryofdifficultandsometimesviolentrelationshipsbetweenmenandwomen.Herfemalecharactersarelesslikelyvictims,sweptupincircumstances,inthemannerofChute’sfemaleBeans;Allison’swomenhavemorematerialresourcesandgreatersupportfromtheirfamilymembers.Butbothwritersdepictemotionallystuntedpoorwhitemenandrecognizethateverydayburdensfallmoreheavilyontheirwomen.13

InAllison’sBastardOutofCarolina,youngAnne“Bone”Boatwrightenduresphysicalandsexualabuseatthehandsofhermother’ssecondhusband,DaddyGlenWaddell.InthetownofGreenville,SouthCarolina,asitisfortheBeansofEgypt,Maine,theBoatwrightsaredespised.DaddyGlen’sfesteringhatredofBonecomesfromdeeplylodgedfeelingsofhumiliation.Hecomesfromamiddle-classfamily,andheistheonememberwhoneveramountedtoanything.Heisamanuallaborerand

longsforahomelikethoseofhisbrothers,oneadentist,theotheralawyer.“NothingIdogoesright,”hegrouses.“Iputmyhandinthehoneyjaranditcomesoutshit.”HeisjealousofEarleBoatwright’sprowesswithwomentoo.UnliketheBeans,though,theBoatwrightmentendtobeaffectionateandprotectiveofthewomenandchildrenintheirextendedfamily.14

Allisonisfascinatedbythethinlinethatseparatesthestepfather’sfamilyfromthemother’s;theymighthavemoremoney,butthey’reshallowandcruel.Hercousinswhisperthattheircarislike“niggertrash.”LikeChute’sPomerleaus,theyfeelcompelledtosnubthosebelowthem.Itisshamethatkeepstheclasssysteminplace.15

Bytheendofthenovel,BonefreesherselffromGlen,andintheprocesslosesouttohimwhenherpsychicallydamagedmotherdecidestoabandonthefamilyandtakeoffforCaliforniawithhim.Inrunningaway,hermotherrepeatsthestrategyofcrackersacenturyearlier:tofleeandstartoversomewhereelse.Ruminatingonhermother’slife—pregnantatfifteen,wedthenwidowedatseventeen,andmarriedasecondtimetoGlenbytwenty-one—Bonewonderswhethersheherselfisequippedtomakemoresensibledecisions.Shewon’tcondemnhermother,becauseshedoesn’tknowforcertainthatshewillbeabletoavoidsomeofthesamemistakes.16

Thelessonhereisthatthechoicespeoplemakearebothclass-andgender-charged.Allison’sstoryservesasareminderthatmanymorepeople—womenespecially—remaintrappedinthepovertyintowhichtheyareborn;itistheexceptionwhobecomes,liketheauthorAllison,asuccessfulpersoncapableofunderstandingthepoorwithoutcondemning.TheAmericandreamisdouble-edgedinthatthosewhoareabletocarveouttheirowndestinyarealsohard-pressednottocondemnthosewhogetstuckbetweenthecracks.AsitiswiththecharacterScoutinToKillaMockingbird,anawarenessoftheroutinenatureofinjusticeismostforcefullydepictedwhenitisseenthroughtheeyesofachild.

•••

Astheliterarycanontookonanewdimensionwiththeriseofatalentedgenerationofwhitetrashwriters,AmericansreturnedanothersouthernertotheWhiteHousein1993.WithBillClinton,thenationalspotlightfocusedoncemoreontheuneasyrelationshipbetweenclassidentityandAmericandemocracy.TheboyfrommodestbeginningsinHope,Arkansas,hadwonaRhodesScholarship,wasaYaleLawSchoolgraduate,andservedasthegovernorofhisstate—inshort,theAmericandream.WilliamJeffersonClintonwasaperfectexampleofwhathisnamesake,themanfromMonticello,hadformulatedin1779:rakingfromtherubbishadeservingyouthwhocouldeventuallyjointhenation’saristocracyoftalent.InhisFourthof

Julyspeechinhisfirstyearaspresident,ClintonrecountedthestoryofhowthirtyyearsearlierhehadmetPresidentKennedyintheRoseGardenoftheWhiteHouse,shakinghishand,standinginaweasa“boyfromasmalltowninArkansas,withnomoneyandnopoliticalconnections.”17

TheClintonsagawasablendofCharlesDickensandDorothyAllison.Hedidnotgrowupinafinanciallysecuremiddle-classnuclearfamilyofthefifties.Rather,hisfatherhaddiedthreemonthsbeforehewasborn,andhismotherlefthiminthecareofgrandparentsandgreat-grandparentswhilesheattendednursingschool.“Thestrengthofourfamilycouldnotbemeasuredbytheweightofourwallets,”heproudlydeclaredonIndependenceDayin1993.Butasthepubliclearnedfromhismother,Virginia,therewasadarkersidetoBill’schildhood.InthebiographicalfilmshownduringtheDemocraticNationalConvention,Clinton’sfracturedrootswereexposed.Hemayhavetakenthenameofhisstepfather,butasafourteen-year-oldfoundhehadtostanduptohim.RogerClintonwasacardealerandagambler;hedranktoomuch,andhebecameviolent.Oneday,Billquietlytoldhim,“Don’tever,everlayyourhandsonmymotheragain.”ButlikeChute’sandAllison’streatmentoftheirmalecharacters,hewasnotwithoutcompassion,sayingofhisstepfather’sproblem,“Hedidn’tthinkenoughofhimself.”Hehadinternalizedthatsenseofwhitetrashshame.18

Onthecampaigntrail,ClintonquotedJefferson,andstagedhisceremonialinauguraljourneytoWashingtonfromthetopofJefferson’s“littlemountain.”AttheRepublicanconvention,ex-presidentReaganhadtakentheopportunitytoquestionthepretensionsoftheboyfromHope,dismissingtheideathatClintonwastheheirofeitherKennedyorJefferson.Inaclassicquip,hemodifiedlinesthattheTexanLloydBentsenhadusedagainstDanQuayleofIndianainthe1988vicepresidentialdebate,afterthelatterhadcomparedhimselftoayoung,untestedJFK,withwhomBentsenhadserved.“Senator,”Bentsenbellowed,“you’renoJackKennedy.”Withmockgravity,ReagandeployedhisownversionofBentsen’siconicputdown,thistimeapplyingthesentimenttothen-governorClinton.“IknewThomasJefferson,”Reagansaid.“Hewasafriendofmine.And,Governor,you’renoThomasJefferson.”19

What,then,wasBillClinton?Heembodiedcertainstereotypes:hischolesterol-richdininghabits,thewife-beatingstoryabouthismother,andallusionstodirt-poorshacksintheArkansashills.Toaddfueltothefire,agrinning,still-campaigningClintonwasphotographedwithanIllinois(notArkansas)mulenamedGeorge,andamulenamedBillgotpresswhenitstrolleddownPennsylvaniaAvenueaspartoftheClintoninaugurationparade.20

Arkansaswasrankedforty-seventhinpercapitaincomein1992,anditslegacyasastatescarredby“redneckbenightedness”lingeredon.BycallingonaJeffersonora

Kennedyinhisspeeches,Clintonwasattemptingtodistancehimselffromhishomestateandclassbackground.HismentorhadbeenArkansassenatorJ.WilliamFulbright,aliberalchampionofeducationandastatesmanofrealnote,buthestillneedednationaliconsforhispresidentialrun.Evenin2004,asapopularandproductiveex-president,Clintonwasstilltryingtobalancetheextremesofhisupbringingandhisambition,asTexaspunditMollyIvinsfeltwhenshereviewedhisthickmemoir:“YoujusthavetostandbackandadmirethesheerAmericandreamarcofthishopelesslyhillbillykid.”21

BillClintonwasnotahillbilly,noraredneck,buthedidclaimattheDemocraticNationalConventiontohavea“littlebitofBubba”inhim.BubbaMagazinewasissuedinhishonor,andthefirstcoverdisplayedaphotographofClintonwearingacapandholdingabeer.InthewordsofhumoristDavidGrimesoftheSarasotaHerald-Tribune,thisactofself-identificationputClintoninalonglineofBubbapresidents,includingAndrewJackson,LyndonJohnson(thebiggestBubbaofthemall),andJimmyCarter,thelastofwhom“feltextremelyguiltyaboutit.”

Clinton’selectiondidwhattheearliernonelitesouthernpresidentscouldnot,turningcrackersandrednecksintosomethingthatmainstreamAmericacouldembrace.TheTexas-bornNewYorkeditorofBubbaMagazinedescribedBubbaassomeonewhowaspatriotic,religious,enjoyedadirtyjoke,but“cutacrosssocioeconomicgroups”inexpressinganidentity.Bubbawasn’tregionallybased,then,anddefiedstereotypesaboutculturalupbringingnormallyassociatedwithanethnicidentity.TobeaBubbawastoadoptaleisureself,athingputonandwornlikeapairofdungareesoratrucker’scap.Takeoffyoursuitandtieanddressdownàlaredneck—onemightcallitwhitetrashslumming.Itwasjustonemoreattempttodownplayclassbyanointing(andelecting)Bubbaasthenewcommonman.OrsoinnovatorsindemocraticparlancepreferredastheClintoneratookshape.22

Clintonacquiredother,lessfolksynicknames,ofcourse.“SlickWillie”wasaslurthatdoggedhimallthewayfromArkansastotheWhiteHouse.Oftheissuesthatattachedtohim—smokingmarijuana(withorwithoutinhalation),dodgingthedraft,anallegedaffair—Clintonissueddenials,offeredearnest-seemingexplanations,butalwayscameacrossassomewhatlessthanforthright.Herehewasportrayedasasmoothtalker,evenaconman—“SlickWillie”wasanamewithsouthernandruralflavor.TherewasinClinton’srisethebackdropofatawdrysouthernnovel,asPaulGreenbergoftheArkansasDemocratdiscovered:Clinton’sfinesseatverbaldodgessuggestedamanduckingintoalltheavailablerabbitholes.ItwasGreenbergwhofirstbestowedtheignominioustitleontheboyfromHopebackin1980.Anothersyndicatedcolumnistsawsomethingdeeplysoutherninthemoniker:itsuggestedtheliberalpolitician’sreflex—intheSouth,honestycouldderailacareer.23

Clintoncouldnothelpbutbedefinedbyhisorigins.Evenwithhisgiftforgab,he

wasneveraspolishedor,well,asslickasReagan,whowasknownasthe“Teflon-coatedpresident.”Inhisfirstyearinoffice,whenClintonappearedmomentarilytofumble,aneditorialistwrotethatSlickWilliewaslookingmorelikeSheriffAndyGriffith’ssidekickBarneyFife.Imagewaseverything,andpoliticianswerealwaysfairgame,nomatterhowshallow,fleeting,orobnoxiousthelabelpastedontheminprintorcartoonwas.Thegameinthe1990swastofindanimagethatplacedBillClintoninamorefavorablelightandbrushedthedirtfromhisjeans.WhatmightbeClinton’s“OldHickory”moment?Asitturnedout,hewassavedbyElvis.24

ClintonwasnotintheleastreticentaboutcultivatingtheElvisimage.HesangoneoftheKing’ssongsonaNewYorkCitynewsprogram,andduringaninterviewwithCharlieRosejokinglyappealedtothepress,“Don’tBeCruel.”Whatreallydiditforhim,though,wasanappearanceonTheArsenioHallShowplayinghissaxophonerenditionof“HeartbreakHotel.”Clintonhadrevivedtheoldsouthernpoliticalstrategy—asJimmyCartercouldnotdo—ofsingingandswinginghiswayintooffice.Hisvicepresident,AlGoreofTennessee,regaledtheDemocraticNationalConventionbyconfessingthatthemomentathandrepresentedthefulfillmentofhislongtimewishtobethewarm-upactforElvis.Ashemadehisfinalcampaignswing,Clintonaddedalinetohisspeeches,parodyinghimselfbytellingeachaudiencethathewascommuningwithElvis.IncumbentpresidentGeorgeH.W.Bushwassoannoyedwithreporters’loveaffairwiththeArkansasElvisthathisstaffhiredanElvisimpersonatortocrashtheDemocrat’scampaignappearances.ClintontookitallinstrideandinvitedhisownElvisperformertotheinauguration.25

“ElvisisAmerica,”explainedonememberofClinton’sstaff.ThefiftiesthatReaganhadtriedtorecapturewithnostalgicimagesofsmall-townU.S.A.wasonceagainassociatedwithfun-lovingteenagers—lesspoliticalthantheirparents.Clinton-the-marijuana-smoking-draft-dodgerwasinthiswayextractedfromthedangeroussixtiesandrebrandedasachildofthelesscontentiousfifties.Hewishedtobuildabridgetothesouthernworkingclass,tomakehimselfasonoftheSouthinthebestwayimaginable.BeinganElvisfanwasamoreneutralplacetobewithinadividedelectorate—ayouthfulrolethatplayedmuchbetterthanBubba,andahipperwayforClintontochannelhissouthern-boyimage.26

In1994,BillClinton’scontroversialreputationaswhitetrashwasreinforcedbyacampaignphotographofhimwithanIllinoismule.

“Seenas‘WhiteTrash’:MaybeSomeHateClintonBecauseHe’sTooSouthern,”Wilmington,NorthCarolina,Star-News,June19,1994

Noamountofamiability,however,couldquellthehatredofconservativeRepublicansonlosingtheWhiteHouse.Beltwayreporterssaidtheyhadneverseensuchvitriolbefore.TheattacksonPresidentClintonseemeddisrespectfuloftheoffice,highlypersonal,andrelentless.In1994,journalistBillMaxwellofFlorida,anAfricanAmerican,saidhethoughtheknewwhy.HesawsomethingfamiliarinthetoneoftheClintonbashing,andithadtodowithhisbeingseenaswhitetrash.ReaganpressaideDavidGergenandtheeffusivespeechwriterPeggyNoonansawtheirPresidentReaganasatranscendentfatherfigure,partakingofthefamilyfeelinginspiredbyaBritishking.ToReagan’sadmirers,Clintonwasunworthy,animpostorwhoseupbringingbesmirchedtheoffice:theprincehadbeenreplacedbythepauper.27

ToMaxwell’smind,Clinton’searthiness,hissouthernness,wasseenasbeingbredintohimfromhismother,Virginia.Shehadpublishedamemoir,andherstorywasgrim:hermotherwasadrugaddict,herchildhoodwasoneofdeprivation,andshewasmarriedfourtimes.Herappearanceborrowedfromtrailertrash:“skunkstripeinherhair,elaboratemakeup,colorfuloutfitsandracingforminhand.”(TracesofTammyFayehungabouther.)Intheeyesofhisenemies,saidMaxwell,Clintonwashismother’sson,akindofbastardbreedthatfellshortofrepresentingtheright“pedigreeforaU.S.president.”28

BythetimetheMonicaLewinskyscandalbrokein1998,Clinton’senemieswereprimedtoportraytheflawedpresidentasacharacterinaTennesseeWilliamsplay.“SlickWillie”hadfinallybeencaughtinatawdrysexualescapadesuitedtoatrailerpark—hehadbefouledtheOvalOffice.IndependentcounselKennethStarrclaimedthathisofficialinvestigationwasnotaboutsex,butaboutperjuryandtheabuseof

power,yethisfinalreportmentionedsexfivehundredtimes.Harper’sMagazinecontributingeditorJackHittclaimedthatStarrwasintentonwritinga“dirtybook,”recording(andrelishing)everytrashydetailofasadsoapopera.PresidentClinton’slegalteamcounteredthatStarr’ssolepurposewastoembarrassthepresident.Thiswaswhitetrashoutingonthegrandnationalstage.Impeachableoffensesdemandedthe“gravestwrongs”againsttheConstitution,or“seriousassaultsontheintegrityoftheprocessofgovernment,”iftheyweretorisetothestandardof“highcrimesandmisdemeanors.”Byrecordingeverysalaciousdetail,Starrwastryingtoequatehighcrimeswithlow-classlewdness.29

ConservativeswereapoplecticatthethoughtthatClinton’smisdeedscouldbecomparedwiththoseofThomasJefferson—theDNAofthethirdpresident’smalelinewastestedthesameyearastheLewinskystorybroke.SciencecouldnowdeterminethatthemasterofMonticello(oratleastaJeffersonmalewithregularaccesstoher—andwhoelsecouldthatbe?)fatheredthechildrenoftheMonticelloslaveSallyHemings,themuchyoungerhalfsisterofJefferson’sdeceasedwife.Distraughtcommentatorstwistedthefactsofthecase,offeringupanoddcollectionofrationalesinordertoexoneratethethirdpresidentfromchargesofimmorality.One,Sallywasbeautiful(andMonicawascheap).Two,Clintonwasanadulterer(andJeffersonwasawidoweroflongstanding).Three,Jeffersonwasabrilliantmanwhosewordselevatedhimabovehisbodilyurges(andthemerelyglibClintonwasunabletoriseabovehisunimpressiveorigins).ToconflatetheimpulsesofJeffersonandClintonwasalevelingthatuprightAmericansshouldnotcountenance.30

AnothereditorsawtheLewinskyepisodedifferently.AfterClintonsurvivedtheimpeachmentordealandemergedstrongerandmorepopular,helookedforexplanations.IfhatingClintonwasirrational,thensowaslovinghim.Itwasthe“Elvisprinciple,”thejournalistconcluded,thatsubliminaldesireallAmericanshaveforkings.JFKhadCamelot;ReaganwasHollywoodroyalty;ClintonandElvis(“theKing”tohismillionsoffans)were“ragstoriches”monarchs.ThekindofkingsAmericanslookeduptoweremenwithahard-to-explainsexappealandagentlehubris.Thepointwasthatalittlewhitetrashinesscouldbeablessingindisguise.Intheappearance-drivenworldofmodernAmericanpolitics,arroganceofstylecarriedweight,andrepressed,suit-and-tiecandidatessuchasWalterMondaleorMichaelDukakiswerenotinthesameleagueasClinton.Toexudethatredneckchic—tohavealittleBubba—wasbetterthanbeingadull,invisible,cookie-cutterpoliticianindistinguishablefromthepack.31

FiguringoutClintonremainedafavoritepastime.In1998,lookingonwithhorroratthetrumped-uppresidentialadulteryscandal,thenovelistToniMorrisondrewherownconclusions.Theviolationofprivacy,theransackingofthepresidentialofficewhenhewas“metaphoricallyseizedandbodysearched”wasforherthekindof

treatmentblackmenfaced.Nomatter“howsmartyouare,howhardyouwork,”youwillbe“putinyourplace.”Clintonhadoverreached.Hewas“ourfirstblackpresident,”Morrisonmused.The“tropesofblackness”wereapparentinhisupbringinginasingle-parentandpoorhousehold,andinhisworking-classways,hissaxophoneplayingandloveforjunkfood.ThisClintonreallywasElvis-like.HewasnottheredneckElviswhostillhaddevoteesinthe1990s,butthe“HillbillyCat”Elvisofthe1950s,theyouthwhotransgressedtheboundariesbetweenblackandwhite—somethingthatwasonlypossibletodoincomfortamongthelowerranksofsouthernsociety.32

Clinton’stitleof“firstblackpresident”wasreaffirmedatthe2001CongressionalBlackCaucusDinner.WhenBarackObamaranforpresidentin2007,AndrewYoung,theCarteradviserwhohadbeenafriendtoDr.MartinLutherKingJr.,saidthatClintonwas“everybitasblackasBarack.”Howstrangewasthat:thesonofaKenyanwaslessblackthanaBubbafromArkansas?Youngwastreatingblacknessasaculturalidentity,andObama’schildhoodinHawaiiandJakartalackedDixieroots.KathleenParkeroftheWashingtonPost,asoutherner,sawconfusioninfigurativelanguage,writingthatallonehadtodowastoreplacethesaxwithabanjoandClintonbecameapasticheof“white-trashtropes.”JournalistJoeKleinpushedthetropefurtherinPrimaryColors(1996),histhinlyveilednovelaboutClinton,whoiscalledJackStantoninthebook.Stantonviolatesthesexualtaboo,sleepingwithanunderageblackfemale,fatheringanillegitimatechild.IntheMikeNicholsfilmbasedonKlein’sbook,PresidentBubbawasplayedbytheunpolishedJohnTravolta,insteadofsomeonelikethesqueakycleanTomHanks.WasthisfellowStantonasymbolofblackness,orwashetrailertrash?33

•••

Clinton’sembarrassingsecondtermevidentlywasn’treadasacautionarytaleamongRepublicans,whoplungedaheadwiththeirown(effectively)whitetrashcandidatein2008,AlaskagovernorSarahPalin.ThedevastatinglydirectFrankRichoftheNewYorkTimesreferredtotheRepublicanticketas“PalinandMcCain’sShotgunMarriage.”DidthevenerableJohnMcCainofArizona,ordinarilyasavvypolitician,havealapseinjudgmenthere?SlateproducedanonlinevideoofPalin’shometownofWasilla,paintingitasaforgettablewasteland,aplace“togetgasandpee”beforegettingbackontheroad.Wasillawaselsewheredescribedasthe“punchlineformostredneckjokestoldinAnchorage.”EricaJongwroteintheHuffingtonPost,“WhitetrashAmericacertainlyhasallureforvoters,”whichexplainedthephotoshoppedimageofPalinthatappearedontheInternetdaysafterhernomination.Inastars-and-

stripesbikini,holdinganassaultrifleandwearinghersignatureblack-rimmedglasses,Palinwasone-halfhockeymomandone-halfhotmilitiababe.34

NewsofthepregnancyofPalin’steenagedaughterBristolledtoashotgunengagementtoLeviJohnston,whichwasarrangedintimefortheRepublicanNationalConvention.UsWeeklyfeaturedPalinonthecover,withtheprovocativetitle,“Babies,Lies,andScandal.”MaureenDowdcomparedPalintoElizaDoolittleofMyFairLadyfame,ingettingpreppedforherfirstoff-scripttelevisioninterview.Couldtherebeanymoredirectallusiontoherquestionableclassorigins?ThePalinmelodramaledonejournalisttoassociatetheAlaskaclanwiththeplotofaLifetimetelevisionfeature.Thejokewasproventruetolifetwoyearslater,whenthebackwoodscandidategaveuphergigasgovernorandstarredinherownrealityTVshow,titledSarahPalin’sAlaska.35

Palin’scandidacywasaremarkableeventonallaccounts.Shewasonlythesecondfemaleofanykindandthefirstfemalerednecktoappearonapresidentialticket.JohnMcCain’sadvisersadmittedthatshehadbeenselectedpurelyforimagepurposes,andtheyjoinedthechorustrashingtheflawedcandidateafterObama’shistoricvictory.LeakstriggeredamediafirestormoverPalin’swardrobeexpenseaccount.AnangryaidecategorizedthePalins’shoppingspreeas“WasillahillbillieslootingNeimanMarcusfromcoasttocoast.”36

TheAlaskanmadeaneasyandattractivetarget.Journalistswereflabbergastedwhensheshowednoshameindisplayingastoundinglapsesinknowledge.HerbungledinterviewwithNBChostKatieCouricrepresentedmorethangotchajournalism:Palindidn’tjustmisconstruefacts;shecameacrossasawomanwhowasunabletoarticulateasinglecomplexidea.(Theoldcrackersluras“idle-headed”seemedtofit.)ButneitherdidAndrewJacksonrunasan“ideaman”inanearliercentury,anditwashisstyleofbackcountryhubristhatMcCain’sstaffershadbeenhopingtorevive.Shootingwolvesfromasmallplane,braggingaboutherloveofmoosemeat,“SarahfromAlaska”positionedherselfasaregularAnnieOakleyonthecampaigntrail.

Itwasnotenoughtorescueherfromthemainstream(whatsheself-protectivelycalled“lamestream”)media.SarahPalindidnothaveaself-madewoman’srésumé.Shecouldnotoffsetthe“whitetrash”labelastheRhodesScholarBillClintoncould.Shehadattendedsixunremarkablecolleges.Shehadnomilitaryexperience(àlanavyveteranJimmyCarter),thoughshedidsendonesonofftoIraq.WritingintheNewYorker,SamTanenhauswasstruckbyPalin’sself-satisfiedmanner:“thecertitudeofbeingherself,inwhateverunfinishedcondition,willalwaysbegoodenough.”37

MaureenDowdquippedthatPalinwasa“country-musicqueenwithoutthemusic.”Shelackedtheself-deprecatinghumorofDollyParton—nottomentionthe

naturaltalent.Therealconundrumwaswhy,evenmorethanhow,shewaschosen:thewhitetrashBarbiewasatoncevisuallyappealinganddisruptive,andshecamefromastatewhosemottoonlicenseplatesread,“TheLastFrontier.”ThejobwastopackagetheroguishsideofPalinalongsideacomfortable,conventionalfemalescript.Inthehitcountrysingle“RedneckWoman”(2004),GretchenWilsonrejectedBarbieasanunrealmiddle-classsymbol—candidatePalin’swardrobebingeingwasherBarbiemoment.

HerElizaDoolittlegrandentrancecameduringtheteleviseddebatewithSenatorJoeBidenofDelaware.Asthenationwaitedtoseewhatshelookedlikeandhowsheperformed,Palincameonstageinalittleblackdress,wearingheelsandpearls,andwinkedatthecamera.FromtheneckdownshelookedlikeaWashingtonsocialite,butthewinkfaintlysuggestedagum-chewingwaitressatasmall-towndiner.Embodyingthesetwoextremes,thefetchinghockeymomimageultimatelylostouttowhatMcCainstaffersidentifiedasboth“hillbilly”and“primadonna.”ShewasafemaleLonesomeRhodes—fullofspitandspittle,andfullofherself.38

SteveBrodner’scaricatureofSarahPalinasthecelebrity-seekinghillbilly,whichappearedintheNewYorkerin2009.

NewYorker,December7,2009

SexformedameaningfulsubtextthroughoutPalin’stimeofnationalexposure.Intermsoftrashtalk,daughterBristolPalin’sout-of-wedlockpregnancywashandledratherdifferentlyfromBillClinton’slegendaryphilandering.BloggersmuddiedthewatersbyspreadingrumorsaboutSarah’sDownsyndromechild,Trig:“WashereallyBristol’s?”theyasked.Ataleofbabyswappingwasmeanttosuggestanewtwistonthebackwoodsimmoralityofinbredillegitimacy.RecallthatitwasBillClinton’smother,Virginia,whosepedigreemosttroubledthecritics.Thelegacyheld:therhetoricsupportingeugenics(andthesterilizationlawsthatfollowed)mainlytargetedwomenastaintedbreeders.39

SarahPalin’sFargoesqueaccentmadehertorturedspeechpatternssoundevenworse.FormerTVtalkshowhostDickCavettwroteascathingsatiricalpieceinwhichhedubbedhera“serialsyntaxkiller”whosehighschoolEnglishdepartmentdeservedtobedrapedinblack.Hewantedtoknowhowherswooningfans,whoadoredherforbeinga“momlikeme,”orwereimpressedtoseehershootingwolves,couldexplainhowanyofthosetraitswouldhelphertogovern.

Wehadbeendownthisroadbeforeascitizensandvoters.“HonestAbe”Lincolnwascalledanape,amudsill,andKentuckywhitetrash.AndrewJacksonwasarude,ill-temperedcracker.(AndlikePalin,hisgrammarwasnothingtobragabout.)Thequestionloomed:Atwhatpointdoescommonnessceasetobeanasset,asaviableformofpopulism,andbecomealiabilityforapoliticalactor?Andshouldanyonebeshockedwhenvotersaresweptupinan“almostElvis-sizedfollowing,”asCavettsaidPalin’ssupporterswere?Whenyouturnanelectionintoathree-ringcircus,there’salwaysachancethatthedancingbearwillwin.40

Bythetimeofthe2008election,AmericanshadbeengivenathoroughtasteofthenewmediumofrealityTV,inwhichinstantcelebritycouldproduceanationalidoloutofanobody.InTheSwan,working-classwomenwerebeingalteredthroughplasticsurgeryandbreastimplantstolooklike,say,amoremodest,suburbanDollyParton.WhileAmericanIdolturnedunknownsintoovernightsingingsensations,theattention-cravingheiressParisHiltonconsentedtofilminganupdatedGreenAcresinTheSimpleLife,movingintoanArkansasfamily’sruralhome.DonaldTrump’sTheApprentice,billedasa“seductiveweaveofaspirationandDarwinism,”celebratedruthlessness.Intheseandrelatedshows,talentwassecondary;untrainedstarswerehiredtoservevoyeuristicinterests,inexpectationthat,asmediocrities,theycouldbereliedontoexhibittheworstofhumanqualities:vanity,lust,andgreed.In2008,Palinunderwentanoff-camera“ExtremeMakeover”—toborrowatitlefromoneofthemorepopularsuchshows.McCaincampaignadvisersboughtintotheconceitofrealityTV,whichsaidthatanyonecouldbeturnedintoapseudo-celebrity;inthisinstance,theirexperimenthadtheeffectofreshapingnationalpolitics.41

After2008,anewcropofTVshowscameaboutthatplayedoffthewhitetrash

trope.SwampPeople,HereComesHoneyBooBoo,HillbillyHandfishin’,RedneckIsland,DuckDynasty,Moonshiners,andAppalachianOutlawswereallpartofaboomingindustry.LikethepeoplewhovisitedHoovervillesduringtheDepression,eyeingthehomelessasiftheywereatthezoo,televisionbroughtthecircussideshowintoAmericanlivingrooms.Themodernimpulseforslummingalsofoundexpressioninrevivingtheoldstockvaudevillecharacters.OnecommentatorremarkedofthehighlysuccessfulDuckDynasty,setinLouisiana,“AllthemenlookliketheysteppedoutoftheHatfield-McCoyconflicttosmokeacorncobpipe.”TheRobertsonmenwerekissingcousinsofthecomicRitzBrothersinthe1938HollywoodfilmKentuckyMoonshine.42

Kissingcousins.ThecomicRitzBrothersfromKentuckyMoonshine(1938)andtheirheirs,themalecastofDuckDynasty,thehighlypopularA&ErealityTVshow.

Realityprogrammingsubsistsonemotion-producingcompetitionandoutrightscandal.Thelong-runningHereComesHoneyBooBoowascanceledin2014,butonlyafteritwasdiscoveredthatMamaJuneShannonwasdatingaconvictedchildmolester;shenextrevealedthatthefatheroftwoofherdaughterswasanentirelydifferentconvictedsexoffenderwhohadbeencaughtinastingonNBC’svoyeuristicToCatchaPredator.ThoughheryoungdaughterHoneyBooBoowastheheadliner,Junewastherealstaroftheshow,thenewfaceofwhitetrash.Nolongeremaciatedandparchmentcolored,aswhitetrashpastwasimagined,shewasagrosslyoverweightwomanandtheantithesisofthetypicalmomwhoprettifiedhergrade-schooldaughteranddraggedhertochildbeautypageants.Juneclaimedtohavehadfourdaughtersbythreedifferentmen,onewhosenamesheclaimedshecouldnotremember.HertownofMcIntyre,inruralGeorgia,isaplaceofstagnantpoverty:one-quarterofitshouseholdsareheadedbysinglefemales,andin2013themedianfamilyincomeinMcIntyrewas$18,243.43

Asthegapbetweenrichandpoorgrewwiderafter2000,conservativestooktheleadinwhitetrashbashing.InBlackRednecksandWhiteLiberals(2005),theeconomistandHooverInstitutefellowThomasSowellconnectedthedelinquencyofurbanblackculturetoredneckculture.Thebookbeginswithaquotedatingto1956:“Thesepeoplearecreatingterribleproblemsinourcities.Theycan’torwon’tholdajob,theyfloutthelawconstantlyandneglecttheirchildren,theydrinktoomuchandtheirmoralstandardswouldshameanalleycat.”Hisassumptionwasthatreaders

wouldassociatethequotewithaconventionalracistattack.ButitwasaimedatpoorwhiteslivinginIndianapolis,andreflected“undesirable”southernwhiteswholivedinnortherncities.

Sowellcontendedthattherehasbeenanunchangingsubculturegoingbackcenturies.RelyingonGradyMcWhiney’sCrackerCulture(1988),aflawedhistoricalstudythatturnedpoorwhitesintoCelticethnics(Scots-Irish),Sowellclaimedthatthebadtraitsofblacks(laziness,promiscuity,violence,badEnglish)werepassedonfromtheirbackcountrywhiteneighbors.InSowell’soddrecastingofthehinterlands,agoodoldeye-gougingfightwastheseedofblackmachismo.Revivingthesquattermotif,hedownplayedtheinfluenceofslavery,andsubstitutedforitaeugenic-likeculturalcontagionthatspreadfrompoorwhitestoblacks.Hefurtherarguedthatwhiteliberalsofthepresentdayareequallytoblameforsocialconditions,havingabettedthedestructivelifestyleof“blackrednecks”throughperpetuationofthewelfarestate.44

AnotherconservativeblamingthepoorfortheirproblemsisCharlotteHays,whose2013bookWhenDidWhiteTrashBecometheNewNormal?wasa“SouthernLady’s”gossipyscreedagainstobesity,badmanners,andthedangerofnationaldeclinewhensocietytakesits“cues”fromtheunderclass.HaysexpressedherhorrorthatHereComesHoneyBooBooattractedmoreviewersthanthe2012RepublicanNationalConvention.Inherbestimitationofasnootymatroncomplaining,“Youcan’tgetgoodhelpanymore,”theauthor/blogger’ssenseswereaffrontedwheneverandwherevershesawthedisappearanceoftherulesofpoliteness.Thatadepressedminimumwagekeepsmillionsinpovertyisofnoconcern:shewritesthatthecolonistsatJamestownandPlymouthunderstoodthathardworkmightstillrequire“alittlestarving.”IfshewastalkingabouttheactualJamestown,sheshouldhavesaid“alotofstarving”andalittlecannibalism.HaysrepresentsagoodmanypeoplewhopersistinbelievingthatclassisirrelevanttotheAmericansystem.Itis,sheinsists,manners(alas,nolongerpracticedbyone’ssocialinferiors)thatdeterminethehealthofacivilization.“Agentlemanisdefined,”Hayswrites,“inawaythatajanitorcouldbeconsideredoneifhestrovetodotherightthing.”45

SowellandHayswererespondingtotheculturalshiftthatbeganinthe1970s.Hayswishedtobanishidentitypoliticsentirely,whichiswhyshemockedallkindsofwhitetrashslumming.Initsplace,sheimaginedrevivingold-fashionedmanners—asifitwerepossibleforclassidentitytobehiddenunderaveneeroffalsegentility.Shewantedthepretenseofequality,butofferednothingforclosingthewealthgap.SowellreimaginedwhatAlexHaleystarted,inattemptingtorewriteraceasanethnicidentityandheritage—thatis,somethingtransmittedculturallyfromonegenerationtothenext.Withhisrevisionistpen,hecutthetietoAfrica,therootsforgedbyHaley,and

replacedthenobleAfricanAmericanprogenitorwithadebasedcross-pollinatingpower:degeneratecrackersofwhiteAmerica.

Acorpsofpunditsexistwhosefearofthelowerclasseshasledthemtoassertthattheunbredperverse—whiteaswellasblack—arecripplingandcorruptingAmericansociety.Theydenythatthenation’seconomicstructurehasacausalrelationshipwiththesocialphenomenatheyhighlight.Theydenyhistory.Iftheydidnot,theywouldrecognizethatthemostpowerfulenginesoftheU.S.economy—slaveowningplantersandlandspeculatorsinthepast,banks,taxpolicy,corporategiants,andcompassionlesspoliticiansandangryvoterstoday—bearconsiderableresponsibilityforthelastingeffectsonwhitetrash,oronfalselylabeled“blackrednecks,”andontheworkingpoorgenerally.Thesadfactis,ifwehavenoclassanalysis,thenwewillcontinuetobeshockedatthenumbersofwastepeoplewhoinhabitwhatself-anointedpatriotshavestyledthe“greatestcivilizationinthehistoryoftheworld.”

T

EPILOGUE

America’sStrangeBreed

TheLongLegacyofWhiteTrash

wopersistentproblemshaverumbledthroughour“democratic”past.OnewecantracebacktoFranklinandJeffersonandtheirlongingtodismissclassbytouting

“exceptional”featuresoftheAmericanlandscape,whicharedeemedproductiveofanexceptionalsociety.Thefoundersinsistedthatthemajesticcontinentwouldmagicallysolvethedemographicdilemmabyreducingoverpopulationandflatteningouttheclassstructure.Inadditiontothisenvironmentalsolution,alarger,extremelyusefulmytharose:thatAmericagaveavoicetoallofitspeople,thateverycitizencouldexercisegenuineinfluenceoverthegovernment.(Weshouldnotethatthismythwasalwaysqualified,becauseitwasacceptedthatsomecitizensweremoreworthythanothers—especiallythosewhosestakeinsocietycamefrompropertyownership.)

TheBritishcolonialimprintwasneverreallyerasedeither.The“yeoman”wasaBritishclass,reflectingthewell-establishedEnglishpracticeofequatingmoralworthtocultivationofthesoil.Fortheirpart,nineteenth-centuryAmericansdideverythingpossibletoreplicateclassstationthroughmarriage,kinship,pedigree,andlineage.WhiletheConfederacywasthehighmark—themostovertmanifestation—ofruralaristocraticpretense(andanopenembraceofsociety’sneedtohaveaneliterulingoverthelowerclasses),thenextcenturyusheredinthedisturbingimperativeofeugenics,availingitselfofsciencetojustifybreedingamasterclass.ThusnotonlydidAmericansnotabandontheirdesireforclassdistinctions,theyrepeatedlyreinventedclassdistinctions.OncethegovernmentoftheUnitedStatesbeganportrayingitselfas“leaderofthefreeworld,”thelongingforamoreregalheadofstatewasadvanced.TheDemocratsswoonedoverKennedy’sCamelot,andRepublicansennobledtheHollywoodcourtofReagan.

Americandemocracyhasneveraccordedallthepeopleameaningfulvoice.Themasseshavebeengivensymbolsinstead,andtheyareoftenemptysymbols.Nation-statestraditionallyrelyonthefictionthataheadofstatecanrepresentthebodyofthepeopleandstandinastheirproxy;intheAmericanversion,thepresidentmustappealbroadlytosharedvaluesthatmasktheexistenceofdeepclassdivisions.Evenwhen

thisstrategyworks,though,unitycomesatthepriceofperpetuatingideologicaldeception.GeorgeWashingtonandFranklinRooseveltwerecalledfathersofthecountry,andarenowtreatedasthekindlypatriarchsofyore;AndrewJacksonandTeddyRooseveltdescendtousasbrash,tough-talkingwarriors.Cowboysymbolsstandtallinthesaddleanddefendthenationalhonoragainstanevilempire,asReagandidsoeffectively;morerecently,theAmericanpeoplewerewitnesstoapresidentdressedinapilotjumpsuitwhofordramaticeffectlandedonanaircraftcarrier.That,ofcourse,wasGeorgeW.Bush,asheprematurelyproclaimedanendtocombatoperationsinIraq.Leftoutofourcollectivememory,meanwhile,arecorporatepuppetpresidentssuchasWilliamMcKinley,whowasinthepocketofBigSteelandahostofmanufacturinginterests.WhenpresidentialcandidateMittRomneyin2012respondedtoahecklerwiththeline,“Corporationsarepeople,myfriend,”heinadvertentlybecamethenewMcKinley.The“1percent”werehisconstituency,andwearingbluejeansdidlittletoloosenhisbuttoned-upimage.

Power(whethersocial,economic,ormerelysymbolic)israrelyprobed.Orifitis,itneverbecomessourgentanationalimperativeastorequireanacross-the-boardresolution,simultaneouslysatisfyingamoralimperativeandpursuingapracticalcause.Weknow,forinstance,thatAmericanshaveforcefullyresistedextendingtherighttovote;thoseinpowerhavedisenfranchisedblacks,women,andthepoorinmyriadways.Weknow,too,thatwomenhistoricallyhavehadfewercivilprotectionsthancorporations.Insteadofathoroughgoingdemocracy,Americanshavesettledfordemocraticstagecraft:high-soundingrhetoric,magnified,andpoliticalleadersdressingdownatbarbecuesorheadingouttohuntgame.Theyareseenwearingbluejeans,camouflage,cowboyhats,andBubbacaps,allinanefforttocomeacrossasordinarypeople.Butpresidentsandothernationalpoliticiansareanythingbutordinarypeopleaftertheyareelected.Disguisingthatfactistherealcamouflagethatdistortstheactualclassnatureofstatepower.

Thetheatricalperformancesofpoliticianswhoprofesstospeakforan“Americanpeople”donothingtohighlightthehistoryofpoverty.Thetenantfarmerwithhismuleandplowisnotaromanticimagetoretaininhistoricmemory.Butthatindividualisasmuchourhistoryasanywarthatwasfoughtandanyelectionthatwashotlycontested.Thetenantandhisshackshouldremainwithusasanenduringsymbolofsocialstasis.

Theunderclassexistsevenwhentheydon’trisetothelevelofmakingtrouble,fomentingrebellions,joininginriots,orfleeingtheranksoftheConfederacyandhidingoutinswamps,wheretheycreateanundergroundeconomy.Thosewhodonotdisappearintothewildernessarepresentintownsandcitiesandalongpavedandunpavedroadsineverystate.Seeingthepoor,whetheritisinthephotographsofaWalkerEvansoraDorotheaLange,orincomicalformon“realityTV,”wehaveto

wonderhowsuchpeopleexistamidplenty.AsshecasthereyesuponsoutherntrailertrashinthemiddleofWorldWarII,theWashingtonPostcolumnistAgnesMeyerasked,“IsthisAmerica?”

Yes,itisAmerica.ItisanessentialpartofAmericanhistory.Sotooisthebacklashthatoccurswhenattemptsaremadetoimprovetheconditionsofthepoor.WhetheritisNewDealpolicesorLBJ’swelfareprogramsorObama-erahealthcarereform,alongwithanyefforttoaddressinequalityandpovertycomesaharshandseeminglyinevitablereaction.Angrycitizenslashout:theyperceivegovernmentbendingoverbackwardtohelpthepoor(impliedorstated:undeserving)andtheyaccusebureaucratsofwastefulspendingthatstealsfromhardworkingmenandwomen.ThiswasNixon’sclass-inflectedappeal,whichhiscampaignstaffpackagedforthe“SilentMajority.”Inthelargerschemeofthings,themoderncomplaintagainststateinterventionechoestheoldEnglishfearofsocialleveling,whichwassaidtoencouragetheunproductive.Initslaterincarnation,governmentassistanceissaidtounderminetheAmericandream.Wait.UnderminewhoseAmericandream?

Classdefineshowrealpeoplelive.Theydon’tlivethemyth.Theydon’tlivethedream.Politicsisalwaysaboutmorethanwhatisstated,orwhatloomsbeforetheeye.Evenwhenit’sdenied,politiciansengageinclassissues.TheCivilWarwasastruggletoshoreupbotharacialandaclasshierarchy.TheConfederacywasafraidthatpoorwhiteswouldbedrawninbyUnionappealsandwouldvotetoendslavery—becauseslaverywasprincipallyareflectionofthewealthyplanters’self-interest.Todayaswellwehavealargeunbalancedelectoratethatisregularlyconvincedtovoteagainstitscollectiveself-interest.ThesepeoplearetoldthatEastCoastcollegeprofessorsbrainwashtheyoungandthatHollywoodliberalsmakefunofthemandhavenothingincommonwiththemandhateAmericaandwishtoimposeanabhorrent,godlesslifestyle.Thedeceiversofferessentiallythesamefear-ladenmessagethatthemajorityofsouthernwhitesheardwhensecessionwasbeingweighed.Movedbytheneedforcontrol,foranunchallengedtoptier,thepowereliteinAmericanhistoryhasthrivedbyplacatingthevulnerableandcreatingforthemafalsesenseofidentification—denyingrealclassdifferenceswhereverpossible.

Thedangersinherentinthatdeceptionaremany.Therelativefewwhoescapetheirlower-classrootsareheldupasmodels,asthougheveryoneatthebottomhasthesamechanceofsucceedingthroughclevernessandhardwork,throughscrimpingandsaving.CanFranklin’s“nestegg”produceFranklintheself-mademan?Hardly.Franklinhimselfneededpatronstoriseinhiscolonialworld,andthesamerulesofsocialnetworkingpersist.Personalconnections,favoritism,andtradingonclass-basedknowledgestillgreasethewheelsthatpowersocialmobilityintoday’sprofessionalandbusinessworlds.IfthisbookaccomplishesanythingitwillbetohaveexposedanumberofmythsabouttheAmericandream,tohavedisabused

readersofthenotionthatupwardmobilityisafunctionofthefounders’ingeniousplan,orthatJacksoniandemocracywasliberating,orthattheConfederacywasaboutstates’rightsratherthanpreservingclassandracialdistinctions.Sometimes,allittookwasaname:beforebecomingknownasaReconstruction-erasouthernwhitewhoidentifiedwithblackupliftorRepublicanreforms,thescalawagwasdefinedasaninferiorbreedofcattle.ThescalawagoftodayisthesouthernliberalwhoispaintedbyconservativeideologuesasatraitortotheSouthfordaringtosaythatpoorwhitesandpoorblackspossesssimilareconomicinterests.

Andthatishowwereturntothelanguageofbreeding,sowellunderstoodinanagrarianage,sometaphoricallyresonantinthepreindustrialeconomyinwhichrestrictivesocialrelationshardened.Iftherepublicwassupposedlydedicatedtoequality,howdidthelanguageofbreedsappealasitdid?Tospeakofbreedswastojustifyunequalstatusamongwhitepeople;itwasthebestwaytodividepeopleintocategoriesanddenythatclassprivilegeexists.Ifyouarecategorizedasabreed,itmeansyoucan’tcontrolwhoyouareandyoucan’tavertyourappointeddestiny.

Breeding.Theerstwhileexpertsinthissociallyprescriptivefieldofstudyinterpolatedfromthescienceandwidespreadpracticesofanimalhusbandry.Themongrelinheritedits(orhisorher)parent’sincapacities,theysaid,justastowheadedchildrenwithyellowishskinwereproducedthroughlivingonbadsoilandinbreeding.Intheseways,negativetraitswerepassedon.Scrublandproducedarascallyherdofcattle—orpeople.Breedingdeterminedwhoroseandwhofell.Theanalogybetweenhumanandanimalstockwaseverpresent.AsJeffersonwrotein1787,“Thecircumstanceofsuperiorbeautyisthoughtworthyofattentioninthepropagationofourhorses,dogs,andotherdomesticanimals;whynotinthatofman?”

Underarelatedformoflogic,ManifestDestinybecameadesirablemeanstoopenlandroutesandsqueezebadbreedsoutofthecountry,presumablythroughMexico.In1860,DanielHundleyimaginedthatpoorwhitetrashwouldmagicallymarchrightoutoftheUnitedStates.TheoldEnglishideaofcolonizationrequiredthatthepoorhadtobedumpedsomewhere.Thepopulationhadtobedrained,strained,orpurged.TheverysamethinkingfedsocialDarwinismandeugenics:iftaintedwomenbredwithregularpeople,theywouldunderminethequalityoffuturestock.EithernaturewouldweedoutinferiorstockorahumanhandwouldhavetointerveneandengageinGalton’snotionofcontrolledbreeding,sterilizingthecursandmoronsamongthelowestranks.

Itwasjustaseasytoignoreinequalitybyclaimingthatcertainbreedscouldneverbeimproved.AsW.E.B.DuBoisexplainedin1909,southernpoliticianswerelostinthevacuityofillogic.Theyhadfallentoarguingthatanyformofsocialinterventionwaspointless,becausemancouldnotrepelnature’sforce;someracesandclasseswereinvariablystuckwiththeirinferiormentalandphysicalendowments.The

South’sclaimtobeprotectingthepublicgoodbyendorsingtheexistingregimethatrewardedthealreadyprivilegedwasinherentlyantidemocratic.Blamingnatureforintractablebreedswasjustawaytorationalizeindifference.

WhilePresidentReaganlovedtoinvoketheimageofthe“CityuponaHill,”hiscriticswerequicktopointoutthatmembershipinthatshiningcitywasrestricted,asmuchinthetwentiethcenturyasithadbeenintheseventeenth.UnderReaganomics,taxratesforthemoneyedclassweredrasticallycut.GovernorMarioCuomoofNewYorkrelatedtheprobleminmemorablefashionaskeynotespeakeratthe1984DemocraticNationalConvention:“PresidentReagantoldusfromthebeginningthathebelievedinakindofSocialDarwinism,survivalofthefittest...[that]weshouldsettlefortakingcareofthestrong,andhopethateconomicambitionandcharitywilldotherest.Maketherichricher,andwhatfallsfromthetablewillbeenoughforthemiddleclassandthosewhoaretryingdesperatelytoworktheirwayintothemiddleclass.”Cuomo’sstarklanguageechoedDuBois,hisanti-Darwinianinflectionareminderofthemind-setthatjustifieddividingstrongerfromweakerbreeds.Itwasn’tenoughtopreservethestatusquo;inequalitycouldbeexpanded,thegapwidenedbetweenclasses,withoutincidentandwithouttearingthesocialfabric.In2009,the1percentpaid5.2percentoftheirincomeinstateandlocaltaxes,whilethepoorest20percentpaid10.9percent.Statespenalizedthepoorwithimpunity.1

Classhasneverbeenaboutincomeorfinancialworthalone.Ithasbeenfashionedinphysical—andyes,bodily—terms.Dirtyfeetandtallowfacesremainsignsofdelinquencyanddepravity.Toliveinashack,a“hovel,”a“shebang,”orinShedtownorinatrailerpark,istoliveinaplacethatneveracquiresthenameof“home.”Astransitionalspaces,unsettledspaces,theycontainoccupantswholackthecivicmarkersofstability,productivity,economicvalue,andhumanworth.

Jobopportunitiesforall—themythoffullemployment—isjustthat,amyth.Theeconomycannotprovideemploymentforeveryone,afactthatislittleacknowledged.Inthesixteenthcentury,theEnglishhadtheir“reservearmyofthepoor”whoweredrummedintothemilitary.ModernAmerica’sreservearmyofthepooraredrummedintotheworstjobs,theworst-paidpositions,andprovidethelaborforcethatworksincoalmines,cleanstoiletsandbarnstalls,picksandplucksinfieldsasmigrantlaborers,orslaughtersanimals.Wastepeopleremainthe“mudsills”whofilloutthebottomlayerofthelaborpoolonwhichsociety’swealthrests.Poorwhitesarestilltaughttohate—butnottohatethosewhoarekeepingtheminline.LyndonJohnsonknewthiswhenhequipped,“Ifyoucanconvincethelowestwhitemanhe’sbetterthanthebestcoloredman,hewon’tnoticeyou’repickinghispocket.Hell,givehimsomebodytolookdownon,andhe’llemptyhispocketsforyou.”

Weareacountrythatimaginesitselfasdemocratic,andyetthemajorityhasnevercaredmuchforequality.Becausethat’snothowbreedingworks.Heirs,pedigree,

lineage:apseudo-aristocracyofwealthstillfindsawaytoassertitssocialpower.Weseehowinheritedwealthgrantsstatuswithoutanyguaranteeofmeritortalent.Towit:wouldweknowofDonaldTrump,GeorgeW.Bush,JesseJacksonJr.,orsuchHollywoodnamesasCharlieSheenandParisHilton,exceptforthefactthatthese,andmanyotherslikethem,hadpowerful,influentialparents?Evensomemenofrecognizedcompetenceinnationalpoliticsareproductsofnepotism:AlbertGoreJr.,RandPaul,AndrewCuomo,andnumerousKennedys.Wegivechildrenofthefamousabigheadstart,deferringtothemasrightfulheirs,amodern-dayversionofthePuritans’childrenoftheElect.

InThomasJefferson’sformulation,natureassignedclasses.Naturedemandedanaturalaristocracy—whathetermedan“accidentalaristoi.”Thesparkoflustwoulddirectthestrongtobreedwiththestrong,the“goodandwise”tomarryforbeauty,health,virtue,andtalents—traitsthatwouldbebredforward.OnesignificantdifferencebetweenJefferson’smasterclassandtheeugenicistsoftheearlytwentiethcenturywastheformer’ssingularfocusonthemalemakinghisselection,andthelatter’surgingthemiddle-classwomantocarefullyinspectthepedigreeofthemanshehopedtomarry.Marriagehasalwaysbeenconnectedtoclassstatus:today’sonlinedatingservicesarepremisedontheeugenicnotionthatapersoncanfindtheperfectmatch—amatchpresumedtobebasedonsharedclassandeducationalinterests.In2014–15,aseriesoftelevisioncommercialsforeHarmony.comwassendingthesamemessage:thatno“normal”middle-classapplicanthastobestuckwithatawdry(i.e.,lower-class)loser.AndasthehistorianJillLeporehaspointedoutintheNewYorker,theentrepreneurialDr.PaulPopenoebeganhiscareerasaleadingauthorityoneugenics,beforemovingontomarriagecounseling,andeventuallylaunchingcomputerdatingin1956.Somedatingserviceshavebeenquiteblatant:thewebsiteGoodGenespromisedtohelp“IvyLeaguers”findpotentialspouseswith“matchingcredentials,”bywhichwasmeantasimilarclasspedigree.2

Theruleofnaturewassupposedtosupplantartificialaristocracywithmeritocracy.Atthesametime,though,itallowedpeopletoassociatehumanfailureswithdifferentstrainsandinferiorbreeds,andtoassignacertaininevitabilitytosuchfailure.If,inthislong-acceptablewayofthinking,natureruled,naturealsoneededagardener.Thehumanscrubgrasshadtobeweededfromtimetotime.ThatiswhysquatterswereusedasthefirstwaveofsettlerstoencroachonIndianlands,thenwerechasedoffthelandwhentheupscalefarmersarrived;intime,policingboundariesextendedtosegregationlaws,andafterthattozoninglaws,separatingthewheatfromthechaffinthecreationofmodernsuburbia.Classwallswentupinthewaypropertyvaluesweremodulatedincarefullyplannedtownsandneighborhoods.

Itwaseasyfornineteenth-centuryAmericanstoequateanimalsandhumans.Stallionswerelikeeliteplanters,andnaturallygiventhebestpastures;theweak

tackies,likewhitetrash,lazedaboutthemarshlands.Whileitisnotdiscussedveryoften,oursocietystillmeasureshumanworthbythevalueofthelandpeopleoccupyandown.Theurbanghettos,nolessthanthetrailerparksondevaluedlandonthecity’sedges,aremodernrepresentationsofWilliamByrd’sDismalSwamp:anunsafe,uncivilizedwastelandthatisallowedtofesterandremainunproductive.

Locationiseverything.Locationdeterminesaccesstoaprivilegedschool,asafeneighborhood,infrastructuralimprovements,thebesthospitals,thebestgrocerystores.Upper-andmiddle-classparentsinstructtheirchildreninsurvivingtheirparticularclassenvironment.Theygivethemtheappropriatematerialresourcestowardthisend.ButletusdevotemorethoughttowhatHenryWallacewrotein1936:whatwouldhappen,heposed,ifonehundredthousandpoorchildrenandonehundredthousandrichchildrenwereallgiventhesamefood,clothing,education,care,andprotection?Classlineswouldlikelydisappear.Thiswastheonlyconceivablewaytoeliminateclass,hesaid—andwhathedidn’tsaywasthatthiswouldrequireremovingchildrenfromtheirhomesandraisingtheminaneutral,equitableenvironment.Adangerousideaindeed!

Wehavealwaysrelied—andstilldo—onbloodlinestomaintainandpassonaclassadvantagetoourchildren.Statisticalmeasurementhasshownconvincinglythatthebestpredictorofsuccessistheclassstatusofone’sforebears.Ironically,giventheAmericanRevolutionaries’hatredforOldWorldaristocracies,Americanstransferwealthtodayinthefashionofthoseoldersocieties,whilemodernEuropeannationsprovideconsiderablymoresocialservicestotheirpopulations.Onaverage,Americanspasson50percentoftheirwealthtotheirchildren;inNordiccountries,socialmobilityismuchhigher;parentsinDenmarkgive15percentoftheirtotalwealthtotheirchildren,andinSwedenparentsgive27percent.Classwealthandprivilegesareamoreimportantinheritance(asameasureofpotential)thanactualgenetictraits.3

Lestwerelegatediscreditedideastotheageinwhichtheyflourished,wecanadmitthateugenicthinkingisnotquitedeadeither.Thepoorcanstarve“alittle,”saysCharlotteHays,andtherearesurelyotherswhofeelthesameway.Theinnocuous-soundingterm“fertilitytreatment”enablesthewealthytobreedtheirownkind,buyingspermandeggsat“babycenters”aroundthecountry.Abortionandbirthcontrol,meanwhile,areforevangelicalconservativesaviolationofGod’swillthatallpeopleshouldbefruitfulandmultiply,andyetthissamefearofunnaturalmethodsofreproductiondoesnotengenderoppositiontofertilityclinics.Antiabortionactivists,likeeugenicists,thinkthatthestatehastherighttointerveneinthebreedinghabitsofpoorsinglewomen.

Poorwomenloststate-fundedabortionsduringtheCarteryears,andtodaytheyareproscribedfromusingwelfarefundstobuydisposablediapers.Tomodern

conservatives,womenarefirstandforemostbreeders.ThiswastellinglydisplayedduringtheRepublicanprimarydebatesin2012,whencandidatesboastedaboutthesizeoftheirfamilies,eachtryingtooutdothelast,asthecamerapannedacrossthepodium.TheRepublicansweremimickingtheprideofthewinnersofthe“fitterfamily”contestsheldatcountyfairsintheearlytwentiethcentury.AreporterjokedthatJonHuntsman’sandMittRomney’schildrenshouldbreed,“creatingasuper-raceofastonishinglybeautifulMormons.”ThereremainsinAmericaaculturaldesiretobreedone’s“ownkind.”Aswiththenepotisticpracticesthatcontinueinavarietyoffields,classisreproducedinwaysthatarenotdissimilartothepast.4

Somethingsneverchange.MorethanonegenerationhasdeludeditselfbybuyingintothenotionofanAmericandream.AsingularfaithexiststodaythatisknownandembracedasAmericanexceptionalism,butitdatesbackcenturiestotheprojectionsmadeandpoliciesputinplacewhentheislandnationofGreatBritainbegantosettletheAmericancontinent.ItwasRichardHakluyt’sfantasticliteraturethatgraduatedtoabroadercolonialdriveforcontinentaldomination.ThesameideologyfueledthetheoriesofBenjaminFranklin,ThomasPaine,andThomasJefferson.(Meanwhile,LondoneconomistWilliamPetty’sideaofpoliticalarithmeticgaveforcetoalongfascinationwithdemographicgrowth.)TeddyRoosevelthadadream,too,ofrewardingparentswithlargefamilies,encouragingeugenicallysoundmarriages,andrecognizingtheAmericanasthehealthiestmemberoftheAnglo-Saxonfamily.

Thisbringsustotheslavery/freelaborcorollary.ItwasJamesOglethorpeinGeorgiawhofirstputintopracticeasensitiveandsensibleidea:allowingslaverytothrivewouldretardeconomicopportunityandunderminesocialmobilityforaveragewhitemenandtheirfamilies.Inthisway,racialdominancewasintertwinedwithclassdominanceinthesouthernstates,andthetwocouldneverbeseparatedaslongasawhiterulingeliteheldswayoverpoliticsandriggedtheeconomicsystemtobenefitthefew.Wenowknow,ofcourse,thatslaveryandrepressionofAfro-Americantalentwastragicallywrong.Sowhydowecontinuetoignorethepathologicalcharacterofclass-centeredpowerrelationsaspartoftheAmericanrepublic’spoliticalinheritance?IftheAmericandreamwerereal,upwardmobilitywouldbefarmoreinevidence.

•••

Let’sgetitright,then.Becausetherewasneverafreemarketinland,thepastsawasmuchdownwardasupwardmobility.Historically,Americanshaveconfusedsocialmobilitywithphysicalmobility.Theclasssystemtrackedacrossthelandwiththeso-calledpioneeringset.Weneedtoacknowledgethatfact.Generally,itwastheall-powerfulspeculatorswhocontrolledthedistributionofgoodlandtothewealthyandforcedthepoorsquatteroffhisland.Withoutavisiblehand,marketsdidnotatany

time,anddonotnow,magicallypavethewayforthemosttalentedtoberewarded;thewellconnectedwereandarepreferentiallytreated.

Libertyisarevolvingdoor,whichexplainstherealityofdownwardmobility.Thedoorusherssomeinwhileitescortsothersoutintothecold.Itcertainlyallowsfor,evenencourages,exploitation.Throughaprocessofrationalization,peoplehavelongtendedtoblamefailureonthepersonalflawsofindividuals—thishasbeentheconvenientrefrainofRepublicansinCongressintheseconddecadeofthetwenty-firstcentury,whenformerSpeakeroftheHouseJohnBoehnerpubliclyequatedjoblessnesswithpersonallaziness.AnotherformerSpeakeroftheHouse,NewtGingrich,capturedheadlinesattheendof2011whenheseemedreadytoendorseJefferson’sRevolutionary-erasolutiontopovertybymakingschoolsintoworkhouses.Gingrich:“Youhaveaverypoorneighborhood.Youhavestudentsthatarerequiredtogotoschool.Theyhavenomoney,nohabitofwork....Whatiftheybecameassistantjanitors,andtheirjobwastomopthefloorandcleanthebathroom?”ItwasonlyinthemidstoftheGreatDepressionthatthecountryfullyappreciatedthemeaningofdownwardmobility.Atthattime,whenaquarterofthenationwasthrownoutofwork,theoldstandbyofblamingtheindividualnolongerconvincedanyone.5

Forthemostpart,dailyinjusticesinaveragepeople’slivesgoignored.Butthatdoesnotmeanthatpoorpeoplearenumbtotheconditionoftheirownlives.Politicianshavebeenwillfullyblindtomanysocialproblems.PretendingthatAmericahasgrownrichasalargelyclasslesssocietyisbadhistory,tosaytheleast.The“1percent”isthemostrecentlyadoptedshorthandformoneyedmonopoly,bringingattentiontotheillsgeneratedbyconsolidatedpower,butthephenomenonitdescribesisnotnew.Classseparationisandhasalwaysbeenatthecenterofourpoliticaldebates,despiteeveryattempttohidesocialrealitywithdeceptiverhetoric.Thewhitepoorhavebeenwithusinvariousguises,asthenamestheyhavebeengivenacrosscenturiesattest:Wastepeople.Offscourings.Lubbers.Bogtrotters.Rascals.Rubbish.Squatters.Crackers.Clay-eaters.Tackies.Mudsills.Scalawags.Briarhoppers.Hillbillies.Low-downers.Whiteniggers.Degenerates.Whitetrash.Rednecks.Trailertrash.Swamppeople.

Theyareblamedforlivingonbadland,asthoughtheyhadotherchoices.Fromthebeginning,theyhaveexistedinthemindsofruralorurbanelitesandthemiddleclassasextrusionsoftheweedy,unproductivesoil.Theyaredepictedasslothful,rootlessvagrants,physicallyscarredbytheirpoverty.Theworstateclayandturnedyellow,wallowedinmudandmuck,andtheirnecksbecameburnedbythehotsun.Theirpoorlyclothed,poorlyfedchildrengeneratedwhatothersbelievedtobeapermanentanddefectivebreed.Sexualdeviance?Thatcomesfromcrampedquartersinobscureretreats,distantfromcivilization,wherethemoralvocabularythatdwellsintownhasbeenlost.Wethinkoftheleft-behindgroupsasextinct,andthepresentas

atimeofadvancedthoughtandsensibility.Buttoday’strailertrasharemerelyyesterday’svagrantsonwheels,anupdatedversionofOkiesinjalopiesandFloridacrackersintheircarts.

Theyarerenamedoften,buttheydonotdisappear.Ourveryidentityasanation,nomatterwhatwetellourselves,isintimatelytiedupwiththedispossessed.Weare,then,notonlypreoccupiedwithrace,asweknowweare,butwithgoodandbadbreedsaswell.Itisforgoodreasonthatwehavethispreoccupation:bycallingAmericanotjust“a”landofopportunitybut“the”landofopportunity,wecollectivelyhavemadeapromisetoposteritythattherewillalwaysexisttherealpotentialofself-propulsionupward.

ThosewhofailtoriseinAmericaareacrucialpartofwhoweareasacivilization.AcruelironyistobefoundintheaftermathoftheHollywoodfilmDeliverance,agruesomeadventurethatexploitedtheworststereotypesofwhitetrashandignoredthepovertythatexistedinthepartofthecountrywherethemoviewasmade.Oneactorstandsoutwhowasnotatrainedactoratall:BillyRedden.Heplayedtheiconicinbredcharacterwhosatstrummingthebanjo.HewasfifteenwhenhewaspluckedfromalocalRabunCounty,Georgia,schoolbythefilmmakersbecauseofhisoddlook(enhancedwithmakeup).Hedidn’tplaythebanjo,soamusicianfingeredfrombehind,andthecameramandidtherest.Interviewedin2012tomarkthefortiethanniversaryofthefilm,Billysaidhewasn’tpaidmuchforhisrole.Otherwise,thefifty-six-year-oldsaid,“Iwouldn’tbeworkingatWal-Martrightnow.AndI’mstrugglingreallyhardtomakeendsmeet.”6

Thediscomfortmiddle-classAmericansfeelwhenforcedtoacknowledgetheexistenceofpovertyhighlightsthedisconnectbetweenimageandreality.ItseemsclearthatwehavemadelittleprogresssinceJamesAgeeexposedtheworldofpoorsharecroppersin1941.Westilltodayareblindtothe“cruelradianceofwhatis.”Thestaticruralexperienceisaugmentedbythepersistenceofclass-inflectedtropesandthevoyeuristicshockintelevisedportraitsofdegeneratebeingsandwastedlivesintherichestcountrythathaseverexisted.AndwhatofBillyRedden?In1972,acountryboywasmadeuptofitastereotypeoftheretardedhillbilly,theidiotsavant.Todayhismundanestruggletosurvivecansatisfynoone’sexpectations,becausehisstoryisordinary.Heisneithereccentricnorperverse.Nordoeshedonascragglybeard,wearabandana,orhuntgators.HeissimplyoneofthehundredsofthousandsoffacelessemployeeswhoworkataWal-Mart.

Whitetrashisacentral,ifdisturbing,threadinournationalnarrative.Theveryexistenceofsuchpeople—bothintheirvisibilityandinvisibility—isproofthatAmericansocietyobsessesoverthemutablelabelswegivetotheneighborswewishnottonotice.“Theyarenotwhoweare.”Buttheyarewhoweareandhavebeenafundamentalpartofourhistory,whetherwelikeitornot.

NOTES

Preface

1.HarperLee,ToKillaMockingbird(NewYork:HarperCollins,1960;anniversarypublication,1999),194–95.2.Seetwelvephotosin“KKKRalliesatSouthCarolinaStatehouseinDefenseofConfederateFlag,”NBCNews,July19,2015;and“PaulaDeen:‘Why,ofCourse,ISaytheN-Word,Sugar.Doesn’tEverybody?,’”Thesuperficial.com,July19,2013;andforcallingDeena“66-year-old,Whitetrash,trailerpark,backwards-ass,country-friedpeckerwood,”see“PaulaDeen’sSouthern-FriedRacistFantasies,”TheDominoTheorybyJeffWinbush,June20,2013.

Introduction:FablesWeForgetBy

1.CharlesMurray,ComingApart:TheStateofWhiteAmerica,1960–2010(NewYork:CrownForum,2012),4–5.2.TheAdventuresofOzzieandHarrietfirstairedin1952,whileTheHoneymoonersbeganin1951.Murray,ComingApart,8–9.

3.SeeFrancisJ.Bremer,“WouldJohnAdamsHaveCalledJohnWinthropaFounding‘Father’?,”Common-Place4,no.3(April2004).

4.SacvanBercovitch,“HowthePuritansWontheAmericanRevolution,”MassachusettsReview17,no.4(Winter1976):597–630,esp.603.AlsoseeMichaelP.Winship,“WereThereAnyPuritansinNewEngland?,”NewEnglandQuarterly74,no.1(March2001):118–38,esp.131–38;andPeterJ.Gomes,“PilgrimsandPuritans:‘Heroes’and‘Villains’intheCreationoftheAmericanPast,”ProceedingsoftheMassachusettsHistoricalSociety95(1983):1–16,esp.2–5,7.

5.Thefinalversionofthemonumentwaseighty-onefeethigh.SeeJamesF.O’Gorman,“TheColossusofPlymouth:HammattBillingsNationalMonumenttotheForefathers,”JournaloftheSocietyofArchitecturalHistorians54,no.3(September1995):278–301.

6.RogerCushingAikin,“PaintingsofManifestDestiny:MappingaNation,”AmericanArt14,no.3(Autumn2000):84–85.

7.MatthewDennis,Red,White,andBlueLetterDays:AnAmericanCalendar(Ithaca,NY:CornellUniversityPress,2002),85,87,101;AnnUhryAbrams,ThePilgrimsandPocahontas:RivalMythsofAmericanOrigin(Boulder,CO:WestviewPress,1999),5,26.AlsoseeFloraJ.Cooke,“ReadingLessonsforPrimaryGrades:History,SeriesI,‘ThePilgrims,’”CourseofStudy1,no.5(January1901):442–47;andJohnH.Humins,“SquantoandMassasoit:AStruggleforPower,”NewEnglandQuarterly60,no.1(March1987):54–70.

8.OntheauraofmysterysurroundingRoanoke,seeKathleenDonegan,SeasonsofMisery:CatastropheandColonialSettlementinEarlyAmerica(Philadelphia:UniversityofPennsylvaniaPress,2014),23–24,67;KarenOrdahlKupperman,“RoanokeLost,”AmericanHeritage36,no.5(1985):81–90.

9.In1803,WilliamWirt,afutureU.S.attorneygeneralandaprotégéofThomasJefferson,calledPocahontasthe“patrondeity”ofJamestown.GeorgeWashingtonParkeCustis,thegrandsonofMarthaWashington,wrotetheplayPocahontasin1830.MaryVirginiaWall,inherplayTheDaughterofVirginiaDare(1908),madeDaretheconsortofPowhatanandthemotherofPocahontas.SouthernwriterVachelLindsaypublishedhisodetoVirginiaasAmerica’sbirthplace,“OurMother,Pocahontas,”in1917.SeeJayHubbard,“TheSmith-PocahontasStoryinLiterature,”VirginiaMagazineofHistoryandBiography65,no.3(July1957):275–300.

10.SeeEdwardBuscombe,“What’sNewintheNewWorld?,”FilmQuarterly62,no.3(Spring2009):35–40;MichelleLeMaster,“Pocahontas:(De)ConstructinganAmericanMyth,”WilliamandMaryQuarterly62,no.4(October2005):774–81;KevinD.Murphy,“Pocahontas:HerLifeandLegend:AnExhibitionReview,”

WinterthurPortfolio29,no.4(Winter1994):265–75.Onwomenandnature,seeSherryOrtner,“IsFemaletoMaleasNatureIstoCulture?”inWomen,Culture,andSociety,eds.MichelleZimbalistRosaldoandLouiseLamphere(Stanford,CA:StanfordUniversityPress,1974),68–87;AnneKolodny,TheLandBeforeHer:FantasyandExperienceoftheAmericanFrontier,1630–1860(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,1984):3–5;andSusanScottParrish,“TheFemaleOpossumandtheNatureoftheNewWorld,”WilliamandMaryQuarterly54,no.3(July1997):476,502–14.

11.Hubbard,“TheSmith-PocahontasStory,”279–85.Smithmentionedtherescuebrieflyinhisfirstbook,publishedin1608,butonlyelaboratedontheepisodeinhis1624GenerallHistorieofVirginia,NewEngland,andtheSummerIsles...;seeKarenOrdahlKupperman,ed.,CaptainJohnSmith:ASelectEditionofHisWritings(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,1988),57–73.RalphHamordescribedheras“oneofrudeeducation,mannersbarbarousandcursedgeneration,”andhesawtheunionas“meerelyforthegoodandhonourofthePlantation”;seeHamor,ATrueDiscourseofthePresentStateofVirginia(London,1615;reprinted.,Richmond:VirginiaHistoricalSociety,1957),24,63.OnthepopularScottishballad,seeRaynaGreen,“ThePocahontasPerplex:TheImageofIndianWomeninAmericanCulture,”MassachusettsReview16,no.4(Autumn1975):698–714,esp.698–700.

12.Buscombe,“What’sNewintheNewWorld?,”36;Murphy,“Pocahontas:HerLifeandLegend,”270.13.NancyShoemaker,“Native-AmericanWomeninHistory,”OAHMagazineofHistory9,no.4(Summer1995):10–14;andGreen,“ThePocahontasPerplex,”704.

14.Ontheuseofcoercionandpunishmenttoupholdthelowerranksoflaborforce(mostlychildrenandadolescents)inNewEngland,seeBarryLevy,TownBorn:ThePoliticalEconomyofNewEngland(Philadelphia:UniversityofPennsylvaniaPress,2013),61–72.EvenWilliamBradfordinhisOfPlymouthPlantationattemptedtoerasethedeadbyusingpoliticalarithmetictoshowthatthe“increase”ofchildrenoutnumberedthedead;seeDonegan,SeasonsofMisery,119,135–36,138,153–54;RichardArcher,FissuresintheRock:NewEnglandintheSeventeenthCentury(HanoverandLondon:UniversityofNewHampshirePress,2001),44,50,59–63.

15.Donegan,SeasonsofMisery,70,74–76,78,100–103(cannibalism),108–10.OntheEnglishsharingtheSpanishdesireforgold,seeConstanceJordan,“Conclusion:JamestownandItsNorthAtlanticWorld,”inEnvisioninganEnglishEmpire:JamestownandtheMakingoftheNorthAtlanticWorld,eds.RobertAppelbaumandJohnWoodSweet(Philadelphia:UniversityofPennsylvaniaPress,2005),280–81.

16.FrançoisWeil,“JohnFarmerandtheMakingofAmericanGenealogy,”NewEnglandQuarterly80,no.3(September2007):408–34,esp.431;FrancescaMorgan,“LineageasCapital:GenealogyinAntebellumNewEngland,”NewEnglandQuarterly83,no.2(June2010):250–82,esp.280–82;MichaelS.Sweeney,“Ancestors,Avotaynu,Roots:AnInquiryintoAmericanGenealogicalDiscourse”(Ph.D.dissertation,UniversityofKansas,2010),41.

17.FrancisJ.Bremer,“Remembering—andForgetting—JonathanWinthropandthePuritanFounders,”MassachusettsHistoricalReview6(2004):38–69,esp.39–42.Onlegalstanding,seeChristopherTomlins,FreedomBound:Law,Labor,andCivicIdentityinColonizingEnglishAmerica,1580–1865(NewYork:CambridgeUniversityPress,2010),119–20.OnthenewCityHall,seeDavidGlassberg,“PublicRitualandCulturalHierarchy:PhiladelphiaCivicCelebrationattheTurnoftheCentury,”PennsylvaniaMagazineofHistoryandBiography107,no.3(July1983):421–48,esp.426–29.OnPlymouthRock,seeAbrams,ThePilgrimsandPocahontas,6;andGomes,“PilgrimsandPuritans,”6.Inhis1820oration,thelawyerDanielWebsterdescribedtherockasthe“firstlodgement,inavastextentofcountry,coveredwithawilderness,andpeopledbyrovingbarbarians”;seeJohnSeelye,Memory’sNation:ThePlaceofPlymouthRock(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,1998),75.

18.OnEnglishnotionsofeliminatingthepoor,seeE.P.Hutchinson,ThePopulationDebate:TheDevelopmentofConflictingTheoriesupto1900(Boston:HoughtonMifflin,1967),37,44,52,123–24;TimothyRaylor,“SamuelHartlibandtheCommonwealthofBees,”inCultureandCultivationinEarlyModernEngland,eds.MichaelLeslieandTimothyRaylor(NewYork:St.Martin’s,1992),106.

19.AbbotEmersonSmith,ColonistsinBondage:WhiteServitudeandConvictLaborinAmerica,1607–1776(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,1947):5,7,12,20,67–85,136–51;A.RogerEkirch,“BoundforAmerica:AProfileofBritishConvictsTransportedtotheColonies,1718–1775,”WilliamandMaryQuarterly42,no.2(April1985):184–222;AbbottEmersonSmith,“IndenturedServants:NewLightonSome

ofAmerica’s‘First’Families,”JournalofEconomicHistory2,no.1(May1942):40–53;A.L.Beier,MasterlessMen:TheVagrancyProbleminEngland,1560–1640(London:Methuen,1985),162–64;Tomlins,FreedomBound,21,76–77;FarleyGrubb,“FatherlessandFriendless:FactorsInfluencingtheFlowofEnglishEmigrantServants,”JournalofEconomicHistory52,no.1(March1992):85–108.On“Egyptianbondage,”seeMarilynC.Baseler,“AsylumforMankind”:America,1607–1800(Ithaca,NY:CornellUniversityPress,1998),99–101.On“LittleBess”Armstrong,seeEmmaChristopher,AMercilessPlace:TheFactofBritishConvictsAftertheAmericanRevolution(NewYork:OxfordUniversityPress,2010),32.

20.Baseler,“AsylumforMankind,”35–40,75;Tomlins,FreedomBound,504;Beier,MasterlessMen,95;SirJosiahChild,ADiscourseonTrade(London,1690),172–73;JohnCombs,“ThePhasesofConversion:ANewChronologyfortheRiseofSlaveryinVirginia,”WilliamandMaryQuarterly68,no.3(July2011):332–60.

ChapterOne:TakingOuttheTrash:WastePeopleintheNewWorld

1.SeePeterC.Mancall,Hakluyt’sPromise:AnElizabethan’sObsessionforanEnglishAmerica(NewHaven,CT:YaleUniversityPress,2007),3,6–8,25,31,38,40,102.

2.Ibid.,8,63,76–77;D.B.Quinn,ed.,TheVoyagesandColonizingEnterprisesofSirHumphreyGilbert,2vols.(London:HakluytSociety,1940),1:102;KennethR.Andrews,Trade,PlunderandSettlement:MaritimeEnterpriseandtheGenesisoftheBritishEmpire,1480–1630(Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,1984),30–31,200–201,218,294–99.

3.Mancall,Hakluyt’sPromise,3–4,92–100,158,184–94,218,221–31;E.G.R.Taylor,“RichardHakluyt,”GeographicalJournal109,no.4–6(April–June1947):165–71,esp.165–66;Kupperman,CaptainJohnSmith,3–4,267.OnSmith’sborrowingfromHakluyt,seeDavidB.Quinn,“Hakluyt’sReputation,”inExplorersandColonies:America,1500–1625(LondonandRonceverte,WV:HambledonPress,1990),19.

4.Mancall,Hakluyt’sPromise,72,92,128–29,139,183–84;DavidB.QuinnandAlisonM.Quinn,eds.,AParticularDiscourseConcerningtheGreateNecessiteandManifoldeCommodytiesThatAreLiketoGrowetoThisRealmofEnglandebytheWesterneDiscoveriesLatelyAttempted.WrittenintheYear1584.ByRichardHackluytofOxforde.KnownasDiscourseofWesternPlanting(London:HakluytSociety,1993),xv,xxii.Hereaftercitedas“DiscourseofWesternPlanting.”

5.Hakluyt,“DiscourseofWesternPlanting,”8,28,31,55,116,117,119.MicheldeMontaigne’s“OfCannibals”(1580)wastranslatedintoEnglishin1603;seeLynnGlaser,AmericaonPaper:TheFirstHundredYears(Philadelphia:AssociatedAntiquaries,1989),170–73;andScottR.MacKenzie,“BreechesofDecorum:TheFigureofaBarbarianinMontaigneandAddison,”SouthCentralReview,no.2(Summer2006):99–127,esp.101–3.

6.ForVirginiaasRaleigh’sbride,see“EpistleDedicatorytoSirWalterRaleghbyRichardHakluyt,1587,”inTheOriginalWritingsandCorrespondenceoftheTwoRichardHakluyts,ed.E.G.R.Taylor,2vols.(London:HakluytSociety,1935),2:367–68;alsoseeMaryC.Fuller,VoyagesinPrint:EnglishTraveltoAmerica,1576–1624(NewYork:CambridgeUniversityPress,1995),75.

7.Tomlins,FreedomBound,114–18,135–38,143–44;andJohnSmith,Advertisements:Or,ThePathwaytoExperiencetoErectaPlantation(1831),inTheCompleteWorksofCaptainJohnSmith(1580–1631),ed.PhilipL.Barbour,3vols.(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,1986),3:290.

8.Forthemanurereference,seeSmith,TheGenerallHistorieofVirginia,NewEngland,andtheSummerIsles...(1624)andJohnSmith,AdvertisementsfortheUnexperiencedPlantersofNewEngland,orAnyWhere(1631)inBarbour,TheCompleteWorksofCaptainJohnSmith,2:109;3:276.AccordingtotheOxfordEnglishDictionary,“waste”whenconnectedtothelandmeantseveralthings:(1a)uninhabitedordesolateregion,desert,orwilderness;(1b)avastexpanseofwater,emptyspaceintheair,orlandcoveredwithsnow;(2)apieceoflandnotcultivatedorusedforanypurpose,lyingincommon(notownedprivately);and(3)adevastatedregion.Thelegaldefinitionis“anyunauthorizedactofatenantforafreeholdestatenotofinheritance,orforanylesserinterest,whichtendstothedestructionofthetenement,orotherwisetotheinjuryoftheinheritance.”Thismeansatenant,notanowneroftheland,whodamagesthepropertyanddecreasesitsvalue.“Wasteland”referredtolandinitsuncultivatedornaturalstate,orland(usuallysurroundedbydevelopedland)“notusedorunfitforcultivationorbuildingandallowedtorunwild.”

9.Hakluyt,“DiscourseofWesternPlanting,”115.Forthelanguageofagrarianimprovement,seeAndrewMcRae,GodSpeedthePlough:TheRepresentationofAgrarianEngland,1500–1660(Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,1996),13,116,136–37,162,168.

10.Hakluyt,“DiscourseofWesternPlanting,”28;alsoseetheelderHakluyt’s“InducementstotheLikingoftheVoyageIntendedTowardVirginia”(1585),inTaylor,TheOriginalWritings,2:331;andMcRae,GodSpeedthePlough,168.TimothySweet,“Economy,Ecology,andUtopiainEarlyColonialPromotionalLiterature,”AmericanLiterature71,no.3(September1999):399–427,esp.407–8.Hakluyt’slistoftasks(downtopluckingandpackingfeathers)wasborrowedfromGeorgePeckham’sATrueReporteofLateDiscoveriesandPossession,TakenintheRightoftheCrowneofEnglandeoftheNewfoundLandes:ByThatValiantandWorthyeGentleman,SirHumphreyGilbert,Knight.Hakluytlaterincludedtherelevantpassage:RichardHakluyt,ThePrincipallNavigationsVoiagesandDiscoveriesoftheEnglishNation(London,1589),eds.DavidBeersQuinnandRaleighAshlinSkelton,2vols.(reprintedfacsimile,London:CambridgeUniversityPress,1965),2:710–11.

11.Hakluyt,“DiscourseofWesternPlanting,”28,120,123–24.OnusingthecoloniestounburdenEnglandofidlechildrenofthepoor,seeHakluyttheelder,“InducementsforVirginia,”inTaylor,TheOriginalWritings,2:330;Gilbert,“ADiscourseofaDiscoverieforaNewPassagetoCataia”(London,1576),inQuinn,TheVoyagesandColonizingEnterprisesofSirHumphreyGilbert,1:161;andPeckham,“ATrueReport,”inHakluyt,PrincipallNavigations,2:710–11.

12.Hakluyt,“DiscourseofWesternPlanting,”28.13.JohnCramsie,“CommercialProjectsandtheFiscalPolicyofJamesVIandI,”HistoricalJournal43,no.2(2000):345–64,esp.350–51,359.

14.WalterI.Trattner,“GodandExpansioninElizabethanEngland:JohnDee,1527–1583,”JournaloftheHistoryofIdeas,vol.25,no.1(January–March1964):17–34,esp.26–27;Beier,MasterlessMen,56,149–50,168.

15.Hakluyt,“DiscourseofWesternPlanting,”28.Gilbertmadethesameargumentofsettlingneedymeninsteadofsendingthemtothegallows;see“ADiscourseofaDiscoverieforaNewPassagetoCataia,”inQuinn,TheVoyagesandColonizingEnterprisesofSirHumphreyGilbert,1:160–61.UnderRomanlaw,men,women,andchildrencouldbecomeslavesiftheywerecaptivesofwar.Captivesweregiventheirlivesinreturnforservingasslaves;seePeterTemin,“TheLaborMarketoftheEarlyRomanEmpire,”JournalofInterdisciplinaryHistory34,no.4(Spring2004):513–38,esp.534.AFrenchscholarhasnotedthatinEnglishethnography,theterm“rubbishmen”wasusedtodescribedebtslavery;seeAlainTestart,“TheExtentandSignificanceofDebtSlavery,”RevueFrançaisedeSociologie43,no.1(2002):173–204,esp.199.

16.Hakluyt,“DiscourseofWesternPlanting,”31–32,120.Onthechildrenofbeggarsbeingputintoservice,seeA.L.Beier,“‘ANewSerfdom’:LaborLaws,VagrancyStatutes,andLaborDisciplineinEngland,1350–1800,”inCastOut:VagrancyandHomelessnessinGlobalPerspective,eds.A.L.BeierandPaulOcobock(Athens:OhioUniversityPress,2009),47.

17.Beier,MasterlessMen,158–60;C.S.L.Davies,“SlaveryandProtectorSomerset:TheVagrancyActof1547,”EconomicHistoryReview19,no.3(1966):533–49.

18.SeeWilliamHarrison,“ChapterIX:OfProvisionsMadeforthePoor”(1577and1857),inElizabethanEngland:From“ADescriptionofEngland,”byWilliamHarrison(in“Holinshed’sChronicles”),editedbyLothropWithington,withintroductionbyF.J.Furnivall(London:TheW.ScottPublishingCo.,1902),122–29,esp.122;andPatrickCopland,Virginia’sGodBeThanked,orASermonofThanksgivingfortheHappieSuccesseoftheAffayresinVirginiaThisLastYeare.PreachedbyPatrickCoplandatBow-ChurchinCheapside,BeforetheHonourableVirginiaCompany,onThursday,the18.ofApril1622(London,1622),31.

19.Beier,MasterlessMen,43;Copland,Virginia’sGodBeThanked,31;JohnDonne,ASermonupontheEighthVerseoftheFirstChapteroftheActsoftheApostles.PreachedtotheHonourableCompanyoftheVirginiaPlantation,13,November1622(London,1624),21.ThoughJohnWhitetriedtocounterthisnegativeimage,heacknowledgedthatitwaswidelybelievedthe“ColoniesoughttobeEmunctoriesorSinkesofStates;todrayneawaythefilth”;seeJohnWhite,ThePlantersPlea,ortheGroundsofPlantationsExaminedandUsuallObjectionsAnswered(London,1630),33.FortheelderHakluyt’sphraseof“offalsofourpeople,”seehis“LetterofInstructionforthe1580VoyageofArthurPetandCharlesJackman,”inHakluyt,PrincipallNavigations,1:460.TheideaofdrainingoffthepoorintothecoloniescanbetracedbacktoancientRome.

Cicerodescribedthepooras“‘dordemurbisetfaecem,thepovertystrickenscumofthecity,’whoshouldbe‘drainedofftothecolonies’”;seePaulOcobock,introductioninBeierandOcobock,CastOut,4.

20.Harrison,ElizabethanEngland,122.Harrison’sallusiontothepoorasunboundedandhaphazardlydispersedmatchedhowtheEnglishthoughtofwastelands.Awriterin1652described“thosemanyandwildvacantWast-LandsscatteredupanddownthisNation,benotsufferedtolyelonger(likedeformedChaos)toourdiscreditanddisprofit”;seeWastLand’sImprovement,orCertainProposalsMadeandTenderedtotheConsiderationoftheHonorableCommitteeAppointedbyParliamentfortheAdvanceofTrade,andGeneralProfitsoftheCommonwealth...(London,1653),2.

21.WilliamHarrisoncontendedthatwhilesomebelievethata“broodofcattle”wasfarbetterthanthe“superfluousaugmentation”ofthepoor,hepointedoutthatthepoorwerenecessaryintimesofwar.Theyalonewouldforma“wallofmen”ifEnglandwasinvaded.SeeHarrison,ElizabethanEngland,125;Beier,MasterlessMen,75–76.

22.NicholasP.Canny,“IdeologyofEnglishColonization:FromIrelandtoAmerica,”WilliamandMaryQuarterly30,no.4(October1973):575–90,esp.589–90;andCanny,“ThePermissiveFrontier:TheProblemofSocialControlinEnglishSettlementsinIrelandandVirginia,”inTheWesternEnterprise:EnglishActivitiesinIreland,theAtlantic,andAmerica,1480–1650,eds.K.R.Andrews,N.P.Canny,andP.E.H.Hair(Detroit:WayneStateUniversityPress,1979),17–44,esp.18–19.AlsoseeLindaBradleySalamon,“VagabondVeterans:TheRoguishCompanyofMartinGuerreandHenryV,”inRoguesandEarlyModernEnglishCulture,eds.CraigDionneandSteveMentz(AnnArbor:UniversityofMichiganPress,2004),261–93,esp.265,270–71;andRogerB.Manning,“StylesofCommandinSeventeenthCenturyEnglishArmies,”JournalofMilitaryHistory71,no.3(July2007):671–99,esp.672–73,687.

23.CraigDionne,“FashioningOutlaws:TheEarlyModernRogueandUrbanCulture,”andSalamon,“VagabondVeterans,”inDionneandMentz,RoguesandEarlyModernEnglishCulture,1–2,7,33–34,267–68,272–73;Harrison,ElizabethanEngland,127–28;Beier,MasterlessMen,93–94;ClaireS.Schen,“ConstructingthePoorinEarlySeventeeth-CenturyLondon,”Albion:AQuarterlyJournalConcernedwithBritishStudies32,no.3(Autumn2000):450–63,esp.453.

24.AsHakluytwrote,“Iffrontierwarstherechancetoarise,andifthereuponweshallfortify,yetwilloccasionthetrainingupofouryouthinthedisciplineofwarandmakeanumberfitfortheserviceofthewarsandforthedefenseofourpeoplethereandathome”;see“DiscourseofWesternPlanting,”119–20,123.Othercolonialpromotersarguedthatcolonialservicewasasubstituteformilitaryserviceandthatitwouldprovidethenecessarydisciplinefortheidlepoor.ChristopherCarleillmadethisargumentbasedonhisownmilitaryexperienceintheLowCountrywars;seeCarleill,ABreefandSommarieDiscourseupontheEntendedVoyagetotheHethermostePartesofAmerica:WrittenbyCaptainCarleillinApril1583(1583),6.Forsoldiersascannonfodder,seeSalamon,“VagabondVeterans,”271;andSweet,“Economy,Ecology,andUtopiainEarlyColonialPromotionalLiterature,”408–9.

25.Noscholarhasrecognizedtheconnectionbetweentrainingthechildrenofthepoorandtreatingthemasrecycledwaste.

26.Onthelawspassedagainstdefecatinginthestreetsandpunishmentsforblasphemyandstealingvegetables,see“Articles,Lawes,andOrders,Divine,Politique,andMartiallfortheColonyofVirginia:FirstEstablishedbySirThomasGates....May24,1610,”inFortheColonialinVirginiaBritannia.Lavves,Diuine,Morall,andMartiall,&c.AlgetquinonArdet.Resnostraesubindenonsunt,qualesquisoptaret,sedqualesessepossunt(London,1612),10–13,15–17;alsoseeKathleenM.Brown,FoulBodies:CleanlinessinEarlyAmerica(NewHaven,CT:YaleUniversityPress,2009),61–64.Onthemanmurderingandeatinghiswife,seeATrueDeclarationoftheEstateoftheColonieinVirginia,withaConfutationofSuchScandalousReportsashaveTendedtotheDisgraceofSoWorthyanEnterprise(London,1610),16;andJohnSmith,TheGenerallHistorieofVirginia,NewEngland,andtheSummerIsles...(1624),inBarbour,TheCompleteWorksofCaptainJohnSmith,2:232–33;Donegan,SeasonsofMisery,103.

27.Donne,ASermonupontheEighthVerseoftheFirstChapteroftheActsoftheApostles,19.28.KarenOrdahlKupperman,“ApathyandDeathinEarlyJamestown,”JournalofAmericanHistory66,no.1(June1979):24–40,esp.24–27,31;andWesleyFrankCraven,TheVirginiaCompanyofLondon,1606–1624(Williamsburg:Virginia350thAnniversaryCelebrationCorporation,1957),22–28,32–34.Onthepromiseoffindinggold,seeDavidBeersQuinn,EnglandandtheDiscoveryofAmerica,1481–1620(NewYork:Knopf,

1974),482–87.ForapopularsatireaboutthelureofquickrichesandgoldchamberpotstobefoundintheNewWorld,seeGeorgeChapman,EastwardHoe(London,1605;reprint,London:TheTudorFacsimileTexts,1914),76.For“sluggishidlenesse,”seeATrueDeclarationoftheEstateoftheColonie(1610),19.For“beastiallsloth”and“idleness,”seeVirginiaCompany,ATrueandSincereDeclarationofthePurposeandEndofthePlantationBeguninVirginia(London,1610),10.

29.Hakluyt,“DiscourseonWesternPlanting,”28.HakluyttookthisideafromGilbert,whoadvisedhavingthechildrenofthepoortrainedin“handiecraftes”sotheycouldmake“trifles”tobesoldtotheIndians;seeGilbert,“ADiscourseofaDiscoverieforaNewPassagetoCataia”(1576),inQuinn,TheVoyagesandColonialEnterprisesofSirHumphreyGilbert,1:161.AlsoseeCanny,“ThePermissiveFrontier,”25,27–29,33.Andonprohibitionsagainstgaming,rape,andtradingwithsailors,see“Articles,Lawes,andOrders...EstablishedbySirThomasGates,”10–11,13–14.

30.OnThomasMore’sUtopia(1516),seeJoanThirsk,“MakingaFreshStart:Sixteenth-CenturyAgricultureandtheClassicalInspiration,”inMichaelLeslieandTimothyRaylor,eds.,CultureandCultivationinEarlyModernEngland:WritingandtheLand(LeicesterandLondon:LeicesterUniversityPress,1992),22.

31.OnRolfeandtobacco,seePhilipD.Morgan,“Virginia’sOtherPrototype:TheCaribbean,”inTheAtlanticWorldandVirginia,1550–1624,ed.PeterC.Mancall(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,2007),362;andEdmundS.Morgan,“TheLaborProblematJamestown,1607–1618,”AmericanHistoricalReview76,no.3(June1971):595–611,esp.609.

32.SeeManningC.Voorhis,“CrownVersusCouncilintheVirginiaLandPolicy,”WilliamandMaryQuarterly,3rdser.,3,no.4(October1946):499–514,esp.500–501;andEdmundS.Morgan,AmericanSlavery,AmericanFreedom:TheOrdealofColonialVirginia(NewYork:Norton,1975),93–94,171–73.MorganquotesJamestownplanterJohnPory,whowrotethat“ourprincipallwealth...consistethinservants.”SeeMorgan,“TheFirstAmericanBoom,”WilliamandMaryQuarterly28,no.2(1971):169–98,esp.176–77.

33.SeeTomlins,FreedomBound,31–36,78–81;MarySarahBilder,“TheStruggleoverImmigration:IndenturedServants,Slaves,andArticlesofCommerce,”MissouriLawReview61(Fall1996):758–59,764;andWarrenM.Billings,“TheLawofServantsandSlavesinSeventeenthCenturyVirginia,”VirginiaMagazineofHistoryandBiography99,no.1(January1991):45–62,esp.47–49,51.

34.Morgan,“TheFirstAmericanBoom,”170,185–86,198;Schen,“ConstructingthePoorinEarlySeventeenth-CenturyLondon,”451;Billings,“TheLawofServantsandSlaves,”48–49.Onhighdeathtollsforindenturedservants,seeMarthaW.McCartney,VirginiaImmigrantsandAdventurers:ABiographicalDictionary(Baltimore:GenealogicalPublishingCompany,2007),14;andSmith,TheGenerallHistorieofVirginia,NewEngland,andtheSummerIsles...,inBarbour,TheCompleteWorksofCaptainJohnSmith,2:255.

35.Dr.JohnPottpaidtheransomforherreleasefromtheIndianswithafewpoundsoftradebeads;healsoclaimedthatherdeadhusbandowedhimthreeyearsofworkonhisindenture.SeeMcCartney,VirginiaImmigrantsandAdventurers,258;and“TheHumblePetitionofJaneDickensonWiddowe”(1624),inRecordsoftheVirginiaCompanyofLondon,ed.SusanM.Kingsbury,4vols.(Washington,DC:GovernmentPrintingOffice,1906–35),4:473;alsoseeCanny,“ThePermissiveFrontier,”32.

36.Smith,TheGenerallHistorieofVirginia,NewEngland,andtheSummerIsles...(1624),inBarbour,TheCompleteWorksofCaptainJohnSmith,2:388.TheMerchantofVenicewaspublishedin1600.UnderRomanlaw,notonlywarcaptivesbutdebtorsandabandonedchildrencouldbemadeslaves.Childrenborntoslavescouldbeslavestoo.InJamestown,childrenborntodebtorscouldbemadeslaves.SeeTemin,“TheLaborMarketoftheEarlyRomanEmpire,”513–38,esp.524,531.

37.SeeDavidR.Ransome,“WivesforVirginia,1621,”WilliamandMaryQuarterly48,no.1(January1991):3–18,esp.4–7.ThesexratiowasroughlyfourtooneduringtheearlyyearsofVirginia;seeVirginiaBernhard,“‘Men,Women,andChildren’atJamestown:PopulationandGenderinEarlyVirginia,1607–1610,”JournalofSouthernHistory58,no.4(November1992):599–618,esp.614–18.OntheshippingofcattleandcowsasemissariesofEnglishness,seeVirginiaDeJohnAnderson,“AnimalsintotheWilderness:TheDevelopmentofLivestockHusbandryintheSeventeenth-CenturyChesapeake,”WilliamandMaryQuarterly59,no.2(April2002):377–408,esp.377,379.Theideaofsendingwomenasbreederstothecolonieswasnotnew.In1656,CromwellhadshippedofftwothousandyoungwomenofEnglandtoBarbadosin“orderthatbytheirbreedingtheyshouldreplenishthewhitepopulation.”SeeJenniferL.Morgan,LaboringWomen:ReproductionandGenderinNewWorldSlavery(Philadelphia:UniversityofPennsylvaniaPress,2004),74–75.

38.WilliamBerkeley,ADiscourseandViewofVirginia(London,1663),2,7,12.39.SamuelEliotMorrison,“ThePlymouthCompanyandVirginia,”VirginiaMagazineofHistoryandBiography62,no.2(April1954):147–65;Donegan,SeasonsofMisery,119.

40.Tomlins,FreedomBound,23,54–56;AlisonGames,MigrationandOriginsoftheEnglishAtlanticWorld(Cambridge,MA:HarvardUniversityPress,1999),25,48,53;T.H.BreenandStephenFoster,“MovingtotheNewWorld:TheCharacterofEarlyMassachusettsMigration,”WilliamandMaryQuarterly30,no.2(April1973):189–222,esp.194,201;NualaZahedieh,“LondonandtheColonialConsumerintheLateSeventeenthCentury,”EconomicHistoryReview42,no.2(May1994):239–61,esp.245.

41.Seehis“GeneralObservations”(1629),inJohnWinthropPapers,6vols.(Boston:MassachusettsHistoricalSociety,1928–),2:111–15;EdgarJ.A.Johnson,“EconomicIdeasofJohnWinthrop,”NewEnglandQuarterly3,no.2(April1930):235–50,esp.245,250;FrancisJ.Bremer,JohnWinthrop:America’sForgottenFounder(NewYork:OxfordUniversityPress,2003),152–53,160–61,174–75,181,andfootnote9on431–32.

42.JohnWinthrop,“AModelofChristianCharity”(1630),CollectionsoftheMassachusettsHistoricalSociety,3rdser.,7(Boston,1838),33;ScottMichaelson,“JohnWinthrop’s‘Modell’CovenantandtheCompanyWay,”EarlyAmericanLiterature27,no.2(1992):85–100,esp.90;LawrenceW.Towner,“‘AFondnessforFreedom’:ServantProtestinPuritanSociety,”WilliamandMaryQuarterly19,no.2(April1962):201–19,esp.204–5.

43.NormanH.Dawes,“TitlesofSymbolsofPrestigeinSeventeenth-CenturyNewEngland,”WilliamandMaryQuarterly6,no.1(January1949):69–83;DavidKonig,LawandSocietyinPuritanMassachusetts:EssexCounty,1629–1692(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,1979),18–19,29–30,92;JohnWinthropPapers,4,54,476;Bremer,JohnWinthrop,355.

44.Towner,“‘AFondnessforFreedom,’”202;Tomlins,FreedomBound,254–55;Bremer,JohnWinthrop,313.45.Tomlins,FreedomBound,56,255–56,258.FourteenwastheageofdiscretioninMassachusettslaw,andmostdidnotarriveatadulthooduntiltheageoftwenty-one.SeeRossW.BealesJr.,“InSearchoftheHistoricalChild:AdulthoodandYouthinColonialNewEngland,”AmericanQuarterly27,no.4(April1975):379–98,esp.384–85,393–94,397.Massachusettsfirstrequiredyouthtoresideinfamiliesandworkforthemwithoutcompensationwhenlandgrantsweredistributedin1623;lawswerepassedinMassachusetts,Connecticut,andRhodeIslandthat“allsinglepersonshadtoresidewithfamilies.”SeeWilliamE.Nelson,“TheUtopianLegalOrderofMassachusettsBayColony,1630–1686,”AmericanJournalofLegalHistory47,no.2(April2005):183–230,esp.183;andArcher,FissuresintheRock,106.

46.Tomlins,FreedomBound,307,310;PhilipGreven,FourGenerations:Population,Land,andFamilyinColonialAndover,Massachusetts(Ithaca,NY:CornellUniversityPress,1970),75,81–83,125,132,135,149.

47.Winthrop’sfirsttwowivesdiedinchildbirth.Hislastwifegavebirthayearbeforehedied.Bremer,JohnWinthrop,90–91,102–3,115,314,373.

48.CottonMather,AGoodMasterWellServed(Boston,1696),15–16,35–36,38;Towner,“‘AFondnessforFreedom,’”209–10;RobertMiddlekauf,TheMathers:ThreeGenerationsofPuritanIntellectuals,1596–1728(NewYork:OxfordUniversityPress,1971),195.

49.WilliamPerkins,“OntheRight,Lawful,andHolyUseofApparel”inTheWholeTreatiseoftheCasesofConscienceDistinguishedintoThreeBooks(Cambridge,England,1606);LouisB.Wright,“WilliamPerkins:ElizabethanApostleof‘PracticalDivinity,’”HuntingtonLibraryQuarterly2,no.2(January1940):171–96,esp.177–78;StephenInnes,CreatingtheCommonwealth:EconomicCultureofPuritanNewEngland(NewYork:Norton,1998),101–3.In1651,officialsinMassachusettsBayColonydeclaredtheir“utterdetestation&dislikethatmenandwomenofmeanecondition,education&callingsshouldtakeuponthemethegarbofthegentlemen”;seeLeighEricSchmidt,“‘AChurch-GoingPeopleAreaDress-LovingPeople’:Clothes,Communication,andReligiousCultureinEarlyAmerica,”ChurchHistory58,no.1(March1989):36–51,esp.38–39.DuringKingPhilip’sWar,thecourtcharged“38wivesandmaidsand30youngmen...forwearingsilkandthatinaflauntingmanner”;seeLaurelThatcherUlrich,TheAgeofHomespun:ObjectsandStoriesintheCreationofanAmericanMyth(NewYork:Knopf,2001),125;andKonig,LawandSocietyinPuritanMassachusetts,148.Andontheanxietyoverparentsandmastersindulgingchildrenandservants,seeEdmundMorgan,ThePuritanFamily:ReligiousandDomesticRelationsinSeventeenth-CenturyNewEngland(Westport,CT:GreenwoodPress,1966),149.

50.Fortheprivilegesthatchurchmembershadincourtproceedings,seeThomasHaskell,“LitigationandSocialStatusinSeventeenth-CenturyNewHaven,”JournalofLegalStudies,no.2(June1978):219–41.OnMary

Dyer,seeCarlaGardinaPestana,“TheQuakerExecutionsasMythandHistory,”JournalofAmericanHistory80,no.2(September1992):441–69,esp.441,460–64;andDavidD.Hall,WorldsofWonder,DaysofJudgment:PopularReligiousBeliefinEarlyNewEngland(Cambridge,MA:HarvardUniversityPress,1990),172–74,186.ExcommunicationinEnglandcouldresultinseverepenaltiesofbarringthepersonfromreceivinganinheritanceorrestrictingtherighttosue.InNewEngland,atleastinitially,excommunicationonlyledtodisenfranchisement.In1638,thecourtsestablishedharsherpunishments:ifapersondidnotrepentorseekreadmissionwithinsixmonthsofexcommunication,heorshecouldbefined,jailed,banished,or“further.”SeeKonig,LawandSocietyinPuritanMassachusetts,32.

51.Archer,FissuresintheRock,44,50,59–63,endnote5,180;RobertJ.Dinkin,“SeatingtheMeetinghouseinEarlyMassachusetts,”NewEnglandQuarterly43,no.3(September1970):450–64,esp.453–54.

52.KathrynZabelleDerounian,“ThePublication,Promotion,andDistributionofMaryRowlandson’sIndianCaptivityNarrativeintheSeventeenthCentury,”EarlyAmericanLiterature23,no.3(1988):239–62.OnRowlandson’sembraceofEnglishclassandmaterialsymbols,seeNanGoodman,“‘MoneyAnswersAllThings’:RethinkingEconomicCulturalExchangeintheCaptivityNarrativeofMaryRowlandson,”AmericanLiteraryHistory22,no.1(Spring2010):1–25,esp.5.

53.MaryRowlandson,TheSovereigntyandGoodnessofGod,TogetherwiththeFaithfulnessofHisPromisesDisplayed:BeingaNarrativeofCaptivityandRestorationofMrs.MaryRowlandsonandRelatedDocuments,ed.NeilSalisbury(Boston:BedfordBooks,1997),1,16,26,75,79,83,86,89,96–97,103;Ulrich,TheAgeofHomespun,59;TeresaA.Toulouse,“‘MyOwnCredit’:Strategiesof(E)valuationinMaryRowlandson’sCaptivityNarrative,”AmericanLiterature64,no.2(December1992):655–76,esp.656–58;TiffanyPotter,“WritingIndigenousFemininity:MaryRowlandson’sNarrativeofCaptivity,”Eighteenth-CenturyStudies36,no.2(Winter2003):153–67,esp.154.

54.SeeIncreaseMather,PrayfortheRisingGeneration,oraSermonWhereinGodlyParentsAreEncouraged,toPrayandBelieveforChildren(Boston,1678),12,17;Hall,WorldsofWonder,148–55;GeraldF.Moran,“ReligiousRenewal,PuritanTribalism,andtheFamilyinSeventeenth-CenturyMilford,Connecticut,”WilliamandMaryQuarterly36,no.2(April1979):236–54,esp.237–38,250–54;Bremer,JohnWinthrop,314–15;LewisMiltonRobinson,“AHistoryoftheHalf-WayCovenant”(Ph.D.dissertation,UniversityofIllinois,1963).

55.Hakluytwrotetwodifferentdedications:oneemphasizedVirginiaasanubilebride,andtheotherasachild,withQueenElizabethashergodmotheroverseeingthegossips(midwives)assistinginthebirthofachild.SamuelPurchasrepeatedthesamemaritalallusion,writingthatVirginia’s“lovelylooks”were“worththewooingandlovesofthebesthusband.”See“EpistleDedicatorytoSirWalterRaleghbyRichardHakluyt,1587,”DeOrbeNovoPetriMartyris,inTaylor,TheOriginalWritings,2:367;and“TotheRightWorthieandHonourableGentleman,SirWalterRalegh,”inANotableHistorieContainingfourVoyagesMadebyCertayneFrenchCaptaynesintoFlorida(London,1587),[2].RaleighusedasimilarallusionaboutGuiana,thatshehath“yettoloseherMaidenhead.”SeeSirWalterRalegh,TheDiscoveryoftheLarge,Rich,andBeautifulEmpireofGuiana,witharelationoftheGreatandGoldenCityofManoa(whichtheSpaniardscallElDorado),etc.performedintheYear1595,editedbySirRobertH.Schomburgk(London,1848),115;alsoseeLouisMontrose,“TheWorkofGenderintheDiscourseofDiscovery,”Representations33(Winter1991):1–41,esp.12–13;Fuller,VoyagesinPrint,75;andMorgan,“Virginia’sOtherPrototype,”360.

56.SeeRachelDoggett,MoniqueHulvey,andJulieAinsworth,eds.,NewWorldWonders:EuropeanImagesoftheAmericas,1492–1700(Washington,DC:FolgerShakespeareLibrary/Seattle:UniversityofWashingtonPress,1992),37;EdwardL.Bond,“SourcesofKnowledge,SourcesofPower:TheSupernaturalWorldofEnglishVirginia,1607–1624,”VirginiaMagazineofHistoryandBiography108,no.2(2000):105–138,esp.114.

57.SeeJackDempsey,ed.,NewEnglandCanaanbyThomasMortonof“Merrymount”(Scituate,MA:DigitalScanning,2000),283–88;KarenOrdahlKupperman,“ThomasMorton,Historian,”NewEnglandQuarterly50,no.4(December1977):660–64;MichaelZukerman,“PilgrimsintheWilderness:Community,Modernity,andtheMayPoleatMerrymount,”NewEnglandQuarterly50,no.4(December1977):255–77;JohnP.McWilliamsJr.,“FictionsofMerryMount,”AmericanQuarterly29,no.1(Spring1977):3–30.

58.HewasfirstmaroonedontheIsleofShoals(NewHampshire)afterhisarrestin1628,andthenshippedbacktoEngland.HereturnedtoNewEnglandin1629andwasbanishedagaintoEnglandin1630.Hereturnedoncemorein1643,onlytobearrestedthenextyear;hewasreleasedin1645ontheconditionthathegooutofthe

jurisdiction,soheheadedtoMaineanddiedsoonafter.Forthebestoverviewofhislife,seeJackDempsey,ThomasMortonof“Merrymount”:TheLifeandRenaissanceofanEarlyAmericanPoet(Scituate,MA:DigitalScanning,2000).

59.MortonbelievedthatspecialwaterusedbytheIndians(the“crystalfountain”)curedbarrenness;seeDempsey,NewEnglishCanaan,7,26–27,53–55,70,90,92,120–21,135–36,139.ForthebestanalysesofMorton’swritings,seeMichelleBurnham,“Land,Labor,andColonialEconomicsinThomasMorton’sNewEnglishCanaan,”EarlyAmericanLiterature41,no.3(2006):405–28,esp.408,413–14,418,421,423–24;andEdithMurphy,“‘ARichWidow,NowtoBeTaneUporLaidDowne’:SolvingtheRiddleofThomasMorton’s‘RiseOedipeus,’”WilliamandMaryQuarterly55,no.4(October1996):755–68,esp.756,759,761–62,765–67.

60.Hamor,ATrueDiscourseofthePresentStateofVirginia,20;Hakluyt,“EpistleDedicatorytoSirWalterRaleghbyRichardHakluyt,1587,”2:367–68.Lawsonalsoemphasizedthe“wonderfulincrease”ofsheepandcattle,whichhedescribedas“fat”—anotherwordusedtodescribetheirabundantfertility;seeJohnLawson,ANewVoyagetoCarolina,withintroductionbyHughTalmageLefler(reprintof1706Londoned.,ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,1967),87–88,91,196.JohnSmithrepeatedthisnotionthatIndianwomen“areeasilydeliveredofchilde.”SeeSmith,TheGenerallHistorieofVirginia,NewEngland,andtheSummerIsles...(1624)2:1165.OnNewWorldimagesoffertilityingeneral,seeParrish,“TheFemaleOpossumandtheNatureoftheNewWorld,”475–514,esp.502–6,511.TheRomansclaimedthatbarbarianandnomadicwomen“givebirthwithease,”andthisideareadilytranslatedtoNativewomenintheNewWorld.SeeMorgan,LaboringWomen,16–17.

61.Tomlins,FreedomBound;AlsopalsoreferredtoMary-landashavinga“naturalwomb(byherplenty),”whichgaveforthseveraldifferentkindsofanimals.Theland’s“superaboundingplenty”hecomparedtoawoman’spregnantbelly.If“copulativemarriage”involvedwomencomingto“marketwiththeirvirginity,”Alsopcontrastedvirginswithprostitutesordoxies,who“rentout”theirwombs,andtospinsterswhohadlettheirwombsbecome“mouldy”;seeGeorgeAlsop,ACharacteroftheProvinceofMaryland(London,1666),inNarrativesofEarlyMaryland,1633–1684,ed.,ClaytonG.Hall(NewYork:CharlesScribner’sSons,1910),340–87,esp.343–44,348,358.AlsoseeABriefDescriptionoftheProvinceofCarolinaontheCoastsofFloreda(London,1666),9–10.

62.Onthemarriagefraudtosecureland,seeMorgan,“TheFirstAmericanBoom,”189–90.HistorianCaroleShammashasnotedthatthecoloniesofVirginiaandMarylandweremoregeneroustowidows,whichbenefitedmenwhomarriedthem,encouraginga“livelymarriagemarketinwidows”;seeShammas,“EnglishInheritanceLawandItsTransfertotheColonies,”AmericanJournalofLegalHistory31,no.2(April1987):145–63,esp.158–59.Onhighmortalityratesandremarriage,seeLorenaWalsh,“‘TillDeathDoUsPart’:MarriageandFamilyinSeventeenth-CenturyMaryland,”inTheChesapeakeintheSeventeenthCentury:EssaysonAnglo-AmericanSociety,eds.ThadW.TateandDavidL.Ammerman(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,1979),126–52.Widowswereroutinelymadetheexecutrixoftheirhusband’sestates,andmostwomenremarriedoneyearandneverlongerthantwoyearsafterahusband’sdeath;seeJamesR.Perry,TheFormationofaSocietyonVirginia’sEasternShore,1615–1655(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,1990),41,79,81.

63.T.H.Breen,“AChangingLaborForceandRaceRelationsinVirginia,1660–1710,”JournalofSocialHistory7,no.1(Autumn1973):3–25,esp.10.For“yescumofthecountry,”levelinglanguage,andthechargethatBaconattractedtheidle,orthoseindebt,see“WilliamSherwood’sAccount”and“Ludlow’sAccount,”in“Bacon’sRebellion,”VirginiaMagazineofHistoryandBiography1,no.2(October1893):169,171,183.ForBacon’sfollowersas“VulgarandIgnorant,”and“latelycreptoutoftheconditionofServants,”see“ATrueNarrativeoftheLateRebellioninVirginia,bytheRoyalCommissioners,1677,”inNarrativesoftheInsurrections,1675–1690,ed.CharlesM.Andrews(NewYork:CharlesScribner’sSons,1915),110–11,113.Oncomparingtherebelstoswine,seeWilliamSherwood,“VirginiasDeplouredCondition,OranImpartiallNarrativeoftheMurderscomittedbytheIndiansthere,andoftheSufferingsofhisMatiesLoyallSubjectsundertheRebelliousoutragesofMrNathaniellBaconJunr:tothetenthdayofAugustAnnoDom1676(1676),”inCollectionsoftheMassachusettsHistoricalSociety,vol.9,4thser.(Boston:MassachusettsHistoricalSociety,1871):176.

64.StephenSaundersWebb,1676:TheEndofAmericanIndependence(NewYork:Knopf,1984;reprinted.,Syracuse,NY:SyracuseUniversityPress,1995),16,34,41,66;Tomlins,FreedomBound,39–41,425.

65.InBacon’smanifesto,hemadeitclearthattheBerkeleyfactionhadformedapowerful“Cabal”thatprotectedthe“DarlingIndians”overthelivesofitsEnglishsettlers.Bacon’srebelsalsoprotestedagainstthegovernor’spolicythatforbademilitaryactionagainstIndianswithoutanexpressorderfromBerkeley.SeeNathanielBacon,“ProclamationsofNathanielBacon,”VirginiaMagazineofHistoryandBiography1,no.1(July1893):57–60;andWebb,1676,7,74.

66.On“Landlopers,”seeSherwood,“VirginiasDeplouredCondition,”164.Forunfairtaxesand“Grandees”that“engrossealltheirtobaccointotheirownhands,”see“ATrueNarrativeoftheLateRebellion,”108,111;alsoseePeterThompson,“TheThief,aHouseholder,andtheCommons:LanguageofClassinSeventeenthCenturyVirginia,”WilliamandMaryQuarterly63,no.2(April2006):253–80,esp.264,266–67.Forthemixtureoftaxes,debts,anddecliningtobaccopricesastheeconomiccausesoftherebellion,seeWarrenM.Billings,“TheCausesofBacon’sRebellion:SomeSuggestions,”VirginiaMagazineofHistoryandBiography78,no.4(October1970):409–35,esp.419–22,432–33.Andfortheimportanceoflandissuesandabusesofthecouncilintheaftermathoftherebellion,seeMichaelKammen,“VirginiaattheCloseoftheSeventeenthCentury:AnAppraisalbyJamesBlairandJohnLocke,”VirginiaMagazineofHistoryandBiography74,no.2(April1966):141–69,esp.143,154–55,157,159–60.

67.BacondiedonOctober26,1676;BerkeleydiedonJuly9,1677.AsKathleenBrownnotes,Bacon’sdeathbythebloodyfluxsuggestedthathewas“defeatedbyhisownbody’scorruption”;seeBrown,FoulBodies,67.Thelicemayhavebeenjustasimportant,asitassociatedBaconwiththemeanersortandanimalsthatcarriedlice.Oneaccountrecordedthathehadthe“Lousydisease;sothatswarmesofVermynethatbredinhisbodyhecouldnotdestroybutbythrowinghisshirtsintothefire.”See“ATrueNarrativeoftheLateRebellion,”139;WilcombE.Washburn,“SirWilliamBerkeley’s‘AHistoryofOurMiseries,’”WilliamandMaryQuarterly14,no.3(July1957):403–14,esp.412;andWilcombE.Washburn,TheGovernorandtheRebel:AHistoryofBacon’sRebellioninVirginia(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,1957),85,129–32,138–39.

68.Andrews,NarrativesoftheInsurrections,20.Onwhiteaprons,seeMrs.An.Cotton,“AnAccountofOurLateTroubleswithVirginia.Writtenin1676,”inTractsandOtherPapers,PrincipallyRelatingtotheOrigin,Settlement,andProgressoftheColoniesofNorthAmerica,fromtheDiscoveryoftheCountrytotheYear1776,ed.PeterForce,4vols.(Washington,DC,1836–46),1:8.Inanotheraccountthewomenwerecalledguardianangels,andAphraBehninherplayonBacon’sRebellionalludestothewomenbeingusedasatrucetoavoidcombat;see“TheHistoryofBacon’sandIngram’sRebellions,1676,”inAndrews,NarrativesoftheInsurrections,68;andBehn,TheWidowRanter,or,TheHistoryofBaconinVirginia.ATragi-Comedy(London,1690),35;alsoseeWashburn,TheGovernorandtheRebel,80–81;TerriL.Snyder,BrabblingWomen:DisorderlySpeechandtheLawinEarlyVirginia(Ithaca,NY:CornellUniversityPress,2003),33–34;andWebb,1676,20–21.

69.OnLydiaChisman,see“TheHistoryofBacon’sandIngram’sRebellions,”inAndrews,NarrativesoftheInsurrections,81–82.OnElizabethBacon’slatermarriages,see“Bacon’sRebellion,”6.Ontheconfiscationandreturnoftheestatestowidowsoftherebels,seeWashburn,TheGovernorandtheRebel,141–42;andWilcombE.Washburn,“TheHumblePetitionofSarahDrummond,”WilliamandMaryQuarterly13,no.13(July1956):354–75,esp.356,358,363–64,367,371.LyonG.Tylor,“Maj.EdmundChisman,”WilliamandMaryQuarterly1,no.2(October1892):89–98,esp.90–91,94–97;SusanWestbury,“WomeninBacon’sRebellion,”inSouthernWomen:HistoriesandIdentities,eds.VirginiaBernhard,BettyBrandon,ElizabethFox-Genovese,andThedaPerdu(Columbia:UniversityofMissouriPress,1992),30–46,esp.39–42.

70.Webb,1676,102,132–63.71.SeeBehn,TheWidowRanter,3,12,42,45,48;JennyHalePulsipher,“‘TheWidowRanter’andRoyalistCultureinColonialVirginia,”EarlyAmericanLiterature39,no.1(2004):41–66,esp.53–55;andSnyder,BrabblingWomen,11–12,117,122–23.

72.JaneD.Carson,“FrancesCulpeperBerkeley,”inNotableAmericanWomen,1607–1950,ed.EdwardJamesetal.,3vols.(Cambridge,MA:HarvardUniversityPress,1971),1:135–36;Snyder,BrabblingWomen,19–25.

73.KathleenM.Brown,GoodWives,NastyWenches,andAnxiousPatriarchs:Gender,Race,andPowerinColonialVirginia(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,1996),129–33;Tomlins,FreedomBound,455,457–58.

74.Morgan,LaboringWomen,77–83;Anderson,“AnimalsintotheWilderness,”403.

75.ForthequotationseeFrancisBacon,TheTwoBooksofFrancisBacon,oftheProficienceandAdvancementofLearning,DivineandHuman(London,1808),72;foradifferentinterpretationofthisquotation,seeParrish,“TheFemaleOpossumandtheNatureoftheNewWorld,”489.

76.TurkMcClesky,“RichLand,PoorProspects:RealEstateandtheFormationofaSocialEliteinAugustaCounty,Virginia,1738–1770,”VirginiaMagazineofHistoryandBiography98,no.3(July1990):449–86;JohnCombs,“ThePhasesofConversion:ANewChronologyfortheRiseofSlaveryinVirginia,”WilliamandMaryQuarterly68,no.3(July2011):332–60;EmoryG.Evans,A“ToppingPeople”:TheRiseandDeclineofVirginia’sOldPoliticalElite,1680–1790(Charlottesville:UniversityofVirginiaPress,2009),1–30.

ChapterTwo:JohnLocke’sLubberland:TheSettlementsofCarolinaandGeorgia

1.OnthewordsJeffersonborrowedfromLocke,seeJohnLocke,TwoTreatisesofGovernment,ed.PeterLaslett(Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,1988),523,415.FortheideathatLockeshouldbereadbyeveryone,men,women,andchildren,seeadvertisementforLocke’sSecondTreatiseonGovernment,inMassachusettsEveningGazette,March4,1774;alsoseeBostonEveningGazette,October19,1772;andNewLondonGazette,October9,1767.Locke’smajorcritic(andofhis“disciples”)wasWelshclergymanJosiahTucker;seeJosiahTucker,ASeriesofAnswerstoCertainPopularObjections,AgainstSeparatingfromtheRebelliousColonies,andDiscardingThemEntirely;BeingtheConcludingTractoftheDeanofGloucester,ontheSubjectofAmericanAffairs(Gloucester,UK,1776),inFourTractsonPoliticalandCommercialSubjects(Gloucester,1776;reprinted.,NewYork,1975),21–22,102–3.OnLocke’sinvolvementintheslavetrade,seeDavidArmitage,“JohnLocke,Carolina,andtheTwoTreatisesofGovernment,”PoliticalTheory32,no.5(October2004):602–27,esp.608;JamesFarr,“Locke,NaturalLaw,andNewWorldSlavery,”PoliticalTheory36,no.4(August2008):495–522,esp.497;WayneGlausser,“ThreeApproachestoLockeandtheSlaveTrade,”JournaloftheHistoryofIdeas51,no.2(April–June1990):199–216,esp.200–204;GeorgeFrederickZook,“TheRoyalAdventurersinEngland,”JournalofNegroHistory4,no.2(April1919):143–62,esp.161.

2.ShaftesburyreferredtoCarolinaas“mydarling”ina1672lettertoanotherproprietor,SirPeterColleton;seeLangdonCheves,ed.,TheShaftesburyPapersandOtherRecordsRelatingtoCarolina(Charleston:SouthCarolinaHistoricalSociety,1897),416;alsoseeL.H.Roper,ConceivingCarolina:Proprietors,Planters,andPlots,1662–1729(NewYork:PalgraveMacmillan,2004),15.

3.Armitage,“JohnLocke,Carolina,andtheTwoTreatisesofGovernment,”603,607–8;andArmitage,“JohnLocke,TheoristofEmpire?,”inEmpireandModernPoliticalThought,ed.SankarMuthu(Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,2015),7.Fortheimportantroleofthesecretary,seeHerbertRichardPaschalJr.,“ProprietaryNorthCarolina:AStudyinColonialGovernment”(Ph.D.dissertation,UniversityofNorthCarolina,1961),145;andBarbaraArneil,JohnLockeandAmerica:TheDefenseofEnglishColonialism(Oxford:ClarendonPress,1996),1–2,21–22,24–26,43–44.

4.See“ConcessionsandAgreementBetweentheLordsProprietorsandMajorWilliamYeamansandOthers”(January7,1665)andTheFundamentalConstitutionsofCarolina(July21,1669),inNorthCarolinaChartersandConstitutions,1578–1698,ed.MattieErmaEdwardsParker(Raleigh,NC:CarolinaCharterTercentenaryCommission,1963),122–23,129,133.

5.Ibid.,107,112,129–30,132,137–42,145;CharlesLowry,“Class,Politics,Rebellion,andRegionalDevelopmentinProprietaryNorthCarolina,1697–1720”(Ph.D.dissertation,UniversityofFlorida,1979),38–39;Paschal,“ProprietaryNorthCarolina:AStudyinColonialGovernment,”216,229,esp.236–37.

6.Parker,TheFundamentalConstitutionsofCarolina,129,134;TheFundamentalConstitutionsofCarolina,inLocke:PoliticalEssays,ed.MarkGoldie(Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,1997),162;Farr,“Locke,NaturalLaw,”498–500;ThomasLeng,“Shaftesbury’sAristocraticEmpire,”inAnthonyAshleyCooper,1621–1681,ed.JohnSpurr(Surrey,UK:Ashgate,2011),101–26;ShirleyCarterHughson,“TheFeudalLawsofCarolina,”SewaneeReview2,no.4(August1894):471–83,esp.482.

7.Parker,TheFundamentalConstitutionsofCarolina,129,136–37.8.OnLeet-men,seeDavidWootton,ed.andintroduction,JohnLocke:PoliticalWritings(NewYork:Penguin,1993),43;andJohnLocke,“AnEssayonthePoorLaw”(1697)and“Labour”(1661),inGoldie,Locke:PoliticalEssays,192,328.

9.SeeDanielW.FaggJr.,“St.Giles’Seigniory:TheEarlofShaftesbury’sCarolinaPlantation,”SouthCarolinaHistoricalMagazine71,no.2(April1970):117–23,esp.123;andShaftesburytoMr.AndrewPercival,May23,1674,inCollectionsoftheSouthCarolinaHistoricalSociety,vol.5(Charleston:SouthCarolinaHistoricalSociety,1897),5:443–44.

10.ThomasWoodwardtoProprietors,June2,1665,inTheColonialRecordsofNorthCarolina,ed.WilliamL.Saunders(Raleigh:Hale,1886),1:100–101.HereaftercitedasCRNC.LindleyS.Butler,“TheEarlySettlementofCarolina:Virginia’sSouthernFrontier,”VirginiaMagazineofHistoryandBiography79,no.1,PartOne(January1971):20–28,esp.21,28.Ontheinfluxofsquatters,seeRobertWeir,“‘Shaftesbury’sDarling’:BritishSettlementintheCarolinasattheCloseoftheSeventeenthCentury,”inTheOxfordHistoryoftheBritishEmpire,vol.1,TheOriginsoftheEmpire:BritishOverseasEnterprisetotheCloseoftheSeventeenthCentury,ed.NicolasCanny(Oxford:OxfordUniversityPress,1998),381.

11.ForLocke’sandShaftesbury’sdismissalofsettlerswhowere“Lazyordebauched,”seeLocke’sCarolinaMemoranda,andLordAshleytoJosephWest,December16,1671,CollectionsoftheSouthCarolinaHistoricalSociety,5:248,366.

12.SeeRichardWaterhouse,ANewWorldGentry:TheMakingofaMerchantandPlanterClassinSouthCarolina,1670–1770(NewYork:Garland,1989),62–63,71,74;andLoriGlover,AllOurRelations:BloodTiesandEmotionalBondsAmongtheEarlySouthCarolinaGentry(Baltimore:JohnsHopkinsUniversityPress,2000),87–88.

13.Theo.D.Jervey,“TheWhiteIndenturedServantsofSouthCarolina,”SouthCarolinaHistoricalandGenealogicalMagazine12,no.4(October1911):163–71,esp.166.Slaveswere72percentofthepopulationby1740,andthendeclinedtoaround50percentofthepopulationoverthenextfortyyears;seeTomlins,FreedomBound,436–37.Fearsofthehighratesofimportingslavesbeganinthe1690s,andtherecruitmentofLeet-men,tooffsetthisimbalance,wasstillpartoftheequation;seeBradHinshelwood,“TheCarolinianContextofJohnLocke’sTheory,”PoliticalTheory4,no.4(August2013):562–90,esp.579–80.

14.NoeleenMcIlvenna,AVeryMutinousPeople:TheStruggleforNorthCarolina,1660–1713(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,2009),1,13,162;KirstenFischer,SuspectRelations:Sex,Race,andResistanceinColonialNorthCarolina(Ithaca,NY:CornellUniversityPress,2002),24;A.RogerEkirch,“PoorCarolina”:PoliticsandSocietyinColonialNorthCarolina,1729–1776(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,1981),xviii–xix,24.For“uselesslubbers,”seeHughTalmageLefler,ed.,ANewVoyagetoCarolinabyJohnLawson(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,1967),40.

15.See“FromtheGentlemen’sMagazine,”BostonEvening-Post,February5,1739.Italicsintheoriginal.16.SeeOxfordEnglishDictionary,467;andWilliamShakespeare’spoem“ThePassionatePilgrim”(1598),line201.

17.SharonT.Pettie,“PreservingtheGreatDismalSwamp,”JournalofForestry20,no.1(January1976):28–33,esp.29,31;McIlvenna,AVeryMutinousPeople,18.Thereareotherestimatesofthesizeoftheswamp.AlexanderCrosbyBrownbelievestheswampinthecolonialerawasbetweensixhundredandonethousandsquaremiles;seeBrown,TheDismalSwampCanal(Chesapeake:NorfolkCountyHistoricalSocietyofChesapeake,Virginia,1970),17.

18.WilliamByrd,“TheSecretHistoryoftheDividingLine”(hereafterSH)andhisrevisedversion,“TheHistoryoftheDividingLineBetwixtVirginiaandNorthCarolina,RunintheYearofOurLord,1728”(hereafterHDL),inTheProseWorksofWilliamByrdofWestover:NarrativesofaVirginian(Cambridge,MA:BelknapPressofHarvardUniversityPress,1966),19–20,63,70,190,196–97,199,202.

19.Forswampshavingnofixedborders,andwetlandsastransitionalzones,seeWilliamHowarth,“ImaginingTerritory:WritingtheWetlands,”NewLiteraryHistory30,no.3(Summer1999):509–39,esp.521.Fortheongoingboundarydispute,seeLowry,“Class,Politics,Rebellion,”31,45–46.

20.Byrd,HDL,202;CharlesRoyster,TheFabulousHistoryoftheDismalSwampCompany(NewYork:Knopf,1999),6–7,82–83,89–91,98–99,117,287–88,292–93,299–301,340,342–43.ThoughByrd’sfull“HistoryoftheDividingLine”wasnotpublisheduntil1841,ashorterexcerptcirculatedtopromotethecompany;see“ADescriptionoftheDismalSwampinVirginia,”TheMail,orClaypoole’sDailyAdvertiser,March15,1792.

21.HughT.LeflerandWilliamS.Powell,ColonialNorthCarolina:AHistory(NewYork:CharlesScribner’sSons,1973),81–86;LindleyButler,Pirates,Privateers,andRebelRaidersoftheCarolinaCoast(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,2000),4–8,30,39–41,46,52–56,60,68;MarcusRediker,“‘Underthe

BanneroftheKingofDeath’:TheSocialWorldofAnglo-AmericanPirates,1716–1726,”WilliamandMaryQuarterly38,no.2(April1981):203–27,esp.203,205–6,218–19;DavidCordingly,UndertheBlackFlag:TheRomanceandtheRealityofLifeAmongthePirates(NewYork:Harvest,1995),18–19,198–202.

22.Webb,1676,26,98;JacquelynH.Wolf,“ProudandthePoor:TheSocialOrganizationofLeadershipinProprietaryNorthCarolina,1663–1729”(Ph.D.dissertation,UniversityofPennsylvania,1977),28–29.Fortheproprietorswantingmorecompactsettlements,seeLordAshleytoGovernorSayle,April10,1671,LordAshleytoSirJohnYeamans,April10,1671,andLordAshleytoSirJohnYeamans,September18,1671,inCollectionsoftheSouthCarolinaHistoricalSociety,5:311,314–15,344;BarbaraArneil,“Trade,Plantations,andProperty:JohnLockeandtheEconomicDefenseofColonialism,”JournaloftheHistoryofIdeas,vol.55,no.4(October1994):591–609,esp.607;McIlvenna,AVeryMutinousPeople,31,33;Lowry,“Class,Politics,Rebellion,”33–34,45–46,80–81.

23.JacquelynWolfhascalculatedthat309granteesowned49percentofalllandgrants.From1663toJanuary1729,thenumberoflandgrantsrecordedwas3,281.Outofthisnumber,2,161weregrantsoftwoormoretothesameperson.By1730,thetotalpopulationwas36,000,andithasbeenestimatedthatbetween3,200and6,000wereslaves.SeeWolf,“TheProudandthePoor,”25–28,150–51,157,172–73;Fischer,SuspectRelations,27.CharlesLowry,usinglandrecordsinsteadoftithables,hascalculatedalowerpopulationfigureof13,887whitesand3,845slaves.Contemporaryobserversin1720felttherewerenomorethan500slavesinNorthCarolina.SeeLowry,“Class,Politics,Rebellion,”8–9,79–80,84,113,115–17,122–23;McIlvenna,AVeryMutinousPeople,23,133–34.Fortheminister’scommentsonsloth,see“Mr.GordontotheSecretary,May13,1709,”inSaunders,CRNC,1:714;and“PetitiontoGovernorandCouncil,February23,1708/9,”inTheColonialRecordsofNorthCarolina,ed.RobertJ.Cain,vol.7,RecordsoftheExecutiveCouncil,1664–1734(Raleigh:DepartmentofCulturalRecourses,NorthCarolinaDivisionofArchivesandHistory,1984),431.

24.Becauseofthepossibledefectinthefirstcharter,asecondcharterwasissuedin1665.See“ChartertotheLordProprietorsofCarolina”(June30,1650),inParker,NorthCarolinaChartersandConstitutions,90;Wolf,“TheProudandthePoor,”69;McIlvenna,AVeryMutinousPeople,49–50,97–99.OntheeffortofBerkeleytoacquireAlbemarle,seeCain,RecordsoftheExecutiveCouncil,7:xix.ForputtingCarolinaunderstrictercontrols,see“Mr.Randolph’sMemorandaAboutIllegalTradeinthePlantations,MentionedintheForegoingPresentment,”November10,1696,andanotherreportbyRandolph,datedMarch24,1700,inSaunders,CRNC,1:464–70,527.

25.SeeSaunders,CRNC,1:xxi;MattieErmaE.Parker,“LegalAspectsof‘Culpeper’sRebellion,’”NorthCarolinaHistoricalReview45,no.2(April1968):111–27,esp.118–20,122–24;McIlvenna,AVeryMutinousPeople,56–57,65–66.

26.See“AnsweroftheLordsProprietorsofCarolinaReadthe20Nov.1680”and“PetitionofThomasMillertotheKing,November20,1680,”inSaunders,CRNC,1:303,326–28;andParker,“LegalAspectsof‘Culpeper’sRebellion,’”111–27,esp.111–12;Lowry,“Class,Politics,Rebellion,”49.

27.OnthecontroversysurroundingThomasMiller,see“AffidavitofHenryHudson,January31,1679,”and“CarolinaIndictmentofTh.MillerReceivedfromYeComm.OfYeCustomesthe15July1680,”inSaunders,CRNC,1:272–74,313–17;andLindleyS.Butler,“Culpeper’sRebellion:TestingtheProprietors,”inNorthCarolinaExperience:AnInterpretativeandDocumentaryHistory,eds.LindleyS.ButlerandAlanD.Watson(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,1984),53–78,esp.56–57.OnthescarcityoflandgravesandcaciquesinNorthCarolina,seePaschal,“ProprietaryNorthCarolina,”184.

28.Wolf,“TheProudandthePoor,”68,andfootnote29on172;Paschal,“ProprietaryNorthCarolina,”179;McIlvenna,AVeryMutinousPeople,73,80,146;LeflerandPowell,ColonialNorthCarolina,54;Lowry,“Class,Politics,Rebellion,”49,96–97.OnGovernorSpotswoodwagingwaronNorthCarolina,andtheconnectiontotheTuscaroraIndians,see“ColonelSpotswoodtotheBoardofTrade,July25,1711,”inSaunders,CRNC,1:782.

29.“JournalofJohnBarnwell,”VirginiaMagazineofHistoryandBiography6,no.1(July1898):442–55,esp.451;onBarnwell’streachery,see“ColonelSpotswoodtotheBoardofTrade,July26,1752,”inSaunders,CRNC,1:862.BarnwellwasaccompaniedbyaroundfivehundredYamasseeandotherIndianallies.TheirinterestinattackingtheTuscaroraswasalsospurredonbythedesiretocaptureslaves.SeeLowry,“Class,Politics,Rebellion,”98–99.

30.See“GovernorSpotswoodtotheEarlofRochester,July30,1711,”inSaunders,CRNC,1:798;LordCulpepertotheBoardofTrade,December1681,BritishPublicRecordOffice,class1,piece47,folio261,LibraryofCongress,Washington,DC;andBarbaraFuchs,“FaithlessEmpires:Pirates,Renegadoes,andtheEnglishNation,”ELH67,no.1(Spring2000):45–69,esp.50–51.

31.SeeByrd,SHandHDL,19,66,195;PhilipLudwellandNathanielHarrison,“BoundaryLineProceedings,1710,”VirginiaMagazineofHistoryandBiography5(July1897):1–21.ItappearsthatByrdwroteandrevisedhistwotextsbetween1729and1740.Althoughthemorepolished“HistoryoftheDividingLine”wasnotpublisheduntil1841,hedidcirculatethetextamongfriendsandothercuriouspeople.SeeKennethA.Lockridge,TheDiary,andLife,ofWilliamByrdIIofVirginia,1674–1744(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,1987),127,142–43;andLouisB.WrightandMarionTinling,eds.,WilliamByrdofVirginia:TheLondonDiary(1717–1721)andOtherWritings(NewYork:OxfordUniversityPress,1958),39–40.

32.SeeWilliamByrdtoCharlesBoyle,EarlofOrrery,July25,1726,in“VirginiaCouncilJournals,1726–1753,”VirginiaMagazineofHistoryandBiography32,no.1(January1932):26–27;andRobertD.Arner,“WestoverandtheWilderness:WilliamByrd’sImagesofVirginia,”SouthernLiteraryJournal7,no.2(Spring1975):105–23,esp.106–7.

33.Byrd,SH,66,81;HDL,182.Foranotherdiscussionofthe“knights-errant”allusion,seeSusanScottParrish,“WilliamByrdandtheCrossedLanguagesofScience,Satire,andEmpireinBritishAmerica,”inCreoleSubjectsintheColonialAmericas:Empires,Texts,andIdentities,eds.RalphBauerandJoseAntonioMazotti(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,2009),355–72,esp.363.

34.Byrd,HDL,182,204–5.Theideaofwomendoingalltheworkand“husbandsliesnoringinbed”isamucholdertheme.ThomasMorealludedtothisdysfunctionalgenderpatterninUtopia,wherehefeltallmenandwomenshouldbeengagedinproductivelabor.SeeThomasMore,Utopia,eds.GeorgeM.LoganandRobertM.Adams(Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,1989;rev.ed.,2011),51.

35.Byrd,SH,143;HDL,311–12.AccordingtotheOxfordEnglishDictionary,“bogtrotting”wasfirstusedin1682,andwasassociatednotonlywiththeIrishbutwithpeoplewhowerepoorandlivednearmarshes.

36.Byrd,HDL,196.ScholarshaverecognizedByrd’sreferencetoLubberlandandsloth,butfailedtotraceitsrootstothefolktaleofLawrenceLazy,whichcirculatedorallyandwasfirstpublishedinEnglishin1670.TheinfluenceonByrdisthathislazyCarolinianssitinthecornerlikeLazyLawrence.Forthehistoryofthefolktale,seeJ.B.Smith,“TowardaDemystificationofLazyLawrence,”Folklore107(1996):101–5;alsoseeSusanManning,“IndustryandIdlenessinColonialVirginia:ANewApproachtoWilliamByrd,”JournalofAmericanStudies28,no.2(August1994):169–90;andJamesR.Masterson,“WilliamByrdinLubberland,”AmericanLiterature9,no.2(May1937):153–70.Byrdwasalsoinfluencedby“AnInvitationtoLubberland,”whichappearedasabroadsidein1685.Inthislongverse,Lubberlandisalandofplentywhereonecan“leadalazylifefreefromlabour”and“everyonedo’swhathepleases.”SeeAnInvitationtoLubberland,withanAccountoftheGreatPlentyofThatFruitfulCountry(London,ca.1685).

37.Byrd,HDL,192,196;SH,59–61,63.Wildboarscannibalizeshoatsandyoungpigs,andtheyeateverything,includingnewborncattle.Theyarepredators,andarewillingtoeatcarrionandmanure.Byrd’stheoryaboutporkwasprobablyinfluencedbyJohnLawson’s1709accountofNorthCarolina.LawsondiscussedhowvariousIndianssufferedfromyaws,andhediscussedporkasa“grossfood,”spreadingjuicesthroughthebody.SeeLefler,ANewVoyagetoCarolina,25;itwasacommonassumptionamongtheEnglishthattobenoselessreducedapersontothestateofananimal,becauseitwasbelievedthatmanwastheonlycreaturewithanose.Englishjestbookswerefilledwithnastyjokesaboutnoselesspeople.SeeSimonDickie,“HilarityandPitilessnessintheMid-EighteenthCentury:EnglishJestbookHumor,”Eighteenth-CenturyStudies37,no.1,ExploringSentiment(Fall2003):1–22,esp.2–3.

38.Byrd,HDL,160–61,221–22,296.ByrdfelttheIndianswerehealthyandstrong,andlessdebilitatedbytheEuropeandiseaseoflewdness;seeFischer,SuspectRelations,75–77.LawsonarguedthatmenshouldmarryIndianwomenratherthanspend“fourorfiveyearsServitude,”inwhichtheymightsuffersicknessanddie.BothLawsonandByrdarguedthatintermarriagewasabettermethodofconquestthanbloodshed.SeeLefler,ANewVoyagetoCarolina,192,244,246.Byrddidpurchase100,000acreswestof“Lubberland,”hopingtocreateamorestablecommunityofSwiss-Germansettlerstooffsetthedangerouswastrelsheobservedontheexpedition.Bytheendofhislife,hehadacquired179,440acres.SeeLockridge,TheDiary,andLife,ofWilliamByrd,140;WrightandTinling,WilliamByrdofVirginia,41.

39.FortheaccountofReverendJohnUrmston,whowasinNorthCarolinafrom1711to1720,see“Mr.Urmston’sLetter,”July7,1711,inSaunders,CRNC,1:770;forGovernorJohnson’sremarks,seeEkirch,PoorCarolina,67;andforthelatertraveler,seeJ.F.D.Smyth,Esq.,ATouroftheUnitedStatesofAmerica(Dublin,1784),64–65.

40.Smyth,ATouroftheUnitedStatesofAmerica,65.41.AVoyagetoGeorgia:BegunintheYear1735,byFrancesMoore,GeorgiaHistoricalSociety,Savannah.42.Forthemotto,seeMillsLane,ed.,GeneralOglethorpe’sGeorgia:ColonialLetters,1733–1743(Savannah,GA:BeehivePress,1990),xviii.Onthefirstgroupofsettlers,seeE.M.CoulterandA.B.Saye,eds.,AListoftheEarlySettlersofGeorgia(Athens:UniversityofGeorgiaPress,1949),xii,111.Oglethorpetookontheunusualroleof“gossip,”helpingpregnantwomentogivebirth;seeMr.BenjaminIngham’sjournalofhisvoyagetoGeorgia,1736,inEgmontPapers,PhilipsCollection,UniversityofGeorgia,vol.14201,442–43;andJosephHetheringtontoMr.Oglethorpe,March22,1733/34,inLane,GeneralOglethorpe’sGeorgia,138.

43.Onemulation,seeJamesEdwardOglethorpe,SomeAccountoftheDesignfortheTrusteesforEstablishingColoniesinAmerica,eds.RodneyM.BaineandPhinizySpalding(Athens:UniversityofGeorgiaPress,1990),31–32.OnOglethorpe’ssacrificesforthecommunity,andgivingupthesoftbed,seeSamuelEveleightotheTrustees,April6,1733,inLane,GeneralOglethorpe’sGeorgia,1:13;andGovernorJohnsontoBenjaminMartyn,July28,1733,andMr.BeaufaintoMr.Simond,January23,1733/34,andExtractofaletterfromGeorgia,March7,1735/36,EgmontPapers,vol.14200,36,62;vol.14201,314.

44.Oglethorpe,SomeAccountoftheDesign,51;RodneyE.Baine,“GeneralJamesOglethorpeandtheExpeditionAgainstSt.Augustine,”GeorgiaHistoricalQuarterly84,no.2(Summer2000):197–229,esp.197–98.OnthemilitarydesignofSavannah,seeTurpinC.Bannister,“Oglethorpe’sSourcesfortheSavannahPlan,”JournaloftheSocietyofArchitecturalHistorians20,no.2(May1961):47–62,esp.60–62.

45.OglethorpewantedGeorgiatoallowmento“labouratadecentmaintenance,”andhecalculatedthelaborvalueofwivesandeldestsonstooffsettheneedsforservantsandslaves;seeJamesOglethorpe,ANewandAccurateAccountoftheProvincesofSouth-CarolinaandGeorgia(London,1733),39,42–43;alsoseePhilipThicknessetohismother,November3,1736,inLane,GeneralOglethorpe’sGeorgia,1:281;RodneyBaine,“PhilipThicknesse’sReminiscencesofEarlyGeorgia,”GeorgiaHistoricalQuarterly74,no.4(Winter1990):672–98,esp.694–95,697–98.Forthecitizen-soldieridea,seeBenjaminMartyn,AnAccount,ShowingtheProgressoftheColony(London,1741),18.ForOglethorpe’sviewsonwomenandcleanliness,seeOglethorpe,SomeAccountoftheDesign,23,26,29–31.Ontheproblemoffemaleslaves,seeBettyWood,SlaveryinColonialGeorgia,1730–1775(Athens:UniversityofGeorgiaPress,1984),18.From1732toSeptember1741,45.4percentofthesettlerssentoncharitywere“ForeignProtestants”;seeCoulterandSaye,AListoftheEarlySettlers,x.

46.JamesOglethorpetotheTrustees,August12,1733,inEgmontPapers,vol.14200,38–39.47.SeeColonelWilliamByrdtoLordEgmont,July12,1736,in“ColonelWilliamByrdonSlaveryandIndenturedServants,1736,1739,”AmericanHistoricalReview1,no.1(October1895):88–99,esp.89.OnJohnColleton,seeJ.E.Buchanan,“TheColletonFamilyandEarlyHistoryofSouthCarolinaandBarbados,1646–1775”(Ph.D.dissertation,UniversityofEdinburgh,1989),33.

48.JamesOglethorpetotheTrustees,January17,1738/9,EgmontPapers,vol.14203,143.49.“TheSailorsAdvocate.ToBeContinued.”(London,1728),8,10–17;andJulieAnneSweet,“TheBritishSailors’Advocate:JamesOglethorpe’sFirstPhilanthropicVenture,”GeorgiaHistoricalQuarterly91,no.1(Spring2007):1–27,esp.4–10,12.

50.JohnVattoHenryNewman,May30,1735,andPatrickTailferandOtherstotheTrustees,August27,1735,inLane,GeneralOglethorpe’sGeorgia,1:178,225.

51.“OglethorpeStateofGeorgia,”October11,1739,(IntroductoryDiscoursetotheStateoftheColonyofGeorgia),EgmontPapers,vol.14204,35;and“TheSailorsAdvocate,”12;Wood,SlaveryinColonialGeorgia,66;CoulterandSaye,AListoftheEarlySettlers,106–11.

52.OnthesmallnumberofIndianslaves,seeRodneyM.Baine,“IndianSlaveryinColonialGeorgia,”GeorgiaHistoricalQuarterly79,no.2(Summer1995):418–24.Ondebtorsandeconomicvulnerability,seeOglethorpe,SomeAccountoftheDesign,11–12;Oglethorpe,ANewandAccurateAccount,30–33;andRodneyM.Baine,“NewPerspectivesonDebtorsinColonialGeorgia,”GeorgiaHistoricalQuarterly77,no.1(Spring1993):1–19,esp.4.

53.SeeMiltonL.Ready,“LandTenureinTrusteeshipGeorgia,”AgriculturalHistory48,no.3(July1974):353–68,esp.353–57,359.

54.SeeTranslationofReverendMr.Dumont’sLettertoMr.BenjaminMartyn,May21,1734,EgmontPapers,vol.14207.DumontwrotefromRotterdam,andrepresentedacommunityofFrenchVaudois.

55.SeeOglethorpe,ANewandAccurateAccount,73–75.Inhisotherpromotionaltract,heusedasimilarargumentabouttheRomancolonies,notingthatonlymenwithlandmarriedandhadchildren;seeOglethorpe,SomeAccountoftheDesign,6,9–10,40.

56.JamesOglethorpetotheTrustees,January16,1738/9,andJamesOglethorpetotheTrustees,January17,1738/9,inEgmontPapers,vol.14203,142–43.

57.Wood,SlaveryinColonialGeorgia,67.58.Fortheattemptedmurder,see“NewYork.Jan.9.WeHearfromGeorgia,”BostonGazette,January22,1739.59.AlanGallay,“JonathanBryan’sPlantationEmpire:Land,Politics,andtheFormationofaRulingClassinColonialGeorgia,”WilliamandMaryQuarterly45,no.2(April1988):253–79,esp.253,257–60,275.

ChapterThree:BenjaminFranklin’sAmericanBreed:TheDemographicsofMediocrity

1.PoorRichard,1741.AnAlmanackfortheYearofChrist1741,...ByRichardSaunders(Philadelphia,1741),inThePapersofBenjaminFranklin,ed.LeonardW.Labareeetal.,40vols.(NewHaven,CT:YaleUniversityPress,1959–),2:292.HereaftercitedasFranklinPapers.

2.OnSilenceDogoodandFranklin’screationofliterarydisguises,seeAlbertFurtwangler,“TheSpectator’sApprentice,”inAmericanSilhouettes:RhetoricalIdentitiesoftheFounders(NewHaven,CT:YaleUniversityPress,1987),15–34,esp.28–30;R.JacksonWilson,FiguresofSpeech:AmericanWritersandtheLiteraryMarketplacefromBenjaminFranklintoEmilyDickinson(NewYork:JohnsHopkinsUniversityPress,1989),21–65.OnDingo,seeDavidWaldstreicher,RunawayAmerica:BenjaminFranklin,Slavery,andtheAmericanRevolution(NewYork:Hill&Wang,2004),50–52,220.OnthefinancialsuccessofthePennsylvaniaGazette,seeCharlesE.ClarkandCharlesWetherell,“TheMeasureofMaturity:ThePennsylvaniaGazette,1728–1765,”WilliamandMaryQuarterly46,no.2(April1989):279–303,esp.291.Onthewidereachofhisalmanacs,seeWilliamPencak,“PoliticsandIdeologyin‘PoorRichard’sAlmanack,’”PennsylvaniaMagazineofHistoryandBiography116,no.2(April1992):183–211,esp.195–96.Onhisretirement,seeBenjaminFranklin,TheAutobiography,withintroductionbyDanielAaron(NewYork:Vintage,1990),116.

3.CarlVanDoren,BenjaminFranklin(NewYork:Viking,1938),170–71,174–80,195–96,210–15,220,223–24.Onhisproposalsforhisacademy,seeGeorgeBoudreau,“‘DonebyaTradesman’:Franklin’sEducationalProposalsandtheCultureofEighteenth-CenturyPhiladelphia,”PennsylvaniaHistory69,no.4(Autumn2002):524–57.OnPennsylvaniaHospital,seeWilliamH.Williams,“The‘IndustriousPoor’andtheFoundingofthePennsylvaniaHospital,”PennsylvaniaMagazineofHistoryandBiography97,no.4(October1973):431–43.OnhisreceptioninEurope,seeJ.L.Heilbron,“BenjaminFranklininEurope:Electrician,Academician,andPolitician,”NotesandRecordsoftheRoyalSocietyofLondon61,no.3(September22,2007):353–73,esp.355;andL.K.Mathews,“BenjaminFranklin’sPlansofColonialUnion,”AmericanPoliticalScienceReview8,no.3(August1914):393–412.

4.Forhisargumentsabouthumanimpulsesshapedbypleasureandpain,seeFranklin,“ADissertationonLibertyandNecessity,PleasureandPain”(London,1725),inFranklinPapers,1:57–71,esp.64,71;alsoseeJoyceChaplin,BenjaminFranklin’sPoliticalArithmetic:AMaterialistViewofHumanity(Washington,DC:SmithsonianInstitutionLibraries,2006),12–16.

5.PeterKalm,TravelsintoNorthAmerica;ContainingItsNaturalHistory,andaCircumstantialAccountofItsPlantationsandAgriculturalinGeneral,withtheCivil,EcclesiasticalandCommercialStateoftheCountry,theMannersoftheInhabitants,andSeveralCuriousandImportantRemarksonVariousSubjects,trans.JohnReinholdForster,vol.1(Warrington,UK,1770),1:305–6;BenjaminFranklintoSamuelJohnson,August23,1750,FranklinPapers,4:40–42,esp.42.

6.For“uneasyinrest,”see“ADissertationonLiberty,”FranklinPapers,1:64.FortheEnglishas“stirrersabroad,”seethededicationinHakluyt,PrincipallNavigations,1:[2].

7.Franklin,“ObservationsConcerningtheIncreaseofMankind”(1751),FranklinPapers,4:225–34,esp.228.Thismanuscriptwasfirstpublishedin1755;seeWilliamF.VonValtier,“TheDemographicNumbersBehind

BenjaminFranklin’sTwenty-Five-YearDoublingPeriod,”ProceedingsoftheAmericanPhilosophicalSociety155,no.2(June2011):158–88,esp.160–61,footnote9.

8.Franklin,“ObservationsConcerningtheIncreaseofMankind,”FranklinPapers,231.Onthevalueofmarryingyoung,alsoseeFranklintoJohnAlleyne,August9,1768,FranklinPapers,3:30–31,15:184.

9.“TheSpeechofMissPollyBaker,”April15,1747,FranklinPapers,3:123–25.OnewriterhassuggestedthatPollyBakerwasbasedonarealwoman,anEleanorKellog,whowastriedinWorcester,Massachusetts,in1745forhavingherfifthbastardchild.SeeMaxHall,BenjaminFranklinandPollyBaker:TheHistoryofaLiteraryDeception(Pittsburgh:UniversityofPittsburghPress,1960;rev.ed.,1990),94–98.

10.Forthepunishmentforbachelors,see“ToAllMarriedMentoWhomThesePresentsShallCome,”New-YorkGazette,March20,1749,reprintedintheBostonEveningPost,April7,1749;alsosee“FromanEpistlefromaSocietyofYoungLadies,”New-YorkEveningPost,October28,1751;andacalltotaxbachelors,BostonEveningPost,August4,1746;Franklinwroteelsewherethat“asingleManhasnotnearlytheValuehewouldhaveinthatStateofUnion”;seeFranklin,“OldMistressesApologue,”June25,1745,FranklinPapers,3:30–31.

11.WilliamH.Shurr,“‘Now,God,StandUpforBastards’:ReinterpretingBenjaminFranklin’sAutobiography,”AmericanLiterature64,no.3(September1992):435–51,esp.444.OnFranklin’s“pronatalistconvictions,”seeDennisHodgson,“BenjaminFranklinonPopulation:FromPolicytoTheory,”PopulationandDevelopmentReview17,no.4(December1991):639–61,esp.640–41.

12.Franklin,“ObservationsConcerningtheIncreaseofMankind,”FranklinPapers,4:231–32.SeeexcerptsfromLocke’s“Atlantis”writings(1678–79)inGoldie,ed.,Locke:PoliticalEssays,xxvi,255–59.

13.Franklin,“TheInterestofGreatBritainConsidered(1760),”FranklinPapers,9:59–100,esp.73–74,77–78,86–87,94.

14.FranklintoPeterCollinson(1753),FranklinPapers,5:158–59;and“InformationtoThoseWhoWouldRemovetoAmerica,”byDr.Franklin,BostonMagazine(October1784),505–10.Franklin,“TheInterestofGreatBritainConsidered(1760),”FranklinPapers,9:86.

15.Franklin,TheAutobiography,13–25.Forrunawayservants,seeMarcusRediker,“‘GoodHands,StoutHeart,andFastFeet’:TheHistoryandCultureofWorkingPeopleinEarlyAmerica,”Labour/LeTravail10(Autumn1982):123–44,esp.141;TheInfortunate:TheVoyageandAdventuresofWilliamMoraley,anIndenturedServant(1743),eds.SusanE.KleppandBillyG.Smith,2nded.(UniversityPark:PennsylvaniaStateUniversityPress,2005),xvii–xviii,xxv–xxvi,16,26,41,51,72–74,78–79,87–88,97.

16.BillyG.Smith,“PovertyandEconomicMarginalityinEighteenth-CenturyAmerica,”ProceedingsoftheAmericanAntiquarianSociety132,no.1(March1988):85–118,esp.100–103,105,113;GaryB.Nash,“PovertyandPoorReliefinPre-RevolutionaryPhiladelphia,”WilliamandMaryQuarterly33,no.1(January1976):3–30,esp.12–13.Oninfantmortalityrates,seeSusanE.Klepp,“MalthusianMiseriesandtheWorkingPoorinPhiladelphia,1780–1830,”inDownandOutinEarlyAmerica,ed.BillyG.Smith(UniversityPark:PennsylvaniaStateUniversityPress,2004),63–92,esp.64.

17.JackMarietta,TheReformationofAmericanQuakerism,1748–1783(Philadelphia:UniversityofPennsylvaniaPress,1984),21–24,28,51,65;JeanR.Soderlund,“Women’sAuthorityinPennsylvaniaandNewJerseyQuakerMeetings,1680–1760,”WilliamandMaryQuarterly44,no.4(October1987):722–49,esp.743–44.

18.SeeFrederickB.Tolles,“BenjaminFranklin’sBusinessMentors:ThePhiladelphiaQuakerMerchants,”WilliamandMaryQuarterly4,no.1(January1947):60–69;J.A.LeoLemay,TheLifeofBenjaminFranklin,vol.1,Journalist,1706–1730(Philadelphia:UniversityofPennsylvaniaPress,2005),1:238,258,268,458–59,andvol.2,PrinterandPublisher,1730–1747(Philadelphia:UniversityofPennsylvaniaPress,2005),2:322–23;JacquelynC.Miller,“FranklinandFriends:Franklin’stiestoQuakersandQuakerism,”PennsylvaniaHistory57,no.4(October1990):318–36,esp.322–26.

19.Ontheriseofthenon-Quakerelite,seeStephenBrobeck,“RevolutionaryChangeinColonialPhiladelphia:TheBriefLifeoftheProprietaryGentry,”WilliamandMaryQuarterly33,no.3(July1976):410–34,esp.413,417–18,422–23;ThomasM.Doerflinger,“CommercialSpecializationinthePhiladelphiaMerchantCommunity,1750–1791,”BusinessHistoryReview57,no.1(Spring1983):20–49,esp.22,28,46.

20.SeeRobertF.Oaks,“BigWheelsinPhiladelphia:DuSimitière’sListofCarriageOwners,”PennsylvaniaMagazineofHistoryandBiography95,no.3(July1971):351–62,esp.351,355.OnFranklin’shorseandcarriage,seeLemay,TheLifeofBenjaminFranklin,2:320–21,andfootnote36on594;andsee“Appendix2:

Franklin’sResidencesandRealEstateto1757”and“Appendix8:Franklin’sWealth,1756,”inLemay,TheLifeofBenjaminFranklin,vol.3,Soldier,Scientist,andPolitician,1748–1757(Philadelphia:UniversityofPennsylvaniaPress,2008),3:599–602,630–34.Franklinacquiredothersignsofelitestatus,suchasacoatofarmsandfinefurniture,andhecontinuedtopurchasewhathecalled“myFancyings”whileinEnglandandEuropeforhisnewhome(whichhebeganbuildingin1764)inPhiladelphia;seeEdwardCahill,“BenjaminFranklin’sInteriors,”EarlyAmericanStudies6,no.1(Spring2008):27–58,esp.44–46.

21.Lemay,TheLifeofBenjaminFranklin,2:320.22.PennsylvaniaGazette,January20,1730,inFranklin:Writings,ed.J.A.LeoLemay(NewYork:LibraryofAmerica,1987),139.Approximatelyseventy-threethousandEuropeanstraveledtoBritishNorthAmericaduringthe1730s,andatleastseventeenthousandarrivedinPhiladelphia’sport.NearlyoneofeverythreepassengersdisembarkinginPhiladelphiaduringthe1730swasanindenturedservant,andanadditionalfivehundredimportedslavesjoinedthematthebottomofthesocialladder.ThelargestinfluxofconvictlaborersfromBritainoccurredduringthemid-eighteenthcentury.Philadelphianswereconcernedaboutabscondingservants;seePennsylvaniaGazette,July2,1751.

23.SeeBostonNewsPost-Boy,December4,1704;forfans,see[Boston]WeeklyRehearsal,May14,1733;forbuttons,seeNew-YorkGazette,orWeeklyPost-Boy,June15,1747.

24.[Boston]WeeklyRehearsal,March20,1732;seeJennyDavidson,Breeding:APartialHistoryoftheEighteenthCentury(NewYork:ColumbiaUniversityPress,2009),137–43;Boudreau,“DonebyaTradesman,”529.

25.Williams,“The‘IndustriousPoor’andtheFoundingofthePennsylvaniaHospital,”336–37,339,441–42;FranklintoPeterCollinson,May9,1753,and“‘Arator’:OnthePriceofCorn,andtheManagementofthePoor”(1766),FranklinPapers,4:479–86,esp.479–80;13:510–15.

26.FranklintoPeterCollinson,May9,1753,FranklinPapers,4:480–82.27.“TotheAuthoroftheLetterontheLastPennsylvaniaGazette,”PennsylvaniaGazette,May15,1740;Franklin,PlainTruth:or,SeriousConsiderationsonthePresentStateoftheCityofPhiladelphiaandProvinceofPennsylvania.ByaTradesmanofPhiladelphia(Philadelphia,1747),and“FormofAssociation,”PennsylvaniaGazette,December3,1747,inFranklinPapers,3:180–212,esp.198–99,201,211;“ExtractsfromPlainTruth,”New-YorkGazette,orWeeklyPost-Boy,December14,1747.

28.PlainTruth,and“FormofAssociation,”inFranklinPapers,3:198,209,211.29.“PetitiontothePennsylvaniaAssemblyRegardingFairs”(1731),FranklinPapers,1:211;PennsylvaniaGazette,November18,1731,andWaldstreicher,RunawayAmerica,94;Franklin,TheAutobiography,34–35.

30.Ontheinabilityto“washoutthestainofservility,”see“FromtheReflector:OfAmbitionandMeanness,”BostonEveningPost,March2,1752;onthemeanersortattheheelsofthoseabovethem,seeTheNew-YorkWeeklyJournal,March3,1734.InEngland,therewasactuallymoresocialmobilityamongthecommercialclasses;seeNeilMcKendrick,JohnBrewer,andJohnHaroldPlumb,eds.,BirthofaConsumerSociety:TheCommercializationofEighteenth-CenturyEngland(Bloomington:IndianaUniversityPress,1982),20.

31.“FromaPaperentitledCOMMONSENSE.TheFirstPrinciplesofReligionforPreservingLiberty,”PennsylvaniaGazette,February12,1741.

32.FranklintoBenjaminFranklinBache,September25,1780,FranklinPapers,33:326.33.FranklintoPeterCollinson,May9,1753,FranklinPapers,4:480–82.34.Ibid.;FranklintoPeterCollinson[1753?],FranklinPapers,5:158–59.35.OntheimpactofPaine’spamphlet,seeTrishLoughan,“DisseminatingCommonSense:ThomasPaineandtheProblemoftheEarlyNationalBestSeller,”AmericanLiterature78,no.1(March2006):1–28,esp.4,7,12,14.OnPaine’sbackground,seeJohnKeane,TomPaine:ALife(Boston:Little,Brown,1995),62,73–74,79,84;J.C.D.Clark,“ThomasPaine:TheEnglishDimension,”inSelectedWritingsofThomasPaine,eds.IanShapiroandJaneE.Calvert(NewHaven,CT:YaleUniversityPress,2014),538;JohnBrewer,TheSinewsofPower:War,MoneyandtheEnglishState,1688–1783(Cambridge,MA:HarvardUniversityPress,1900),104–5,222–30;EdwardLarkin,“InventinganAmericanPublic:Paine,the‘PennsylvaniaMagazine,’andAmericanRevolutionaryDiscourse,”EarlyAmericanLiterature33,no.3(1998):250–76,esp.254,257,261;andRobertA.Ferguson,“TheCommonalitiesofCommonSense,”WilliamandMaryQuarterly57,no.3(July2000):465–504,esp.487–89,502.

36.ThomasSlaughter,ed.,CommonSenseandRelatedWritingsbyThomasPaine(Boston:Bedford/St.Martin’s,2001),79;ThomasPaine,“AgrarianJustice,OpposedtoAgrarianLaw,andtoAgrarianMonopoly,”(1797),inShapiroandCalvert,SelectedWritingsofThomasPaine,555,557.

37.Onhistheoryofcommerceandnations,hewrote,“ItisthecommerceandnottheconquestofAmerica,bywhichEnglandistobebenefited,andthatwouldinagreatmeasurecontinue,werethecountriesindependentofeachotherasFranceandSpain;becausemanyarticles,neithercangotoabettermarket”;seeSlaughter,ed.,CommonSense,89–90,110.

38.Slaughter,CommonSense,86,89,100,113.AdamSmithofferedasimilarrebukeoftheEnglishfinancialsystem,highlightingitsenormousdebtsandrepeatedengagementincostlywarsinTheWealthofNations(1776).

39.SeeSlaughter,CommonSense,89,100,102–4.OnPennsylvaniasellingwheatandflourtosouthernEurope,seeT.H.Breen,“AnEmpireofGoods:TheAnglicizationofColonialAmerica,1760–1776,”JournalofBritishStudies25,no.4(October1986):467–99,esp.487.ThemagazineforwhichPainebecamethechiefeditor,thePennsylvaniaMagazine;or,AmericanMonthlyMuseum,publishedachartofexports(tonnageandvalue)fromPhiladelphia’sportfortheyears1771to1773;seePennsylvaniaMagazine;or,AmericanMonthlyMuseum(February1775),72.

40.Painewrote,“ThemercantileandreasonablepartinEngland,willbestillwithus;becausepeacewithtrade,ispreferabletowarwithoutit”;seeSlaughter,CommonSense,114.OnthedebatesintheContinentalCongressonfreetradein1775and1776,seeStaughtonLyndandDavidWaldstreicher,“FreeTrade,Sovereignty,andSlavery:TowardanEconomicInterpretationoftheAmericanRevolution,”WilliamandMaryQuarterly68,no.4(October2011):597–630,esp.610,624–30.TheBritish“friendsofAmerica”whosupportedindependencedidsobecausetheywantedtoensurethatastrongalliancewassustainedbetweenGreatBritainandAmerica,forbotheconomicandpoliticalreasons.SeeEligaH.Gould,ThePersistenceofEmpire:BritishPoliticalCultureintheAgeoftheAmericanRevolution(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,2000),165.

41.SeeThomasPaine,“ADialogueBetweentheGhostofGeneralMontgomeryJustArrivedfromtheElysianFields;andanAmericanDelegate,intheWoodNearPhiladelphia”(1776),whichwaspublishedinnewspapersandinalatereditionofCommonSense;seePhilipFoner,ed.,TheCompleteWritingsofThomasPaine,2vols.(NewYork:Citadel,1945),2:91.Heexpandedonthisnotionofcommercialtransatlanticalliancesinhislaterwriting;seeThomasPaine,RightsofMan,ParttheSecond.CombiningPrincipleandPractice,secondedition(London,1792),82–88;andThomasC.Walker,“TheForgottenProphet:TomPaine’sCosmopolitanismandInternationalRelations,”InternationalStudiesQuarterly44,no.1(March2000),51–72,esp.59–60.PainealsoexploredthenatureofmutualaffectionsandvoluntarycommercethroughtheanalogyofAmericanIndianmarriages;andthedetrimentalinfluenceoftitlesinencouragingthe“over-awedsuperstitiousvulgar”;see“ReflectionsonTitles,”PennsylvaniaMagazine;or,AmericanMonthlyMuseum(May1775),209–210;and“TheOldBachelor,No.IV.ReflectionsonUnhappyMarriages,”PennsylvaniaMagazine;or,AmericanMonthlyMuseum(June1775),263–65.

42.Slaughter,CommonSense,112–14.Painenotedthattherewerethreewaysfortherebelliontogo:declaringindependenceby“thelegalvoiceofthepeopleinCongress;bymilitarypower;byamob:Itmaynotalwayshappenthatoursoldiersarecitizens,andthemultitudearereasonablemen.”

43.Slaughter,CommonSense,79,83–84,102,105;Keane,TomPaine,74.44.Paine’sshipdockedinPhiladelphiaonNovember30,1774.HepublishedthefirstrunofCommonSenseonJanuary10,1776.SeeKeane,TomPaine,84;alsosee“TotheHonorableBenjaminFranklin,Esq.,”March4,1775,inFoner,CompleteWritings,1132.PainerecommendedGoldsmith’sHistoryoftheWorldtohisreadersinthePennsylvaniaMagazine,andheincludedapoemandportraitoftheIrishwriter;see“ListofNewBooks,”and“Retaliation;aPoem,byDr.Goldsmith,”PennsylvaniaMagazine;or,AmericanMonthlyMuseum(January1775),40,42;alsoseeOliverGoldsmith,HistoryofEarthandAnimatedNature;abridged.ByMrs.Pilkington(Philadelphia,1808),16–22.ThefirsteditionofGoldsmith’sbookappearedineightvolumes,publishedinLondonin1774.

45.LinnéfirstpublishedhisGeneralSystemin1735,wherehesimplylaidoutthefourgroupsofHomosapiensbasedoncontinentsandcolors;by1758,heascribedaseriesoftraits.The1735editionwasonlyelevenfoliopageslong;the1758editionwasoverthreethousandpages.BuffoninhisHistoireNaturalle(1749)preferred“race”toLinné’smorestagnant“variety.”Buffonviewedhumanracesasparticularstocks,lineages,inwhich

traitswerepasseddownthroughsucceedinggenerations.SeeSirCharlesLinné,AGeneralSystemofNature,ThroughtheThreeGrandKingdomsofAnimals,Vegetables,andMinerals;SystematicallyDividedintoTheirSeveralClasses,Orders,Genera,Species,andVarieties,withTheirHabitations,Manners,Economy,Structure,andPeculiarities,trans.WilliamTurton,M.D.(London,1802),1;alsoseeNicholasHudson,“From‘Nation’to‘Race’:TheOriginsofRacialClassificationinEighteenth-CenturyThought,”Eighteenth-CenturyStudies29,no.3(1996):247–64,esp.253.

46.SeeJosephPriestley,AnAddresstoProtestantDissentersofAllDenominations,ontheApproachingElectionofMembersofParliament,withRespecttotheStateofPublicLibertyinGeneral,andofAmericanAffairsinParticular(London,1774),9;“FreeThoughtsonMonarchyandPoliticalSuperstition,”St.JamesChronicleortheBritishEveningPost,January22–25,1774;andforthereprintofthispieceinAmericannewspapers,seeDunlap’sPennsylvaniaPacketor,theGeneralAdvertiser,April25,1774;italsoappearedinTheNorwichPacketandtheConnecticut,Massachusetts,NewHampshireandRhodeIslandWeeklyAdvertiser,May12,1774.ForFranklin’sfriendshipwithPriestley,seeVernerW.Crane,“TheClubofHonestWhigs:FriendsofLibertyandScience,”WilliamandMaryQuarterly23,no.2(April1966):210–33,esp.231.

47.Slaughter,CommonSense,87–90,94,99,104,110;JamesV.Lynch,“TheLimitsofRevolutionaryRadicalism:TomPaineandSlavery,”PennsylvaniaMagazineofHistoryandBiography123,no.5(July1999):177–99.

48.Slaughter,CommonSense,88,90,92–93,99;Keane,TomPaine,42–45.OnCanada,seePaine,LetterAddressedtotheAbbeRaynal,ontheAffairsofNorthAmerica:inWhichtheMistakesintheAbbe’sAccountoftheRevolutionofAmericaAreCorrectedandClearedUp(1782),inFoner,CompleteWritings,2:258.

49.Slaughter,CommonSense,100,104–5.50.Ibid.,87–88,93–94,110;andforthelegalpreceptofwasteonapendinglawsuit,seeBook2,chapter14,“OfWaste,”inSirWilliamBlackstone,CommentariesontheLawsofEngland(London,1765–66).

51.Slaughter,CommonSense,113–14.52.SeePaine,“ADialogueBetweentheGhostofGeneralMontgomery”(1776)andLetterAddressedtotheAbbeRaynal,ontheAffairsofNorthAmerica(1782),inFoner,CompleteWritings,2:92,243.PainealsopublishedthedialogueinDunlap’sPennsylvaniaPacket,February19,1776.

ChapterFour:ThomasJefferson’sRubbish:ACuriousTopographyofClass

1.ForJefferson’suseofthephrases“empireofliberty”and“empireforliberty,”seeThomasJeffersontoGeorgeRogersClark,December25,1780,PapersofThomasJefferson,ed.JulianBoydet.al.,40vols.todate(Princeton,NJ:PrincetonUniversityPress,1950–),4:237;ThomasJeffersontoJamesMadison,April27,1809,inThePapersofThomasJefferson:RetirementSeries,ed.J.JeffersonLooney,11vols.todate(Princeton,NJ:PrincetonUniversityPress,2005–),1:69.HereaftercitedasPTJandPTJ-R.AndrewBursteinandNancyIsenberg,MadisonandJefferson(NewYork:RandomHouse,2010),388–90.AlsoseeJohnMurrin,“TheJeffersonianTriumphandAmericanExceptionalism,”JournaloftheEarlyRepublic20,no.1(Spring2000):1–25.

2.JohnE.Selby,TheRevolutioninVirginia,1775–1783(Williamsburg,VA:ColonialWilliamsburgFoundation,1988),26–32;MichaelMcDonnell,“Jefferson’sVirginia,”inACompaniontoThomasJefferson,ed.FrancisD.Cogliano(Chichester,UK:Wiley-Blackwell,2012),16–31,esp.21–22.OnJefferson’sslaves,seeLuciaStanton,“ThoseWhoLaborforMyHappiness”:SlaveryatThomasJefferson’sMonticello(Charlottesville:UniversityofVirginiaPress,2012),56.Jeffersongrewtobaccoandwheat,buttobaccowashisprincipalcashcrop;seeBarbaraMcEwan,ThomasJefferson:Farmer(Jefferson,NC:McFarland&Co.,1991),2–3,39–42,45–46.

3.ThomasJeffersontoJohnJay,August23,1785,andThomasJeffersontoFrancisWillis,July15,1796,PTJ,8:426,29:153;andThomasJefferson,NotesontheStateofVirginia,ed.WilliamPeden(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,1955),164–65.ForanexcellentoverviewofJefferson’stroubledcareerasafarmer,seeLuciaStanton,“ThomasJefferson:PlanterandFarmer,”inCogliano,ACompaniontoThomasJefferson,253–70.

4.SeeThomasJeffersontoThomasLeiper,February23,1801,PTJ,8:210–12,33:50.OnJefferson’sdesignforthemoldboardplough,seeThomasJeffersontoSirJohnSinclair,March23,1798,PTJ30:197–209;theoriginalmemorandum,“DescriptionofaMouldboardoftheLeast,&oftheEasiestandMostCertain

Construction,”islocatedattheMassachusettsHistoricalSociety,alongwithanundateddrawingoftheplough,MSi5[electronicedition].ThomasJeffersonPapers:AnElectronicArchive,Boston,MA:MassachusettsHistoricalSociety,2003,thomasjeffersonpapers.org;andAugustC.MillerJr.,“JeffersonasanAgriculturalist,”AgriculturalHistory16,no.2(April1942):65–78,esp.70,71–72,75.

5.OnEnglishnotionsofhusbandryandimprovement,seeJoanThirsk,“PloughandPen:WritersintheSeventeenthCentury,”SocialRelationsandIdeas:EssaysinHonourofR.H.Hilton(Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,1983),295–318,esp.297–98,316;BenjaminR.Cohen,NotesfromtheGround:Science,Soil,andSocietyintheAmericanCountryside(NewHaven,CT:YaleUniversityPress,2009),18,20,25.OnearlymodernEnglishhusbandry,seeMcRae,GodSpeedthePlough,203–4,206,208,210;GeorgeWashingtontoWilliamPierce,1796,inTheWritingsofWashingtonfromtheOriginalManuscriptSources,1744–1799,ed.JohnC.Fitzpatrick,39vols.(Washington,DC:GovernmentPrintingOffice,1931–44),34:451;andJefferson,NotesontheStateofVirginia,85;Miller,“JeffersonasanAgriculturalist,”69,71–72.

6.Jeffersondescribedslavesas“confinedtotillage”;seeJefferson,NotesontheStateofVirginia,139.7.SeeKevinJ.Hayes,“TheLibrariesofThomasJefferson,”inACompaniontoThomasJefferson,333–49;BursteinandIsenberg,MadisonandJefferson,558.OnJefferson’sliterarytrainingandepicureanism,seeAndrewBurstein,TheInnerJefferson:PortraitofaGrievingOptimist(Charlottesville:UniversityofVirginiaPress,1995),16–17,32,34,129,133;andBurstein,Jefferson’sSecrets:DeathandDesireatMonticello(NewYork:BasicBooks,2005),162,165–66.OnhispurchaseofwinesandluxuriesinFrance,seeHerbertE.Sloan,PrincipleandInterest:ThomasJeffersonandtheProblemofDebt(Charlottesville:UniversityofVirginiaPress,1995),25,andnote84on259–60,andJefferson’sMemorandumBooks:Accounts,withLegalRecordsandMiscellany,1767–1826,eds.JamesA.BearJr.andLuciaC.Stanton(Princeton,NJ:PrincetonUniversityPress,1997),671,686,717,724,728,734,741–42,807.OntraininghisslaveJamesHemingsasaFrenchchef,seeAnnetteGordon-Reed,TheHemingsesofMonticello:AnAmericanFamily(NewYork:Norton,2008),164–65,209.

8.ThomasJeffersontoCharlesWilsonPeale,April17,1813,PTJ-R,6:69.9.Oncultivatorshavinga“depositforsubstantialandgenuinevirtue,”seeJefferson,NotesontheStateofVirginia,164.

10.MichaelA.McDonnell,ThePoliticsofWar:Race,Class,andConflictinRevolutionaryVirginia(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,2007),27,93,95,109,119,227–29,258–61,275,277–78,306–7,389–94;JohnFerling,“SoldiersforVirginia:WhoServedintheFrenchandIndianWar?,”VirginiaMagazineofHistoryandBiography94,no.3(July1986):307–28;ThomasJeffersontoRichardHenryLee,June5,1778,PTJ,2:194.

11.ThomasL.Humphrey,“ConflictingIndependence:LandTenancyandtheAmericanRevolution,”JournaloftheEarlyRepublic28,no.2(Summer2008):159–82,esp.170;L.ScottPhilyaw,“ASlaveforEverySoldier:TheStrangeHistoryofVirginia’sForgottenRecruitmentActof1January1781,”VirginiaMagazineofHistoryandBiography109,no.4(2001):367–86,esp.371.

12.StanleyKatz,“ThomasJeffersonandtheRighttoPropertyinRevolutionaryAmerica,”JournalofLawandEconomics19,no.3(October1976):467–88,esp.470–71.

13.HollyBrewer,“EntailingAristocracyinColonialVirginia:‘AncientFeudalRestraints’andRevolutionaryReform,”WilliamandMaryQuarterly54,no.2(April1997):307–46;ChristopherMichaelCurtis,Jefferson’sFreeholdersandthePoliticsofOwnershipintheOldDominion(NewYork:CambridgeUniversityPress,2012),21–26,56,72,75–76.

14.Curtis,Jefferson’sFreeholders,56,72.15.Humphrey,“ConflictingIndependence,”180–81.16.Thebillwasfirstpresentedin1778,againin1780,andin1785,whereitpassedtheHousebutdiedintheSenate.See“ABillfortheMoreGeneralDiffusionofKnowledge”(1778),PTJ,2:526–35;andJenningsL.WagonerJr.,JeffersonandEducation(Charlottesville,VA:MonticelloMonographSeries,2004),34–38.

17.Jefferson,NotesontheStateofVirginia,146.Bunyanhadtworeferencestomuck;onewasthemuck-rake,whichwasanemblemforcovertness,theotherwasthatofabadcropturnedintomuckinhisBookforBoysandGirls.SeeRogerSharrock,“BunyanandtheEnglishEmblemWriters,”ReviewofEnglishStudies21,no.82(April1945):105–16,esp.109–10,112.

18.“ABillforSupportofthePoor,”PTJ,2:419–23.Thisbillwasnotpasseduntil1785.

19.Georges-LouisLeclerc,ComtedeBuffon,NaturalHistory,GeneralandParticular,bytheCountdeBuffon,TranslatedintoEnglish,8vols.(2nd.ed.,London,1785),3:104,134–36,190.

20.Ibid.,3:57–58,61–62,129–30,192–93.21.Jefferson,NotesontheStateofVirginia,7–8,10,19,21–22,43–54,58–65,79,226–31,253–54.22.ThomasJeffersontotheMarquisdeChastellux,June7,1785,PTJ,8:185–86.23.ThomasJeffersontoG.K.vanHogendorp,October13,1785,andThomasJeffersontoJohnJay,August23,1785,PTJ,8:426,633;onchorography,seeMcRae,GodSpeedthePlough,231–261.

24.“ReportoftheCommittee,March1,1784,”PTJ,6:603;C.AlbertWhite,AHistoryoftheRectangularSurveySystem(Washington,DC:GovernmentPrintingOffice,1983),11,512;WilliamD.Pattison,BeginningsoftheAmericanRectangularLandSurveySystem,1784–1800(Chicago:UniversityofChicagoPress,1957),42–45,63–65;PeterOnuf,“Liberty,Development,andUnion:VisionsoftheWestinthe1780s,”WilliamandMaryQuarterly43,no.2(April1986):179–213,esp.184.

25.J.HectorSt.JohndeCrèvecoeur,LettersfromanAmericanFarmer,ed.SusanManning(NewYork:OxfordUniversityPress,1997),xi–xiii,15,25,27–28,41–42,45–47.Fortheexcerptofthefarmerplacinghissonontheplough,see“PleasingParticularsinHusbandry&c.[FromLettersfromJ.HectorSt.John,aFarmerinPennsylvania,tohisFriendinEngland],”BostonMagazine(July1986),285–91,esp.285;alsoseeThomasPhilbrick,“CrevecoeurasNewYorker,”EarlyAmericanLiterature11,no.1(Spring1976):22–30;andSt.JohnCrèvecoeurtoThomasJefferson,May18,1785,PTJ,8:156–57.

26.AnswerstoDémeunier’sFirstQueries,January24,1786,PTJ,10:16.27.OnimportingGermansintoVirginia,seeThomasJeffersontoRichardClaiborne,August8,1787,PTJ,16:540.OnusingGermanstotrainslaves,seeThomasJeffersontoEdwardBancroft,January26,1789,PTJ,14:492,35:718–21.

28.McDonnell,ThePoliticsofWar,439,455,480–82;WoodyHolton,“DidDemocracyCausetheRecessionThatLedtotheConstitution?,”JournalofAmericanHistory92,no.2(September2005):442–69,esp.445–46.

29.JohnFerling,Whirlwind:TheAmericanRevolutionandtheWarThatWonIt(NewYork:Bloomsbury,2015),320–21;CharlesRoyster,ARevolutionaryPeopleatWar:TheContinentalArmyandtheAmericanCharacter,1775–1783(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,1979),353–57.

30.“Jefferson’sReplytotheRepresentationsofAffairsinAmericabyBritishNewspapers”[beforeNovember20,1784],PTJ,7:540–45;WallaceEvanDavies,“TheSocietyofCincinnatiinNewEngland,1783–1800,”WilliamandMaryQuarterly5,no.1(January1948):3–25,esp.3,5.

31.ThomasJeffersontoAbigailAdams,February22,1787,PTJ,11:174–75;ThomasJeffersontoJamesMadison,January30andFebruary5,1787,inTheRepublicofLetters:TheCorrespondenceBetweenThomasJeffersonandMadison,1776–1826,ed.JamesMortonSmith,3vols.(NewYork:Norton,1994),1:461;BursteinandIsenberg,MadisonandJefferson,146–48,168;WoodyHolton,UnrulyAmericansandtheOriginsoftheConstitution(NewYork:Hill&Wang,2007),145–48,155,159;andDavidP.Szatmary,Shays’Rebellion:TheMakingofanAgrarianInsurrection(Amherst:UniversityofMassachusettsPress,1980),66.

32.AbigailAdamstoThomasJefferson,September10,1787,PTJ,12:112.ForShayslivinginasty,see“TothePrinter,”AmericanRecorder,andCharlestownAdvertiser,January19,1787.ForthedescriptionofShaysitesas“ragamuffins,”seetheaccountofReverendBezaleelHowardofSpringfield(September1787),reprintedinRichardD.Brown,“ShaysRebellionandItsAftermath:AViewfromSpringfield,1787,”WilliamandMaryQuarterly40,no.4(October1983):598–615,esp.602.ForadescriptionofShaysitesas“Abroadinragslikewolvestoroam,”seeNewHavenGazette,andConnecticutMagazine,January25,1787.

33.“Jefferson’sObservationsonDémeunier’sManuscript,”PTJ,10:52.34.Curtis,Jefferson’sFreeholders,97,101.35.FredrikaJ.TeuteandDavidS.Shields,“TheCourtofAbigailAdams,”and“JeffersoninWashington:DomesticatingMannersintheRepublicanCourt,”JournaloftheEarlyRepublic35(Summer2015):227–35,237–59,esp.229–30,242,246;CharleneM.BoyerLewis,ElizabethPattersonBonaparte:AnAmericanAristocratintheEarlyRepublic(Philadelphia:UniversityofPennsylvaniaPress,2012),12,16,20,23,29.

36.PaterShaw,TheCharacterofJohnAdams(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,1976),227,230,232–33.

37.SeeSimonNewman,“PrinciplesorMen?GeorgeWashingtonandthePoliticalCultureofNationalLeadership,1776–1801,”JournaloftheEarlyRepublic12,no.4(Winter1992):447–507.

38.BursteinandIsenberg,MadisonandJefferson,262,381;JeanEdwardSmith,JohnMarshall:DefinerofaNation(NewYork:HenryHolt,1996),12;JohnC.Rainbolt,“TheAlterationintheRelationshipBetweentheLeadershipandConstituentsinVirginia,1660–1720,”WilliamandMaryQuarterly27,no.3(July1970):411–34,esp.418–22.EliteVirginiansdislikedvaindisplaysoflearninganddressassignsofthenouveauriche,whichiswhymenlikeJeffersonandJohnMarshalldressedbeneaththeirstation.ThisclassperspectiveiscapturedinRobertMunford’ssatiricalplayTheCandidates(1770);seeJayB.HubbellandDouglasAdair,“RobertMunford’s‘TheCandidates,’”WilliamandMaryQuarterly5,no.2(April1948):217–57,esp.233–35,240–42;onJeffersonandhissheep,seeStanton,“ThomasJefferson:PlanterandFarmer,”264.

39.Jefferson,NotesontheStateofVirginia,86–87,138–40.40.See“ABillDeclaringWhatPersonsShallBeDeemedMulattos,”PTJ,2:476;andThomasJeffersontoFrancisC.Gray,March4,1815,PTJ-R,8:310–11.OnJefferson’smethodforbreedingsheep,see“NotesonBreedingMerinoSheep,”enclosureinThomasJeffersontoJamesMadison,May13,1810,andThomasJeffersontoWilliamThorton,May24,1810;and“PetitionofAlbemarleCountyResidentstotheVirginiaGeneralAssembly”[beforeDecember19,1811],PTJ-R,2:390,2:413,4:346;andThomasJefferson’sFarmBook:WithCommentaryandRelevantExtractsfromOtherWritings,ed.EdwinMorrisBetts(Charlottesville:UniversityofVirginiaPress,1999),111–41.Jefferson’sargumentwasrepeatedinan1816essaybyDr.Parry;heappliedthesamepatternofanimalcrossingtohumansanddesignatedfourstagesofmixed-racetypes:thefirstcrossproducesamulatto,thesecondaquadroon,thethirdamestizo,andthefourthaquinteroon.Heclaimedthatthequinteroonwasan“almostperfectwhite”thatwasfreeofthe“taintoftheNegro.”Healsostressedthatthisworkedonlywithwhitemenandmixed-racewomen.The“conversewouldtakeplaceinthemixtureofwhitefemalewithmaleNegroes,”thatis,thechildrenwouldbreedbacktoaperfectblack.SeeDr.C.H.Parry,“OntheCrossingtheBreedsofAnimals,”MassachusettsAgriculturalRepositoryandJournal(June1,1816):153–58;alsoBuffon,NaturalHistory,3:164–65;andAndrewCurran,“RethinkingRaceHistory:TheRoleoftheAlbinointheFrenchEnlightenmentLifeSciences,”HistoryandTheory48(October2009):151–79,esp.171.

41.WilliamShorttoThomasJefferson,February27,1798,PTJ,30:150.42.Jeffersonbelievedthatracialmixingimprovedblacks.Hewrote,“Theimprovementoftheblacksonbodyandmind,inthefirstinstanceoftheirmixturewiththewhites,hasbeenobservedbyeveryone,andprovesthattheirinferiorityisnottheeffectmerelyofconditionoflife.”SeeJefferson,NotesontheStateofVirginia,141;Stanton,“ThoseWhoLaborforMyHappiness,”64–65,178–79,197,224;andGordon-Reed,TheHemingsesofMonticello,41,49,80,86,100–101,661–62.

43.SeeThomasJeffersontoJoelYancy,January17,1819,andThomasJeffersontoJohnW.Eppes,June30,1820,inThomasJefferson’sFarmBook,43,46.Jeffersonmeasuredthepriceoffemaleslavesbytheirbreedingcapacity.Indiscussingaslavewomanwhomarelativeconsideredselling,hedescribedherasonewhohad“ceasedtobreed.”SeeThomasJeffersontoWilliamO.Callis,May8,1795,PTJ,28:346.

44.JohnAdamstoThomasJefferson,August[14?],November15,1813,inTheAdams-JeffersonLetters:TheCompleteCorrespondenceBetweenThomasJeffersonandAbigailandJohnAdams,ed.LesterJ.Cappon(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,1959),365–66,397–402.

45.ThomasJeffersontoJohnAdams,October28,1813,TheAdams-JeffersonLetters,387–88;Jefferson,NotesontheStateofVirginia,140;Burstein,Jefferson’sSecrets,167–68.

46.ThomasJeffersontoJohnAdams,October13,1813,TheAdams-JeffersonLetters,387–89.47.ThomasJeffersontoWilliamWirt,August5,1815,PTJ-R,8:642–43.Jeffersonhaddescribedthe“classofartificers”as“panders,”pronetovice;seeThomasJeffersontoJohnJay,August23,1785,PTJ,8:426;andNotesontheStateofVirginia,165.Jeffersonalsousedtheword“yeomanry”torepresentthenoneliteclassesintheUnitedStates;seeThomasJeffersontoJamesMonroe,May5,1793,andThomasJeffersontoJamesMadison,May5,1793,PTJ,25:660–61.

48.JohnAdamstoThomasJefferson,November15,1813,TheAdams-JeffersonLetters,401.

ChapterFive:AndrewJackson’sCrackerCountry:TheSquatterasCommonMan

1.SeeJohnR.VanAtta,SecuringtheWest:Politics,PublicLands,andtheFateoftheOldRepublic,1785–1850(Baltimore:JohnsHopkinsUniversityPress,2014),17–18,23.

2.SeeMalcolmJ.Rohrbough,TheLandOfficeBusiness:TheSettlementandAdministrationofAmericanPublicLands,1789–1837(Belmont,CA:Wadsworth,1990),6;EligaH.Gould,AmongthePowersoftheEarth:TheAmericanRevolutionandtheMakingofaNewWorldEmpire(Cambridge,MA:HarvardUniversityPress,2012),12.

3.Whiletheconceptofthesouthernbackcountrybeganinthecolonialperiod,itsexistenceasadistinctareathatwasdifferentfromtheEastCoastsettlementcontinuedaftertheRevolutionasnewfrontiersemergedduringtheearlyrepublic.SeeRobertD.Mitchell,“TheSouthernBackcountry:AGeographicalHouseDivided,”inTheSouthernBackcountry:InterdisciplinaryPerspectivesonFrontierCommunities,eds.DavidC.Crass,StevenD.Smith,MarthaA.Zierden,andRichardD.Brooks(Knoxville:UniversityofTennesseePress,1998),1–35,esp.27.

4.VanAtta,SecuringtheWest,14,18.5.Forthe1815definitionofsquatter,seeJohnPickering,“MemoirofthePresentStateoftheEnglishLanguageintheUnitedStates,withaVocabularyContainingVariousWordsWhichHasBeenSupposedtoBePeculiartoThisCountry,”MemoirsoftheAmericanAcademyofArtsandSciences(January1,1815),523.PickeringcitedtheEnglishmanEdwardAugustusKendallforhisaccountofhowthewordsquatterwasusedinAmerica;seeKendall,TravelsThroughtheNorthernPartoftheUnitedStatesintheYears1807and1808(NewYork,1809),160;alsoseeNathanielGorhamtoJamesMadison,January27,1788,ThePapersofJamesMadison,10:435–36.TheOxfordEnglishDictionaryincorrectlyidentifiesMadisonasfirstusingtheterm,butMadisonmerelyrepeatedverbatiminalettertoGeorgeWashingtonwhatGorhamhadwrittentohim.SeealsoMadisontoWashington,February3,1788,ThePapersofJamesMadison,10:463.ForthearticleonPennsylvania“squatlers,”see“Philadelphia,August10,”The[Philadelphia]Federal,andEveningGazette,August10,1790.OnthePhelps-GorhamPurchasethatinvolvedaroundsixmillionacresinwesternNewYork,seeWilliamH.Stiles,“PioneeringinGeneseeCounty:EntrepreneurialStrategyandtheConceptofCentralPlace,”inNewOpportunitiesinaNewNation:TheDevelopmentofNewYorkAftertheRevolution,eds.ManfredJonasandRobertW.Wells(Schenectady,NY:UnionCollegePress,1982),35–68.

6.SeeKendall,Travels,160–62;AlanTaylor,“‘AKindofWar’:TheContestforLandontheNortheasternFrontier,1750–1820,”WilliamandMaryQuarterly46,no.1(January1786):3–26,esp.6–9;andforthecaseofDanielHildrethinLincolnCountySupremeCourtinMassachusetts,see“VariousParagraphs,”ColumbianCentinel.MassachusettsFederalist,October18,1800.

7.Kendallmadethepointthat“squatterswerenotpeculiartoMaine,”andthenmentionedPennsylvania.SeeKendall,Travels,161–62.Forthevariousproclamations,seeProclamation,byHonorableGeorgeThomas,Esq.LieutenantGovernorandCommanderinChiefoftheProvinceofPennsylvania...(October5,1742);andProclamation,byHonorableJamesHamilton,LieutenantGovernorandCommanderinChiefoftheProvinceofPennsylvania...(July18,1749);andProclamation,bytheHonorableJohnPenn,Esq.,LieutenantGovernorandCommanderinChiefoftheProvinceofPennsylvania(September23,1766);andfortheemphasisonthedeathpenalty,seeProclamation,bytheHonorableJohnPenn,Esq.,LieutenantGovernorandCommanderinChiefoftheProvinceofPennsylvania...(February24,1768).ThereweretheequivalentofsquattersinGreatBritain,vagrantswholivedinforestsandmarshes—thewastelandsofmanorialestates,aswellaspeoplewholivedonpropertytheydidnotownafterthe1666fireinLondon.Seethebroadsidewarningofejectment:ThisCourtTakingintoConsideration,theUtmostTimeforTakingDownandRemovingAllSuchSheds,Shops,andOtherLikeBuildings,WhichHaveBeenErectedSincetheLateDismalFire...(London,1673);alsoseeA.L.Beier,MasterlessMen,9,19,73–74.

8.EricHinderaker,ElusiveEmpires:ConstructingColonialismintheOhioValley,1763–1800(Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,1997),239–40,244,246;HollyMayer,“FromFortstoFamilies:FollowingtheArmyintoWesternPennsylvania,1758–1766,”PennsylvaniaMagazineofHistoryandBiography130,no.1(January2006):5–43,esp.13,21,23–24,36–38,40.

9.OnColonelHenryBouquet,seeBouquettoAnneWilling,Bedford,September17,1759,inThePapersofColonelHenryBouquet,ed.SylvesterE.Stevensetal.,19vols.(Harrisburg:PennsylvaniaHistoricalCommissionandWorksProgressAdministration,1940–44),3:371–72,4:115–16.

10.Forvariousmeaningsof“squat”and“squatting,”seeOxfordEnglishDictionary;MelissaJ.Pawlikowski,“‘TheRavagesofaCruelandSavageEconomy’:OhioRiverValleySquattersandtheFormationofaCommunitarianPoliticalEconomy,1768–1782”(paperpresentedattheSocietyofHistoriansoftheEarly

AmericanRepublic,July17,2011,inpossessionoftheauthor).OnHottentots,see“TheVoyageofPeterKolben,A.M.,totheCapeofGoodHope;withanAccountoftheMannersandCustomsofItsInhabitants,”ThePennsylvaniaHerald,andGeneralAdvertiser,July21,1786.ForaCherokeewomansittingsquatontheground,see“ATrueRelationoftheUnheardofSufferingsofDavidMenzies,SurgeonAmongtheCherokees;DeliveranceinSouth-Carolina,”TheBostonPost-BoyandAdvertiser,March6,1767.ForBritishsoldiersandtheirfightingstyle,see“Annapolis,inMaryland,July15,”[Boston]WeeklyNews-Letter,August19,1756;“New-York,March27,”TheNew-YorkGazette:or,TheWeeklyPost-Boy,March27,1758;“ExtractofaLetterfromTiconderoga,July31,”PennsylvaniaGazette,August9,1759;alsoseeJohnK.Mahon,“Anglo-AmericanMethodsofIndianWarfare,1675–1794,”MississippiValleyHistoricalReview45,no.2(September1958):254–75.Fortheimportanceofthelegalmeaningofstanding,seeTomlins,FreedomBound,119–20.

11.Thecolonialofficialalsoemphasizedthat“theyenjoyedengagingincruelty,”werehorsestealers,andtriedtostirupwarbypropagating“idlestories”;seeCaptainGavinCochranetoLordDartmouth,June22,1767,inM.Mathews,“OfMattersLexicographical,”AmericanSpeech34,no.2(May1959):126–30.Onsoutherncrackers,seeMr.SimpsonandMr.Barnard,AddressPresentedtoGovernorJamesWrightinMarch1767,inTheColonialRecordsoftheStateofGeorgia,ed.AllenD.Chandler,26vols.(Atlanta,1904),14:475–76;andMr.JamesHabershamtoGovernorJamesWright,inTheLettersofJamesHabersham1756–1775,inTheCollectionsoftheGeorgiaHistoricalSociety,15vols.(Savannah,1904),6:204;alsocitedinDelmaE.Presley,“TheCrackersofGeorgia,”GeorgiaHistoricalQuarterly60,no.2(Summer1976):102–16,esp.102–3.Forthecrackereye-gouger,see“ExtractsoftheLetterfromaCampNearSeneca,August18,”PennsylvaniaLedger,October26,1776(thisreportwasrepublishedinnumerouspapersinRhodeIsland,Connecticut,andMassachusetts).

12.Woodmasonalsocalledthem“banditti,profligates,reprobates,andthelowestscumoftheEarth.”Hefurthernotedthatthepeoplewereintendedto“setdownasabarrierbetweentheRichplantersandIndians.”SeeRichardHooker,ed.,TheCarolinaBackcountryontheEveoftheRevolution:TheJournalandOtherWritingsofCharlesWoodmason,AnglicanItinerant(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,1953),25,27,31–32,52–54,60–61,154.

13.Forthereferenceto“crackingtraders”usedbyEnsignAlexanderCameron,aBritishagentinSouthCarolina,whowasdescribingwhitepoachersinalettertoCaptainGavinCochrane,datedFebruary3,1765,seeJohnL.Nichols,“AlexanderCameron,BritishAgentAmongtheCherokee,1764–1781,”SouthCarolinaHistoricalMagazine97,no.2(April1996):94–114,esp.95,97.Cameronappearstobethefirstpersontouse“crackingtraders”beforeCochranecalledthemcrackers.CameronwasanativeofScotland,andfirstcametoAmericaasasoldierwithGeneralJamesOglethorpein1738.Fortheterm“lousecracker”(nasty,slovenlyfellow),seeNew-EnglandCourant,February22–March5,1722.Forthedefinitionof“lousecracker,”seeJohnEbers,TheNewandCompleteDictionaryofEnglandandGermanLanguage,vol.2(Leipzig,1798),363.Fora“jokecracker,”asapersonwhowastestime,see“CursoryThoughts,”VermontGazette,August5,1805.Onnastyinsultsresemblingsmellyfirecrackers,seeLloyd’sEveningPost,May15–17,1765.Foracrackerasliar,ortellerofmarveloustales,see“No.CXXXIV.KitCracker,aGreatDealerintheMarvelous,DescribesHimselfandHisAdventurestotheObserver,”inRichardCumberland,TheObserver:BeingaCollectionofMoral,LiteraryandFamiliarEssays(London,1791),86–95.

14.For“crackbrainedpeople”actinglikecrazyanimals,see“No.III,TotheEditorsoftheCharlestonCourier,”UnitedStatesGazette,June13,1804;alsosee“crackbrainedson”inTheProvidenceGazette,andCountryJournal,January3,1768;andforaparodyofhaymakersandcrack-braineddrinkers,see“AttentionHaymaker!,”Thomas’sMassachusettsSpy,orWorcesterGazette,July20,1796.Fortheuseoftheterm“crack-brained”byprominentGeorgiatrusteetheEarlofEgmont,seeRobertG.McPherson,ed.,TheJournaloftheEarlofEgmont,AbstractoftheTrusteesProceedingsforEstablishingtheColonyofGeorgia,1732–1738(Athens:UniversityofGeorgiaPress,1962),59.ReverendWoodmasonalsoreferredtoa“crack’dthebrain”NorthCarolinian;seeHooker,TheCarolinaBackcountry,62;for“crackbrained,”alsoseeOxfordEnglishDictionary;andseeThomasTusser,FiveHundredPointsofGoodHusbandry(1573;reprinted.,Oxford,1848),93.

15.Forthereferencetotheir“delightincruelty”and“lawlesssetofrascals,”seeGavinCochranetoLordDartmouth,June27,1766,inMathews,“OfMattersLexicographical,”127.On“rascal”asrubbish,camp

followers,andleanandinferioranimals,seeOxfordEnglishDictionary;for“rascal”as“trash,”seeEdwardPhilips,ANewWorldofWords:orAGeneralDictionary(London,1671),n.p.

16.BenjaminRush,“AnAccountoftheProgressofPopulation,Agriculture,Manners,andGovernmentinPennsylvania,inaLettertoaFriendinEngland,”inEssays,Literary,Moral,Philosophical(Philadelphia,1798),214,224–25.In1816,thegovernoroftheMichiganTerritorydescribedFrenchsettlersinthesameway,asadoptingthewaysofIndians,livingwithperiodsoftradeandthenlongperiodsofindolence,andneglectingtheirfarms.Theyalsowereignorantof“thecommonactsofdomesticlife.”Hewarnedthatuntiltherewasanewmigrationofpeople,theterritorywouldbeplaguedwith“indigenthelplesspeople.”SeeGovernorLewisCasstoSecretaryofWar,May31,1816,inTheTerritorialPapersoftheUnitedStates,vol.10,TheTerritoryofMichigan,1805–1820,ed.ClarenceEdwinCarter(Washington,DC:GovernmentPrintingOffice,1942),642–43.Thesameideaofpurgingthepooraccompaniedthemigrationofwealthiersettlersintothewesternstates.SeeJohnMelish(whowroteonKentucky),TravelsintheUnitedStatesofAmericaintheYears1806&1807,and1809,1810,&1811,2vols.(Philadelphia,1812),2:204.

17.Onlandspeculatorsandclasspower,seeLeeSoltow,“ProgressandMobilityAmongOhioPropertyholders,1810–1825,”SocialScienceHistory7,no.4(Autumn1983):405–26,esp.410,412–15,418,420;AndrewR.L.Cayton,“Land,Power,andReputation:TheCulturalDimensionofPoliticsintheOhioCountry,”WilliamandMaryQuarterly47,no.2(April1990):266–86,esp.278;RudolfFreud,“MilitaryBountyLandsandtheOriginsofthePublicDomain,”AgriculturalHistory20,no.1(January1946):8–18,esp.8.Fortherelocationofthetop-downsocialstructurefromVirginiatoKentucky,andtheriseofthemerchantclass,seeCraigT.Friend,“MerchantsandMarkethouses:ReflectionsonMoralEconomyinEarlyKentucky,”JournaloftheEarlyRepublic17,no.4(Winter1997):553–74,esp.556–57,572.Onelitespeculatorsusingkinshipnetworkstoadvancetheirclasspower,seeMarionNelsonWinship,“TheLandofConnectedMen:ANewMigrationStoryfromtheEarlyRepublic,”PennsylvaniaHistory64(Summer1997):88–104,esp.90,97.

18.Onoldsoldiers,seePeterOnuf,“Settlers,Settlements,andNewStates,”inTheAmericanRevolution:ItsCharacterandLimits,ed.JackGreene(NewYork:NewYorkUniversityPress,1987),171–96,esp.180–82.ForJefferson’spolicyonsquatters,seeThomasJeffersontoSecretaryofWar,April8,1804,inTheTerritorialPapersoftheUnitedStates,vol.13,TheTerritoryofLouisiana-Missouri,1803–1806,ed.ClarenceEdwinCarter(Washington,DC:GovernmentPrintingOffice,1948),13:19;andThomasJeffersontoAlbertGallatin,November3,1808,inTheTerritorialPapersoftheUnitedStates,vol.7,TheTerritoryofIndiana,1800–1810,ed.ClarenceEdwinCarter(Washington,DC:GovernmentPrintingOffice,1939),7:610–11;alsoseeBethelSaler,TheSettlers’Empire:ColonialismandStateFormationinAmerica’sOldNorthwest(Philadelphia:UniversityofPennsylvaniaPress,2015),48–50,54;VanAtta,SecuringtheWest,77–78.

19.Onwretchednessandapoorandfeeblepopulation,seeMathewCarey,EssaysonPoliticalEconomy,or,TheMostCertainMeansofPromotingWealth,Power,Resources,andHappinessofNations:AppliedtotheUnitedStates(Philadelphia,1822),177,376.Onpubliceducationandthepoor,seeAndrewR.L.Cayton,TheFrontierRepublic:IdeologyandPoliticsintheOhioCountry,1780–1825(Kent,OH:KentStateUniversityPress,1986),77,144–45;VanAtta,SecuringtheWest,110–12,118,210.

20.Onlandlessnessandlimitedmobility,seeGaryEdwards,“‘Anything...ThatWouldPay’:YeomanFarmersandtheNascentMarketEconomyontheAntebellumPlantationFrontier,”inSouthernSocietyandItsTransformation,1790–1860,eds.SusannaDelfino,MicheleGillespie,andLouisM.Kyriakoudes(Columbia:UniversityofMissouriPress,2011),102–30,esp.108,110;CraigThompsonFriend,“‘Work&BeRich’:EconomyandCultureontheBluegrassFarm,”inTheBuzzelAboutKentuck,ed.CraigThompsonFriend(Lexington:UniversityPressofKentucky,1999),124–51,esp.128–33.Forlandagentsdiscouragingtenancy,seeRobertP.Swierenga,“The‘WesternLandBusiness’:TheStoryofEasley&Willingham,Speculators,”BusinessHistoryReview41,no.1(Spring1967):1–20,esp.12,16;Rohrbough,TheLandOfficeBusiness,170–71,175–76,235–36.Onthedifficultyoftenantsbecominglargelandowners(ascomparedtosonsoftherichinheritingwealth),seeSoltow,“ProgressandMobility,”423.

21.ForthescandalswirlingaroundJackson’sdivorce,seeNormaBasch,“Marriage,Morals,andPoliticsintheElectionof1828,”JournalofAmericanHistory80,no.3(December1993):890–918;alsoseeJohnWard,AndrewJackson:SymbolforanAge(NewYork:OxfordUniversityPress,1953),54–55;andAndrewBurstein,ThePassionsofAndrewJackson(NewYork:Knopf,2003),11,170,172.

22.For“OldHickory”asastrongtree,see“OdetotheFourthofJuly,”Salem[MA]Gazette,July15,1823;andforJackson’snicknamemeaninghewas“tough,unyielding,andsubstantial,”see“OldHickory,”Haverhill[MA]GazetteandPatriot,August7,1824.

23.SeeWilson’spoem“ThePilgrim,”and“ExtractofaLetterfromLexington,”ThePort-Folio(June1810):499–519,esp.505,514–15.OnWilson,seeR.Cantwell,AlexanderWilson:NaturalistandPioneer(Philadelphia:J.B.Lippincott,1961).Wilsonappliedthesamecriteriatostudyingbirdsandsquatters;hewrotethatthe“characterofthefeatheredrace”couldbedeterminedby“notingtheirparticularhaunts,modesofconstructingtheirnests”;seeEdwardH.BurttJr.andWilliamE.DavisJr.,AlexanderWilson:TheScotWhoFoundedAmericanOrnithology(Cambridge,MA:BelknapPressofHarvardUniversityPress,2013),11.

24.Wilson,“ExtractofaLetterfromLexington,”519.Forthesymbolicmeaningofhomesinsecuringterritorialclaims,alsoseeAnnaStilz,“Nations,States,andTerritory,”Ethics121,no.3(April2011):572–601,esp.575–76.

25.CorneliaJ.RandolphtoVirginiaJ.Randolph(Trist),August17,1817,PTJ-R,ThomasJeffersonFoundation,Charlottesville,VA.IwouldliketothankLisaFrancavillaoftheRetirementSeriesforalertingmetothisletter.

26.See“MeasuringforaBed,”NewBedford[MA]Mercury,February12,1830(reprintedfromtheBaltimoreEmerald);alsosee“SportinginIllinois,”SpiritoftheTimes;AChronicleofTurf,Agriculture,FieldSports,Literature,andStage(July14,1838):169;andLudwigInkle,“RunningfromtheIndians,”Magnolia;orSouthernMonthly(August1841):359–62.esp.360.

27.SeeJohnM.Denham,“TheFloridaCrackerBeforetheCivilWarasSeenThroughTravelers’Accounts,”FloridaHistoricalQuarterly72,no.4(April1994):453–68,esp.460,467–68;andInkle,“RunningfromtheIndians.”

28.Foracrackershoutingandsquealing,see“TheTobaccoRoller,”[Augusta,GA]SouthernSentinel,November6,1794.FortheMississippisquatterasascreamer,see“TakingtheMississippi,”MaineFarmer,October26,1848.ForHoosieranecdotes,see“AForcibleArgument,”NewHampshireCentinel,June15,1837;“TheHoosierGirls,”[Charleston,SC]SouthernPatriot,October12,1837;“HoosierPoetry,”[NewOrleans]DailyPicayune,July26,1838;Barre[MA]WeeklyGazette,November2,1838;“FromtheNationalIntelligencer,”MaconGeorgiaTelegraph,April7,1840.

29.SeeJohnFinley,“TheHoosier’sNest,”IndianaQuarterlyMagazineofHistory1,no.1(1905):56–57;alsoseeWilliamD.Pierson,“TheOriginsoftheWord‘Hoosier’:ANewInterpretation,”IndianaMagazineofHistory91,no.2(June1995):189–96.

30.“CrackerDictionary,”Salem[MA]Gazette,Mary21,1830;alsosee“Southernisms,”NewHampshirePatriot&StateGazette,July27,1835;and“TheGougingScene,”PhiladelphiaAlbumandLadiesLiteraryPortfolio,September25,1830;andboth“jimber-jawed”and“gimbal-jawed”werederivedfrom“gimbal,”meaninghingeorjoint,andthusmeantaprotrudingandloosejaw,seeOxfordEnglishDictionary.

31.“CrackerDictionary.”Anotherwriterdefineda“squatter”withthemottoof“‘hereto-day—goneinamoment’”;see“OriginalCorrespondence,”BostonCourier,November25,1830.

32.M.J.Heale,“TheRoleoftheFrontierinJacksonianPolitics:DavidCrockettandtheMythoftheSelf-madeMan,”WesternHistoricalQuarterly4,no.4(October1973):405–23,esp.405–9,417;JamesR.BoylstonandAllenJ.Wiener,DavidCrockettinCongress:TheRiseandFallofthePoorMan’sFriend(Houston:BrightSkyPress,2009),2–3.

33.CynthiaCumfer,“LocalOriginsofNationalIndianPolicy:CherokeeandTennesseeIdeasAboutSovereigntyandNationhood,1790–1811,”JournaloftheEarlyRepublic23,no.1(Spring2003):21–46,esp.25,31;Heale,“TheRoleoftheFrontierinJacksonianPolitics,”416–17;and“PremiumonFecundity,”[Haverhill,MA]EssexGazette,April3,1830.

34.DavyCrockett’sAlmanackof1837(Nashville,1837),40–43;Heale,“TheRoleoftheFrontierinJacksonianPolitics,”408;JamesAtkinsShackford,DavidCrockett:TheManandtheLegend(ChapelHill,NC:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,1956),68–69,136,144;AlexanderSaxton,TheRiseandFalloftheWhiteRepublic:ClassPoliticsandMassCultureinNineteenth-CenturyAmerica(London:Verso,1990),78,83;BoylstonandWiener,DavidCrockettinCongress,16.OnCrockett’sadvocacyforthepoormanovertherichspeculator,see“RemarksofMr.Crockett,ofTennessee,”UnitedStatesTelegraph,May19,1828;“CongressionalCanvas,”[Columbia,SC]ColumbiaTelescope,June12,1829;and“Col.DavidCrockett,ofTennessee,”DailyNationalIntelligencer,June22,1831;and“CrackerDictionary.”

35.See“ThereAreSomeQueerFellowsinCongress,”[Fayetteville,NC]CarolinaObserver,March20,1828.OnCrockett’spopularity,surpassingthegovernment,BlackHawk,ora“caravanofwildvarmints,”seeanexcerptfromhisbiography(supposedlywrittenbyCrockett),“PrefaceofHon.DavidCrockett’sBiography,”UnitedStatesTelegraph,February22,1834.Onthecomparisontothetrainedbear,see“TheIndianQuestion,”RaleighRegister,andtheNorthCarolinaGazette,July1,1834;forFrederickDouglass’scomparisonofCrocketttotheharlequin,see“MeetinginNewYork,”TheNorthStar,June8,1849,andToddVogel,RewritingWhite:Race,ClassandCulturalCapitalinNineteenth-CenturyAmerica(NewBrunswick,NJ:RutgersUniversityPress,2004),25.

36.DavyCrockett’sAlmanackof1837,8,17.37.ForCrockett’sspeechindefenseofpoorsquatters,seeGuyS.Miles,“DavyCrockettEvolves,1821–1824,AmericanQuarterly8,no.1(Spring1956):53–60,esp.54–55;alsoseeMelvinRosserMason,“‘TheLionoftheWest’:SatireonDavyCrockettandFrancesTrollope,”SouthCentralBulletin29,no.4(Winter1969):143–45;alsoseeWalterBlair,“AmericanizedComicBraggarts,”CriticalInquiry4,no.2(Winter1977):331–49.

38.ForalienatinghisTennesseecolleagues,see“Col.DavidCrockett,ofTennessee.”ForhisoppositiontotheIndianRemovalBill,see“TheIndianQuestion.”ForrefusingtobeJackson’sdog,see“PoliticsoftheDay,”DailyNationalIntelligencer,March30,1831;and“Col.Crockett.FromtheBostonJournal,”IndianaJournal,May31,1834;alsoseeMeganTaylorShockley,“KingoftheWildFrontiervs.KingAndrewI:DavyCrockettandtheElectionof1831,”TennesseeHistoricalQuarterly56,no.3(Fall1997):158–69,esp.161–62,166.

39.Onthedefectionofhisfriendsandallies,seeBurstein,ThePassionsofAndrewJackson,209–11.40.For“hardysonsoftheWest,”see“OldHickory,”[Haverhill,MA]GazetteandPatriot,August7,1824.Onthe“OldHickory”namefortough,fibrouswoodassociatedwiththeTennesseetreeofthefrontier,seeHarryL.Watson,LibertyandPower:ThePoliticsofJacksonianAmerica(NewYork:Hill&Wang,1990;rev.ed.,2006),77.

41.See“EmigrationtotheWestward,”[Boston]IndependentChronicle,September11,1815;alsoseebroadside“UnparalleledVictory”(Boston,1815).ForJacksoncelebratingtheBritishdeathtoll,see“Address,DirectedbyMaj.GeneralJacksontoBeReadattheHeadofEachCorpsComposingtheLineBelowNewOrleans,January24,1815,”AlbanyArgus,February28,1815(thisaddresswaswidelypublishedinmanynewspapersaroundthecountry).ForthepoemonJackson’sbloodyvictoryinNewOrleans,see“TheRiverMississippi,”AmericanAdvocateandKennebecAdvertiser,March25,1815;Burstein,ThePassionsofAndrewJackson,125.

42.Burstein,ThePassionsofAndrewJackson,5,121,138.OnDanielWebster’s1824accountofJefferson’sremarksonJackson,seeKevinJ.Hayes,ed.,JeffersoninHisOwnTime:ABiographicalChronicleofHisLife,DrawnfromRecollections,Interviews,andMemoirsbyFamily,Friends,andAssociates(IowaCity:UniversityofIowaPress,2012),99.

43.ForanexcerptfromJesseBenton’spamphletattackinghimas“Boisterousinordinaryconversation,”see“FromtheGeorgiaConstitutionalist,”[Charleston,SC]CityGazetteandCommercialDailyAdvertiser,October22,1824.For“ABackwoodsmanandaSquatter,”see“ForeignNoticesofAmericanLiterature,”LiteraryGazette,March3,1821.

44.Forthe“rudeinstinctofmasculineliberty,”seeareviewofAchilleMurat’sEssayontheMoralityandPoliticsoftheUnitedStatesofNorthAmerica(1832),NorthAmericanQuarterlyMagazine(March1838):103–19,esp.107.TheauthorAchilleMuratwasaclosefriendofJacksonallyJohnCoffeeandhadlivedinFloridaforseveralyears.

45.DavidS.HeidlerandJeanneT.Heidler,OldHickory’sWar:AndrewJacksonandtheQuestforEmpire(BatonRouge:LouisianaStateUniversityPress,2003),87–108.

46.JacksonwasaccusedintheBritishpressofexterminatingtheIndiansandintroducingsavageprinciplesintothecharacteroftheAmericanpeople;hisexecutionofthetwoBritishcitizenswasseenasanother“atrocity.”See“FromtheLiverpoolCourierofAug.18,”CommercialAdvertiser,October3,1818;alsoseeIsaacHolmes,AnAccountoftheUnitedStatesofAmerica,DerivedfromActualObservation,DuringaResidenceofFourYearsinThatRepublic(London,1824),83;“AmericanJustice!!TheFerociousYankeeGen.!Jack’sRewardforButcheringTwoBritishSubjects!,”TennesseeStateMuseumCollection,Nashville;HeidlerandHeidler,OldHickory’sWar,154–57;andDavidS.Heidler,“ThePoliticsofNationalAggression:CongressandtheFirstSeminoleWar,”JournaloftheEarlyRepublic13,no.4(Winter1993):501–30,esp.504–5.

47.“WhiteSavages,”Thomas’sMassachusettsSpy,andWorcesterGazette,September9,1818.ForSeminoles’distrustofviolentcrackers,see“FromDarienGazette,”[Windsor]VermontJournal,June28,1819.ForIndiansonlyattacking“crackerhouses,”see“Seminole—FirstCampaign.ExtractsfromtheJournalofaPrivate,”NewHampshireGazette,May9,1827.

48.OnJackson’soutbursttoAdams,“D—mGrotius!D—mPuffendorf!D—mVatell!ThisIsMereMatterBetweenJimMonroeandMyself!,”seeWard,AndrewJackson:SymbolforanAge,63.OnJacksonthreateningtocutofftheearsofsomesenators,see“Mr.Lacock’sReply,”Nile’sWeeklyRegister,April3,1819.

49.F.P.Prucha,“AndrewJackson’sIndianPolicy:AReassessment,”JournalofAmericanHistory56,no.3(December1969):527–39,esp.529;WaldoS.Putnam,MemoirsofAndrewJackson;MajorGeneralintheArmyoftheUnitedStatesandCommanderinChiefoftheDivisionoftheSouth(Hartford,CT,1818),310.JohnEaton,oneofhismostdevotedalliesandtheauthorofhisbiography,admittedthatJacksonhadanirritableandhastytemper,whichbroughthimintomanydisputes.ThispointwasconsideredwellknownintheaftermathoftheSeminoleWar.See“TheLifeofAndrewJackson,”WesternReviewandMiscellaneousMagazine(September1819):87–91,esp.87.Forhis“fieryandimpetuous”temperandhisdisregardfor“legalconstruction,”see“GeneralAndrewJackson,”NationalRegister,August5,1820;andforhislackofcivility,see“ThePresidency,”EasternArgus,October7,1823.ForClay’sinsultof“militarychieftain,”seehisletterpublishedintheDailyNationalIntelligencer,February12,1825.Jackson’sdefendersclaimedhehadadutytoprotectthelifeofeveryfrontiersettler,andthathispolicywaspremisedonprotectingfutureemigrations;violencewastheonlywaytodealwiththesavagefoe.See“DefenseofAndrewJackson:StricturesonMr.Lacock’sReportontheSeminoleWar,”NilesWeeklyRegister,March13,1819.

50.OnIndianremoval,seeMichaelMorris,“GeorgiaandtheConversationoverIndianRemoval,”GeorgiaHistoricalQuarterly91,no.4(Winter2007):403–23,esp.405,419.JacksondeniedthatIndianshadanyrightofdomainandrejectedIndianclaimsto“tractsofcountryonwhichtheyhaveneitherdweltormadeimprovements”;seePrucha,“AndrewJackson’sIndianPolicy:AReassessment,”532.OnsquattersinAlabama,seeVanAtta,SecuringtheWest,186–87;andRohrbough,TheLandOfficeBusiness,163.

51.OntheDickinsonduel,seeBurstein,ThePassionsofAndrewJackson,56–57;“Col.BentonandCol.Jackson,”DailyNationalJournal,June30,1828.Forthe1824accountofJackson’sduelwithDickinson,see“TraitsintheCharacterofGeneralJackson,”MissouriRepublican,September13,1824.

52.SomeAccountofSomeoftheBloodyDeedsofGen.AndrewJackson(broadside,Franklin,TN,1818);alsosee“Reminiscences;oranExtractfromaCatalogueofGeneralJackson’s‘JuvenileIndiscretions,’fromtheAgeof23to60,”NewburyportHerald,July1,1828.

53.SeeAndrewJacksontoJohnCoffee,June18,1824,inCorrespondenceofAndrewJackson,ed.JohnSpencerBassett,6vols.(Washington,DC,1926–34),3:225–26;andMatthewWarshauer,“AndrewJacksonas‘MilitaryChieftain’inthe1824and1828PresidentialElections:TheRamificationsofMartialLawonAmericanRepublicanism,”TennesseeHistoricalQuarterly57,no.1(Spring/Summer1998):4–23.

54.See“ThePresidency”and“GeneralJackson,”LouisvillePublicAdvertiser,January14,1824,andOctober22,1822.

55.See“SketchofaDebate:SeminoleWar,”CityofWashingtonGazette,February5,1819.56.See“TheBeauandtheCracker,”ColumbianMuseumandSavannahAdvertiser,October7,1796;andToaWoodman’sHut(NewYork,1812).Theplotmaybeolder,foritsharescertainsimilaritieswith“ADialogueBetweenaNobleLord,andaPoorWoodman”(1770);JosephDoddridge’sstorywasprintedinhisLogan.TheLastoftheRaceofSchikellemus,ChiefoftheCayugaNation(1823),ascitedinCecilD.Eby,“DandyVersusSquatter:AnEarlierRound,”SouthernLiteraryReview20,no.2(Fall1987):33–36,esp.34.

57.Apopularanecdotecirculatedduringthe1824campaignthatdescribedahumorousencounterbetweenthegeneralanda“pertMacaroni”(dandy)inPhiladelphia.See“AnecdoteofGeneralJackson,”RaleighRegister,andNorthCarolinaStateGazette,February13,1824.

58.FortheCrockett-likeresponsetocoffinhandbills,seeJohnTailaferro,AccountofSomeoftheBloodyDeedsofGENERALJACKSON,BeingaSupplementtothe“CoffinHandbill”(broadside,NorthernNeck,VA,1828).OnJacksonas“homebred,”see“GeneralJackson,”MarylandGazetteandtheStateRegister,January22,1824.OnJacksonbeingfromacommonfamily,see“Jackson’sLiterature,”UnitedStates’Telegraph,March8,1828.Forotherarticlesfocusingonhiscommonnessandlackofeducation,see“ThePresidency,”[Portland,ME]Eastern

Argus,October7,1823;“SomethingExtraordinary,”RaleighRegister,andNorthCarolinaStateGazette,August6,1824;and“GeneralJackson,”NationalAdvocate,March10,1824.

59.ForacrackersupporterofJackson,seeNewOrleansArgus,August21,1828(thispiececamefromtheDarienGazetteinGeorgiaandwaswidelyreprintedinNewHampshire,Connecticut,andNewYorknewspapers);and“TheBackwoodsAlivewithOldHickory,”LouisvillePublicAdvertiser,February27,1828.

60.See“JacksonToasts,”NewburyportHerald,June22,1828;and“HumorousSketch,”NorwichCourier,April1,1829;“BarneyBlinn”(fromtheAugustaGeorgiaChronicle),NewLondonGazette,December19,1827.Forasongtitled“OdetoGeneralJackson,”inwhichhecuttheBritishwithhissaber,“knock’doffalltheirlegs,”butretainedtheeternaldevotionofhissupportersevenifhewas“shotthroughthehead,”seeCharlesMathews,TheLondonMathews;ContaininganAccountoftheCelebratedComedian’sJourneytoAmerica...(Philadelphia,1824),33–34.ForasatireofatypicalJacksonmanhavingnotroublewiththefactthatJacksonwasa“blundering,half-taught,ignoramus,”see“TheSubjoinedCommunication,”New-EnglandGalaxyandUnitedStatesLiteraryAdvertiser,November,7,1828.

61.“Mr.Jefferson’sOpinionofGen.Jackson—Settled,”IndianaJournal,January3,1828.62.Forthehappy-marriagedefenseofRachelJackson,seeNewHampshirePatriot&StateGazette,April23,1827.Theaccidentalbigamydefensewaspublishedwidelyinnewspapers;forexample,see[Portland,ME]EasternArgus,May8,1827.Forexposingthefallacyoftheaccidentalbigamystory,seeBurstein,ThePassionsofAndrewJackson,28–33,227–28,241–48;andAnnToplovich,“Marriage,Mayhem,andPresidentialPolitics:TheRobards-JacksonBackcountryScandal,”OhioValleyHistory5(Winter2005):3–22.

63.ForJacksonrobbinganothermanofhiswife,see“FromHarrisburgh,Pa.,”NewOrleansArgus,May17,1828;andCharlesHammond,“TheCharacterofAndrewJackson,”inTruth’sAdvocateandMonthlyAnti-JacksonAdvocate(Cincinnati,1828),216.

64.SeeBasch,“Marriage,Morals,andPoliticsintheElectionof1828,”903;CharlesHammond,“ViewofGeneralJackson’sDomesticRelations,”Truth’sAdvocateandMonthlyAnti-JacksonAdvocate,5;“Danavs.Mrs.Jackson,”RichmondEnquirer,May4,1827;and“Danavs.Mrs.Jackson,”NewHampshirePatriot&StateGazette,May21,1827.OnDana,seeJamesD.Daniels,“AmosKendall:KentuckyJournalist,1815–1829,”FilsonHistoricalQuarterly(1978):46–65,esp.55–56.AndforRachel’slogcabinimmorality,see“Mrs.Jackson,”RichmondEnquirer,May4,1827.Jacksonhimselfwasattackedasamulatto,whenarumorwasspreadthathismotherwasaBritishcampfollowerwhohadshackedupwithablackman.ThestoryfocusedonJackson’squestionablepedigree,what“stockorrace”Jacksonhadsprungfrom.See“RankVillainyandObscenity,”Charleston[SC]Mercury,August22,1828.

65.Forthewasherwomanreferenceandthesnidecommentonher“healthytannedcomplexion,”seeLynnHudsonParsons,TheBirthofModernPolitics:AndrewJackson,JohnQuincyAdamsandtheElectionof1828(NewYork:OxfordUniversityPress,2009),189;forherpronunciation,see“BritishScandal,”SalemGazette,April15,1828;forherfavoritesong,“PossumUpaGumTree,”see“Mrs.Jackson,”NewBedford[MA]Mercury,December5,1828;andforattackshasteningherdeath,see“Mrs.Jackson,”[Portland,ME]EasternArgusSemi-Weekly,February24,1829.

66.See“TheGameofBrag,”RichmondEnquirer,February29,1840.Forthetalkativecountrypolitician,seeGeorgeWatterston,WandererinWashington(Washington,DC,1827),3.ForJacksonasthe“KnightofNewOrleans,”see“ToastsataCelebrationinFlorida,”OrangeCountyPatriot,ortheSpiritofSeventy-Six,March14,1815.ForJacksonasthesaviorofhiscountry,seeJohnEaton,LettersofWyomingtothePeopleoftheUnitedStates,onthePresidentialElection,andinFavorofAndrewJackson(Philadelphia,1824),12.AndforJacksonasthe“Matchlesshero!Incomparableman!...Therecordsofchivalry,thepagesofhistorydonotfurnishamoreexaltedcharacterthanthat!,”seeWilliamP.VanNess,AConciseNarrativeofGeneralJackson’sFirstInvasionofFlorida,andofHisImmortalDefenseofNew-Orleans;withRemarks.ByAristides(Albany,NY,1827),29–30.Alsosee“Mr.J.W.Overton’sAddress,”CarthageGazette,June9,1815.In1824,supportersofAdamsclaimedtheywerenot“partoftheboisterousboastingpartofthepopulation,”butby1832theytoowerebraggingabouttheircandidate;see“Presidential,”MiddlesexGazette,June23,1824;forHenryClayandhisPartyasbraggarts,see“HenryClay,”RichmondEnquirer,August21,1832;fortheterm“electioneeringrag,”see“TotheEditoroftheGlobe,”RichmondEnquirer,August31,1832;forthe“gameofbrag”usedbynewspaperstodefendClay’sstrengthintheelection,see“PutUpYourCash!,”RhodeIslandRepublican,October2,1832;onbraggingandelections,see“FromtheNationalIntelligencer,”TheConnecticutCourant,

May25,1835;forapoemmockingthefailureoftheWhigParty’sbragging,see“TheWhigsLament,AftertheElectionin’35,”NewHampshirePatriot&StateGazette,June1,1835;onWhigsandthegameofbrag,see“GeneralHarrison,”RichmondEnquirer,July29,1836;and“Pennsylvania,”RichmondEnquirer,September27,1836.AftervisitingtheUnitedStates,EnglishwomanFrancisTrollopewrote,“EveryAmericanisabraggadocio.Heisalwaysboasting.”See“LeavesfromMrs.Trollope’sJournal,”ConnecticutMirror,September1,1832.

67.See“AChallenge.TheWalnutCracker,vs.theKnightoftheRedRag,”PendletonMessenger,August2,1820;thisstorywasoriginallypublishedinaTennesseepaperandreprintedhereinaPendleton,SouthCarolina,newspaper.Thiswasadueltobewagedoveraninfringementoftheboundarylinesbetweenthestates.Inissuinghischallenge,WalnutCracker,“insteadofaglove,”sendshimtheheadsofseveralmenhehadbittenoff.

68.JohnR.VanAtta,“‘ALawlessRabble’:HenryClayandtheCulturalPoliticsofSquatters’Rights,1832–1841,”JournaloftheEarlyRepublic28,no.3(Fall2008):337–78;andforClay’sremarkstakenfromhis1838speechintheSenate,alsosee“TheSquatterintheWhiteHouse,”Mississippian,September6,1844;Rohrbough,TheLandOfficeBusiness,162–63,169–75,235–36.Forafavorableportraitofsquattersandthepreemptiondebate,whichwasoriginallypublishedintheNewYorkPost,see“TheSquatters,”Mississippian,March24,1837,and“TheSquatters,”WisconsinTerritorialGazetteandBurlingtonAdvertiser,July10,1837.

69.MichaelE.Welsh,“LegislatingaHomesteadBill:ThomasHartBentonandtheSecondSeminoleWar,”FloridaHistoricalQuarterly27,no.1(October1978):157–72,esp.158–59;VanAtta,SecuringtheWest,181,226–28.

70.See“PublicExhibition.MammothHog,CornCracker.‘KentuckyAgainsttheWorld,’”[NewOrleans]DailyPicayune,June3,1840;GustavKobbe,“PresidentialCampaignSongs,”TheCosmopolitan(October1888),529–35,esp.531;andRobertGrayGunderson,TheLog-CabinCampaign(Lexington:UniversityofKentuckyPress,1957),1,8,75–77,102–3,110–15.InafakecampaignbiographyofMartinVanBuren,supposedlywrittenbyDavyCrockett,VanBurenismercilesslymockedasastrangehermaphroditicbreed;seeDavidCrockett,[AugustinSmithClayton]TheLifeofMartinVanBuren(Philadelphia,1835),27–28,79–81;andJ.D.Wade,“TheAuthorshipofDavidCrockett’s‘Autobiography,’”GeorgiaHistoricalQuarterly6,no.3(September1922):265–68.

71.JohnS.Robb,“TheStandingCandidate;HisExcuseforBeingaBachelor,”inStreaksofSquatterLife,orFarWestScenes(Philadelphia,1847),91–100.Robb’sstoryalsoappearedinnewspapers;see“TheStandingCandidate,”ClevelandHerald,March19,1847,and“OldSugar!TheStandingCandidate,”ArkansasStateDemocrat,June4,1847.Foranotherstoryofthegeneroussquatter(liketheolderbackwoodsmanstory)openinghishometothetraveler(anddisabusingreadersthatsquattersmightbeviolentmen),see“SketchesofMissouri,”[Hartford,CT]New-EnglandWeeklyReview,January22,1842.

72.SeeDanielDupre,“BarbecuesandPledges:ElectioneeringandtheRiseofDemocraticPoliticsinAntebellumAlabama,”JournalofSouthernHistory60,no.3(August1994):479–512,esp.484,490,496–97.Forthefearofsquattersmakingviolentthreatsagainstrivalbidders,see“LandSales,”NewHampshireSentinel,August13,1835.

73.AlexanderKeyssar,TheRighttoVote:TheContestedHistoryofDemocracyintheUnitedStates(NewYork:BasicBooks,2000),26,50–52;MarcW.Kruman,“TheSecondPartySystemandtheTransformationofRevolutionaryRepublicanism,”JournaloftheEarlyRepublic12,no.4(Winter1992):509–37,esp.517;RobertJ.Steinfeld,“PropertyandSuffrageintheEarlyRepublic,”StanfordLawReview41(January1989):335–76,esp.335,363,375;ThomasE.Jeffrey,“Beyond‘FreeSuffrage’:NorthCarolinaPartiesandtheConventionMovementofthe1850s,”NorthCarolinaHistoricalReview62,no.4(October1985):387–419,esp.415–16;FletcherM.Green,“DemocracyintheOldSouth,”JournalofSouthernHistory12,no.1(February1946):3–23.

74.ForJacksondraftingrestrictions,see“AnImpartialandTrueHistoryoftheLifeandServiceofMajorGeneralAndrewJackson,”NewOrleansArgus,February8,1828.OnFlorida,seeHerbertJ.DohertyJr.,“AndrewJacksononManhoodSuffrage:1822,”TennesseeHistoricalQuarterly15,no.1(March1956):57–60,esp.60.HaroldSyrettputitbest:“Jacksondidnotonceespouseapolicythatwasdesignedtoaidthemajorityortoweakenthecontroloftheminorityovergovernment”;seeHaroldC.Syrett,AndrewJackson,HisContributiontotheAmericanTradition(NewYork,1953),22.Liberia’suniversalsuffragelastednineyears,beforenew

restrictionswereimposedin1848.TheUnitedStateswasnotthefirstcountrytograntwomentherighttovoteeither;thathonorwenttoNewZealandin1893.Suffragerestrictionstargetingblacks,women,andthepoorcontinueduntiltheVotingRightsActof1965,andevennowtheUnitedStatesdisenfranchisesthepoor.SeeAdamPrzeworski,“ConqueredorGranted?AHistoryofSuffrageExtensions,”BritishJournalofPoliticalScience39,no.2(April2009):291–321,esp.291,295–96,314.

75.Forthecontrastingportraitsof“countrycrackers”listeningtoaspeechbyGeorgeMcDuffie,seeAugustaChronicleandGeorgiaAdvertiser,August18,1827.HenryClaywasattackedforcallingsettlers“squatters,”whichmeanta“term,denotinginfamyoflifeorstation”;see“DistinctiveFeaturesofDemocracy—OutlinesofFederalWhiggism—ConservativePeculiarities,”ArkansasStateGazette,October19,1842.

76.ForastoryofPresidentJohnQuincyAdamsmeetinga“backwoodsman,”see“LettertotheEditoroftheNew-YorkSpectator,”ConnecticutCourant,January27,1826;andJamesFenimoreCooper,NotionsoftheAmericans;PickedupbyaTravelingBachelor,2vols.(London,1828),1:87.

77.SarahBrown,“‘TheArkansasTraveller’:SouthwestHumoronCanvas,”ArkansasHistoricalQuarterly40,no.4(Winter1987):348–75,esp.349–50.Forasimilarperspective,inwhichpoorGeorgiacrackersareentertainedwithbarbecuesbutremaintrappedinalifeofdestitutionandignorance,see“AGeorgiaCracker,”Emancipator,March26,1840.

ChapterSix:PedigreeandPoorWhiteTrash:BadBlood,Half-Breeds,andClay-Eaters

1.Oneoftheearliestusesof“poorwhitetrash”appearedin1822fromGeorgetown,DC.Thiswasareportona“verynovelandwhimsicaltrial[that]cameoninourCircuitcourtonThursdaylast,NancySwannaladyofcolorwhosemightpowersofwitchcrafthavemadedeblackniggers,andthepoorwhitetrashtremble”;seeBangor[ME]Register,August1,1822.Intheearliestprintedreference,thewriterremarkedthathehadneverheard“whitetrash”usedinthisway;see“FromtheChronicleAnecdotes,”[Shawnee]IllinoisGazette,June23,1821.TheargumentthatpoorwhitesweremoremiserablethanslavesemergedindebatesovertheMissouriCompromise;see“SlaveryintheNewStates,”Hallowell[ME]Gazette,December8,1819.Andforpoorwhitelaboringclassesas“rudeanduncultivatedthanslavesthemselves,”alsosee“Maryland,”NilesWeeklyRegister,December15,1821.Forasatiricalpieceinwhichablackmanishorrifiedtohearthatwhitetrasharemarryingintofreeblackcircles,seeBaltimorePatriotandMercantileAdvertiser,April12,1831.ForthedescriptionofpoorwhitetrashatthefuneralofAndrewJacksoninWashingtonCity,seeNewYorkHerald,June30,1845.

2.EmilyP.Burke,ReminiscencesofGeorgia(Oberlin,OH,1850),205–6;“SandhillersofSouthCarolina,”ChristianAdvocateandJournal,August1,1851;“TheSandhillersofSouthCarolina,”OhioFarmer,January1,1857;“ClayforFood,”Ballou’sPictorialDrawing-RoomCompanion,July1,1858;“Clayeaters.FromMissBremer’s‘HomesoftheNewWorld,’”Youth’sCompanion(September21,1854):88;“PoorWhitesoftheSouth,”Freedom’sChampion,April11,1863;“PoorWhitesinNorthCarolina,”Freedom’sRecord,November1,1865.

3.GeorgeM.Weston,ThePoorWhitesoftheSouth(Washington,DC,1856),5;EricFoner,FreeSoil,FreeLabor,FreeMen:TheIdeologyoftheRepublicanPartyBeforetheCivilWar(NewYork:OxfordUniversityPress,1970;rev.ed.,1995),42,46–47.

4.DanielHundley,SocialRelationsinOurSouthernStates,ed.WilliamJ.CooperJr.(1860;reprinted.,BatonRouge:LouisianaStateUniversityPress,1979),xv,251,254,258.

5.HarrietBeecherStowe,Dred:ATaleoftheGreatDismalSwamp,ed.RobertS.Levine(1856;reprinted.,ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,2000),106–7,109,190–91,400;alsoseeAllisonL.Hurst,“BeyondthePale:PoorWhitesasUncontrolledContagioninHarrietBeechersStowe’sDred,”MississippiQuarterly63,no.3–4(Summer/Fall2010):635–53;andHintonRowanHelper,TheImpendingCrisisoftheSouth:HowtoMeetIt,ed.GeorgeM.Fredrickson(1857;reprinted.,Cambridge,MA:BelknapPressofHarvardUniversityPress,1968),ix,32,44–45,48–49,89,110,381.TheImpendingCrisissold13,000copiesin1857;anewandenlargedversionwaspublishedin1860,anditsoldover100,000copies,andHelperreportedthatitsoldasmanyas137,000copiesbyMay1860.SeeDavidBrown,SouthernOutcast:HintonRowanHelperand“TheImpendingCrisisoftheSouth”(BatonRouge:LouisianaStateUniversityPress,2006),1,130,148,182.

6.ThetreatywithMexicoadded339millionacres,Oregon181million,andtheGadsdenPurchase78million.Onthewar,seeThomasHietala,ManifestDesign:AmericanExceptionalismandEmpire,rev.ed.(Ithaca,NY:CornellUniversityPress,2003),2,10,36,40–42,49,52–53,81–83,200–201,230–31,251;AmyGreenberg,AWickedWar:Clay,Polk,andLincolnandthe1846InvasionofMexico(NewYork:Knopf,2012),25,55,61–63,67,78–79,84–85,95,100,104,259–61;JesseS.Reeves,“TheTreatyofGuadalupe-Hidalgo,”AmericanHistoricalReview10,no.2(January1905):309–24;JereW.Robinson,“TheSouthandthePacificRailroad,1845–1855,”WesternHistoricalQuarterly5,no.2(April1974):163–86.

7.Ontheincreasingpopularityofthisideology,seeReginaldHorsman,RaceandManifestDestiny:TheOriginsofAmericanRacialAnglo-Saxonism(Cambridge,MA:HarvardUniversityPress,1981),183,208–9,224–28,236–37.Franklin’stheorystillcarriedweightintheantebellumperiod.Onewriterclaimedthattherateofincreasedoubleseverytwenty-threeyears,thoughwhatmadetheargumentdifferentfromFranklinwastheinsistencethatoutofapopulationofseventeenmillion,“14,000,000wereoftheAnglo-Saxonrace.”See“America,”WeeklyMessenger(December7,1842):1502–3;alsosee“ProgressoftheAnglo-SaxonRace,”LiteraryWorld(July26,1851):72–73;andforAnglo-Saxons(UnitedStatesandGreatBritain)conqueringtheworldbytheirpopulationandtheirlanguage,see“TheAnglo-SaxonRace,”ChristianObserver,March22,1860.

8.“TheEducationoftheBlood,”AmericanMonthlyMagazine(January1837):1–7,esp.4.9.See“SpuriousPedigrees”and“AmericanBlood,”AmericanTurfRegisterandSportingMagazine(June1830andNovember1836):492–94and106–7;JohnLewis,“GenealogicalTablesofBloodedStock,”SpiritoftheTimes:AChronicleoftheTurf,Agriculture,FieldSports,LiteratureandtheStage(January14,1837):380;and“FromOurArmchair:TheRaces,”SouthernLiteraryJournalandMagazineofArts(March1837):84–86.

10.AlexanderWalker’sbookwasrepublishedinPhiladelphiain1853;alsosee“Intermarriage,”BritishandForeignMedicalRevieworQuarterlyJournalofPracticalMedicineandSurgery7(April1839):370–85.OrsonFowlerechoedJefferson,writing,“Farmerstakeextrapainstoseethattheirsheep,calves,colts,andevenpigs,shouldberaisedfromfirstratestock,yetpaynomannerofregardtotheparentageoftheirprospectivechildren.”Fowleralsodividedtheraces,andhearguedthatboththeIndianandAfricanwouldnaturallysuccumbtothesuperiorCaucasianrace.SeeOrsonSquireFowler,HereditaryDescent:ItsLawsandFactsAppliedtoHumanImprovement(NewYork,1848),36,44,66–69,80,92,100,125,127,135.Foranotherexampleofthisnewadviceliterature,seeDr.JohnPorter,BookofMen,Women,andBabies:TheLawsofGodAppliedtoObtaining,Rearing,andDevelopingofNatural,Healthful,andBeautifulHumanity(NewYork,1855),25,28–29,73,79,110,193;alsosee“RemarksonEducation,”AmericanPhrenologicalJournal,November1,1840;andforthesamelanguageof“attendingtopedigree”usedforcattlebreeding,see“EssayuponLivestock,”Farmer’sRegister;aMonthlyMagazine,February28,1838;alsosee“OurAnglo-SaxonAncestry,”Philanthropist,December8,1841;andforhereditarythinkingingeneral,seeCharlesRosenberg,NoOtherGods:OnScienceandAmericanSocialThought(Baltimore:JohnsHopkinsUniversityPress,1961),28,31–32,34,40,42;alsoseeRobynCooper,“DefinitionandControl:AlexanderWalker’sTrilogyonWoman,”JournaloftheHistoryofSexuality2,no.3(January1992):341–64,esp.343,345,347–48.

11.LawrencepublishedLectureonPhysiology,Zoology,andtheNaturalHistoryofManin1819.OnthedifferentschoolsofthoughttowhichLawrenceandNottbelonged,seeJohnHallerJr.,“TheSpeciesProblem:Nineteenth-CenturyConceptsonRacialInferiorityintheOriginsofManControversy,”AmericanAnthropologist72(1970):1319–29.ForNott’sargumentonmulattoesashybrids,andhisinsistencethatthepresent-day“Anglo-Saxonandnegroraces”are“distinctspecies,”seeJ.C.Nott,“TheMulattoaHybrid—ProbableExterminationoftheTwoRacesIftheWhitesandBlacksAreAllowedtoIntermarry,”BostonMedicalandSurgicalJournal,August16,1843;alsoseeReginaldHorsman,JosiahNottofMobile:Southerner,Physician,andRacialTheorist(BatonRouge:LouisianaStateUniversityPress,1987).

12.See“LiteraryNotices,”NorthernLight,September2,1844;Horsman,“ScientificRacismandtheAmericanIndianatMid-Century,”AmericanQuarterly27,no.2(May1975):152–68.

13.“InauguralAddress1836,”inFirstCongress—FirstSession.AnAccurateandAuthenticReportoftheProceedingsoftheHouseofRepresentatives.Fromthe3dofOctobertothe23dofDecember,byM.J.Favel(Columbia,TX,1836),67;SamHoustontoAntonioSantaAnna,March21,1842,inWritingsofSamHouston,1813–1863,eds.AmeliaW.WilliamsandEugeneC.Barker,8vols.(Austin,TX,1938),2:253;alsoseeCharlesEdwardLester,SamHoustonandHisRepublic(NewYork,1846),103.

14.ForHouston’sinaugurationceremonyandspeech,seeFirstCongress—FirstSession.AnAccurateandAuthenticReportoftheProceedingsoftheHouseofRepresentatives,57,65–69.TherewerenegativereportsofHoustonasa“base,andlostman,”livinginexilewithIndians,untiltheTexasRevolution;see“GeneralHouston,”RuralRepository,July16,1836.ColonelMirabeauLamar,aformerGeorgiapolitician,wasalsopraisedinthepressas“astatesman,apoet,andawarrior,”andthe“beauidealofSouthernchivalry”;see“AModernHerooftheOldSchool,”SpiritoftheTimes,June18,1836.Lamarcalledfor“anexterminatingwarupontheirwarriors,whichwilladmitnocompromiseandhavenoterminationexceptintheirtotalextinction.”Hehadnointentionofwaitinguntilnaturetookitscourse.SeeGaryClaytonAnderson,TheConquestofTexas:EthnicCleansinginthePromisedLand,1820–1875(Norman:UniversityofOklahomaPress,2005),174;alsoseeMarkM.Carroll,HomesteadsUngovernable:Families,Sex,RaceandtheLawinFrontierTexas,1823–1860(Austin:UniversityofTexasPress,2001),23–24,33–38,43;PeggyPascoe,WhatComesNaturally:MiscegenationLawandtheMakingofRaceinAmerica(NewYork:OxfordUniversityPress,2009),18,21.

15.OnGideonLincecum,seeMarkA.Largent,BreedingContempt:TheHistoryofCoercedSterilizationintheUnitedStates(NewBrunswick,NJ:RutgersUniversityPress,2011),11–12.

16.Carroll,HomesteadsUngovernable,3–5,11–13,17–19.17.Ibid.,42,46.ForthespeechesofJamesBuchananandLeviWoodbury,seeappendixtoCongressionalGlobe,Senate,28thCongress,1stSession,June1844,726,771.AlsoseeHorsman,RaceandManifestDestiny,217.Andforthemongrelnotionthatthe“Spaniardsgraftedthemselvesontheconqueredanddebasedaborigines,andthemongrelbloodbecamedullandindolent,”seeBrantzMayer,MexicoasItWasandasItIs(NewYork,1844),333.

18.WilliamW.Freehling,TheRoadtoDisunion:SecessionistsatBay,1776–1854(NewYork:OxfordUniversityPress),419;Greenberg,AWickedWar,69–70;Hietala,ManifestDesign,5,26–34,40–43,50.ForBenjaminRush’stheory,seechapter5ofthisbook.ForRobertWalker’sspeechonTexasannexation,seeappendixtoCongressionalGlobe,Senate,28thCongress,1stSession,June1844,557;RobertWalker,LetterofMr.Walker,ofMississippi,RelativetotheAnnexationofTexas(Washington,DC,1844),14–15;Horsman,RaceandManifestDestiny,215–17;andStephenHartnett,“SenatorRobertWalker’s1844LetteronTexasAnnexation:TheRhetoricalLogicofImperialism,”AmericanStudies38,no.1(Spring1997):27–54,esp.32–33.ForNott’smisuseofcensusdata,seeC.LoringBrace,“The‘Ethnology’ofJosiahClarkNott,”JournalofUrbanHealth50,no.4(April1974):509–28;andAlbertDeutsch,“TheFirstU.S.CensusoftheInsane(1840)andItsUseasPro-SlaveryPropaganda,”BulletinoftheHistoryofMedicine15(1944):469–82.

19.SpeechonTexasannexationbyalexanderStephens,AppendixofCongressionalGlobe,28thCongress,2ndSession,HouseofRepresentatives,January25,1845,313.WalkerturnedTexasintoanorganicbody,with“veinsandarteries,”thathadtobereunitedwiththeUnitedStatestohealthewoundsofa“mutilatedstate.”SeeLetterofMr.Walker,9;Horsman,RaceandManifestDestiny,218.

20.Onmaritalannexations,seeNancyIsenberg,SexandCitizenshipinAntebellumAmerica(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,1998),140;JamesM.McCaffrey,ArmyofManifestDestiny:TheAmericanSoldierintheMexicanWar,1846–1848(NewYork:NewYorkUniversityPress,1992),200;andonCaveJohnsonCouts,seeMichaelMagliari,“FreeSoil,UnfreeLabor:CaveJohnsonCoutsandtheBindingofIndianWorkersinCalifornia,1850–1867,”PacificHistoricalReview73,no.3(August2004):349–90,esp.359,363–65.OnPolk’srelationshipwithCouts,seeGreenberg,AWickedWar,69.Thewarunleashedafloodofracistpropaganda;seeLotaM.Spell,“TheAnglo-SaxonPressinMexico,1846–1848,”AmericanHistoricalReview38,no.1(October1932):20–31,esp.28,30.

21.OnTexasriffraff,seeCarroll,HomesteadsUngovernable,4,79,84–86.Forhalf-breedsand“mongreldandyism,”seeCharlesWinterfield,“AdventuresontheFrontierofTexasandCalifornia:No.III,”TheAmericanReview;AWhigJournalofPolitics,Literature,ArtandScience(November1845):504–17.AmericansdescribedthepopulationofCaliforniaasa“mongrelrace,”acompositeoftheworsttraitsofthe“arroganceoftheSpanishandthelazinessofIndians”;see“Californiain1847andNow,”Ballou’sPictorialDrawing-RoomCompanion,February6,1858.

22.ForNativeAmericansusedasindenturedservants,seeMargliari,“FreeSoil,UnfreeLabor,”349–58.OnusingIndiansasslaveandservantlabor,see“California—ItsPositionandProspects,”UnitedStatesMagazineandDemocraticReview(May1849):412–27.ThesamekindsofappealsweremadetorecruitmarriageablewomentoFlorida;seeNewBedfordMercury,September4,1835.NovelistElizaFarnhamwrotepromotionalliterature

forrecruitingwomentoCalifornia;seeherCalifornia,IndoorandOutdoor,HowWeFarm,Mine,andLiveGenerallyintheGoldenState(NewYork,1856);alsoseeNancyJ.Taniguchi,“WeavingaDifferentWorld:WomenandtheCaliforniaGoldRush,”CaliforniaHistory79,no.2(Summer2000):141–68,esp.142–44,148.FortheFrenchcaricature,seeLeCharivari,ca.1850,PictureCollection,CaliforniaStateLibrary.OnimportingwomentoCaliforniaendingspinsterhood,see“AColloquialChapteronCelibacy,”UnitedStatesMagazineandDemocraticReview(December1848):533–42,esp.537.OnthesexratioimbalanceinCalifornia,claimingtherewerethreehundredmentoeverywoman,see“LettersfromCalifornia:SanFrancisco,”HomeJournal,March3,1849.

23.SeeSuchengChan,“APeopleofExceptionalCharacter:EthnicDiversity,Nativism,andRacismintheCaliforniaGoldRush,”CaliforniaHistory79,no.2(Summer2000):44–85;HintonRowanHelper,TheLandofGold:RealityVersusFiction(Baltimore,1855),264.

24.Helper,LandofGold,264;Brown,SouthernOutcast,25–26.25.Helper,LandofGold,166,214,221–22,268,272–73,275.HelperalsousedtheoldallusiontoIndiansdisappearinglikemeltingsnow;seeLauraM.Stevens,“TheChristianOriginsoftheVanishingIndian,”inMortalRemains:DeathinEarlyAmerica,eds.NancyIsenbergandAndrewBurstein(Philadelphia:UniversityofPennsylvaniaPress,2003),17–30,esp.18.

26.Helper,LandofGold,38–39,47,92,94,96,111.27.Ibid.,121–30.Helper’sdescriptionofthedefeatedbullbecomesamodelforhowhedescribeddefeatedpoorwhitesinthesouthernstates.HewrotethatintheSouththefreewhitelaboreris“treatedasifhewasaloathsomebeast,andshunnedwithutmostdisdain...heisaccountedasnobody,andwouldbedeemedpresumptuous,ifhedaredopenhismouth,evensowidetogivefaintutterancetoathree-letteredmonosyllable,likeyeaornay,inthepresenceoftheaugustknightofthewhipandthelash”;seeTheImpendingCrisis,41.

28.Helper,LandofGold,150,152–60,180–82,185;Helper,TheImpendingCrisis,42,49,89,102–3,101–11.29.Foner,FreeSoil,FreeLabor,FreeMen,166;RichardH.Sewell,AHouseDivided:SectionalismandCivilWar,1848–1865(Baltimore:JohnsHopkinsUniversityPress,1988),52–55;alsoseeJohnBigelow,MemoiroftheLifeandPublicServicesofJohnCharlesFremont(NewYork,1856),50–53.

30.Onpoorwhitesasrefugeesandexiles,see“SlaveryandthePoorWhiteMan,”Philanthropist,May31,1843.Onslaverydepopulatingtheearthofherwhiteinhabitants,andcreatingaclassandpoliticalhierarchyintheSouthbetweentheslaveownersandthe“vasselstoslaveowners,”see“SlaveryandthePoorWhiteMenofVirginia,”NationalEra,January11,1849.On“land-sharks,”seeHelper,TheImpendingCrisis,151.

31.OnDavidWilmot,seeFoner,FreeSoil,FreeLabor,FreeMen,60,116;JonathanH.Earle,JacksonianAntislaveryandthePoliticsofFreeSoil,1824–1854(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,2004),1–3,27–37,123–39;alsosee“Slavery,”Workingman’sAdvocate,June22,1844;and“ProgressTowardsFreeSoil,”and“TheHomestead,”YoungAmerica,January17,February21,1846.OnthedefeatoftheHomesteadBillof1854,seeGeraldWolff,“TheSlavocracyandtheHomesteadProblemof1854,”AgriculturalHistory40,no.2(April1966):101–12.

32.Seereportofspeechin“SlaveryinKentucky,”Philanthropist,May5,1841.Wilmotprivatelyusedtheargumentsofbloodtoattackthesouthernwhiteslaveholder,claimingthat“menbornandnursedbywhitewomenarenotgoingtoberuledbymenwhowerebroughtuponthemilkofsomedamnNegrowench!”Inthetheoryofthetime,asstatedearlier,thequalityofbloodlineswaspassedthroughamother’smilk.FortheWilmotquote,seeEarle,JacksonianAntislavery,131.

33.OnFrémont’sacceptancespeech,seeBigelow,MemoiroftheLifeandPublicServicesofJohnCharlesFremont,458;alsosee“Americavs.America,”Liberator,July22,1842;andHelper,TheImpendingCrisis,42,121,149,376.

34.Helper,TheImpendingCrisis,67–72,90–91;Weston,ThePoorWhitesoftheSouth;andonhowsouthernersusedtheagriculturaladdresstolamentsoutherndecline,seeDrewGilpinFaust,“TheRhetoricandRitualofAgricultureinAntebellumSouthCarolina,”JournalofSouthernHistory45,no.4(November1979):541–68.

35.Forthedescriptionof“Hard-scratch,”seeWarrenBurton,WhiteSlavery:ANewEmancipationCausePresentedtotheUnitedStates(Worcester,MA,1839),168–69;andHenryDavidThoreau,“SlaveryinMassachusetts,”inReformPapers,ed.WendellGlick(Princeton,NJ:PrincetonUniversityPress,1973),109;andforadiscussionofthispoint,seeJenniferRaeGreeson,OurSouth:GeographicFantasyandtheRiseofNationalLiterature(Cambridge,MA:HarvardUniversityPress,2010),207.

36.Stowe,Dred,105–6,190–93.37.JeffForret,RaceRelationsattheMargins:SlavesandPoorWhitesintheAntebellumSouthernCountryside(BatonRouge:LouisianaStateUniversityPress,2006),112;TimothyJamesLockley,LinesintheSand:RaceandClassinLowcountryGeorgia,1750–1860(Athens:UniversityofGeorgiaPress,2001),115,129,164.

38.Forret,RaceRelationsattheMargins,29,97,105,112;andforGregg’sspeech,seeHelper,TheImpendingCrisis,377;alsoseeTomDowney,“RiparianRightsandManufacturinginAntebellumSouthCarolina:WilliamGreggandtheOriginsofthe‘IndustrialMind,’”JournalofSouthernHistory65,no.1(February1999):77–108,esp.95;andThomasP.Martin,“TheAdventofWilliamGreggandtheGrantvilleCompany,”JournalofSouthernHistory11,no.3(August1945):389–423.

39.OnNewOrleanslaborersandpoorwhitemenandwomeninthefields,seeHelper,TheImpendingCrisis,299–301;alsoseeSethRockman,ScrapingBy:WageLabor,Slavery,andSurvivalinEarlyBaltimore(Baltimore:JohnsHopkinsUniversityPress,2009).

40.Ontheclassbarrierstosocialmobilityamongpoorwhites,seeCharlesC.Bolton,PoorWhitesoftheAntebellumSouth:TenantsandLaborersinCentralNorthCarolinaandNortheastMississippi(Durham,NC:DukeUniversityPress,1994),14,25,27–29,53,67,69,94;andStephenA.West,FromYeomantoRedneckintheSouthCarolinaUpcountry,1850–1915(Charlottesville:UniversityofVirginiaPress,2008),28–39,43–44.Onthedecliningopportunitiesfornonslaveholdingwhites,seeGavinWright,ThePoliticalEconomyoftheCottonSouth:Households,Markets,andWealthintheNineteenthCentury(NewYork:Norton,1978),24–42.

41.Stowe,Dred,27,37,109,194.42.SeeWilliamCooper’sintroductioninHundley,SocialRelationsinOurSouthernStates,xv–xx.43.Hundley,SocialRelationsinOurSouthernStates,xxxii–xxxiii,27–29,31,34–36,40–41,43–44,60,70–71,82,91,198,226,239,251,255–57.

44.Stowe,Dred,81,83,86–87,89–90,99,107–9,190–94,400,543,549.45.“CuriousRaceinGeorgia,”ScientificAmerican,July31,1847.EmilyPillsburyofNewHampshiretookateachingpositionattheSavannahFemaleOrphanAsylumin1840andstayedintheSouthfornineyears.ShemarriedtheReverendA.B.Burkewhilethere,buthediedandsheleftforOhio.SeeBurke,ReminiscencesofGeorgia,206.Forthe“abnormalclassesintheslavestates,”alsosee“Selections:ManifestDestinyoftheAmericanUnion,”Liberator,October30,1857(reprintedfromtheEnglishpublicationtheWestminsterReview).

46.Onwhitetrashwomenasawretchedspecimenofmaternity,see“UptheMississippi,”Putnam’sMonthlyMagazineofAmericanLiterature,Science,andArt(October1857):433–56,esp.456.Ontheirstrangecomplexionandhair,seeBurke,ReminiscencesofGeorgia,206;“SandhillersofSouthCarolina,”ChristianAdvocateandJournal,August7,1851;“TheSandhillersofSouthCarolina,”OhioFarmer,January31,1857;“Clay-Eaters,”Ballou’sPictorialDrawing-RoomCompanion,July31,1858.Onclay-eatinginfants,see“ThePoorWhitesoftheSouth,”Freedom’sChampion,April11,1863;andHundley,SocialRelationsinOurSouthernStates,264–65.

47.IsabellaD.MartinandMyrtaLockettAvary,eds.,ADiaryfromDixie,asWrittenbyMaryBoykinChesnut(NewYork,1905),400–401.

48.Hammondalsoclaimedthatmulattoesexistedprimarilyinthecitiesandresultedfromsexbetweennortherners/foreignersandblacks.Hecalledthem“mongrels.”OnHammond,seeDrewGilpinFaust,JamesHenryHammondandtheOldSouth:ADesignforMastery(BatonRouge:LouisianaStateUniversityPress,1982),278–82;andJamesH.Hammond,TwoLettersonSlaveryintheUnitedStates,AddressedtoThomasClarkson,Esq.(Columbia,SC,1845),10–11,17,26,28.Onothersintheproslaveryintelligentsia,seeDrewGilpinFaust,“ASouthernStewardship:TheIntellectualandProslaveryArgument,”AmericanQuarterly31,no.1(Spring1979):63–80,esp.67,73–74;andLaurenceShore,SouthernCapitalists:PoliticsandIdeologyinAntebellumSouthCarolina(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,2000),43.

49.OnTucker,seeFaust,“ASouthernStewardship,”74.OntheRichmondEnquirer,see“WhiteSlavery—ThePrivilegedClass,”NationalEra,January24,1856.AndontheRepublicanreactiontothisconservativesoutherndefenseofslavery,see“CharlesSumner’sSpeech,”OhioStateJournal,June19,1860.AlsoseeHundley,SocialRelationsinOurSouthernStates,272.PeterKolchinhasarguedthatproslaverydefendersturnedtodefendingservitudewithoutregardtocomplexion;seeKolchin,“InDefenseofServitude:ProslaveryandRussianPro-SerfdomArguments,1760–1860,”AmericanHistoricalReview85,no.4(October1980):809–27,esp.814–17.

50.ThedecisionwasissuedonMarch6,1857.JusticeTaneyinsistedthattheDeclarationofIndependencedidnotrefertoslavesordescendantsoftheAfricanrace.Hearguedthattherewasnodistinctionbetweentheslaveandfreeblackormulatto,andthata“stigma”and“deepestdegradation”wasforeverappliedtothewholerace.This“impassablebarrier”wasinplacebythetimeoftheRevolutionandthefederalConstitutionalConvention.Hefurtherinsistedthattheblackracewassetapartby“indeliblemarks.”HeupheldtheideathatDredScottwasa“NegroofAfricandescent;hisancestorswereofpureAfricanblood.”SeeScottv.Sandford,19How.393(U.S.,1856),396–97,403,405–7,409–10,419.Ontheimportanceofpedigree,seeJamesH.Kettner,TheDevelopmentofAmericanCitizenship,1608–1870(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,1978),326,328.TaneyhadrejectedtheauthorityoftheNorthwestOrdinanceinanearlier1851decision,whichhethenusedintheDredScottdecision;seeWilliamWiecek,“SlaveryandAbolitionBeforetheSupremeCourt,”JournalofAmericanHistory65,no.1(June1978):34–58,esp.54,56.Taneywasabletoinsistthattherewasnodifferencebetweenslavesandfreeblacksbecauseheplacedallthedescendantsoftheentireraceintoonesinglecategory—againprovingtheimportanceofpedigree.AlsoseeDanE.Fehrenbacher,Slavery,Law,andPolitics:TheDredScottCaseinHistoricalPerspective(NewYork:OxfordUniversityPress,1981),187–98.

ChapterSeven:Cowards,Poltroons,andMudsills:CivilWarasClassWarfare

1.SeetheaccountofthearrivalandspeechofPresidentJeffersonDavisinMontgomery,Alabama,intheCharleston[SC]Mercury,February19,1861,inJeffersonDavis,Constitutionalist:HisLetters,PapersandSpeeches,ed.DunbarRowland,10vols.(Jackson:MississippiDepartmentofArchivesandHistory,1923),5:47–48.

2.ThomasJeffersonsawnationalunityasrootedinsharedculturalvaluesandnationalstocks.HewrotethattoomanyimmigrantswouldturnAmericaintoa“heterogeneous,incoherent,distractedmass.”HewishedfortheU.S.governmenttobe“morehomogeneous,morepeaceable,moredurable”bylimitingimmigrants.SeeJefferson,NotesontheStateofVirginia,84–85.Othersusedthe“onefleshtrope,”suchasthewriterwhoarguedthatallthesouthernslavestatesweremetaphoricallymarriedand“noYankeeshallputasunder”;seeRichmondExaminer,October19,1861.

3.Davisused“degeneratesons”infourspeechesand“degeneratedescendants”inanother.ForhisFebruary18,1861,speech,seeRowland,ed.,JeffersonDavis,5:48;forotherreferences,seeibid.,4:545;5:4,391;6:573.

4.ForDavis’sspeechofDecember26,1862,see“JeffDavisontheWar:HisSpeechBeforetheMississippiLegislature,”NewYorkTimes,January14,1863.

5.See“SpeechofJeffersonDavisatRichmond”(takenfromtheRichmondDailyEnquirer,January7,1863),Rowland,JeffersonDavis,5:391–93.

6.Ontheimportanceofdemonizingtheenemy,seeJasonPhillips,DiehardRebels:TheConfederateCultureofInvincibility(Athens:UniversityofGeorgiaPress,2007),40–41.

7.OnmaskingdivisionswithintheConfederacy,seePaulEscott,AfterSecession:JeffersonDavisandtheFailureofConfederateNationalism(BatonRouge:LouisianaStateUniversityPress,1978);andGeorgeC.Rable,TheConfederateRepublic:ARevolutionAgainstPolitics(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,1994),27;MichaelP.Johnson,TowardaPatriarchalRepublic:TheSecessionofGeorgia(BatonRouge:LouisianaStateUniversityPress,1977),41.OnsouthernersfightingfortheUnion,seeWilliamW.Freehling,TheSouthvs.theSouth:HowAnti-ConfederatesShapedtheCourseoftheCivilWar(NewYork:OxfordUniversityPress,2001),xiii.Onclassstrife,seeDavidWilliams,RichMan’sWar:Class,Caste,andConfederateDefeatintheLowerChattahoocheeValley(Athens:UniversityofGeorgiaPress,1998);andWayneK.Durrill,WarofAnotherKind:SouthernCommunityinGreatRebellion(NewYork:OxfordUniversityPress,1990).AndondissentintheSouthduringthewar,seeVictoriaE.Bynum,TheLongShadowoftheCivilWar:SouthernDissentandItsLegacies(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,2010);andDanielE.Sutherland,ed.,Guerrillas,Unionists,andViolenceontheConfederateHomefront(Fayetteville:UniversityofArkansasPress,1999).

8.TheNewYorkHeraldreprintedthequoteandclaimedthatthearticlecamefromtheMuskogeeHeraldinAlabama.TheNewYorkHeraldwritercomplainedthatthiswasoneofmanyattacksthatcouldbefoundinnumeroussouthernnewspapersinVirginia,Mississippi,Louisiana,SouthCarolina,andAlabama.See“RidiculousAttacksoftheSouthupontheNorth,andViceVersa,”NewYorkHerald,September16,1856.

9.Forthebannerof“greasymechanic,”see“GreatTorchlightProcession!ImmenseDemonstrations,”BostonDailyAtlas,October1856.

10.SpeechofJeffersonDavisatAberdeen,Mississippi,May26,1851,inRowland,JeffersonDavis,2:73–74.HemadeasimilarargumentinaspeechbeforetheMississippilegislature,November16,1858;seeibid.,3:357.ThisideawaswidelyusedintheSouthbyrulingelitestoreaffirmtheallegianceofpoorwhites;seeWilliams,RichMan’sWar,28;andWilliamJ.Harris,PlainFolkandGentryinaSlaveSociety:WhiteLibertyandBlackSlaveryinAugusta’sHinterlands(Middletown,CT:WesleyanUniversityPress,1985),75.

11.“Offscourings,”whichcanbetracedbacktoEnglishinsultsaimedatvagrants,wasaviciousslur.Itmeantfecalwaste—dispellingtheworstremainsfromtheliningoftheintestines.OnurbanroughsandtheUnionarmy,seeLorienFoote,TheGentlemenandtheRoughs:Violence,Honor,andManhoodintheUnionArmy(NewYork:NewYorkUniversityPress,2010).Onimmigrants,seeTylerAnbinder,“WhichPoorMan’sFight?ImmigrantsandFederalConscriptionof1863,”CivilWarHistory52,no.4(December,2006):344–72.OnUnionmenasworsethan“GothsandVandals,”see“TheCharacteroftheComingCampaign,”NewYorkHerald,April28,1861.TheConfederacyrefusedtorecognizeblacksoldiersassoldiers,orasprisonersofwar,andpromiseddeathtoanyUnionofficercommandingsuchtroops;seeDudleyTaylorCornish,TheSableArm:BlackTroopsintheUnionArmy,1861–1865(1956;reprinted.,Lawrence:UniversityPressofKansas,1987),158–63,178.

12.JamesHammond,SpeechtotheU.S.Senate,March4,1858,CongressionalGlobe,35thCongress,1stSession,Appendix,71;alsoseeFaust,JamesHenryHammondandtheOldSouth,374.

13.Hammond,SpeechtotheU.S.Senate,74.TheequationoftheRepublicanParty(anditsphilosophy)withasocialistrevolutionwascommonamongsouthernwriters;seeHarris,PlainFolkandGentry,138;andManishaSinha,TheCounter-RevolutionofSlavery:PoliticsandIdeologyinAntebellumSouthCarolina(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,2000),191,223–29.

14.For“RedRepublicans,”see“TheWaruponSociety—Socialism,”DeBow’sReview(June1857):633–44.OnblackRepublicansmakingslavestheequalsofpoorwhites,seeWilliams,RichMan’sWar,47;alsoseeArthurCole,“Lincoln’sElectionanImmediateMenacetoSlaveryintheStates?,”AmericanHistoricalReview36,no.4(July1931):740–67,esp.743,745,747.Forthethreatofamalgamation,seeGeorgeM.Fredrickson,“AManbutNotaBrother:AbrahamLincolnandRacialEquality,”JournalofSouthernHistory41,no.1(February1975):39–58,esp.54.Andforrace-mixingchargesduringLincoln’sreelectioncampaign,seeEliseLemire,“Miscegenation”:MakingRaceinAmerica(Philadelphia:UniversityofPennsylvaniaPress,2002),115–23.

15.AlexanderStephens,“SlaverytheCornerstoneoftheConfederacy,”speechgiveninSavannah,March21,1861,inGreatDebatesinAmericanHistory:StatesRights(1798–1861);Slavery(1858–1861),ed.MarionMillsMiller,14vols.(NewYork,1913),5:287,290.

16.ForWigfall’sremarks,see“ProceedingsoftheConfederateCongress,”SouthernHistoricalSocietyPapers(Richmond,VA,1959),52:323.Forthebootblackreference,see“LatestfromtheSouth,”[NewOrleans]DailyPicayune,February15,1865.Forclasscomponentsofhisspeech,see“TheSpringCampaign—Davis’LastDodge,”NewYorkDailyHerald,February9,1865.AlsoseeEdwardS.Cooper,LouisTrezevantWigfall:TheDisintegrationoftheUnionandtheCollapseoftheConfederacy(Lanham,MD:FairleighDickinsonUniversityPress,2012),137–40.

17.Williams,RichMan’sWar,184.Onconscription,seeAlbertBurtonMoore,ConscriptionandConflictintheConfederacy(NewYork,1924),14–18,34,38,49,53,67,70–71,308.Ondesertionandtheunequalburdenofmilitaryservice,seeScottKing-Owen,“ConditionalConfederates:AbsenteeismAmongWesternNorthCarolinaSoldiers,1861–1865,”CivilWarHistory57(2011):349–79,esp.377;Rable,TheConfederateRepublic,294;andJaimeAmandaMartinez,“FortheDefenseoftheState:SlaveImpressmentinConfederateVirginiaandNorthCarolina”(Ph.D.dissertation,UniversityofVirginia,2008).SomeGeorgiansthoughtthatarmingslaveswoulddispelthecriesof“richman’swarandpoorman’sfight”andconvincewhitedeserterstorejointheConfederateranks;seePhilipD.Dillard,“TheConfederateDebateoverArmingSlaves:ViewfromMaconandAugustaNewspapers,”GeorgiaHistoricalQuarterly79,no.1(Spring1995):117–46,esp.145.

18.OntheattitudesandpolicyofUniongenerals,seeMarkGrimsley,TheHardHandofWar:UnionMilitaryPolicyTowardSouthernCivilians,1861–1865(NewYork:CambridgeUniversityPress,1995);andUlyssesS.Grant:MemoirsandSelectedLetters(NewYork:LibraryofAmerica,1990),148–49.Grantusedthesamefive-to-onereferenceinaletterwrittenduringthewar.Healsovoicedasimilarviewamidthewarthatthe“war

couldbeendedatonceifthewholeSouthernpeoplecouldexpresstheirunbiasedfeelinguntrammeledbyleaders.”SeeGranttoJesseRootGrant,August3,1861,andGranttoJuliaDentGrant,June12,1862,inibid.,972,1009.OnHintonRowanHelper,LandofGold(1855),seechapter6ofthisbook.

19.TheIrrepressibleConflict.ASpeechbyWilliamH.Seward,DeliveredatRochester,Monday,Oct25,1858(NewYork,1858),1–2.

20.See“TheDestiniesoftheSouth:MessageofHisExcellency,JohnH.Means,Esq.,GovernmentoftheStateofSouth-Carolina,...November1852,”SouthernQuarterlyReview(January1853):178–205,esp.198;alsoseeJamesHammond,GovernorHammond’sLettersonSouthernSlavery:AddressedtoThomasClarkson,theEnglishAbolitionist(Charleston,SC,1845),21;JeffersonDavis,“ConfederateStateofAmerica—MessagetoCongress,April29,1861,”inACompilationoftheMessagesandPapersoftheConfederacy,ed.JamesD.Richardson,2vols.(Nashville:UnitedStatesPublishingCo.,1906),1:68;andChristaDierksheideandPeterS.Onuf,“SlaveholdingNation,SlaveholdingCivilization,”inIntheCauseofLiberty:HowtheCivilWarRedefinedAmericanIdeals,eds.WilliamJ.CooperJr.andJohnM.McCardellJr.(BatonRouge:LouisianaStateUniversityPress,2009):9–24,esp.9,22–23.

21.“TheUnion:ItsBenefitsandDangers,”SouthernLiteraryMessenger(January1,1861):1–4,esp.4;and“TheAfricanSlaveTrade,”SouthernLiteraryMessenger(August1861):105–13;alsoseeRable,TheConfederateRepublic,55.OnthereactiontoHelper’sbook,seeBrown,SouthernOutcast;andWilliams,RichMan’sWar,31–32.

22.SeeMemoironSlavery,ReadBeforetheSocietyfortheAdvancementofLearning,ofSouthCarolina,atItsAnnualMeetingatColumbia.1837.ByChancellorHarper(Charleston,SC,1838),23–24.OnlowerliteracyratesandfeweropportunitiesforthepoortoreceiveacommonschooleducationintheSouth,seeCarlKaestle,PillarsoftheRepublic:CommonSchoolingandAmericanSociety,1780–1860(NewYork,1893),195,206;JamesM.McPherson,DrawnwiththeSword:ReflectionsontheAmericanCivilWar(NewYork:OxfordUniversityPress,1996),19.Estimatesonilliteracyvarywidely.McPhersonchosethelowernumberofathree-to-onemargininilliteracyratesbetweenslaveandnorthernstates.WayneFlyntnotedthatthe1850federalcensusannouncedthatilliteracyratesamongwhiteswere20.3percentintheslavestates,3percentinthemiddlestates,and.42percentinNewEngland.Thatmakesitover40:1withNewEnglandand7:1forthemiddlestates.SeeWayneFlynt,Dixie’sForgottenPeople:TheSouth’sPoorWhites(Bloomington:IndianaUniversityPress,1979),8.OnthecallforaConfederatepublishingtrade,seeMichaelT.Bernath,ConfederateMinds:TheStruggleforIntellectualIndependenceintheCivilWarSouth(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,2013).

23.See“TheDifferencesofRaceBetweentheNorthernandSouthernPeople,”SouthernLiteraryMessenger(June1,1860):401–9,esp.403.OnpatricianruleintheSouth,seeFrankAlfriend,“ASouthernRepublicandNorthernDemocracy,”SouthernLiteraryMessenger(May1,1863):283–90.Ontemptingthepoor,see“MessageofGov.JosephE.Brown,”November7,1860,inTheConfederateRecordsofGeorgia,ed.AllenD.Candler,5vols.(Atlanta,1909–11),1:47;WilliamW.FreehlingandCraigM.Simpson,SecessionDebated:GeorgiaShowdownin1860(NewYork:OxfordUniversityPress,1992);BernardE.PowersJr.,“‘TheWorstofAllBarbarism’:RacialAnxietyandtheApproachofSecessioninthePalmettoState,”SouthCarolinaHistoricalMagazine112,no.3/4(July–October2011):139–56,esp.151;Harris,PlainFolkandGentry,134.Andonvigilantesocietiesand“MinuteMen”companies,seeWest,FromYeomantoRedneck,68–69,76–81,84,91–92.Northernobserversinthesouthernstateswrotethatmanypoorwhitesopposedsecessionbutfelt“forcedtomaintainsilence.”See“ThePoorWhitesattheSouth—LetterfromaMilwaukeeManinFlorida,”MilwaukeeDailySentinel,April15,1861.AlfriendrepeatedthesameargumentasGovernorBrown,thattheLincolnadministrationwouldwinoverthepoorwhitesby“alltheglozingartsatthecommandofhimselfandhisadroitadvisers,hewillflatterthevanityandpamperthegraspingandindolentpropensitiesofthepeopleforfederalbountiesandcheaplands,”andthattheRepublicanmessagewillpeculatedowntothe“lowerstrataofSouthernsociety.”HealsopredictedthatwhatawaitedtheSouthwaseitherawarofconquestoraclasswar:“Ifnotconquest,itwillbecivilwar,notbetweentheNorthandSouth,butbetweentheslaveholderandthenon-slaveholderbackedbytheNorth.”See“Editor’sTable,”SouthernLiteraryMessenger(December1,1860):468–74,esp472.

24.JamesD.B.DeBowwasaSouthCarolinianwhorelocatedtoNewOrleanstopublishhisownperiodical.AtfirsttitledtheCommercialReviewoftheSouthandWest,itlaterbecameDeBow’sReview.Althoughearlyinhis

careerheadvocatedpubliceducationandindustrializationintheSouth,hefullyembracedthesecessionistrhetoricthat“cottonisKing”andslaverywasthemajorsourceoftheSouth’ssuperiority.DeBowpublishedTheInterestinSlaveryoftheSouthernNon-Slaveholderasapamphletin1860,andthenrepublishedthepieceasarticlesintheCharlestonMercuryandDeBow’sReview.SeeJamesDeBow,“TheNon-SlaveholdersoftheSouth:TheirInterestinthePresentSectionalControversyIdenticalwithThatofSlaveholders,”DeBow’sReview,vol.30(January1861):67–77;EricH.Walther,“PloughsharesComeBeforePhilosophy:JamesD.B.DeBow,”inTheFire-Eaters(BatonRouge:LouisianaStateUniversityPress,1992),195–227;andSinha,TheCounter-RevolutionofSlavery,234.GovernorJosephBrownofGeorgiamadeasimilarappealtopoorwhites;hepraisedthehighwagesintheSouth,andwarnedthatifslaverywaseliminatedpoorwhiteswouldloselegalandsocialstatusandslaveswouldplunderthoselivinginthemountainousregionofthestate—aregionknownforahighproportionofpoorernonslaveholders.Elitesecessionistspraisedhisappealandfeltitwas“wellcalculatedtoarousethem”tothecauseofsecessionandwouldfortifytheirmindsagainstallappealsthatmight“arraythepooragainstthewealthy.”SeeJohnson,TowardaPatriarchalRepublic,49–51.

25.Rable,TheConfederateRepublic,32–35,40–42,50–51,60–61;Johnson,TowardaPatriarchalRepublic,63–65,110,117–23,153,156;WilliamC.Davis,JeffersonDavis:TheManandHisHour(BatonRouge:LouisianaStateUniversityPress,1991),308;StephanieMcCurry,ConfederateReckoning:PowerandPoliticsintheCivilWarSouth(Cambridge,MA:HarvardUniversityPress,2010),51,55,63,75,81;andG.EdwardWhite,“RecoveringtheLegalHistoryoftheConfederacy,”WashingtonandLeeLegalReview68(2011):467–554,esp.483.TheSouthernLiteraryMessengerfeltthatconstitutionalreformshouldrestrictthefranchisefrom“classesincapableofexercisingitjudicially,”thusfreeingtheConfederategovernmentfromthe“mercyoflawlessanduntutoredmajorities”;see“Editor’sTable,”470;alsoseeRichardO.Curry,“AReappraisalofStatehoodPoliticsinWestVirginia,”JournalofSouthernHistory28,no.4(November1962):403–21,esp.405.AndonUnionistsinEastTennesseeandtheirfearofsecessionistsimposinganelitistgovernment,seeNoelL.Fisher,“DefinitionsofVictory:EastTennesseeUnionistsintheCivilWarandReconstruction,”inSutherland,ed.,Guerrillas,Unionists,andViolenceontheConfederateHomefront(Fayetteville:UniversityofArkansasPress,1999),89–111,esp.93–94.

26.Simmsfearedthattheborderstateswouldpromotemanufacturingandthusincreasethepoorwhitepopulation.SeeWilliamGilmoreSimmstoWilliamPorcherMiles,February20,24,1861,inTheLettersofWilliamGilmoreSimms,eds.MaryC.SimmsOliphant,AlfredTaylorOldell,andT.C.DuncanMiles,5vols.(Columbia:UniversityofSouthCarolinaPress,1952–56),4:330,335;Alfriend,“ASouthernRepublicandNorthernDemocracy”;alsosee“ThePoorWhitestoBeDis-EnfranchisedintheSouthernConfederacy,”ClevelandDailyHerald,February2,1861.TheeditoroftheSouthernConfederacy,T.S.GordonofFlorida,defendednotonlytherejectionofJefferson’snotionsoftherightsofman,buttheideathathisgenerationhadtherightto“thinkforthemselves”anddisregardthe“opinionsoftheirforefathers”;seeareprintofGordon’sarticlein“BoldVindicationofSlavery,”Liberator,March22,1861;andRable,TheConfederateRepublic,50,55–56.

27.Fortheslaveowners’HouseofLords,seeAugustaChronicleandSentinel,February9,1861.WhileRuffincalledthemassesthe“swinishmultitude,”Georgiaconservativescalledthemthemobor“domesticfoes”;seeWilliamKauffmanScarborough,ed.,TheDiaryofEdmundRuffin,3vols.(BatonRouge:LouisianaStateUniversityPress,1972–89),2:167–71,176,542;Rable,TheConfederateRepublic,42;Johnson,TowardaPatriarchalRepublic,101,130–31,143,178–79,184;McCurry,ConfederateReckoning,43;seereprintanddiscussionofeditorialpublishedintheCharleston[SC]Mercuryin“SecedingfromSecession,”NewYorkTimes,February25,1861.Foranotherexampleofsecessionistsviewingthethree-fifthscompromiseasausurpationofsouthernrights,see“NationalCharacters—TheIssuesoftheDay,”DeBow’sReview(January1861);onraceasa“titleofnobility,”see“DepartmentofMiscellany...TheNon-SlaveholderoftheSouth,”DeBow’sReview(January1,1861).

28.“TheSouthernCivilization;or,theNormaninAmerica,”DeBow’sReview(January/February1862).29.SeeJohnF.Reiger,“Deprivation,Disaffection,andDesertioninConfederateFlorida,”FloridaHistoricalQuarterly48,no.3(January1970):279–98,esp.286–87;Escott,AfterSecession,115,119;ReidMitchell,CivilWarSoldiers(NewYork:Viking,1988),160;“TheConscriptionBill.ItsBeauty,”SouthernLiteraryMessenger(May1,1862):328;andHarris,PlainFolkandGentry,153.Onusingtheslur“Tartar,”seeJamesD.DavidsontoGreenleeDavidson,February12,1861,inBruceS.Greenawalt,“LifeBehindConfederateLinesinVirginia:

TheCorrespondenceofJamesD.Davidson,”CivilWarHistory16,no.3(September1970):205–26,esp.218;alsoseeWilliams,RichMan’sWar,122;BessieMartin,DesertionofAlabamaTroopsintheConfederateArmy:AStudyinSectionalism(NewYork:ColumbiaUniversityPress,1932),122.

30.Onthetwenty-slaveexemption,seeWilliams,RichMan’sWar,132;Escott,AfterSecession,95;alsoseeKing-Owen,“ConditionalConfederates,”351,359,377–78.JamesPhelanmeasuredpatriotisminclassterms:hewrotethatthe“prideofintellect,position,andeducationwillonlyacutelyfeelitsnecessityandspringwithalacritytothepostofsuchdangerandsacrifice.”Thepoorwhitefarmerslackedthosequalities.SeeJamesPhelantoJeffersonDavis,May23,1861,inTheWarofRebellion:ACompilationoftheOfficialRecordsoftheUnionandConfederateArmies,130vols.(Washington,DC:GovernmentPrintingOffice,1880–1901),SeriesIV,1:353,alsoseeEscott,AfterSecession,115;Rable,TheConfederateRepublic,156,190–91;Harris,PlainFolkandGentry,64;JackLawrenceAtkins,“‘ItIsUselesstoConcealtheTruthAnyLonger’:DesertionofVirginiaSoldiersfromtheConfederateArmy”(M.A.thesis,VirginiaPolytechnicInstitute,2007),41–42.

31.Class-consciousmenfeltthathonorandservicedisplayedthattheywerethe“rightbreedofpeople”;seeLeeL.Duponttohiswife,February27,186[1or2],DupontLetters,Lowndes-ValdostaHistoricalSociety,asquotedinDavidCarlson,“The‘LoanlyRunagee’:DraftEvadersinConfederateSouthGeorgia,”GeorgiaHistoricalQuarterly84,no.4(Winter2000):589–615,esp.597.WilliamHolden,theeditoroftheRaleighWeeklyStandardinNorthCarolina,becameavociferouscriticofconscription.Hewrote,“Wearenotwillingtoseeanyonewhitechildstarvetodeathonaccountofthiswar,whilethenegroesarefatandsleek.”SeeRaleighWeeklyStandard,July1,1863,asquotedinRable,TheConfederateRepublic,190–91.On“dogcatchers,”seeJohnBeauchampJones,ARebelClerk’sDiaryattheConfederateCapital,2vols.(Philadelphia,1866),2:317;alsoseeaneditorialfromtheRichmondWhig,reprintedin“TheRebelArmyandtheRebelGovernment,”PhiladelphiaInquirer,January24,1862.

32.RobertE.LeetoPresidentJeffersonDavis,August,17,1863,inTheWartimePapersofRobertE.Lee(Boston:Little,Brown,1961),591;alsoseeAtkins,“DesertionamongVirginiaSoldiers,”47–48;Harris,PlainFolkandGentry,179–80.NorthCarolina’sdesertionratesmayhavebeenclosertoVirginia’snumbers,butitisextremelydifficulttogetanaccurateestimate;seeRichardReid,“ATestCaseofthe‘CryingEvil’:DesertionAmongNorthCarolinaTroopsDuringtheCivilWar,”NorthCarolinaHistoricalReview58,no.3(July1981):234–62,esp.234,237–38,247,251,253,254–55.ForretaliationagainstConfederateswhojoinedtheUnion,seeLesleyJ.Gordon,“‘InTimeofWar’:UnionistsHangedinKinston,NorthCarolina,February1864,”inSutherland,Guerrillas,Unionists,andViolence,45–58;Bynum,TheLongShadowoftheCivilWar,28,43–46;seeVictoriaE.Bynum,TheFreeStateofJones:Mississippi’sLongestCivilWar(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,2001).

33.OnGeorgiadesertersandthedefiantwivesofrenegades,seeCarlson,“The‘LoanlyRunagee,’”600,610–13;andHarris,PlainFolkandGentry,180–81.

34.Forthejoke,seeHoustonTri-WeeklyTelegraph,December23,1864.DrawingontheworkofJamesScott,WeaponsoftheWeak:EverydayFormsofResistance(1985),KatherineGuiffrepointsoutthatpowerlessgroupsoftenengageineverydayactsofrebellion—gossiping,malingering,pettytheft—insteadofextremeacts,suchasfomentingalarge-scaleuprising;seeKatherineA.Guiffre,“FirstinFlight:DesertionasPoliticsintheNorthCarolinaConfederateArmy,”SocialScienceHistory21,no.2(Summer1997):245–63,esp.249–50,260.Iarguethatjokesservedasimilarpurpose,makinglightofwhattherulingelitesawasactsoftreason,cowardice,ormutiny.

35.HistoriansdebatetheestimatesofmenwhoservedintheConfederatearmy.Forthemostrecentestimates,seeMcCurry,ConfederateReckoning,152.Ondesertion,seeMarkA.Weitz,MoreDamningThanSlaughter:DesertionintheConfederateArmy(Lincoln:UniversityofNebraskaPress,2005);andReid,“ATestCaseofthe‘CryingEvil,’”234,247.Forthebeststudyontheproblemofdisaffectionamongconscripts,substitutes,andthosewhoenlistedlateinthewar(twogroupsoftenignoredinstudiesofConfederatesoldiers’motivation),seeKennethW.Noe,ReluctantRebels:TheConfederatesWhoJoinedtheArmyAfter1860(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,2010),2,7,88–89,94–95,108,113–14,178,190.AsNoenotes,conscriptsandsubstitutes,themenmostlikelytobedisaffected,arealsothetwocohortsaboutwhomhistorianshavetheleastknowledgeoftheirpersonalfeelings.Itisdifficulttotrackdownthecorrespondenceofthesemen.Classalsodetermineswhowasliterateenoughtowrite—sohistorianswhorelyonpersonallettersinevitablyreflectaclassbias.Forthelower-classoriginsofsubstitutesandthedifficultyidentifyingthem,alsoseeJohnSacher,

“TheLoyalDraftDodger?AReexaminationofConfederateSubstitution,”CivilWarHistory57,no.2(June2011):153–78,esp.170–73.Foranotherexampleoffesteringresentment,SergeantWilliamAndrewsoftheFirstGeorgiaVolunteerswroteafterLee’ssurrender,“WhileitisabitterpilltohavetocomebackintotheUnion,don’tthinkthereismuchregretatthelossoftheConfederacy.Thetreatmentthatthesoldiershavereceivedfromthegovernmentinvariouswaysputthemagainstit.”SeeDavidWilliams,TeresaCrispWilliams,andDavidCarlson,PlainFolkinaRichMan’sWar:ClassandDissentinConfederateGeorgia(Gainesville:UniversityPressofFlorida,2002),194.

36.Williamsetal.,PlainFolkinaRichMan’sWar,25–29,34–36;alsosee“CottonVersusCorn,”PhiladelphiaInquirer,May4,1861.

37.SeeTeresaCrispWilliamsandDavidWilliams,“‘TheWomanRising’:Cotton,Class,andConfederateGeorgia’sRiotingWomen,”GeorgiaHistoricalQuarterly86,no.1(Spring2002):49–83,esp.68–79;ontheriotinRichmond,seeMichaelB.Chesson,“HarlotsorHeroines?ANewLookattheRichmondBreadRiot,”VirginiaMagazineofHistoryandBiography92,no.2(April1984):131–75;fortwoaccountsoftheRichmondbreadriotof1863,seeMaryS.Estill,“DiaryofaConfederateCongressman,1862–1863,”SouthwesternHistoricalQuarterly39,no.1(July1935):33–65,esp.46–47;andJones,April2,1863,ARebelClerk’sDiary,1:285–87;alsoseeWilliams,RichMan’sWar,99,100–101,114–15;Escott,AfterSecession,122.AsLebergottargued,becausetheConfederacyfailedtocollectsufficienttaxes,itwasforcedtorelyonimpressments,whichoftentargetedtheweakestmembersofsociety:farmsrunbywomenwhosehusbandsweresoldiers.Thispracticeencourageddesertionsandheightenedwomen’sangertowardthegovernment.SeeStanleyLebergott,“WhytheSouthLost:CommercialPurposeintheConfederacy,1861–1865,”JournalofAmericanHistory79,no.1(June1983):58–74,esp.71–72.IndefenseoftheConfederacy,somereportsinsistedthattheRichmondprotestwasnota“breadriot,”andthatthecausewascrime,notwant;see“OutrageousProceedingsinRichmond,”StauntonSpectator,April7,1863;butinthesamenewspaper,anotherarticlearguedthatclassconflictwasgoingtodestroytheConfederatecause,see“TheClassOppressed,”StauntonSpectator,April7,1863.

38.“PitythePoorRebels,”VanityFair,May9,1863.39.EntriesforJuly26,27,1863,LucyVirginiaFrenchDiaries,1860,1862–1865,microfilm,TennesseeStateLibraryandArchives,Nashville;StephenV.Ash,“PoorWhitesintheOccupiedSouth,1861–1865,”JournalofSouthernHistory57,no.1(February1991):39–62,esp.55.

40.Ongovernmentofficialsdiningondelicacieswhilesoldiersweresuffering,seeJones,September22,1864,ARebelClerk’sDiary,2:290;andonsnubbingVarinaDavis,seeJones,March19,1865,ARebelClerk’sDiary,2:453.

41.“TheDrumRoll,”SouthernFieldandFireside,February18,1864;andAnneSarahRubins,TheShatteredNation:TheRiseandFalloftheConfederacy,1861–1868(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,2005),88.Thesamethemeofthelossofclassprivilege(wivesforcedtocleanthe“slopsofthebedchamber”)appearedintheRichmondDailyWhig,February12,1865;seeGeorgeC.Rable,“Despair,Hope,andDelusion:TheCollapseofConfederateMoraleRe-Examined,”inTheCollapseoftheConfederacy,eds.MarkGrimsleyandBrooksD.Simpson(Lincoln:UniversityofNebraskaPress,2001),129–67,esp.149–50;and“ItemsofInterest,”HoustonDailyTelegraph,December21,1864.

42.See“SketchesfromtheLifeofJeff.Davis,”MaconDailyTelegraph,March12,1861.ForsouthernpaperscallingLincolnadrunkensot,see“TheNews,”NewYorkHerald,May21,1861.ForLincolnderidedasthe“Illinoisape,”seeJosiahGilbertHolland,TheLifeofAbrahamLincoln(Springfield,MA,1866),243;alsosee“ABadEggfortheLincolnites,”TheMaconDailyTelegraph,September18,1861,andRichmondExaminer,October19,1861.OnDavis’sandLincoln’ssharedbirthplaceofKentucky,see“NewsandMiscellaneousItems,”WisconsinPatriot,March30,1861.ForHunter’sopinionofLincoln,seeLetterfromSalmonPortlandChase,October2,1862,inDiaryandCorrespondenceofSalmonPortlandChase,eds.GeorgeS.DenisonandSamuelH.Dodson(Washington,DC:AmericanHistoricalAssociation,1903),105.Andforthesluragainstmidwesterners,seeJohnHampdenChamberlayne,HamChamberlayne—Virginia:LettersandPapersofanArtilleryOfficerintheWarforSouthernIndependence,1861–1865(Richmond,VA,1932),186.ChamberlaynealsocriticizedpeopleinMarylandfortheirfree-laborethosandYankeeblood.Hedescribedthemashavinglowcharacter,“withtheeducationofcommonschools,withDutchinstinctsdashedwithYankeeblood.”Hedismissedthemforonlyworkingtomakemoney,believingthattheman“isworthiestwhomostunremittingly

toilswithhishands,orifwithhisbrains,hemustdrythemupwithyearsofmechanictoiloverDayBook&Ledger.”Seeibid.,105.

43.“ThePresidentialCampaign,”NewYorkHerald,June8,1860.44.“TheEducatedSoutherner,”“TheEffectofBullRunupontheSouthernMind,”“Anti-MortemSketches,”andCharlesGodfreyLeland,“NorthMen,ComeOut!,”VanityFair,May6,August17,August21,andSeptember28,1861.OnVanityFair,whichwaspublishedfromDecember31,1859,toJuly4,1863,seeJamesT.Nardin,“CivilWarHumor:TheWarinVanityFair,”CivilWarHistory2,no.3(September1956):67–85,esp.67;alsosee“TheBadBirdandtheMudsill,”FrankLeslie’sIllustratedNewspaper,February21,1863.

45.“ASoldier’sSpeech,”Wooster[OH]Republican,November12,1863.Oneessayarguedthatmudsillswerethebackboneoftheeconomy;see“WhoAretheMudsills?,”AmericanFarmer’sMagazine,August1858.GarfieldwaslessgenerousinhisassessmentofConfederatedeserters.Hedescribedthemas“menofnobrainswhohadbeenscaredintotherebelarmyandwhoseliveswerenotworthtothecountywhatthebulletwouldcosttokillthem”;seeHarryJamesandFrederickD.Williams,eds.,TheDiaryofJamesGarfield,4vols.(EastLansing:MichiganStateUniversity,1967–1981),1:65,andMitchell,CivilWarSoldiers,33.Foranotherrousingdefenseofnorthernmudsills,seethepoem“Northmen,ComeOut!,”withthestanzas,“Outinyourstrengthandletthemknow/Howworkingmentoworkcango./Outinyourmightandletthemfeel/Howmudsillsstrikewhenedgedwithsteel”;seeCharlesGodfreyLeland,“Northmen,ComeOut!,”HartfordDailyCourant,May6,1861,originallypublishedinVanityFair.Northernersalsoreportedon“seceshnabobs”payinghighpricesfor“mudsillsubstitutes”;seeHartfordDailyCourant,December20,1861.

46.Grimsley,TheHardHandofWar,15–16,56,68–70.Halleckwasanexpertoninternationallaw,andtheprincipleofoccupyingarmiestaxingdisloyalcitizenswaslaidoutinEmmerichdeVattel’s1793treatiseTheLawofNations.ThispracticewasnotnewtotheCivilWar,butwhatwasdifferentwasthedecisiontotargettherich.SeeW.WayneSmith,“AnExperimentinCounterinsurgency:TheAssessmentofConfederateSympathizersinMissouri,”JournalofSouthernHistory35,no.3(August1969):361–80,esp.361–64;LouisS.Gerteis,CivilWarSt.Louis(Lawrence:UniversityofKansasPress,2001),172–76.Andonguerrillawarfareshapingthesepolicies,seeDanielE.Sutherland,“GuerrillaWarfare,Democracy,andtheFateoftheConfederacy,”JournalofSouthernHistory68,no.2(May2002):259–92,esp.271–72,280,288;andMichaelFellman,InsideWar:TheGuerrillaConflictinMissouriDuringtheAmericanCivilWar(NewYork:OxfordUniversityPress,1989),88,94,96.

47.JohnF.BradburyJr.,“‘BuckwheatCakePhilanthropy’:RefugeesandtheUnionArmyintheOzarks,”ArkansasHistoricalQuarterly57,no.3(Autumn1998):233–54,esp.237–40.Estimatesvaryonthetotalnumberofsouthernrefugees.StephenAshclaimsthatnearly80,000whiterefugeeshadenteredFederallinesby1865.ElizabethMasseycontendsthat250,000weredisplacedbythewarandthemajoritywerewomen.SeeStephenV.Ash,WhentheYankeesCame:ConflictandChaosintheOccupiedSouth,1861–1865(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,1999);StephenV.Ash,MiddleTennesseeSocietyTransformed,1860–1870:WarandPeaceintheUpperSouth(Knoxville:UniversityofTennesseePress,1988);andMaryElizabethMassey,WomenintheCivilWar(Lincoln:UniversityofNebraskaPress,1966),291–316.

48.Grimsley,TheHardHandofWar,108;andSmith,“AnExperimentinCounterinsurgency,”366;JacquelineG.Campbell,“ThereIsNoDifferenceBetweenaHeandaSheAdderinTheirVenom:BenjaminButler,WilliamT.Sherman,andConfederateWomen,”LouisianaHistory:JournaloftheLouisianaHistoricalAssociation50,no.1(Winter2009):5–24,esp.12,15,18–19.MarionSouthwoodnotonlycommentedonthewealthyhidingassetsbutemphasizedthatitwastheeliteswho“turneduptheiraristocraticnoses”atthethoughtofassentingtotheoathofallegiance;seeMarionSouthwood,“BeautyandBooty”:TheWatchwordofNewOrleans(NewYork,1867),123,130–33,159.ThesameruleofpunishingrudewomenandsubjectingdisloyalwomentoconfiscationwasestablishedbyGeneralHalleckinMissouri;seeGerteis,CivilWarSt.Louis,174.Confederatesdescribedthedestructionofelitepropertyinclassterms:asoneaccountwrote,menfromthe“dunghill”oftheNorthholding“saturnaliasroundtheprincelymansionsoftheSouthernplanters”;see“Rebel(YankeeDefinition),”HoustonTri-weeklyTelegraph,November18,1864.InMaryland,whenoneVirginiaslaveownerdemandedthereturnofhisslaves,adozenUnionsoldiersthrewthemanontoablanketandtossedhimupintheair.Onesergeantdescribedtheslaveowneras“aperfectspecimenofaVirginiagentleman,”andhewaspleasedtothinkthatmanmusthavebeenhorrifiedtobehumiliatedandunmannedby“Unionsoldiers—northern

mudsills.”SeeJamesOakes,FreedomNational:TheDestructionofSlaveryintheUnitedStates,1861–1865(NewYork:W.W.Norton,2012),365.

49.HansL.Trefousse,AndrewJohnson:ABiography(NewYork:Norton,1989),19,21–23,43,55,138,152,155–56,168,179;Ash,MiddleTennesseeSocietyTransformed,107,159–60;alsoseeRufusBuinSpain,“R.B.C.Howell,TennesseeBaptist,1808–1868”(M.A.thesis,VanderbiltUniversity,1948),105–7.ItisinterestingthatJohnsonplannedtohaveallcitizenstaketheloyaltyoathandwouldbeginwiththewealthiestclass,thenministers,doctors,andmeasuredsecessionistsympathiesaccordingtoaclassscale;seeibid.,101,104–6.

50.Grimsley,TheHardHandofWar,169,202–3;andDebraReddinvanTuyll,“ScalawagsandScoundrels?TheMoralandLegalDimensionsofSherman’sLastCampaigns,”StudiesinPopularCulture22,no.2(October1999):33–45,esp.38–39.SoldiersblamedSouthCarolinaforthewar,andthoughtofitspoliticaleliteastheverysymboloftyrannyandarrogance.Theylookedforwardtowreakingvengeanceonthecapital—wheretheyvandalizedproperty,setfiretobuildings,andtargetedthehomesoftheelites.SeeCharlesRoyster,TheDestructiveWar:WilliamTecumsehSherman,StonewallJackson,andtheAmericans(NewYork:Knopf,1991),4–5,19–21.

51.Grimsley,TheHardHandofWar,173–74,188;BursteinandIsenberg,MadisonandJefferson,204–5.52.HallockArmstrongtoMaryArmstrong,April8,1865,inLettersfromaPennsylvaniaChaplainattheSiegeofPetersburg,1865(publishedprivately,1961),47.

53.LetterfromWilliamWheeler,April1,1864,inLettersofWilliamWheeleroftheClassof1855(Cambridge,MA:H.G.Houghton&Co.,1875),444–46;Grimsley,TheHardHandofWar,173–74;JohnD.Cox,TravelingSouth:TravelNarrativesandtheConstructionofAmericanIdentity(Athens:UniversityofGeorgiaPress,2005),165,174–76.Andfortheindistinguishablequalityofshantiesofpoorwhiteorblacks,seeGeorgeH.Allen,Forty-SixMonthswiththeFourthR.I.VolunteersintheWarof1861to1865:ComprisingaHistoryofMarches,Battles,andCampLife,CompiledfromJournalsKeptWhileonDutyintheFieldandCamp(J.A.&R.A.ReidPrinters,1887),219;alsosee“ConfederatePrisonersatChicago,”MaconDailyTelegraph,February14,1863;Mitchell,CivilWarSoldiers,42,95,97;DiaryofRobertRansom,AndersonvilleDiary,Escape,andListoftheDead,withName,Co.,Regiment,DateofDeathandNo.ofGraveinCemetery(Auburn,NewYork,1881),71.

54.Onmarchingthroughmud,fightingswampsandrebels,seeManningFergusonForce,“FromAtlantatoSavannah:TheCivilWarJournalofManningF.Force,November15,1864–January3,1865,”GeorgiaHistoricalQuarterly91,no.2(Summer2007):185–205,esp.187–90,193–94.Andonmuddymassgraves,seeDrewGilpinFaust,TheRepublicofSuffering:DeathandtheAmericanCivilWar(NewYork:RandomHouse,2008),73–75.

55.Phillips,DiehardRebels,56,62.ConfederatesalsohopedthattheNewYorkCitydraftriotswereasignofclassrevolutionintheNorth;see“ImportantNewsfromtheNorth”andanotherreportintheRichmondEnquirer,July18,1863;alsoseeA.HunterDupreeandLeslieH.FischelJr.,“AnEyewitnessAccountoftheNewYorkCityDraftRiots,July,1863,”MississippiValleyHistoricalReview47,no.3(December1960):472–79,esp.476.

56.“RecentNewsbyMail,”PhiladelphiaInquirer,April14,1861.

ChapterEight:ThoroughbredsandScalawags:BloodlinesandBastardStockintheAgeofEugenics

1.W.E.B.DuBois,“TheEvolutionoftheRaceProblem,”ProceedingsoftheNationalNegroConference(NewYork,1909),142–58,esp.148–49.

2.Ibid.,147–48,152–54,156.3.Ibid.,153–54,157.4.CharlesDarwin,TheDescentofMan(London,1871),2:402–3.Galton’smajorpublicationswereanarticle,“HereditaryTalentandCharacter”(1865),andbooksHereditaryGenius(1869),InquiryintoHumanFaculty(1883),andNaturalInheritance(1889);seeMarkH.Haller,Eugenics:HereditarianAttitudesinAmericanThought(NewBrunswick,NJ:RutgersUniversityPress,1963),4–6,8–12.AlsoseeRichardA.Richards,“Darwin,DomesticBreedingandArtificialSelection,”Endeavour22,no.3(1988):106–9;andfortheimportanceofanimalbreedinginshapingDarwin’stheoryofnaturalselection,seeRobertJ.Roberts,“Instinct

andIntelligenceinBritishNaturalTheology:SomeContributionstoDarwin’sTheoryofEvolutionaryBehavior,”JournaloftheHistoryofBiology14,no.2(Autumn1981):193–230,esp.224–25.

5.“Plebein[sic]Aristocracy,”Independent(May24,1864);andHeatherCoxRichardson,WestfromAppomattox:TheReconstructionofAmericaAftertheCivilWar(NewHaven,CT:YaleUniversityPress,2007),17–20.

6.Foratypicalexampleofafree-laboreconomyforpoorwhitesandfreeslaves,see“TheEmancipationandFreeLaborQuestionintheSouth,”NewYorkHerald,May18,1865;alsoseeHeatherCoxRichardson,TheDeathofReconstruction:Race,Labor,andPoliticsinthePost–CivilWarNorth,1865–1901(Cambridge,MA:HarvardUniversityPress,2004),21–22,24–25,34,39,42.

7.Thenewspapersfocusedonthestipulationthatexemptedtheeliteclassfromtheamnesty:“Allpersonswhohavevoluntarilyparticipatedinsaidrebellionandtheestimatedvalueofwhosetaxablepropertyisover$20,000”;see“PresidentJohnson’sPlanofReconstructioninBoldRelief,”NewYorkHerald,May31,1865;“PresidentJohnsonandtheSouthCarolinaDelegation,”PhiladelphiaInquirer,June26,1865.AndforanarticlepointingouthowalltheNewYorknewspapersstressedthispoint,see“TheNewYorkPressonthePresident’sTalkwiththeSouthCarolinaDelegation,”DailyOhioStatesman,July6,1865.AlsoseeAndrewJohnson,“Proclamation134—GrantingAmnestytoParticipantsintheRebellion,withCertainExceptions,”May29,1865;and“InterviewwithSouthCarolinaDelegation,June24,”inThePapersofAndrewJohnson,May–August1865,ed.PaulH.Bergeron(Knoxville:UniversityofTennesseePress,1992),8:128–29,280–84.

8.OnJohnson’sdecisiontopardontheelitesbecauseheneededtheirsupport,seeEricFoner,Reconstruction:America’sUnfinishedRevolution,1863–1877(NewYork:Harper&Row,1988),191.Johnsonpardoned13,500outofthe15,000whoapplied;seeRichardson,TheDeathofReconstruction,16.

9.ForJohnson’sviewofaracialwarofextermination,see“TheNegroQuestion—DangersofAnother‘IrrepressibleConflict,’”NewYorkHerald,July12,1865;alsosee[SanFrancisco]EveningBulletin,July31,1865.OnJohnson’sopinionthatNegrosuffragewouldbreedaracewarbetweenthefreedmenandpoorwhites,see“ThePresidentuponNegroSuffrage,”PhiladelphiaInquirer,October25,1865;alsosee“InterviewofGeorgeL.Stearns,”October3,1865,”ThePapersofAndrewJohnson,9:180.

10.SeetheremarksbySenatorsDavidSchenck,HenryS.Lane,JohnP.Hale,andReverdyJohnson,CongressionalGlobe,38thCongress,2ndSession,959,984–85,989;andCongressmanGreenClaySmith,CongressionalGlobe,39thCongress,1stSession,416;alsoseePaulMoreno,“RacialClassificationandReconstructionLegislation,”JournalofSouthernHistory61,no.2(May1995):271–304,esp.276–77,283–87;andMicheleLandisDauber,“TheSympatheticState,”LawandHistoryReview23,no.2(Summer2005):387–442,esp.408,412,414–15.

11.For“loafingwhites,”see“NorthCarolina:BlacksandWhitesLoafing,”NewYorkTimes,May28,1866;and“FromOvertheLake.Barancas—Gens.SteelandAshboth—TheSeenandUnseen—TheRefugeeBusiness,Etc.,Etc.,”NewOrleansTimes,March9,1865.Onpoorwhiterefugeesandchildren,see“PoorWhiteTrash,”Independent(September7,1865):6;DanielR.Weinfield,“‘MoreCourageThanDiscretion’:CharlesM.HamiltoninReconstruction-EraFlorida,”FloridaHistoricalQuarterly84,no.4(Spring2006):479–516,esp.492;andWilliamF.MuglestonandMarcusSterlingHopkins,“TheFreedmen’sBureauandReconstructioninVirginia:TheDiaryofMarcusSterlingHopkins,”VirginiaMagazineofHistoryandBiography86,no.1(January1978):45–102,esp.100.ItwasalsoreportedthatNorthCarolinahadthehighestnumberof“whitetrash,”andmostofthecasesadjudicatedbytheFreedmen’sBureauinvolvedthisclass.See“AffairsintheSouthernStates:NorthCarolina,”NewYorkTimes,March22,1865.

12.“FromtheSouth:SouthernJourneyingsandJottings,”NewYorkTimes,April15,1866;SidneyAndrews,TheSouthSincetheWar(Boston,1866);WhitelawReid,AftertheWar:ATouroftheSouthernStates(London,1866);JohnT.Trowbridge,TheSouth:ATourofItsBattlefieldsandRuinedCities(Hartford,CT:1866).Andrews’sbookwasknownforprovidinga“portraitureofthepoorwhites”thatwas“painfullytruetonature”;see“NewBooks,”PhiladelphiaInquirer,April23,1866.Hisportraitofthetypicalpoorwhiteasphysicallystuntedanddisplaying“insipidityinhisface,indecisioninhisstep,andinefficiencyinhiswholebearing”wasreprintedverbatimin“PoorWhitesofNorthCarolina,Wilmington,October14,”Freedmen’sRecord.OrganoftheNewEnglandAidSociety(November1,1865):186–87.

13.Gilmore’sallusiontoafunguswasidenticaltosocialDarwinistHerbertSpencer’sargumentthat“whateverproducesadiseasedstateinonepartofthecommunity,mustinevitablyinflictinjuryuponallotherparts”;seeSpencer,SocialStatistics,or,TheConditionsEssentialtoHumanHappinessSpecifiedandtheFirstofThem

Developed(London,1851),456.EdwardKirke(pseudonymofJamesRobertsGilmore),DowninTennessee,andBackbyWayofRichmond(NewYork,1864),104,184,188–89.ExcerptsfromGilmore’sbookwereprintedinthenewspapers;see“TheWhitePopulationintheSouth.‘PoorWhites’—‘MeanWhites’—AndtheChivalry,”NewHampshireSentinel,November10,1864;“TheCommonPeopleoftheSouth”Circular(September26,1864):222–23;“From‘DowninTennessee.’The‘MeanWhites’oftheSouth,”Friends’Review(October15,1864):101–2.Gilmorealsopublishedanarticle;seeJ.R.Gilmore,“ThePoorWhitesoftheSouth,”Harper’sNewMonthlyMagazine(June1,1864):115–24.

14.Andrewswrote,“IshouldsaythattherealquestionatissueintheSouthis,not‘Whatshallbedonewiththenegro?but‘Whatshallbedonewiththewhite?’”Andrews,TheSouthSincetheWar,224.ThevariationonAndrews’sphrasequotedinthetext,whichadded“poorwhite,”appearedinaColoradonewspaperarticle(reprintedfromtheChicagoRepublican),“TheRisingRaceintheSouth,”Miner’sRegister,January12,1866.ThesamequestionwasraisedintheChristianAdvocateandJournal:“Itisnotthenegrowhocallsforpity,hecantakecareofhimself;itistheignorant,landless,clay-colored,hope-abandonedwhitesthatdemandandyetdefyrelief”;seeReynard,“AVacationTourintheSouthandWest:HellOpensHerMouth,”ChristianAdvocateandJournal(August24,1865),266.

15.AwriterfortheNewYorkTimesarguedthatpoorwhiteshadhadthevoteforeightyyearsandremained“improvident,ignorantanddebased”andthe“easydupesofdesigningleaders”;see“TheSuffrageQuestion,”NewYorkTimes,February13,1866;alsosee“ThePoorWhites,”Miner’sRegister,October18,1865;Reid,AftertheWar,59,221,247–50,255,302–3,325,348;Andrews,TheSouthSincetheWar,335–36.Onfreedmenhavingagreaterdesireforeducationthanpoorwhites,see“ADominantFactoftheSouthernSituation,”NewYorkTimes,August10,1865.Onrapideducationalprogressoffreedmen,see“ConditionoftheSouth,”NewYorkTimes,August27,1867.Ontheequalneedforeducationofpoorwhites,see“TheEducationofPoorWhites,”NewYorkTimes,October5,1865.Onneatnessandthriftinessandpreparationforthefranchiseamongthefreedmen,seeTrowbridge,TheSouth,220,458,589;alsoseeStephenK.Prince,StoriesoftheSouth:RaceandReconstructionandSouthernIdentity(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,2014),28.Onfreedmen’ssuperioritytopoorwhitesinbrainsandmuscle,see“TheNegro,SlaveandFree,”HartfordDailyCourant,March6,1865.Onloyaltyofthefreedmananddistrustofpoorwhites,see“GoverningandGoverned”and“TwoReasons,”NewOrleansTribune,June8,1865,August27,1865;“Reconstruction,”WilkesSpiritoftheTimes,August26,1865;“ReconstructionandNegroSuffrage,”AtlanticMonthly16,no.94(August1865):238–47,esp.245;alsoseeRichardson,TheDeathofReconstruction,32–37.

16.For“inert,”see“ThePoorWhites,”Miner’sRegister,October18,1865.Fordeformedandidiotic,seeGilmore,DowninTennessee,187.For“thoughtless,”“fumbling,”andthe“moonyglare”ofthelunatic,see“ThePoorWhiteTrash,”NewOrleansTribune,September1,1865.ForpoorwhitesrankedonthelowestlevelinDarwin’sevolutionaryscale,see“FromtheSouth:SouthernJourneyingsandJottings,”NewYorkTimes,April7,1866;alsosee“ThePoorWhites,”TheCongregationalist,September22,1865.Forbelongingtothe“genusHomo,”but“fromlongeffectsoflonggenerationsofignorance,neglect,degradationandpoverty,ithasdevelopedfewofthehigherqualitiesoftheracetowhichitbelongs,”seeJ.S.Bradford,“Crackers,”Lippincott’sMagazine,vol.6(November1870):457–67,esp.457.

17.For“dangerousclass,”see“ThePoorWhites,”Miner’sRegister,October18,1865.Onintermarrying,incest,andwifeselling,seeGilmore,DowninTennessee,184,187.Onmothersconnivingillicitliaisonsfordaughtersandpoorwhitewomenhavingsexwithblackmen,see“TheLow-DownPeople,”Putnam’sMagazine(June1868):704–13,esp.705–6.Onfilthyrefugeesinboxcars,seeReid,AftertheWar,248;alsoseeW.DeForest,“DrawingBureauRations,”Harper’sMonthlyMagazine36(May1868):792–99,esp.794,799.OnHerbertSpencer,seeRobertJ.Richards,DarwinandtheEmergenceofEvolutionaryTheoriesofMindandBehavior(Chicago:UniversityofChicagoPress,1987),303–4;Spencerfirstused“survivalofthefittest”inhisPrinciplesofBiology(London,1864),1:444,455.OnthepopularityofDarwinandSpencer,see“TheTheoryofNaturalSelection,”TheCritic(November26,1859),528–30;“NaturalSelection,”[NewOrleans]DailyPicayune,January9,1870.AndforanarticleunderscoringDarwin’streeanalogy,andthattheharshlawofnaturalselectionmeantthatcertainbrancheshave“decayedanddroppedoff,”see“ReviewofDarwin’sTheoryoftheOriginsofSpeciesbyMeansofNaturalSelection,”AmericanJournalofScienceandtheArts(March1860):153–84,esp.159.

18.“TheLow-DownPeople,”Putnam’sMagazineofLiterature,Science,ArtandNationalInterests(June1868):704–16.OntheimportanceofTheJukes,seeNicoleHahnRafter,WhiteTrash:TheEugenicFamilyStudies,1877–1919(Boston:NortheasternUniversityPress,1988),2–3,6–7.

19.SeeSanfordB.Hunt,“TheNegroasSoldier,”AnthropologicalReview7(January1869):40–54,esp.53;alsoseeJohnS.HallerJr.,OutcastsfromEvolution:ScientificAttitudesofRacialInferiority,1859–1900(Urbana:UniversityofIllinoisPress,1971),20–32.

20.“Mongrel”camefromvarioussources:animalandplantbreeding,evolutionaryscience,racistargumentsformiscegenationandamalgamation,andoldertheoriesofconquest(barbarianandMongolhordesbecame“mongrelhordes”),andtheEnglishslurof“mongrelpup”foralower-classmanwithoutanypedigree.Forfreeblacksasaspuriousandmongrelrace,see“FreeBlacksoftheNorth,”[Fayetteville,NC]CarolinaObserver,October7,1858.OnthemongrelpartyvotingthemselvesdowntothelevelwithdegradedNegroes,see“CorrectLikenessoftheUnionParty,”[Millersburg,OH]HolmesCountyFarmer,October5,1865;and“MexicoandtheIndians—TwoMore‘TwinRelics’fortheNextNewParty,”NewYorkHerald,June28,1867.Onpreservingthe“bestblood”from“admixtureofbaserblood,”see“OurPeople,”New-OrleansTimes,November24,1865.Andsincemongrelswereoftenidentifiedasdogswithoutanyknownpedigree,see“StrangeDog,”[NewOrleans]DailyPicayune,June12,1866.OnthefamousEnglishmongrelpuprhyme(“Ofmongrel,pup,ay,whelpandhound,/Andcursoflowdegree”),see“LetterfromMobile,”DailyPicayune,August16,1866.OncomparingtheSouthtothemongrelrepublicofMexico,see“TheFutureoftheFreemen,”New-OrleansTimes,October22,1865;“SouthernSelf-Exile—MexicoandBrazil,”RichmondExaminer,April14,1866;“TheMongrelRepublicsofAmerica,”OldGuard,September1867,695–702;“Editor’sTable,”OldGuard(September1868):717–20.Andformongrelhordes,see“SpeechofGen.Geo.W.Morgan,”DailyOhioStatesman,October5,1865.AlsoseeElliottWest,“ReconstructingRace,”WesternHistoricalQuarterly34,no.1(Spring2003):6–26,esp.11;Haller,OutcastsfromEvolution,72–73,82;JohnG.Menke,MulattoesandRaceMixture:AmericanAttitudesandImages,1865–1918(AnnArbor,MI:UMIResearchPress,1979),51,60–61,101–2;ForrestG.Wood,BlackScare:TheRacistResponsetoEmancipationandReconstruction(Berkeley:UniversityofCaliforniaPress,1968),65–70.Forthelong-standingEnglishslurforadog“withoutabreed,”seeNeilPembertonandMichaelWorboys,MadDogsandEnglishmen:RabiesinBritain,1830–2000(NewYork:Palgrave,2007),30–31.AndontheGreeketymologyoftheword“mongrel”meaning“lust”and“anoutrageonnature,”seeWarrenMinton,“Notes.OntheEtymologyofHybrid(Lat.Hybrida),”AmericanJournalofPhilology(October1,1884):501–2.

21.Onthecarpetbaggerandhisblackvalise,seeTedTunnell,“‘ThePropagandaofHistory’:SouthernEditorsandtheOriginsofthe‘Carpetbagger’andthe‘Scalawag,’”JournalofSouthernHistory72,no.4(November2006):789–822,esp.792.Forthethemeofracetraitorandtreason,seeHymanRubinIII,SouthCarolinaScalawags(Columbia:UniversityofSouthCarolinaPress,2006),xvi;Foner,Reconstruction,297.

22.OnPresidentJohnson’svetooftheCivilRightsActdescribedasrejecting“mongrelcitizenship,”see“VetoofCivilRightsBill,”[Harrisburg,PA]WeeklyPatriotandUnion,April5,1866;alsoseeFrancisS.BlairJr.toAndrewJohnson,March18,1866,andtheVetooftheCivilRightsBill,March27,1866,inBergeron,ThePapersofAndrewJohnson,vol.10,February–July1866,10:270,312–20.JohnsonwasmoreexplicitinhisAnnualMessagetoCongress,December3,1867,inwhichhecontendedthetworacescouldneversubjectbeto“amalgamationorfusionofthemintoonehomogeneousmass”—andtotrytoforcethisontheSouthwould“Africanizehalfthecountry.”Johnson’sattackonmongrelcitizenshipinhisvetooftheCivilRightsActechoedthespeechesofEdgarCowanintheSenate,whohadraisedthedangerofgypsies,Chinese,andIndiansgainingcitizenshipfromtheact.SeeSenate,CongressionalGlobe,39thCongress,1stSession,May30,1866,2890–91.Johnsonwaspersonallyinvestedintheideaof“fitness.”Hewrotethatsectionoftheveto.SeeJohnH.AbelJr.andLaWandaCox,“AndrewJohnsonandHisGhostWriters:AnAnalysisoftheFreedmen’sBureauandCivilRightsVetoMessages,”MississippiValleyHistoricalReview48,no.3(December1961):460–79,esp.475.

23.Inoneterm,Johnsonvetoedtwenty-ninelegislativebills,farmorethanJacksonoranypreviouspresident;duringtheperiodfromWashingtontotheCivilWar,allthepresidentscombinedhadvetoedonlyfifty-nineactsofCongress.OntherevolutionarysignificanceoftheFourteenthAmendment,seeRobertJ.Kraczorowski,“ToBegintheNationAnew:Congress,Citizenship,andCivilRightsAftertheCivilWar,”AmericanHistoricalReview92,no.1(February1987):45–68,esp.45;andseeWood,BlackScare,111–13.OnJohnson’sobstructionleadingtoimpeachment,especiallyhisoppositiontotheFourteenthAmendmentandcontrolofthe

military,seeMichaelLesBenedict,TheImpeachmentandTrialofAndrewJohnson(NewYork:Norton,1973),49;andHansL.Trefousse,ImpeachmentofaPresident:AndrewJohnson,theBlacks,andReconstruction(NewYork:FordhamUniversityPress,1999),41–48,54.

24.For“prideofcaste”and“prideofrace,”see“ExtensionofSuffrage,”MaconDailyTelegraph,October28,1865.Forwomenprotectingbloodlines,see“OurPeople,”New-OrleansTimes,November24,1865.SenatorMontgomeryBlair,brotherofFrancisBlairJr.,inaspeechatalargeDemocraticrallyinNewYorkCity,arguedthatonlyabandonedwomenwouldmarryblackmen;see“TheNewYorkCampaign,”NewYorkHerald,October19,1865;andF.Fleming,ed.,“TheConstitutionandtheRitualoftheKnightsoftheWhiteCamelia,”inDocumentsRelatingtoReconstruction(Morgantown,WV,1904),22,27.OntheKnightsoftheWhiteCameliaandracialpurity,alsosee“Arkansas,”NewYorkHerald,October31,1868.Ontreatingamixed-racechildasbastardprogeny,see“Miscegenation,”GeorgiaWeeklyTelegraph,February27,1870.

25.OnBlair’sfondnessforDarwin’sOriginsofSpecies,seeFoner,Reconstruction,340.Onhisspeeches,see“GeneralBlair’sLettertoGeneralGeorgeMorgan,July13,1868”and“SpeechesofHoratioSeymourandFrancisP.Blair,Jr.,AcceptingtheNominations,July10,1868,”inEdwardMcPherson,ThePoliticalHistoryoftheUnitedStatesofAmericaDuringthePeriodofReconstruction(fromApril15,1865,toJuly15,1870)...(Washington,DC,1880),369–70,381–82;“GeneralBlair’sSpeeches,”[Alexandra,LA]LouisianaDemocrat,September2,1868;“BlairontheStump,”NewYorkTimes,August9,1868.OntheGeorgiacase,seeScottv.State,39Ga.321(1869).Forcoverageofthecase,see“SocialStatusoftheBlacks,”NewYorkHerald,June27,1869;alsoseeCharlesFrankRobinsonIII,DangerousLiaisons:SexandLoveintheSegregatedSouth(Fayetteville:UniversityofArkansasPress,2003),24,37–38;Pascoe,WhatComesNaturally,20;JamesR.Browning,“Anti-MiscegenationLawsintheUnitedStates,”DukeBarJournal1,no.1(March1951):26–41,esp.33.Forthetheorythatmongrelmixturesexaggeratethevicesofbothraces,see“ThePhilosophyofMiscegenation,”New-OrleansTimes,January4,1867.ItisjustasimportanttounderstandthatDemocraticpoliticianssupportedlawsagainstamalgamationinordertocurbthe“waywardness”oflow-downwhitesfordegradingSaxonblood;see“RemarksofThomasOrr,intheSenate,ontheBilltoPreventtheAmalgamationoftheAfricanwiththeWhiteRaceinOhio,”[Columbus,OH]Crisis,February28,1861.

26.HymanarguesthatviolencewasthekeytothedismantlingoftheRepublicanParty,includingtargetedassaultsagainstscalawagswhowerepoliticalleaders;seeHyman,SouthCarolinaScalawags,xvi,xxv,41,45,48.RepublicanvicepresidentialcandidateSchuylerColfaxgaveapowerfulspeechinthedefenseofscalawags,andstressedtheviciousthreatsmadeagainstthem;see“PoliticalIntelligence,”NewYorkHerald,October8,1868.Forhangingscalawags,see“TheRebelPress,”[Raleigh,NC]Tri-WeeklyStandard,1868.TheeditoroftheAtlantaConstitutionarguedthattheinaugurationofaDemocraticpresidentwouldbeasignalforhangingscalawagsandcarpetbaggers;seeGeorgeC.Rable,ButThereWasNoPeace:TheRoleofViolenceinthePoliticsofReconstruction(Athens:UniversityofGeorgiaPress,1984),69.OnthetrialforthemurderofradicalRepublicanMr.Ashburn,thedefenseattorney—noneotherthanformergovernorJosephBrown—usedthescalawagslurtojustifytheattack;see“TheAshburnTragedy,”GeorgiaWeeklyTelegraph,July17,1868.OntheKKKtargetingscalawags,see“Editorial,”DailyMemphisAvalanche,June7,1868.Oncallstoshootscalawags,see“ReconstructionConvention,”DailyAustinRepublican,July22,1868.AndforaRepublicanelectionpoemmockingtheDemocraticParty’scampaign:“Thenlet’sshootandstabandkill,/Themenwhodaretheirthoughtstotell/Ifwelackthepower,wehavethewill/Todrivethescalawags,downtohell”;see“DemocraticPrinciples,”HoustonUnion,May7,1869.OnassassinationsofprominentRepublicanpoliticiansin1868,alsoseeFoner,Reconstruction,342.

27.Foranaccountofthestereotypicalblackman“Cuffy”kissingascalawag,see“‘ISaluteYou,MyBrother,’”[Memphis,TN]PublicLedger,May7,1868;and“AScalawagSenatorInvitesaDarkeytoHisHouse,”[Atlanta]DailyConstitution,July3,1868.Forscalawagsas“piebald,”“mangy,”“slarapery”(meaningflabby-headedorfeebleminded)and“stinkee,”see“Arkansas,”“NewsinBrief,”and“TheScalawag,”DailyAvalanche,May20,June24,August27,1868;“YeStinkeeandthePerryHouse,”GeorgiaWeeklyTelegraph,March27,1868.For“slavesofthescalawagwhitetrash,”see“Mississippi,”NewYorkHerald,August12,1868.OnincitingNegroeswith“low-flung”speeches,acommentmadebyJudgeCarltonafterobservingaRepublicangatheringinVirginia,see“MeetingatMusicHallLastNight,”[Albany,IN]DailyLedger,October31,1868.Ontheroleaspartyoperatives,see“CarpetBaggeryandScalawagerie,”New-OrleansTimes,August16,1868;Foner,Reconstruction,297.

28.“TheAutobiographyofaScalawag,”BooneCounty[IN]Pioneer,March13,1868.29.Forreferenceto“lowbornscumandquondamslaves,”seethepoem“WhiteMenMustRule,”publishedinthe[Raleigh]NorthCarolinian,February15,1868,asquotedinKarenL.Zipf,“‘TheWhitesShallRuletheLandorDie’:Gender,Race,andClassinNorthCarolinaPolitics,”JournalofSouthernHistory65,no.3(August1999):499–534,esp.525.Foraspecificcalltoreturnthehereditaryelitetopowerinplaceof“mongrelRepublicanism,”see“AddressoftheConservativeMenofAlabamatothePeopleoftheUnitedStates,”DailyColumbus[GA]Enquirer,October1,1867.

30.ForWadeHampton,see“TheWeek,”Nation7,no.165(August27,1868):161;and“America,”LondonDailyNews,September18,1865.Forscalawagasvagabondstock,see“HorseandMuleMarket,”[NewOrleans]DailyPicayune,February9,1867.Forcarpetbaggersasthe“offscouringsoftheNorth”andscalawagsthe“spewedupscumoftheSouth,”see“FeelsBad,”[Raleigh,NC]Tri-WeeklyStandard,May14,1868.ThesamethemewasusedagaintosumupthefailureofReconstruction;seeCharlesGayarre,“TheSouthernQuestion,”NorthAmericanReview(November/December1877):472–99,esp.482–83.

31.Forhisspeech,see“BullockRatificationMeeting,”GeorgiaWeeklyTelegraph,March27,1868.32.Formotleybreeds,see“NegroSuffrage,”Abbeville[SC]Press,March16,1866;andthatmongrelscommunicateallthevicesandfewofthevirtuesoftheparentstock,see“ResultsofMiscegenation,”Pittsfield[MA]Sun,March16,1865.Forscalawagcattleasalowbreeddraggingdowntheresttoitslevel,seeNewYorkTribune,October24,1854.Onejournalistmadefunoftheterm“scalawag”asthe“elegantlanguageofrefinedVirginiagentleman,”andobservedthatthewordappliedtoallnativeswhowereloyalorRepublicans,regardlessoftheirclassbackground;see“Virginia,”NewYorkTimes,July27,1868.Scholarswhohavestudiedactual“scalawags”haveshownthattheywerenotwhitetrash,buttheywereofalowerclassthaneitherantebellumpoliticiansintheSouthortheiropponentswhoformedtheRedeemergovernmentsinthe1870s.Manyhadonlyapublicschooleducation.Manysupportedblacksuffrage,asJamesBaggetthasargued,“topreventconservatives,whowerejudgedtheirbetters,fromruling”;seeBaggett,“SummingUptheScalawags,”andappendixTable3,TheScalawags:SouthernDissentersintheCivilWarandReconstruction(BatonRouge:LouisianaStateUniversityPress,2003),261–62;Hyman,SouthCarolinaScalawags,xxi,27–28,52;alsoseeJamesBaggett,“UpperSouthScalawagLeadership,”CivilWarHistory29,no.1(March1983):53–73,esp.58–60,73.Onthemodestlandholdings(andthemajorityasnonslaveholders),seeRichardL.HumeandJerryB.Gough,Blacks,Carpetbaggers,andScalawags:TheConstitutionalConventionsofRadicalReconstruction(BatonRouge:LouisianaStateUniversityPress,2008),6,19,262,270.

33.OntheimportanceofeducationunitingtheNorthandSouth,see“NationalHelpforSouthernEducation,”“PresidentHayes’sSpeech,”and“EducationfortheSouth,”NewYorkTimes,January31,September2,December17,1880;CharlesF.Thwing,“TheNationalGovernmentandEducation,”Harper’sNewMonthlyMagazine68(February1884):471–76;AllenJ.Going,“TheSouthandtheBlairEducationBill,”MississippiValleyHistoricalReview44,no.2(September1957):267–90.ReverendA.D.MayowasoneofthestrongestsupportersoftheBlairbill,andavocaladvocateoftrainingpoorwhitesintheSouth;seeA.D.Mayo,“TheThirdEstateoftheSouth,”JournalofSocialSciences(October1890):xxi–xxxii.Onreconciliationstories,seeNinaSilber,“‘WhatDoesAmericaNeedSoMuchasAmericans?’:RaceandNorthernReconciliationwithSouthernAppalachia,1870–1900,”inAppalachiansandRace:TheMountainSouthfromSlaverytoSegregation,ed.JohnInscoe(Lexington:UniversityofKentuckyPress,2001):245–58.

34.MaryDenison,CrackerJoe(Boston,1887),9–10,17,33,97–198,206,233,248–55,314,317,320.Forotherreconciliationstoriespresentingpositiveportrayalsofcrackers,see“TheSouthernCracker,”Youth’sCompanion(May13,1875):149–50;CharlesDunning,“InaFloridaCracker’sCabin;TotheMockingbird,”Lippincott’sMagazine(April1882):367–74;ZitellaCocke,“CrackerJim,”OverlandMonthlyandOutWestMagazine10,no.55(July1887):51–70.

35.WilliamGoodellFrost,“UniversityExtensioninKentucky”(September3,1898):72–80,esp.72,80;alsoseeFrost,“OurContemporaryAncestorsintheSouthernMountains,”AtlanticMonthly83(March1899):311–19;andJamesKlotter,“TheBlackSouthandWhiteAppalachia,”JournalofAmericanHistory66,no.4(March1980):832–49,esp.840,845.Forlessflatteringportrayals,seeWillWallaceHarvey,“AStrangeLandandPeculiarPeople,”Lippincott’sMagazine12(October1873):429–38,esp.431.Othersstressedtheirisolationinthemountains,cutofffrommoderncommerce,asthecauseoftheirshiftlessness,lawlessness,ignorance,andclanlikevendettas;seeJamesLaneAllen,“MountainPassesoftheCumberland(withMap),”Harper’sNew

MonthlyMagazine81(September1890):561–76,esp.562.Allenalsostressedtheirdistinctivephysiognomy—theirtimewarpstyleofliving—whichgavethema“generallistlessness,”angularbodies“withoutgreatmuscularrobustness,”and“voicesmonotonousinintonation”;seeJamesLaneAllen,“ThroughtheCumberlandGaponHorseback,”Harper’sNewMonthlyMagazine73(June1886):50–67,esp.57.

36.DavisofArkansasservedfrom1901to1913;Tillman,whoalsoservedasasenator,wasfirstelectedgovernorofSouthCarolinain1890;VardamanwasMississippigovernorfrom1904to1908,thensenatorfrom1913to1919.SeeStephenKantrowitz,BenTillmanandtheReconstructionofWhiteSupremacy(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,2000);WilliamF.Holmes,WhiteChief:JamesKimballVardaman(BatonRouge:LouisianaStateUniversityPress,1970);AlbertD.Kirwan,RevoltoftheRednecks:MississippiPolitics,1876–1925(Lexington:UniversityofKentuckyPress,1951),145–47,152–53,160–61.AndonJeffDavis,seeRichardL.Niswonger,“AStudyinSouthernDemagoguery:JeffDavisofArkansas,”ArkansasHistoricalQuarterly39,no.2(Summer1980):114–24.Forthestoryoftheterm“redneck”involvingGuyRencher,see“MississippiCampaignReachesNoisyStage,”[NewOrleans]DailyPicayune,July11,1911.ForrednecksintheMississippiswamps,seeHuntMcCaleb,“TheDrummer,”DailyPicayune,April2,1893.OnrednecksintheBoerWar,see“DashingSortiebyBritish,”[Baltimore]Sun,December11,1899.OnearticlenotedthattheBoerscalledtheBritishandAmericans“damnedrednecks”;see“TheNewsfromLadysmith,”NewYorkDailyTribune,November2,1899.OnGuyRencher,seeDunbarRowland,TheOfficialandStatisticalRegisteroftheStateofMississippi,1908,vol.2(Nashville,1908):1156–57.Ononeoftheearliestusagesof“redneck”inMississippipolitics,onAugust13,1891,seePatrickHuberandKathleenDrowne,“Redneck:ANewDiscovery,”AmericanSpeech76,no.4(Winter2001):434–43.Forthefolkrhyme“IWouldRatherBeaNegroThanaPoorWhiteMan,”seeThomasW.Talley,NegroFolkRhymes:WiseandOtherwise(NewYork,1922),43.Forthedatingoftherhyme,seeArchieGreen,“HillbillyMusic:SourceandSymbol,”JournalofAmericanFolklore78,no.309(July–September1965):204–28,esp.204.

37.Onthe“coon-flavoredPresident,”seeBiloxiHerald,April22,1903;“VardamanatScranton,”[NewOrleans]DailyPicayune,June24,1903.For“coon-flavoredmiscegenationist,”see“Correspondence:AMississippianonVardaman,”Outlook,September12,1903;alsosee“LynchLaw,andThreeReasonsforItsRule,”[NewOrleans]Times-Picayune,March21,1904;“SouthernDemocratsBeratePresident,”NewYorkTimes,October19,1901;J.Norrell,“WhenTeddyRooseveltInvitedBookerT.WashingtontoDinner,”JournalofBlacksinHigherEducation,no.63(Spring2009):70–74;andDeweyW.GranthamJr.,“DinneratWhiteHouse:TheodoreRoosevelt,BookerT.Washington,andtheSouth,”TennesseeHistoricalQuarterly17,no.2(June1958):112–30,esp.114–18.

38.ForRoosevelt’scommentonVardaman’s“foullanguage”as“kennelfilthwhichthefoulestNewYorkblackguardwouldnotdaretouseonthestump,”andhis“unspeakablelowness,”seeTheodoreRoosevelttoLymanAbbott,October7,1903,TheodoreRooseveltPapers,ManuscriptDivision,LibraryofCongress,Washington,DC.HevoicedsimilarviewsinalettertothemuckrakingjournalistRayStannardBaker;seeRoosevelttoRayStannardBaker,June3,1908,inTheLettersofTheodoreRoosevelt,ed.EltingMorison,8vols.(Cambridge,MA:HarvardUniversityPress,1951–54),6:1046–48.ForcontroversyoverVardaman’sdoginsult,see“TheVardamanCampaign,”MaconTelegraph,August31,1903;“ItIsNotDenied,”“AndThisManWantstoBeGovernor!,”TheBiloxiDailyHerald,July31,August5,1903;andtwountitledarticlesinTheBiloxiDailyHerald,July22,August1,1903;“VardamanWroteIt,”NewYorkTimes,August16,1904.

39.Onrednecksandhillbillies,see“Vardaman,theSaint,”[Gulfport,MS]DailyHerald,March3,1911.On“dirty”democracyandthepeople,see“VardamanatScranton,”[NewOrleans]DailyPicayune,June24,1903.OnVardamanasa“medicineman,”seeWilliamAlexanderPercy,LanternsontheLevee:RecollectionsofaPlanter’sSon(BatonRouge:LouisianaStateUniversityPress,1973;originallypublished1941),143.

40.SeeJohnM.Mecklin,“Vardamanism,”Independent(August31,1911):461–63.Onthesymbolicmeaningofthe“crackercart”or“critter-kyarts”asthecracker’susualformoftransportation,see“WorkAmongthe‘PoorWhites,’or‘Crackers,’”Friends’Review(March22,1888):532–33.ForanAfro-Americannewspaper’spointedcriticismofVardaman’sracism,see“ThatDevilishOldVardaman,”TopekaPlaindealer,August15,1913.OntheproblemofpoorwhiteilliteracyinMississippi,seeS.A.Steel,“ASchoolintheSticks:ProblemofWhiteIlliteracy,”Zion’sHerald,December30,1903;and“GovernorVardamanontheNegro,”CurrentLiterature36,no.3(March1904):270–71.Ontheimportanceofpittingpoorwhitesagainstblacks,seeJohnMiltonCooper

Jr.,“RacismandReform:AReviewEssay,”WisconsinMagazineofHistory55,no.2(Winter1971):140–44;andKirwan,RevoltoftheRednecks,212.

41.Percy,LanternsontheLevee,148–49.42.ForaccountsofRoosevelt’svisitandspeech,see“PresidentDenouncesRapeandLynching,”[Columbia,SC]State,October26,1905;“GalaDayinLittleRock.PresidentonRaceProblem,”CharlotteDailyObserver,October26,1905;“TwelveDovesofPeaceHoveroverRoosevelt,”LexingtonHerald,October26,1905.OnrebukingDavis,see“ThePresident’sMostImportantSpeech,”MaconTelegraph,October29,1905;“GovernorJeffersonDavis,”MorningOlympian,December6,1905;“Can’tTrainwithRooseveltNow,”FortWorthTelegram,December6,1905.ForcommentthatRooseveltavoidedbeingshotbyVardaman,see“VardamanOutwitted,”NewYorkTimes,November1,1905;andWilliamB.GatewoodJr.,“TheodoreRooseveltandArkansas,1901–1912,”ArkansasHistoricalQuarterly32,no.1(Spring1973):3–24,esp.18–19;alsoseeMrs.WallaceLamar,“RooseveltWrongsHisMother’sBlood,”MaconTelegraph,October26,1905;andHenryFowlerPringle,“TheodoreRooseveltandtheSouth,”VirginiaQuarterlyReview9,no.1(January1933):14–25.

43.OnRoosevelt’sviewofWashington’seducationalproject,seeTheodoreRoosevelttoL.J.Moore,February5,1900,inMorison,TheLettersofTheodoreRoosevelt,2:1169;ThomasG.Dyer,TheodoreRooseveltandtheIdeaofRace(BatonRouge:LouisianaStateUniversityPress,1980),97.

44.TheodoreRoosevelttoCecilArthurSpring-Rice,August11,1899,inMorison,TheLettersofTheodoreRoosevelt,2:1053;Roosevelt,“TheWorldMovement,”inTheWorksofTheodoreRoosevelt,ed.HermanHagdorn(NewYork:CharlesScribner’sSons,1924),14:258–85;Dyer,TheodoreRooseveltandtheIdeaofRace,39,42,64,148;alsoseeDavidH.Burton,“TheInfluenceoftheAmericanWestontheImperialistPhilosophyofTheodoreRoosevelt,”ArizonaandtheWest4,no.1(Spring1962):5–26,esp.10–11,16.

45.Roosevelt,ofcourse,wroteanaccountofhisAmazonexpedition;seeTheodoreRoosevelt,ThroughtheBrazilianWilderness(NewYork,1914).Foradetailedaccountofhistrip,seeCandiceMillard,RiverofDoubt:TheodoreRoosevelt’sDarkestJourney(NewYork:Doubleday,2005).AndforthebestdiscussionofRoosevelt’sruggedmasculinity,seeGailBederman,ManlinessandCivilization:ACulturalHistoryofGenderandRaceintheUnitedStates,1880–1917(Chicago:UniversityofChicagoPress,1995),170–215.

46.OnthecompositionoftheRoughRiders,seeGaryGerstle,“TheodoreRooseveltandtheDividedCharacterofAmericanNationalism,”JournalofAmericanHistory86,no.3(December1999):1280–1307,esp.1282–83,1286–87.

47.FredericRemington,“CrackerCowboysofFlorida,”Harper’sNewMonthlyMagazine91,no.543(August1895):339–46,esp.339,341–42,344;forasimilarportrait,see“FloridaCrackersandCowboys,”[SanFrancisco]DailyEveningBulletin,May5,1883.

48.TheodoreRoosevelttoOwenWister,April27,1906,TheLettersofTheodoreRoosevelt,5:226–28;“Br’erVardaman,”BiloxiHerald,January21,1902.

49.Roosevelttooktheconceptof“racesuicide”fromUniversityofWisconsinprofessorEdwardRoss;seeTheodoreRoosevelttoMarieVanHorst,October18,1902.Thisletterbecamethe“famousracesuicideletter,”andwasreprintedastheintroductiontoVanHorst’sbookTheWomanWhoToils(NewYork:Doubleday,Page&Co.,1903);alsoseeTheodoreRoosevelt,“OnAmericanMotherhood,”March13,1905,speechgivenbeforetheNationalCongressofMothers,in[Supplemental]ACompilationoftheMessagesandSpeechesofTheodoreRoosevelt,1901–1905,ed.AlfredHenryLewis,vol.1(Washington,DC:BureauofNationalLiteratureandArt,1906),576–81;Dyer,TheodoreRooseveltandtheIdeaofRace,15,147,152–55,157;LauraL.Lovett,ConceivingtheFuture:Pronatalism,Reproduction,andtheFamilyintheUnitedStates,1890–1938(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,2007),91–95.Themajorityoffearmongerswhoworriedabout“racesuicide”neverbasedtheirclaimsonstatisticaldata;seeMiriamKingandStevenRuggles,“AmericanImmigration,Fertility,andRaceSuicideattheTurnoftheCentury,”JournalofInterdisciplinaryHistory20,no.3(Winter1990):347–69,esp.368–69.

50.ReportoftheEugenicsSectionoftheAmericanBreeders’Association,inHarryH.Laughlin,ScopeoftheCommittee’sWork,EugenicsRecordOfficeBulletin,No.10A(ColdSpringHarbor,LongIsland,NY),16,asquotedinJuliusPaul,“Population‘Quantity’and‘FitnessforParenthood’intheLightofStateEugenicSterilizationExperience,1907–1966,”PopulationStudies21,no.3(November1967):295–99,esp.295;alsoseeTheodoreRoosevelttoCharlesDavenport,January3,1913,CharlesBenedictDavenportPapers,American

PhilosophicalSociety,Philadelphia(DigitalLibrary,#1487);andTheodoreRoosevelt,“TwistedEugenics,”Outlook(January3,1914):30–34;Dyer,TheodoreRooseveltandtheIdeaofRace,158–60.

51.Forhiscriticismofthenewincometaxandforhisotherproposalsformothers,seeTheodoreRoosevelt,“APremiumonRaceSuicide,”Outlook(September27,1913);Rooseveltalsosupportedtheideaofa“veryhightaxonthecelibateandchildless”;seeKathleenDalton,TheodoreRoosevelt:AStrenuousLife(NewYork:VintageBooks,2004),312;alsosee“Mother’sPensionsinAmerica,”JournaloftheAmericanInstituteofCriminalLawandCriminology9,no.1(May1918):138–40,esp.139.On“fit”mothers,seeJessicaToftandLauraS.Abrams,“ProgressiveMaternalistandtheCitizenshipStatusofLow-IncomeSingleMothers,”SocialScienceReview78,no.3(September2004):447–65,esp.460.Somejuristssawthepensionsasworkingsimilarlytoeugenics,preventing“thechild’spoverty”fromreachinga“menacingstate”;seeSusanSterett,“ServingtheState:ConstitutionalismandSocialSpending,1860s–1920s,”LawandSocialInquiry22,no.2(Spring1997):311–56,esp.344.

52.“EugenicMania,”PacificMedicalJournal(October1,1915):599–602;StevenSelden,“TransformingBetterBabiesintoFitterFamilies:ArchivalResourcesandtheHistoryoftheAmericanEugenicsMovement,1908–1930,”ProceedingsoftheAmericanPhilosophicalSociety149,no.2(June2005):199–225;DanielJ.Kelves,IntheNameofEugenics:GeneticsandtheUsesofHumanHeredity(NewYork:Knopf,1985),59–62,91–92;MatthewJ.Lindsay,“ReproducingaFitCitizenry:Dependency,Eugenics,andtheLawofMarriageintheUnitedStates,1860–1920,”LawandSocialInquiry23,no.3(Summer1998):541–85;MarkA.Largent,BreedingContempt:TheHistoryofCoercedSterilizationintheUnitedStates(NewBrunswick,NJ:RutgersUniversityPress,2008),13–95.

53.Kelves,IntheNameofEugenics,44–46,103;AnneMaxwell,PictureImperfect:PhotographyandEugenics,1870–1940(Brighton:SussexAcademicPress,2008),111;MatthewFryeJacobson,BarbarianVirtues:TheUnitedStatesEncountersForeignPeoplesatHomeandAbroad,1876–1917(NewYork:Hill&Wang,2000),157–58;JanA.Witkowski,“CharlesBenedictDavenport,1866–1944,”inDavenport’sDream:21stCenturyReflectionsonHeredityandEugenics,eds.Jan.AWitkowskiandJohnR.Inglis(ColdSpringHarbor,NY:ColdSpringHarborLaboratoryPress,2008),47–48;BarbaraA.Kimmelman,“TheAmericanBreeders’Association:GeneticsandEugenicsinanAgriculturalContext,1903–13,”SocialStudiesScience13,no.2(May1983):163–204.

54.Davenportwrotehisbrotherin1924thatifimmigrantswereallowedtooverrunthecountry,intwohundredyearsNewYorkandtheNorthwouldbetransformedintoMississippi.Hereheusedsouthernbackwardnessashismodelforthemenaceofforeignimmigration.SeeCharlesDavenporttoWilliamDavenport,February11,1924,Box33,CharlesBenedictDavenportPapers,1876–1946,AmericanPhilosophicalSociety,ascitedinKelves,IntheNameofEugenics,94.Hesawthefailuretosegregatethesexesinthepoorhouseasprimarilyasouthernproblem;seeDavenport,HeredityinRelationtoEugenics(NewYork:HenryHolt&Co.,1911),67,70–71,74,182,200.OnMississippi,seeEdwardJ.Larson,Sex,Race,andScience:EugenicsintheDeepSouth(Baltimore:JohnsHopkinsUniversityPress,1995),81,92.DavenportwantedtousetheU.S.Censustocollectdataonhumanbloodlinesandusethatinformationtoidentifyineachcountythe“centersoffeeblemindednessandcrimeandknowwhoeachhovelbringsforth”;seeDavenport,HeredityinRelationtoEugenics,1,80–82,87–90,211–12,233–34,248–49,255,268.EugenicistandsociologistEdwardRoss(whocoinedtheterm“racesuicide”)alsobelievedthatmigrationtothecityproducedadifferentandbetterbreed.Hearguedthatlong-skulledpeoplemovedtothecity,whilethebroad-skulledandmentallyinferiorstayedinthecountryside;seeEdwardRoss,FoundationsofSociology(NewYork,1905),364.

55.OnDavenport’sreferencetowomenwithbighips,andforareferencetohorsebreeding,seeHeredityinRelationtoEugenics,1,7–8.ForAlexanderGrahamBell’sargumentattheFourthAnnualConventionoftheAmericanBreeders’Association,see“CloseDivorceDoorsIfAnyChildren.Prof.AlexanderGrahamBellConsidersPlantoProduceBetterMenandWomen,”NewYorkTimes,January30,1908;W.E.D.Stokes,TheRighttoBeWellBorn,orHorseBreedinginItsRelationstoEugenics(NewYork,1917),8,74,76,199,256;alsosee“W.E.D.StokesonEugenics,”EugenicalNews2,no.2(February1917):13.Onthefocuson“humanthoroughbreds”andthe“unborn,”alsosee“APerfectRaceofMen:AccordingtoProf.KellartheSuccessofEugenicsDependsonRulesMadebyCustom,”NewYorkTimes,September27,1908.ItwasMaryHarriman’sdaughter,alsonamedMary,bothastudentofeugenicsandahorselover,whoencouragedhermothertodonatemoneytoDavenport’sEugenicsRecordOffice.HerbrotherWilliamAverellHarrimanwasahorsebreeder,and

thedaughterMaryalsobredcattle.SeePersiaCampbell,“MaryHarrimanRumsey,”NotableAmericanWomen,1607–1950:ABiographicalDictionary,vol.1,eds.EdwardT.James,JanetWilsonJames,andPaulBoyer(Cambridge,MA:BelknapPressofHarvardUniversityPress,1971):208–9.

56.AMichiganlegislatorproposedameasureforkillingbyelectricitychildrenconsideredhopelesscases;seeS.T.Samock,“ShallWeKilltheFeeble-Minded?,”Health(August1903):258–59.W.DuncanMcKim,M.D.,Ph.D.,calledforamethodofeliminationoftheveryweakandveryviciousbycarbonicacidgasasphyxiationinhisHeredityandHumanProgress(NewYork,1900),188–93.Onexecutingthegrandfather,seeKelves,IntheNameofEugenics,92.Forasimilarargumentthatdegeneracyshouldbestoppedatthegrandfather,seeJohnN.Hurty,M.D.,“PracticalEugenics,”JournalofNursing12,no.5(February1912):450–53.Onsterilizationlawsandcategories,seePaul,“Population‘Quantity’and‘FitnessforParenthood,’”296;andPaulPopenoe,“TheProgressofEugenicSterilization,”JournalofHeredity25,no.1(January1934):19–27,esp.20.OnTaussig,seeThomasC.Leonard,“Retrospectives:EugenicsandEconomicsintheProgressiveEra,”JournalofEconomicPerspectives19,no.4(Autumn1905):207–24,esp.214.

57.Forexamplesoftheargumentthatwhites,especiallywhitewomen,hadaninstinctualaversiontoblacks,seeanarticlebythechancelloroftheUniversityofGeorgia,WalterB.Hill,“UncleTomWithoutaCabin,”CenturyMagazine27,no.6(1884):862;ReverendWilliamH.Campbell’sbook,AnthropologyforthePeople:ARefutationoftheTheoryoftheAdamicOriginsofAllRaces(Richmond,1891),269;“TheColorLine,”NewYorkGlobe,June1883;“RaceAmalgamation,”AmericanEconomicAssociation.Publications(August1896):180;and“ThePsychologyoftheRaceQuestion,”Independent(August13,1903):1939–40;EllenBarretLigon,M.D.,“TheWhiteWomanandtheNegro,”GoodHousekeeping(November1903):426–29,esp.428;andMencke,MulattoesandRaceMixture,105,107–8;alsoseeStokes,TheRighttoBeWellBorn,86,222–24,230.Oncheckinghusbandsbeforemarriage,seeMrs.JohnA.Logan,“Inheritance,MentalandPhysical,”PhiladelphiaInquirer,April24,1904.Oneugenicmarriages,see“WantstoBeaEugenicBride,”NewYorkTimes,November3,1913.Onanovelabouteugenicmarriage(CourtshipUnderContract:TheScienceofSelection),see“BookReviews,”Health(February1911):43.OnaeugenicschoolforfemaleorphansinLouisiana,see“QuitsSocietyforEugenics,”NewYorkTimes,August29,1913.Onaeugenicregistry,see“SupermanaBeingofNervousForce...EugenicRegistryPlanWouldDevelopaRaceofHumanThoroughbreds,ItIsArgued—EliminationoftheUnfit,”NewYorkTimes,January11,1914;andSelden,“TransformingBetterBabiesintoFitterFamilies,”206–7,210–12.Ontheimportantroleofwomenintheeugenicsmovement,seeEdwardJ.Larson,“‘IntheFinest,MostWomanlyWay’:WomenintheSouthernEugenicsMovement,”AmericanJournalofLegalHistory39,no.2(April1995):119–47.

58.By1928,nearlyfourhundredcollegesanduniversitieswereofferingeugenicscourses;seeStevenSelden,InheritingShame:TheStoryofEugenicsandRacisminAmerica(NewYork:TeachersCollegePress,1999),49.Goddardclassifiedmoronsashavingthementalagefromeighttotwelve;seeHenryH.Goddard,“Four-HundredFeeble-MindedChildrenClassifiedbytheBinetMethod,”JournalofPsycho-Asthenics15,no.1–2(SeptemberandDecember,1910):17–30,esp.26–27.Onthemoronandsexualdeviance,seeEdwinT.Brewster,“AScientificStudyofFools,”McClure’sMagazine39,no.3(July1912):328–34.Onthefecundityoffeeblemindedwomen,see“TheUnfit,”MedicalRecord(March4,1911):399–400;andMartinW.Barr,M.D.,“TheFeeblemindedaSociologicalProblem,”AlienistandNeurologist(August1,1913):302–5.Onfeeblemindedgirlsasamenacetosociety,see“TheMenaceoftheFeebleminded,”Colman’sRuralWorld(June25,1914):8.Onfemalemoronsbecomingprostitutesorslovenlyhousekeeperswithhordesofchildren,seeGeorgeS.Bliss,M.D.,“DiagnosisofFeeblemindedIndividuals,”AlienistandNeurologist(January1,1918):17–23;alsoseeKevles,IntheNameofEugenics,77,107;Davenport,HeredityinRelationtoEugenics,233–43;andWendyKline,BuildingaBetterRace:Gender,Sexuality,andEugenicsfromtheTurnoftheCenturytotheBabyBoom(Berkeley:UniversityofCaliforniaPress,2005),20–29.

59.Onthecontinuingfearsofmiscegenation,seeWilliamBenjaminSmith,TheColorLine:ABriefinBehalfoftheUnborn(NewYork,1905),5,8,11–14,17–18,74;RobertW.Shufeldt,M.D.,TheNegro:AMenacetoAmericanCivilization(Boston,1907),73–74,77–78,103–4,131.Between1907and1921,Congressproposedtwenty-onebillsagainstmiscegenation;seeRobinson,DangerousLiaisons,82.

60.ForGoddardusingthesamemetaphorsasReconstructionwritersforwhitetrash,seeHenryHerbertGoddard,TheKallikakFamily:AStudyintheHeredityofFeeble-Mindedness(NewYork,1912),66,71–72.Onreducingtaxpayers’burden,anargumentusedinIndiana,whichpassedoneofthefirststerilizationlawsin1907,see

“Feeble-MindedWomen,”DuluthNewsTribune,March12,1904;Davenport,HeredityinRelationtoEugenics,259;Kline,BuildingaBetterRace,49,53;Kelves,IntheNameofEugenics,72.Onmoronsasneededformanuallaborers,seeLewisM.Terman,TheMeasurementofIntelligence(Boston:HoughtonMifflin,1916),91.ThiswastheargumentofAlbertPriddy,superintendentoftheasyluminvolvedintheBuckv.Bellcase;seeGregoryMichaelDorr,Segregation’sScience:EugenicsandSocietyinVirginia(Charlottesville:UniversityofVirginiaPress,2008),132.

61.OntheChamberlain-KahnBillpassedbyCongressin1918,fordetainingsuspectedprostitutes,seeKristinLuker,“Sex,SocialHygiene,andtheState:TheDouble-EdgedSwordofSocialReform,”TheoryandSociety27,no.5(October1998):601–34,esp.618–23;ChristopherCapozzola,“TheOnlyBadgeNeededIsYourPatrioticFervor:Vigilance,Coercion,andtheLawinWorldWarIAmerica,”JournalofAmericanHistory88,no.4(March2002):1354–82,esp.1370–73;Kline,BuildingaBetterRace,46–47;AineCollier,TheHumbleLittleCondom:AHistory(Amherst,NY:PrometheusBooks,2007),185,187.Onthedraft,seeJeanetteKeith,RichMan’sWar,PoorMan’sFight:Race,ClassandPowerintheRuralSouthDuringtheFirstWorldWar(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,2004),43,70–71,73–75.

62.Onthearmyfilledwithmorons,andcallsforintelligencetestsforvoting,see“AreWeRuledbyMorons?,”CurrentOpinion72,no.4(April1922):438–40.Forsouthernpoorwhitesandblacksreceivinglowerscores,especiallythosefromtheDeepSouth,seeM.F.AshleyMontagu,“IntelligenceofNorthernNegroesandSouthernWhitesintheFirstWorldWar,”AmericanJournalofPsychology58,no.2(April1945):161–88,esp.165–67,185–86;alsoseeDanielJ.Kevles,“TestingtheArmy’sIntelligence:PsychologistsandtheMilitaryinWorldWarI,”JournalofAmericanHistory55,no.3(December1968):565–81,esp.576;Dorr,Segregation’sScience,110;andJamesD.Watson,“GenesandPolitics,”inWitkowskiandInglis,Davenport’sDream,11.

63.HookwormwasidentifiedasthereasonforstuntedbodiesamongWorldWarIdraftees;seeM.W.Ireland,AlbertLove,andCharlesDavenport,DefectsFoundinDraftedMen:StatisticalInformationCompiledfromtheDraftRecords(Washington,DC,1919),34,265.Forclay-eatingasawhitetrashaddiction,see(theironicallytitled)“TheyEatClayandGrowFat,”PhiladelphiaInquirer,November26,1895;and“TheClayEaters,”FortWorthRegister,January12,1897.Onhookwormandstuntedbodies,seeMarionHamiltonCarter,“TheVampiresoftheSouth,”McClure’sMagazine33,no.6(October1909):617–31;J.L.Nicholson,M.D.,andWatsonS.Rankin,M.D.,“UncinariasisasSeeninNorthCarolina,”MedicalNews(November19,1904):978–87;H.F.Harris,“Uncinariasis;ItsFrequencyandImportanceintheSouthernStates,”AtlantaJournal-RecordofMedicine,June1,1903;“Uncinariasis,theCauseofLaziness,”Zion’sHerald,December10,1902;“ThePassingofthePo’‘WhiteTrash’:TheRockefellerCommission’sSuccessfulFightAgainstHookwormDisease,”Hampton-ColumbiaMagazine,November1,1911.Onwhitetrashdiseases,seeJamesO.Breeden,“DiseaseasaFactorinSouthernDistinctiveness,”andElizabethW.Etheridge,“Pellagra:AnUnappreciatedReminderofSouthernDistinctiveness,”inDiseaseandDistinctivenessintheAmericanSouth,eds.ToddL.SavittandJamesHarveyYoung(Knoxville:UniversityofTennesseePress,1988),1–28,100–19,esp.14–15,104.Onthearmy’sdiscoverythatsouthernrecruitshada“poorerdegreeofphysicaldevelopment,”seeNatalieJ.Ring,TheProblemoftheSouth:Region,Empire,andtheNewLiberalState,1880–1930(Athens:UniversityofGeorgiaPress,2012),79.

64.SeeS.A.Hamilton,“TheNewRaceQuestionintheSouth,”Arena27,no.4(April1902):352–58;alsosee“ScienceandDiscovery:TheComingWaronHookworm,”CurrentLiterature17,no.6(December1909):676–80;E.J.Edwards,“TheFighttoSave2,000,000LivesfromHookworm,”NewYorkTimes,August28,1910;JohnEttling,TheGermofLaziness:RockefellerPhilanthropyandPublicHealthintheNewSouth(Cambridge,MA:HarvardUniversityPress,1981);AndrewSledd,“IlliteracyintheSouth,”Independent,October17,1901,2471–74;RichardEdmonds,“TheSouth’sIndustrialTask:APleaforTechnicalTrainingofPoorWhiteBoys,”anaddressbeforetheAnnualConventionofSouthernCottonSpinners’AssociationatAtlanta,November14,1901(Atlanta,1901).Oneducationandreformingpoorwhites,seeBruceClayton,TheSavageIdeal:IntoleranceandIntellectualLeadershipintheSouth,1890–1914(Baltimore:JohnsHopkinsUniversityPress,1972),114–15,119,140.Onmillworkendangeringwhitewomenandchildren,seeElbertHubbard,“WhiteSlaveryintheSouth,”Philistine(May1902):161–78;“ChildLaborintheSouth,”OhioFarmer(February3,1906):121;LouiseMarkscheffel,“TheRightoftheChildNottoBeBorn,”Arena36,no.201(August1906):125–27;OwenR.Lovejoy,assistantsecretaryoftheNationalChildLaborCommittee,“ChildLaborandFamilyDisintegration,”Independent(September27,1906):748–50.Ontenantfarmersasthenewvagrants,seeFrank

Tannenbaum,DarkerPhasesoftheSouth(NewYork,1924),131–35;alsoseeRing,TheProblemoftheSouth,25–26,62–63,121,125–26,135–36.Thepoorwhiteswerealsoagreatertargetbecauseblackshadbeendisenfranchisedinmanysouthernstates.Theuneducatedcrackerstillhadpoliticalpower,whichmanyelitesouthernersfoundtroubling.SeeCharlesH.Holden,IntheGreatMaelstrom:ConservativesinPost–CivilWarSouthCarolina(Columbia:UniversityofSouthCarolinaPress,2002),65,80.

65.Dorr,Segregation’sScience,122–23,129,132;PaulLombardo,“ThreeGenerations,NoImbeciles:NewLightonBuckv.Bell,”NewYorkUniversityLawReview60,no.1(April1965):30–60,esp.37,45–50.

66.SeeDavidStarrJordanandHarveyErnestJordan,War’sAftermath:APreliminaryStudyoftheEugenicsofWarasIllustratedbytheCivilWaroftheUnitedStatesandtheLateWarsintheBalkans(Boston:HoughtonMifflin,1914),63;Dorr,Segregation’sScience,54–55,57,59,62,65;GregoryMichaelDorr,“AssuringAmerica’sPlaceintheSun:IveyForemanLewisandtheTeachingofEugenicsattheUniversityofVirginia,1915–1953,”JournalofSouthernHistory66,no.2(May2000):257–96,esp.264–65.

67.Inadditiontofocusingontheirimmoralsexualrelationsandhighfecundity,heemphasizedhowmostoftheirteachersrankedthechildrenas“feebleminded,”“stupid,”and“hopeless.”Healsodelineatedthedegreeofinbreeding,mostlysecondcousinsmatingandmarrying.Heidentifiedfour“fountainheads,”ormaleprogenitors;onewasJosephBrown,awhiteman,whomarriedafull-bloodedIndian.Hedescribedtheir“stock”asbetterthanifnotequaltothecommonwhitesofVirginia.TheWinsthemselvesrecognizedthoseofpurewhitebloodashaving“clarblood.”SeeArthurH.EstabrookandIvanE.M.McDougle,MongrelVirginians:TheWinTribe(Baltimore:Williams&WilkinsCompany,1926),13–14,23,119,125,145–46,154–57,160–66,181,203–5.

68.Estabrookincludedinhisbookacopyofthe1924proposedlawandanexplanationofit;seeEstabrook,MongrelVirginians,203–5.Virginia’s1924RacialIntegrityActalsohadthe“Pocahontasexception”thatprotectedelitefamilies(descendantsofJohnRolfe)frombeingconsideredraciallytainted;seeRichardB.Sherman,“‘TheLastStand’:TheFightforRacialIntegrityinVirginiainthe1920s,”JournalofSouthernHistory54,no.1(February1988):69–92,esp.78;Dorr,Segregation’sScience,145–46.

69.Onthelawprohibitingthemixingofblacksandwhitesinpublicvenues,seeSherman,“‘TheLastStand,’”esp.83–84.FortheopinionofChiefJusticeOliverWendellHolmes,seeBuckv.Bell,274U.S.200(1927),208.

70.HarryLaughlinusedAlbertPriddy’swordsinhisdispositionforthe1924trialwhenhedescribedtheBuckfamilyas“belong[ing]totheshiftless,ignorant,andworthlessclassofanti-socialwhitesoftheSouth.”In1914,inareporttothegovernor,Priddyhaddefendedsterilizationforthefeeble-mindedbyequatinghereditydefectswithantisocialbehavior(crime,prostitution,drunkenness)amongthe“non-producingandshiftlesspersons,livingonpublicandprivatecharity.”SeeLombardo,“ThreeGenerations,NoImbeciles,”37,49–50,54;Dorr,Segregation’sScience,129–30,132,134.Eugenicpromoterspublishedthecourt’sdecisiontojustifytheexpansionofsterilization;seePopenoe,“TheProgressofEugenicSterilization,”23–26.ForCarrieBuck’spedigreechart,usedinthetrial,see“MostImmediateBlood-KinofCarrieBuck.ShowingIllegitimacyandHereditaryFeeblemindedness”(circa1925),theHarryH.LaughlinPapers,TrumanStateUniversity,LanternSlides,BrownBox,1307,accessedfromImageArchiveontheAmericanEugenicsMovement,DolanDNACenter,ColdSpringHarborLaboratory(#1013),http://www.eugenicsarchive.org.

71.LewisM.Termandismissedtheinfluenceofenvironmentandsawclassasanaccurateoutcomeofhereditaryability.Hewrote,“Commonobservationwoulditselfsuggestthatsocialclasstowhichthefamilybelongsdependslessonchancethanontheparents’nativequalitiesofintellectandcharacter.”Forhisclassarguments,seeTerman,TheMeasurementofIntelligence,72,96,115.Termanworriedmoreaboutthelowbirthratesamongthetalentedclass,anddoingeverythingpossibletoincreasethisclass;seeLewisMadisonTerman,“WereWeBornThatWay?,”TheWorld’sWork44(May–October1922):655–60.Terman’sintelligencescalewasmoreelitist;hegroupedthemostseverelymentallydeficientintoonecategoryofthe“intellectuallyfeeble,”andthenusedborderline,inferior,average,superior,verysuperior,select,veryselect,andgenius.Itwasthetopofthescalethatmatteredmosttohim;seeTerman,“TheBinetScaleandtheDiagnosisofFeeble-Mindedness,”JournaloftheAmericanInstituteofCriminalLawandCriminology7,no.4(November1916):530–43,esp.541–42;alsoseeMaryK.Coffey,“TheAmericanAdonis:ANaturalHistoryofthe‘AverageAmerican’Man,1921–32,”inPopularEugenics:NationalEfficiencyandAmericanMassCultureinthe1930s,eds.SusanCurrellandChristinaCogdell(Athens:OhioUniversityPress,2006),185–216,esp.186–87,196,198.OthereugenicistslikepopularlecturerAlbertE.Wiggamfearedthatifintelligentandbeautifulwomen(asifthose

traitswereunitedinoneclass)didnotbreed,“thenextgenerationwillbebothhomelyanddumb”;seeR.leClercPhillips,“CracksintheUpperCrust,”Independent(May29,1926):633–36.

72.OnC.W.SaleebyandhisnewbookWomanonWomanhood,see“UrgingWomentoLifttheRace,”NewYorkTimes,November19,1911;forasatireofeugenicfeminism,ofwomenrunningdownmen,replacingmarriageforlovewiththe“cold-bloodedselection”ofthebestbasedon“scientificpropagation,”seeRobertW.Chambers,“ProBonoPublico:FurtherDevelopmentsintheEugenistSuffragetteCampaign,”Hampton’sMagazine(July1,1911):19–30;andWilliamMcDougall,NationalWelfareandDecay(London,1921),9–25.McDougalldidasimilarstudycomparingtheintellectualcapacityofEnglishprivateschools(childrenofeducatedelite)andprimaryschools(childrenofshopkeepersandartisans)andarrivedatthesameconclusionasTerman:therewasamarkedsuperiorityofthechildrenoftheeducatedelite.SeeReverendW.R.Inge,“IsOurRaceDegenerating?,”TheLivingAge(January15,1927):143–54.

73.StevenNoll,Feeble-MindedinOurMidst:InstitutionsfortheMentallyRetardedintheSouth,1900–1940(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,1995),71.FortheimportanceoftargetingdelinquentwhitegirlsofthepoorerclassforsterilizationinNorthCarolinainthe1920s,seeKarenL.Zipf,BadGirlsatSamarcand:SexualityandSterilizationinaSouthernJuvenileReformatory(BatonRouge:LouisianaStateUniversityPress,2016),3,66–67,73,83–84,150–52,154.

74.SeeSherwoodAnderson,PoorWhite(NewYork:B.W.Huebsch,Inc.,1920),3–8,11–14,18;StephenC.Enniss,“AlienationandAffirmation:TheDividedSelfinSherwoodAnderson’s‘PoorWhite,’”SouthAtlanticReview55,no.2(May1990):85–99;WelfordDunawayTaylorandCharlesE.Modlin,eds.,SouthernOdyssey:SelectedWritingsofSherwoodAnderson(Athens:UniversityofGeorgiaPress,1997);andonAnderson’sfocusonpeoplebuildingwalls,oftenclassbarriers,seePercyH.Boynton,“SherwoodAnderson,”NorthAmericanReview224,no.834(March–May1927):140–50,esp.148.

75.Anderson,PoorWhite,29,43,55,56,62,72,80,118–21,127–28,156,169,171–72,190–91,227–28,230–31,253–54,299.

76.Ibid.,136,260,271,277,332,342,345,357,367–71.77.Fortheideaof“childishimpotence,”“arresteddevelopmentofthesocialclass,”“spiritualstagnation,”andthattheSouthhad“burieditsAnglo-Saxons,”seeTannenbaum,DarkerPhasesoftheSouth,39–42,56,70,117–19,183;WilliamGarrottBrown,LowerSouthinAmericanHistory(NewYork,1902),266;EdgarGardnerMurphy,TheProblemsofthePresentSouth(NewYork,1909),123;alsoseeRing,TheProblemoftheSouth,139,148,152.IraCaldwellpublishedafive-partseriesin1929forEugenics:AJournalofRaceBettermentonapoorwhitefamilythathecalled“TheBunglers.”ItwashisownfamilystudyinthetraditionofTheJukes.SeeAshleyCraigLancaster,“WeedingouttheRecessiveGene:RepresentationsoftheEvolvingEugenicsMovementinErskineCaldwell’s‘God’sLittleAcre,’”SouthernLiteraryJournal39,no.2(Spring2007):78–99,esp.81.

78.ErskineCaldwell,TheBastard(NewYork,1929),13–14,16,21,28.79.Ibid.,21–23,141–42,145–46,165–66,170,175,177,198–99.80.Forarticlesdebatingaristocracy,seeRobertN.Reeves,“OurAristocracy,”AmericanMagazineofCivics(January1896):23–29;HarryThurstonPeck,“TheNewAmericanAristocracy,”TheCosmopolitan(October1898):701–9;HarryThurstonPeck,“TheBasisforanAmericanAristocracy,”Independent(December22,1898):1842–45;“IsAmericaHeadingforAristocracy?,”TheLivingAge(September21,1907):757–60;CharlesFerguson,“ADemocraticAristocracy,”TheBookman:AReviewofBooksandLife(October1917):147–48.Infavorofanaristocracyoftalent,seeJamesSouthallWilson,“TheFutureofAristocracyinAmerica,”NorthAmericanReview(January1932),34–40.Andforaninbredcivilservantclass,seeJamesEdwardDunning,“AnAristocracyofGovernmentinAmerica,”Forum(June1910):567–80.Therewerealsocriticsofcreatingthismasterclass;see“ModernBiologyastheEnemyofDemocracy,”CurrentOpinion49,no.3(September1920):346–47;onthenewpowerofscienceandexpertise,seeJoAnneBrown,TheDefinitionofaProfession:TheAuthorityofMetaphorintheHistoryofIntelligenceTesting,1900–1930(Princeton,NJ:PrincetonUniversityPress,1992),41.

81.Ontheflapper,seeCorraHarris,FlapperAnne(Boston:HoughtonMifflin,1926).ItwasserializedinLadies’HomeJournalin1925;seeBetsyLeeNies,EugenicFantasies:RacialIdeologyandtheLiteratureandPopularCultureofthe1920s(NewYork:Routledge,2010),41.

ChapterNine:ForgottenMenandPoorFolk:DownwardMobilityandtheGreatDepression

1.DavidM.Kennedy,TheAmericanPeopleintheGreatDepression:FreedomfromFear:PartI(NewYork:OxfordUniversityPress,1999),86–87,89.

2.SeeU.S.NationalEmergencyCouncil,ReportonEconomicConditionsintheSouth.PreparedforthePresidentbytheNationalEmergencyCouncil(Washington,DC:GovernmentPrintingOffice,1938),1;WillW.Alexander,“RuralResettlement,”SouthernReview1,no.3(Winter1936):528–39,esp.529,532,535,538.Asanotherexpertexplained,ruralrehabilitationdidnotmeanareturntothestatusquo,butgivingfarmersthemeanstosustainandimprovetheirstandardofliving;seeJosephW.Eaton,ExploringTomorrow’sAgriculture:Co-OperativeGroupFarming—APracticalProgramofRuralRehabilitation(NewYork:Harper&Brothers,1943),4–7.

3.MatthewJ.Mancini,OneDies,GetAnother:ConvictLeasingintheAmericanSouth,1866–1928(Columbia:UniversityofSouthCarolinaPress,1996),2–3,23,37–38;EdwardL.Ayers,VengeanceandJustice:CrimeandPunishmentintheNineteenth-CenturyAmericanSouth(NewYork:OxfordUniversityPress,1985),185–222.

4.RobertE.Burns,IAmaFugitivefromaGeorgiaChainGang,forewordbyMatthewJ.Mancini(Athens:UniversityofGeorgiaPress,1997),vi–ix.By1932,nearlyathirdofthepopulationofconvictswerewhite,atriplingsince1908;seeAlexLichtenstein,“ChainGangs,Communism,andthe‘NegroQuestion’:JohnL.Spivak’sGeorgiaNigger,”GeorgiaHistoricalQuarterly79,no.3(Fall1995):633–58,esp.641–42.

5.OnWarnerBrothers,seeAndrewBergman,We’reintheMoney:DepressionAmericaandItsFilms(Chicago:IvanR.Dee,1971),92.

6.LewisW.Hine,MenatWork:PhotographicStudiesofModernMenandMachines(NewYork,1932),frontispiece;alsoseeKateSampsellWillmann,“LewisHine,EllisIsland,andPragmatism:PhotographsasLivedExperience,”JournaloftheGildedAgeandProgressiveEra7,no.2(April2008):221–52,esp.221–22.

7.AmityShlaes,TheForgottenMan:ANewHistoryoftheGreatDepression(NewYork:HarperPerennial,2008),129;RogerDaniels,TheBonusMarch:AnEpisodeoftheGreatDepression(Westport,CT:Greenwood,1971);JohnDosPassos,“TheVeteransComeHometoRoost,”NewRepublic(June29,1932):177–78.Oneaccountnotedthattherewerealargenumberoffarmers;seeMauritzA.Haligren,“TheBonusArmyScaresMr.Hoover,”Nation135(July27,1932):73.Onburningtheshantytown,see“TheBonusArmyIncident,”NewYorkTimes,September16,1932.OnthereactiontoHoovercallingBonusArmymencriminals,seeHaroldN.Denny,“HooverB.E.F.AttackStirsLegionAnew,”NewYorkTimes,September13,1932;JohnHenryBartlett,TheBonusMarchandtheNewDeal(Chicago:M.A.Donohue&Co.,1937),13;andDonaldJ.Lisio,“ABlunderBecomesaCatastrophe:Hoover,theLegion,andtheBonusArmy,”WisconsinMagazineofHistory51,no.1(Autumn1967):37–50.

8.CharlesR.Walker,“ReliefandRevolution,”ForumandCentury88(August1932):73–79.9.EdwardNewhouse,YouCan’tSleepHere(NewYork:Macaulay,1934),103–4,112.10.Onthirtieswriters,seeDavidP.Peeler,HopeAmongUsYet:SocialCriticismandSocialSolaceinDepressionAmerica(Athens:UniversityofGeorgiaPress,1987),167–68,171;TomKromer,WaitingforNothing(NewYork,1935),186;andArthurM.Lamport,“TheNewEraIsDead—LongLivetheNewDeal,”Banker’sMagazine(June1933):545–48.

11.Seethephotographs“TheFloodLeavesItsVictimsontheBreadLine”and“TennesseePutsaChainGangonItsLevees,”Life2,no.7(February15,1937):9,12–13.

12.“Muncie,Ind.IstheGreatU.S.‘Middletown’:AndThisIstheFirstPictureEssayofWhatItLooksLike,”Life2(May10,1937):15–25;alsoseeSarahE.Igo,“FromMainStreettoMainstream:Middletown,Muncie,and‘TypicalAmerica,’”IndianaMagazineofHistory101,no.3(September2005):239–66,esp.244–45,255,259–60.Asonewriternoted,thepopularunderstandingoftheAmericanstandardoflivingwas“mouthedaboutbyeveryone,butdefinedbynone,”andatthe“presenttimetheAmericanStandardofLivingisprobablynothingmorethanasetofvalueswhichthemajorityofpeopleplaceonthingstheywishtheyhad”;ElmerLeslieMcDowell,“TheAmericanStandardofLiving,”NorthAmericanReview237,no.1(January1934):71–75,esp.72.

13.“TheAmericanCollapse,”TheLivingAge(December1,1929):398–401;ontheEgyptiantombtheme,seeVirgilJordan,“TheEraofMadIllusions,”NorthAmericanReview(January1930):54–59.

14.SeeWilliamStott,DocumentaryExpressionandThirtiesAmerica(Chicago:UniversityofChicagoPress,1973),62–63,67–68,212.AndontheimportanceoferosiontoRoyStryker’sphotographicagenda,seeStuartKidd,“Art,PoliticsandErosion:FarmSecurityAdministrationPhotographsoftheSouthernLand,”Revuefrançaised’étudesaméricaines,rev.ed.(1986):67–68;ArthurRothstein,“MeltingSnow,Utopia,Ohio,”February1940,LibraryofCongress,PrintsandPhotographsDivision,Washington,DC;andPeeler,HopeAmongUsYet,148.

15.Onwaste,seeHerbertJ.Spinden,“WatersFlow,WindsBlow,CivilizationsDie,”NorthAmericanReview(Autumn1937):53–70;RussellLord,“BeholdOurLand,”NorthAmericanReview(Autumn1938):118–32;onthechaoticgroundswell,alsoseeRussellLord,“BacktotheLand?,”Forum(February1933):97–103,esp.99,102.SpindenwasanarcheologistwhospecializedinMayanartandwascuratorofAmericanIndianartandcultureattheBrooklynMuseumfrom1929to1951.SeeRegnaDarnellandFredericW.Gleach,eds.,CelebratingaCenturyoftheAmericanAnthropologicalAssociation:PresidentialPortraits(NewYork,2002),73–76.DorotheaLangeandPaulTaylor,AnAmericanExodus:ARecordofHumanErosion(NewYork:Reynal&Hitchcock,1939),102.EngineerandWPAconsultantDavidCushmanCoylepublishedapowerfullittlebooktitledWaste,whichofferedthisstatementinhisopeningchapter,“Mud”:“Wherevermantouchesthisland,itbreaksdownandwashesaway.Ifhebuildsacabin,thetracktohisdoorbecomesadevouringgully....Thislandshrinksandwithersunderthetouchofman”;seeWaste:TheFighttoSaveAmerica(Indianapolis:Bobbs-Merrill,1936),5–6.Healsohadachaptertitled“HumanErosion,”anddescribedworkingpeople“movingintotheslumsorintoshacksbuiltofrubbish—slidingdownanddown,atlasttothereliefline”;seeibid.,57.ThislittlebookbecameakeycampaigntoolinRoosevelt’s1936reelectioncampaigninIndiana;seeJamesPhilipFadely,“Editors,WhistleStops,andElephants:ThePresidentialCampaigninIndiana,”IndianaMagazineofHistory85,no.2(June1989):101–37,esp.106.

16.SeeCarletonBeals,“Migs:America’sShantytownonWheels,”ForumandCentury99(January1938):10–16,esp.11–12;“‘IWonderWhereWeCanGoNow,’”Fortune19,no.4(April1939):91–100,esp.91,94;PaulTaylor,“TheMigrantsandCalifornia’sFuture:TheTrektoCaliforniaandtheTrekinCalifornia”[ca.1935],inTaylor,OntheGroundintheThirties(SaltLakeCity:PeregrineSmithBooks,1983),175–84,esp.175–77,179;CharlesPoole,“JohnSteinbeck’s‘TheGrapesofWrath,’”in“BooksoftheMonth,”NewYorkTimes,April14,1939;“‘TheGrapesofWrath’:JohnSteinbeckWritesaMajorNovelAboutWesternMigrants,”Life6,no.23(June5,1939):66–67;WoodyGuthrie,“TalkingDustBowlBlues”(1940);FrankEugeneCruz,“‘InBetweenaPastandFutureTown’:Home,theUnhomely,and‘TheGrapesofWrath,’”SteinbeckReview4,no.2(Fall2007):52–75,esp.63,73;MichaelDenning,TheCulturalFront:TheLaboringofAmericanCultureintheTwentiethCentury(London:Verso,1997),259;VivianC.Sobchack,“TheGrapesofWrath(1940):ThematicEmphasisThroughVisualStyle,”AmericanQuarterly31,no.5(Winter1979):596–615.

17.PaulK.Conkin,TomorrowaNewWorld:TheNewDealCommunityProgram(Ithaca,NY:CornellUniversityPress,1959),26,30;WilliamH.Issel,“RalphBorsodiandtheAgrarianResponsetoModernAmerica,”AgriculturalHistory41,no.2(April1967):155–66;RalphBorsodi,“SubsistenceHomesteads:PresidentRoosevelt’sNewLandandPopulationPolicy,”SurveyGraphic23(January1934):11–14,48,esp.13;andBorsodi,“Dayton,Ohio,MakesSocialHistory,”Nation136(April19,1933):447–48,esp.448.OnDayton,Ohio,alsoseeJohnA.Piquet,“ReturnoftheWilderness,”NorthAmericanReview(May1934):417–26,esp.425–26;CharlesMorrowWilson,“AmericanPeasants,”TheCommonweal19(December8,1933):147–49;andPamelaWebb,“BytheSweatoftheBrow:TheBack-to-the-LandMovementinDepressionArkansas,”ArkansasHistoricalQuarterly42,no.4(Winter1983):332–45,esp.337.

18.Webb,“BytheSweatoftheBrow,”334.Oneobserverconcludedthat“manyofthesewould-befarmersarenotfarmersandmostofthemmaybeexpectedtoreturntocityjobswhenprosperityreturns”;seeW.RussellTaylor,“RecentTrendsinCityandCountyPopulation,”JournalofLandandPublicUtilityEconomics9,no.1(February1933):63–74,esp.72.

19.RichardS.Krikendall,SocialScientistsandFarmPoliticsintheAgeofRoosevelt(Ames:IowaStateUniversityPress,1982),12–14;andM.L.Wilson,“TheFairwayFarmsProject,”JournalofLandandPublicUtilityEconomics2,no.2(April1926):156–71,esp.156;RoyE.Huffman,“Montana’sContributionstoNewDealFarmPolicy,”AgriculturalHistory33,no.4(October1959):164–67;alsosee“AHopeandaHomestead”(Washington,DC:GovernmentPrintingOffice,1935),6,8–10;andM.L.Wilson,“TheSubsistenceHomesteadProgram,”ProceedingsoftheInstituteofPublicAffairs8(1934):158–75.

20.M.L.Wilson,“ANewLand-UseProgram:ThePlaceofSubsistenceHomesteads,”JournalofLandandPublicUtilityEconomics10,no.1(February1934):1–12,esp.6–8;Wilson,“ProblemofPovertyinAgriculture,”JournalofFarmEconomics22,no.1,ProceedingsNumber(February1940):10–29,esp.20;FarmTenancy:ReportofthePresident’sCommittee(Washington,DC:GovernmentPrintingOffice,1937),4.

21.Wilson,“ANewLand-UseProgram,”2–3,11–12;“AHopeandaHomestead,”4;FarmTenancy:ReportofthePresident’sCommittee,5.

22.ArthurF.Raper,PrefacetoPeasantry:ATaleofTwoBlackBeltCounties(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,1936),61,172,218,405;alsoseeRupertB.Vance,HumanFactorsinCottonCulture:AStudyinSocialGeographyoftheAmericanSouth(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,1929),153,248,279;FarmTenancy:ReportofthePresident’sCommittee,3,5–7,9.

23.HaroldHoffsommer,“TheAAAandtheCropper,”SocialForces13,no.4(May1935):494–502,esp.494–96,501;Raper,PrefacetoPeasantry,61,75,157–59,173,405;Vance,HumanFactorsinCottonCulture,161–62,168,201,204,215,259,307–8;Wilson,“ANewLand-UseProgram,”9,12;Wilson,“ProblemofPovertyinAgriculture,”14–17,21;Wilson,“TheProblemofSurplusAgriculturalPopulation,”InternationalJournalofAgrarianAffairs1(1939):37–48,esp.41–43;Wilson,“HowNewDealAgenciesAreAffectingFamilyLife,”JournalofHomeEconomics27(May1935):274–80,esp.276–78.

24.HenryA.Wallace,“TheGeneticBasisofDemocracy”(February12,1939),inHenryA.Wallace,DemocracyReborn,ed.RussellLord(NewYork:ReynalandHitchcock,1944),155–56.

25.Wilson,“ProblemofPovertyinAgriculture,”20,23,28;Wallace,“ChapterVII:TheBlessingofGeneralLiberty,”inWhoseConstitution?AnInquiryintotheGeneralWelfare(NewYork:ReynalandHitchcock,1936),102–3.

26.JohnCorbin,“TheNewDealandtheConstitution,”ForumandCentury90,no.2(August1933):92–97,esp.94–95;Wilson,“ProblemofPovertyinAgriculture,”17.ThoughhewasthedramacriticfortheNewYorkTimes,Corbinspentfouryearsstudyinghistory,whichledtohisbiographyofGeorgeWashington,Washington:BiographicOriginsoftheRepublic(NewYork:CharlesScribner’sSons,1930);alsoseeDavidM.Clark,“JohnCorbin:DramaticCritic(Lincoln:UniversityofNebraskaPress,1976).Fortheimportanceoftheword“readjustment,”see“President’sAddresstotheFarmers,”NewYorkTimes,May15,1935.

27.Wallace,“ChapterVIII:SoilandtheGeneralWelfare,”inWhoseConstitution,109,115–17.28.Wallace,“ChapterIX:PopulationandtheGeneralWelfare,”inWhoseConstitution,122–24,126.Thefullquotefromthefilmis,“Richfellascomeupan’theydie,an’theirkidsain’tnogoodandtheydieout,butwekeepa-comin’.We’rethepeoplethatlive.Theycan’twipeusout,theycan’tlickus.We’llgoonforever,Pa,coswe’rethepeople.”Steinbeckwrote,“Weain’tgonnadieout.Peopleisgoin’on—changin’alittle,maybe,butgoin’righton.”SeeTheGrapesofWrath(NewYork:Penguin,2014),423.

29.Conkin,TomorrowaNewWorld,128–30,142–45;RichardS.Kirkendall,SocialScientistsandFarmPoliticsintheAgeofRoosevelt(Columbia:UniversityofMissouriPress,1966);Kennedy,TheAmericanPeopleintheGreatDepression,208–10;FredC.FreyandT.LynnSmith,“TheInfluenceoftheAAACottonProgramupontheTenant,Cropper,andLaborer,”RuralSociology1,no.4(December1936):483–505,esp.489,500–501,505;WarrenC.Whatley,“LaborforthePicking:TheNewDealintheSouth,”JournalofEconomicHistory43,no.4(December1983):905–29,esp.909,913–14,924,926–29;JackT.Kirby,RuralWorldsLost:TheAmericanSouth,1920–1960(BatonRouge:LouisianaStateUniversityPress,1987),65–74;GeorgeBrownTindall,TheEmergenceoftheNewSouth,1913–1945(BatonRouge:LouisianaStateUniversityPress,1967),409.

30.Kirkendall,SocialScientistsandFarmPolitics,109–11;SidneyBaldwin,PovertyandPolitics:TheRiseandDeclineoftheFarmSecurityAdministration(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,1968),92–96,117–19.Onmigratoryworkers,seePaulTaylor,“WhatShallWeDowithThem?AddressBeforetheCommonwealthClubofCalifornia”(April15,1938);and“MigratoryAgriculturalWorkersonthePacificCoast”(April1938),reprintedinTaylor,OntheGroundintheThirties,203–20.

31.R.G.Tugwell,“ResettlingAmerica:AFourfoldPlan,”NewYorkTimes,July28,1935.ForTugwell’scriticismofJefferson,see“‘ThroughOurFault’IstheWasteofLand,”ScienceNewLetter30,no.800(August8,1936),85–86;Tugwell,“BehindtheFarmProblem:RuralPoverty,NottheTenancySystem,buttheLowScaleofLife,SaysTugwell,IstheFundamentalQuestion,”NewYorkTimesMagazine,January10,1937,4–5,22;andRexfordG.Tugwell,“TheResettlementIdea,”AgriculturalHistory33,no.4(October1959):159–64,esp.160–

61.Ontheunromanticportraitoffarming,seeRexfordG.Tugwell,ThomasMunro,andRoyE.Stryker,AmericanEconomicLifeandtheMeansofItsImprovement(NewYork,1930),90;alsoseeBaldwin,PovertyandPolitics,87–88,105–6,163–64.

32.Tugwell,“BehindtheFarmProblem,”22,and“TheResettlementIdea,”162;Baldwin,PovertyandPolitics,111.

33.Baldwin,PovertyandPolitics,113–14;RogerBiles,TheSouthandtheNewDeal(Lexington:UniversityofKentuckyPress,1994),64;HowardN.Mead,“Russellvs.Talmadge:SouthernPoliticsandtheNewDeal,”GeorgiaHistoricalReview65,no.1(Spring1981):28–45,esp.36,38,42.

34.On“parlorpink,”seePaulMallon,“Tugwell,”andinthesamepaper,see“Tugwellism,”[Steubenville,OH]HeraldStar,June13,1934.Onhis“carefully-studiedinformality,”see“TugwellDefends‘NewDeal’Earnestly;IgnoreRedScare,”[Burlington,NC]DailyTimes-News,April24,1934.On“adreamwalking,”see“TugwellMeetsHisCritics,”Oelwein[IA]DailyRegister,June11,1934;alsosee“SickofPropertiedCzarsat24,TugwellHomesDreamyEconomics,”KansasCityStar,August31,1936;and“TugwellNamedtoFillNewPost,”NewYorkTimes,April25,1934.

35.OnHueyLong’shillbillyimage,seeJamesRorty,“CallieLong’sBoyHuey,”ForumandCentury,August1935,74–82,126–27,esp.75,79–80,127.OnLongasadefenderof“poorwhitetrash,”seeeulogiesin“FriendsApplaudMemoryofLonginSenateTalks,”[NewOrleans]Times-Picayune,January23,1936.ForLong’sfailuretohelpthepoorinLouisiana,seeAnthonyJ.Badger,“HueyLongandtheNewDeal,”NewDeal/NewSouth:AnAnthonyJ.BadgerReader(Fayetteville:UniversityofArkansasPress,2007),1–30,esp.1,5–7,21–25.OnLong’srusticclownrole,seeJ.MichaelHoganandGlenWilliams,“TheRusticityandReligiosityofHueyP.Long,”RhetoricandPublicAffairs7,no.2(Summer2004):149–171,esp.151,158–59.Onpoliticiansclaimingtobeonewiththeplowmenor“plainoldcountryboy[s],”seeRogerButterfield,“TheFolkloreofPolitics,”PennsylvaniaMagazineofHistoryandBiography74,no.2(April1950):164–77,esp.165–66.OnEd“Cotton”SmithusingVardaman’stricks,seeDanT.Carter,“SouthernPoliticalStyle,”inTheAgeofSegregation:RaceRelationsintheSouth,1890–1954,ed.RobertHaws(Jackson:UniversityPressofMississippi,1978),45–67,esp.51.OnfriendstellingTugwelltoaffectahomelydemocraticmanner,seeArthurKrock,“InWashington:SenatorSmithCertainly‘PutOnaGoodShow,’”NewYorkTimes,June12,1934.

36.Forthemostviciousattack,seeBlairBolles,“TheSweetheartoftheRegimenters:Dr.TugwellMakesAmericaOver,”AmericanMercury39,no.153(September1936):77–86,esp.84–85.OncriticismoftheNewDeal,see“WhatReliefDidtoUs,”AmericanMercury38,no.151(July1936):274–83,esp.283;H.L.Mencken,“TheNewDealMentality,”AmericanMercury38,no.149(May1936):1–11.Forendorsingeugenicsoverrelief,seeMencken,“TheDoleforBogusFarmers,”AmericanMercury39,no.156(December1936):400–407;alsoseeCedricB.Cowing,“H.L.Mencken:TheCaseofthe‘Curdled’Progressive,”Ethics69,no.4(July1959):255–67,esp.262–63.

37.OnTugwell’sslogan“nothingistoogoodforthesepeople,”seeRodneyDutcher,“BehindtheScenesinWashington,”[Biloxi,MS]DailyHerald,September12,1937.BolleswroteanothercriticalarticleonFDRasanextravagantspender;see“OurUneconomicRoyalist:TheHighCostofDr.Roosevelt,”AmericanMercury43,no.171(March1938):265–69.

38.See“MissionoftheNewDealbyRexfordG.Tugwell,”NewYorkTimes,May27,1934;“AddressDeliveredattheNationalConferenceofSocialWork,KansasCity,May21,1934,”inRexfordTugwell,TheBattleforDemocracy(NewYork:ColumbiaUniversityPress,1935),319.TugwelldefendedthetheoryofaflexibleConstitutionandtheroleofgovernmentmediatingimbalancesinclasspower;see“DesignforGovernment”and“TheReturntoDemocracy,”ibid.,12–13,204–5;alsoseeSimeonStrunsky,“ProfessorTugwellDefinestheBattleforDemocracy,”NewYorkTimes,January6,1935.

39.ForTugwell’sdefenseoftheloans,seeTugwell,“TheResettlementIdea,”161.Forthepopularityoftheprogram,seeTindall,TheEmergenceoftheNewSouth,423–24;alsoseeEleanorRoosevelt,“SubsistenceFarmsteads,”ForumandCentury91,no.4(April1934):199–202;WesleyStout,“TheNewHomesteaders,”SaturdayEveningPost207,no.5(August4,1934):5–7,61–65,esp.7,64;andConkin,TomorrowaNewWorld,116–17.

40.FortheimpactofArthurdale,seetestimonyofC.B.BaldwininCongressionalCommitteeonNon-EssentialServices,May18,1943,4307;alsoseeLindaT.Austin,“UnrealizedExpectations:Cumberland,theNewDeal’sOnlyHomesteadProject,”TennesseeHistoricalQuarterly68,no.4(Winter2009):433–50,esp.443–44.Onthe

Alabamacommunities,seeCharlesKennethRoberts,“NewDealCommunity-BuildingintheSouth:TheSubsistenceHomesteadsAroundBirmingham,Alabama,”AlabamaReview66,no.2(April2013):83–121,esp.91,95–96,99,102,110,114–16;andJackHouse,“547HomesteadersinDistrictNowEnjoyMoreAbundantLife,”BirminghamNews-AgeHerald,May9,1943.IwanttothankCharlesRobertsforsendingmethisarticle.

41.Forimagesofhomesteaderandplow,seeFrankL.Kluckhorn,“SubsistenceHomesteadIdeaSpreading,”NewYorkTimes,December9,1934;alsoseeCarlMydans,“Homestead,Penderlea,NorthCarolina”(August1936),andArthurRothstein,“PlowingaFieldatPalmerdale,Alabama.NewHomesteadinBackground”(February1937),LibraryofCongress,PrintsandPhotographsDivision,FSA/OWICollection,LC-USF33-T01-00717-M2,LC-USF34-005891-E;andRoberts,“NewDealCommunity-BuildingintheSouth,”91.

42.OnPenderlea,seeGordonVanSchaack,“PenderleaHomesteads:TheDevelopmentofaSubsistenceHomesteadsProject,”LandscapeArchitecture(January1935):75–80,esp.80.Onthediscontentsoftheresidents,seeThomasLukeManget,“HughMacRaeandtheIdeaoftheFarmCity:Race,Class,andConservationintheNewSouth,1905–1935”(M.A.thesis,WesternCarolinaUniversity,2012),154–57;andHaroldD.Lasswell,“ResettlementCommunities:AStudyoftheProblemsofPersonalizingAdministration”(1938),inSeriesII:Writings,Box130,Folders135–39,HaroldDwightLasswellPapers,YaleUniversity,NewHaven,CT;Conkin,TomorrowaNewWorld,290–91.

43.OnthelackofacooperativeagriculturalcultureintheSouth,seeCharlesM.Smith,“ObservationsonRegionalDifferentialsinCooperativeOrganization,”SocialForces22,no.4(May1944):437–42,esp.437,439,442.OnvisitorstotheGreenbelttown,seeGilbertA.Cam,“UnitedStatesGovernmentActivityinLow-CostHousing,1932–1938,”JournalofPoliticalEconomy47,no.3(June1939):357–78,esp.373.Onprefabrication,seeGregHise,“FromRoadsideCampstoGardenHomes:HousingandCommunityPlanningforCalifornia’sMigrantWorkForce,1935–1941,”PerspectivesinVernacular5(1995):243–58,esp.243,249;alsoseeConkin,TomorrowaNewWorld,171–72;PhilipK.Wagner,“SuburbanLandscapesforNuclearFamilies:TheCaseoftheGreenbeltTownsintheUnitedStates,”BuiltEnvironment10,no.1(1984):35–41,esp.41;andWillW.Alexander,“AReviewoftheFarmSecurityAdministration’sHousingActivities,”HousingYearbook,1939(Chicago:NationalAssociationofHousingOfficials,1939),141–43,149–50.OnlyHueyLongprotestedtheexclusion,andledaone-manfilibusterintheSenate.OntheexclusionofagriculturalworkersfromSocialSecurity,seeMaryPoole,TheSegregatedOriginsofSocialSecurity:AfricanAmericansandtheWelfareState(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,2006),33,39,41,43,45,94;andEarlE.Muntz,“TheFarmerandSocialSecurity,”SocialForces24,no.3(March1946):283–90.

44.OnthespecialcommitteethatputtogethertheFarmTenancyreport,HenryWallacewasthechairman,andWillW.Alexander,R.G.Tugwell,M.L.Wilson,andHowardOdumweremembers,whileArthurRaper’sworkwascited;seeFarmTenancy:ReportofthePresident’sCommittee,28,87.

45.SeeHarveyA.Kantor,“HowardW.Odum:TheImplicationsofFolk,Planning,andRegionalism,”AmericanJournalofSociology79,no.2(September1973):278–95,esp.279–80;andDeweyW.GranthamJr.,“TheRegionalImagination:SocialScientistsandtheAmericanSouth,”JournalofSouthernHistory34,no.1(February1968):3–32,esp.14–17.

46.Kantor,“HowardW.Odum,”283.ForJohnson’srelianceonOdum’swork,seeGeraldW.Johnson,TheWastedLand(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,1937),esp.6–7.OnJohnson’seducationandroleaseditoroftheBaltimoreEveningSun,seereviewof“TheWastedLand,”SocialForces17,no.2(December1938):276–79;alsoseeLouisMazzari,“ArthurRaperandDocumentaryRealisminGreeneCounty,Georgia,”GeorgiaHistoricalQuarterly87,no.3/4(Fall/Winter2003):389–407,esp.396–97;StuartKidd,FarmSecurityAdministrationPhotography,theRuralSouth,andtheDynamicsofImage-Making,1935–1943(Lewiston,NY:EdwardMellonPress,2004),50,152–53;andMarySummer,“TheNewDealFarmPrograms:LookingforReconstructioninAmericanAgriculture,”AgriculturalHistory74,no.2(Spring2000):241–57,esp.248–50.

47.Johnson,TheWastedLand,6–11,21,24–30;HowardOdum,SouthernPioneersinSocialInterpretation(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,1925),25;HowardOdum,“Regionalismvs.SectionalismintheSouth’sPlaceintheNationalEconomy,”SocialForces12,no.3(March1934):338–54,esp.340–41;BroadusMitchell,“SouthernQuackery,”SouthernEconomicJournal3,no.2(October1936):143–47,esp.146.

48.SeeOdum,“Regionalismvs.SectionalismintheSouth’sPlaceintheNationalEconomy,”esp.339,345;Mitchell,“SouthernQuackery,”145;andWilliamB.Thomas,“HowardW.Odum’sSocialTheoriesinTransition,1910–1930,”AmericanSociologist16,no.1(February1981):25–34,esp.29–30;alsoseeOdum’s

assessmentofsouthernregionalismin“TheRegionalQualityandBalanceofAmerica,”SocialForces23,no.3,InSearchoftheRegionalBalanceinAmerica(March1945):269–85,esp.276–77,279–80.

49.SeeHowardK.MenhinickandLawrenceL.Durisch,“TennesseeValleyAuthority:PlanninginOperation,”TownPlanningReview24,no.2(July1953):116–45,esp.128–30,142;andF.W.Reeves,“TheSocialDevelopmentProgramoftheTennesseeValleyAuthority,”SocialScienceReview8,no.3(September1934):445–57,esp.447,449–53.Fortheimportanceofsociologyintheplanningprocess,seeArthurE.Morgan,“SociologyandtheTVA,”AmericanSociologicalReview2,no.2(April1937):157–65;WilliamE.Cole,“TheImpactoftheTVAupontheSoutheast,”SocialForces28,no.4(May1950):435–40;DanielSchaffer,“EnvironmentandTVA:TowardaRegionalPlanfortheTennesseeValley,1930s,”TennesseeHistoricalQuarterly43,no.4(Winter1984):333–54,esp.342–43,349–50,353;andSarahT.Phillips,ThisLand,ThisNation:Conservation,RuralAmerica,andtheNewDeal(NewYork:CambridgeUniversityPress,2007),80,89,96–98,100,105–7.

50.Ontheclassandcastesystem(herehemeantfamilyandkinshipinwhichinclusionwasmeasuredbyintermarriage;thisnotionofcastewasseparatefromtherace–sexcastesystem),seeHowardW.Odum,“TheWayoftheSouth,”SocialForces23,no.3,258–68,esp.266–67.Odumalsobelievedthatregionshada“folkpersonality”or“biography,”quotingCarlSandburgtoexpressthepowerfulholdoffolkculture:“thefeelandtheatmosphere,thelayoutandthelingoofaregion,ofbreedsofmen,ofcustomsandslogans,inamannerandairnotgiveninregularhistory”;seeOdum,ibid.,264,268;alsoseeArthurT.RaperandIradeA.Reid,“TheSouthAdjusts—Downward,”Phylon1,no.1(1stquarter,1940):6–27,esp.24–26.

51.Inthiscollectionofletters,nineoftheforty-sixusedtheword“shiftless”;othersusedrelatedterms.BenjaminBurkeKendrickandThomasAbernathythought“shiftless”wouldbeabettertermthan“poorwhite.”SeeB.B.KendricktoHowardOdum,March10,1938,andThomasAbernathytoOdum,April6,1938.For“fuzzy,”seeCharlesSydnortoOdum,March12,1939;forotherson“shiftless,”alsoseeFrankOwsleytoOdum,March27,1938,HaywoodTearcetoOdum,March19,1938,A.B.MooretoOdum,April29,1938,EarleEubanktoOdum,March23,1938,ReadBaintoOdum,January21,1938,D.B.TaylortoOdum,January25,1938;andon“indolent,shiftlessclass,”seeDudleyTannertoOdum,January25,1938.SeeHowardWashingtonOdumPapers,1908–82,Folder3635,SpecialCollections,WilsonLibrary,UniversityofNorthCarolina,ChapelHill.

52.Theword“shiftless”goesbacktothe1500smeaninghelpless,withoutresources,lazy,withoutashiftorshirt;seeOxfordEnglishDictionary.OntheshiftlessbehaviorofVirginiaplantersandLouisianaslaves,seeFrederickLawOlmsted,TheCottonKingdom:ATraveller’sObservationsonCottonandSlaveryintheAmericanSlaveStates(NewYork,1861),106,373.For“shiftless”asaNewEnglandterm,see“Shiftless,”OhioFarmer,December17,1896;alsosee“‘FarmerThrifty’and‘FarmerShiftless,’”MaineFarmer,June4,1870.Onthetypicalshiftlesstavernkeeper,seeGailDickersinSpilsbury,“AWashingtonSketchbook:HistoricDrawingsofWashington,”WashingtonHistory22(2010):69–87,esp.73.Onshiftlessdesertinghusbands,andabillpassedinNewYorkin1897calledthe“ShiftlessFathersBill,”seeMichaelWillrich,“HomeSlackers:Men,theState,andWelfareinModernAmerica,”JournalofAmericanHistory87,no.2(September2000):460–89,esp.469.Oneugenicsand“shiftless,”seeIreneCaseandKateLewis,“EnvironmentasaFactorinFeeble-Mindedness:TheNollFamily,”AmericanJournalofSociology23,no.5(March1918):661–69,esp.662;Leonard,“Retrospectives:EugenicsandEconomicsintheProgressiveEra,”220;Kelves,IntheNameofEugenics,48–49;andDavenport,HeredityinRelationtoEugenics,81–82.Ontheshiftlessnessofpoorwhitesinfiction,andtheassociationofshiftlessnesswithtenancyandtransiency,seeWilliamJ.Flynt,PoorbutProud:Alabama’sPoorWhites(Tuscaloosa:UniversityofAlabamaPress,1989),ix,63,90,160,293.Onshiftlessvagabonds,see“CausesofPoverty,”GeneseeFarmerandGardner’sJournal,March10,1832;ToddDepastino,CitizenHobo:HowaCenturyofHomelessnessShapedAmerica(Chicago:UniversityofChicagoPress,2003),15,102;andW.J.Cash,TheMindoftheSouth(NewYork:Knopf,1941),22–24.

53.Seemoviereview,whichdescribesStepinFetchitasthe“sluggardofthetale,theebonycreaturewhosedistasteforwork”isemphasized;“HeartsinDixie”(1929),NewYorkTimes,February28,1929;andD.Bogle,Toms,Coons,Mulattoes,Mammies,andBucks:AnInterpretativeHistoryofBlacksinAmericanFilms(NewYork:Continuum,1994),8;alsoseeIradeA.ReidtoHowardOdum,February2,1938,HowardWashingtonOdumPapers.

54.SeeM.SwearingentoHowardOdum,June13,1938.On“socialscumlivinglikeNegroes,”seeFredericLPaxontoOdum,March18,1938.Onnoclearlineofdemarcationbetweenblackandpoorwhitehomes,see

UlinW.LeavelltoOdum,January27,1938.OnpoorwhitesbeingaboveNegroes“inonlyonerespect,thematterofcolor,”seeL.GuyBrowntoOdum,February6,1938.On“lookeddownuponbyallNegroes,”seeA.C.LervistoOdum,February2,1938.Onworkinglikeblacksandlivingsidebysidewithblacks,seeW.A.SchiffleytoOdum,February7,1938.On“briarhoppers,”seeEarleEubanktoOdum,March23,1938,HowardWashingtonOdumPapers.

55.RaymondF.BellamytoHowardOdum,January21,1938,HowardWashingtonOdumPapers.56.B.O.WilliamstoHowardOdum,February9,1938,HowardWashingtonOdumPapers.57.JamesAgeeandWalkerEvans,LetUsNowPraiseFamousMen(1941;reprinted.,Boston:HoughtonMifflin,2001),5–6,8–9.

58.Ibid.,70–73,127,137,164–65,183–84,205–6,231–39.Ontheninety-threepagesofdetaileddescriptionofthematerialculture,seeMichaelTrinkley,“‘LetUsNowPraiseFamousMen’—IfOnlyWeCanFindThem,”SoutheasternArcheology2,no.1(Summer1983):30–36.OnAgee’sdistrustofthewriter’sinvestmentinthedocumentaryprocess,seeJamesS.Miller,“Inventing‘Found’Objects:Artifactuality,FolkHistory,andtheRiseofCapitalistEthnographyin1930sAmerica,”JournalofAmericanFolklore117,no.466(Autumn2004):373–93,esp.387–88.

59.AgeeandWalker,LetUsNowPraiseFamousMen,184–85.Asonerevieweratthetimeobserved,Ageerevealsasmuchabouthimself(andthethingsaboutourselvesthatherepresents)asabouthissubject,whichwasits“chiefsocialdocumentaryvalue”;seeRuthLechlitner,“AlabamaTenantFamilies,”reviewofLetUsNowPraiseFamousMen,NewYorkHeraldTribuneBooks,Sunday,August24,1941,10;andforadiscussionofthispoint,seePaulaRabinowitz,“VoyeurismandClassConsciousness:JamesAgeeandWalkerEvans,‘LetUsNowPraiseFamousMen,’”CulturalCritique21(Spring1992):143–70,esp.162.

60.OnlyaroundthreehundredcopiesofLetUsNowPraiseFamousMenweresoldin1941;seeStott,DocumentaryExpressionandThirtiesAmerica,264;alsoseeDonaldDavidson,TheAttackonLeviathan:RegionalismandNationalismintheUnitedStates(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,1938),308;Tindall,TheEmergenceoftheNewSouth,594;andEdwardS.Shapiro,“DonaldDavidsonandtheTennesseeValleyAuthority:TheResponseofaSouthernConservative,”TennesseeHistoricalQuarterly33,no.4(Winter1974):436–51,esp.443.

61.JenniferRitterhouse,“DixieDestinations:RereadingJonathanDaniels’ASouthernerDiscoverstheSouth,”SouthernSpaces(May20,2010).

62.JonathanDaniels,ASouthernerDiscoverstheSouth(NewYork:Macmillan,1938),31,140,148,299–305.Forthegullybecomingatouristsite,seePaulS.Sutter,“WhatGulliesMean:Georgia’s‘LittleGrandCanyon’andSouthernEnvironmentalHistory,”JournalofSouthernHistory76,no.3(August2010):579–616,esp.579,582–83,585–86,589–90.

63.Daniels,ASouthernerDiscoverstheSouth,25,58.64.Ibid.,345.65.Ibid.,346.

ChapterTen:TheCultoftheCountryBoy:ElvisPresley,AndyGriffith,andLBJ’sGreatSociety

1.RandallWoods,LBJ:ArchitectofAmericanAmbition(NewYork:FreePress,2006),458;BobbieAnnMason,ElvisPresley:ALife(NewYork:Viking,2002),105;KaralAnnMarling,“ElvisPresley’sGraceland,ortheAestheticofRock’n’RollHeaven,”AmericanArt7,no.4(Autumn1933),99;MichaelT.Bertrand,Race,Rock,andElvis(UrbanaandChicago:UniversityofIllinoisPress,2005),224.

2.JackGould,“TV:NewPhenomenon:ElvisPresleyRisestoFameasVocalistWhoIsVirtuosoofHootchy-Kootchy,”NewYorkTimes,June6,1956.Forthezootsuitreference,seeJulesArcher,“StopHoundingTeenagers!:ElvisPresleyDefendsHisFansandHisMusic,”TrueStory(December1956):18–20,22–24,26,28.“ElvisPresley:What?Why?,”LookMagazine(August7,1956):82–85;CandidaTaylor,“ZootSuit:BreakingtheColdWar’sDressCode,”inContainingAmerica:CulturalProductionandConsumptionin50sAmerica,eds.NathanAbramsandJulieHughes(Edgbaston,Birmingham,UK:UniversityofBirminghamPress,2000),64–65;KaralAnnMarling,AsSeenonTV:TheVisualCultureofEverydayLifeinthe1950s(Cambridge,MA:HarvardUniversityPress,1994),169–70;andMichaelBertrand,“IDon’tThinkHankDoneItThatWay:Elvis,CountryMusic,andtheReconstructionofSouthernMasculinity,”inABoyNamedSue:

GenderandCountryMusic,eds.KristineM.McCuskerandDianePecknold(Jackson:UniversityPressofMississippi,2004),59–85,esp.59,62,66,73,75,84.

3.Onthedifficultiesofovercominghissouthernidentity,seeJoeB.Frantz,“OpeningaCurtain:TheMetamorphosisofLyndonB.Johnson,”JournalofSouthernHistory45,no.1(February1979):3–26,esp.5–7,25.

4.Onhisinauguraladdress,see“ThePresident’sInauguralAddress,January20,1965,”inPublicPapersofthePresidentsoftheUnitedStates:LyndonB.Johnson:ContainingthePublicMessages,Speeches,andStatementsofthePresident,1965(inTwoBooks),BookI—January1toMay31,1965(Washington,DC:GovernmentPrintingOffice,1966),71–74,esp.73;CarrollKilpatrick,“GreatSociety,WorldWithoutHate,”WashingtonPost,January21,1965.

5.DaleBaumandJamesL.Hailey,“LyndonJohnson’sVictoryinthe1948TexasSenateRace:AReappraisal,”PoliticalScienceQuarterly109,no.4(Autumn1994):595–13,esp.596,613;RobertA.Caro,TheYearsofLyndonJohnson:MeansofAscent(NewYork:Knopf,1990),xxxii,211,218,223,228,232,238,259–64,268,300;onJohnson’scrucialroleinpromotingNASAandshapingKennedy’sspacepolicy,seeAndreasReichstein,“Space—TheLastColdWarFrontier?”Amerikastudien/AmericanStudies44,no.1(1999):113–36.

6.Forthethemeofbrotherhoodoverdivisiveness,see“AddresstotheNationuponProclaimingaDayofMourningFollowingtheDeathofDr.King,April5,1968,”andhisproclamation,inPublicPapersofthePresidents,BookI—January1toJune30,1968–1969,493–95.

7.JohnO’LearyandRickWorland,“AgainsttheOrganizationMan:TheAndyGriffithShowandtheSmall-TownFamilyIdeal,”inTheSitcomReader,eds.MaryM.DaltonandLauraR.Linder(Albany:SUNYPress,2005),73–84,esp.80–82;alsoseesyndicatedcolumnistfortheNationalEnterpriseAssociationErskineJohnson,“AndyGriffithDropsYokelRoleforSemi-intellectual,”OcalaStar-Banner,October2,1960.

8.OnGomerPyle,see“Comedies:SuccessIsaWarmPuppy,”Time(November10,1967):88;AnthonyHarkins,“TheHillbillyintheLivingRoom:TelevisionRepresentationsofSouthernMountaineersinSituationComedies,1952–1971,”AppalachianJournal29,no.1/2(Fall–Winter2002):98–126,esp.106.TheNewYorkTimeswriterdescribedJimNabors’scharacterasa“hillbilly,”withan“attractiveawkwardnessandnaiveté,”who“merelyassumesthateveryoneintheMarinesisasfriendlyasthefolksbackhome.”SeeJackGould,“TV:FreshnessinOldMilitaryTale,”NewYorkTimes,September26,1964.

9.SeethecoverofSaturdayEveningPost(February2,1963);“HopeQuipsConvulseConvention,”Billboard:TheInternationalMusic-RecordNewsweekly(April13,1963),41;HalHumphrey,“LastLaughonRatings,”MilwaukeeJournal,November16,1963;alsoseeHarkins,“TheHillbillyintheLivingRoom,”112,114;JanWhitt,“GritsandYokelsAplenty:DepictionsofSouthernersonPrime-TimeTelevision,”StudiesinPopularCulture19,no.2(October1996):141–52,esp.148.

10.RichardWarrenLewis,“TheGoldenHillbillies,”SaturdayEveningPost(February2,1963):30–35,esp.34.PaulHenningproduced,directed,andcowroteeveryepisodeofTheBeverlyHillbillies;seeHenning’sinterviewinNoelHoston,“FolkAppealWasHootervilleLure,”[NewLondon,CT]Day,August10,1986.ThemostinfluentialHollywoodgossipcolumnistcametothedefenseofTheBeverlyHillbillies,alongwithconservativewomen’sgroups;seeHeddaHopper,“Hollywood:HillbilliesTakeOff,”[NewOrleans]Times-Picayune,March23,1964.IreneRyan,whoplayedGranny,offeredthisdefenseoftheshow:“WhenIwasakidIworkedthroughtheOzarks,whereourcharactersaresupposedtobefrom.Theyareterriblyfunny,warmpeople,butuptonownobodyeverreallygot’emdownonpaper.Ourshowdid”;seeMurielDavidson,“FameArrivedinaGrayWig,GlassesandArmyBoots,”TVGuide(September7,1963):5–7,esp.5.

11.OntheconnectionbetweenTheBeverlyHillbilliesandtheJoads,seeJohnKeasler,“TVSynopsis:UnappreciatedArtForm,”PalmBeachPost,May30,1970.

12.OntheDavyCrockettcraze,seeStevenWatts,TheMagicKingdom:WaltDisneyandtheAmericanWayofLife(Columbia:UniversityofMissouriPress,1997),313–22,esp.318,320–21.Whilethesix-foot-fiveParkerwascalledhandsomeandcomparedtoJimmyStewart,BuddyEbsenwasdismissedas“greasyandgamey”;seeBosleyCrowther,“ScreenDisneyandtheCoonskinSet,”NewYorkTimes,May26,1955.ForParker’s“aw-shucksschoolofacting”likeGaryCooperandJimmyStewart,see“MeetFessParker,”St.PetersburgTimes,December24,1954.ForphotographofLBJandFessParker,see“DavyCrockettandOldBetsey,”[SantaAna,CA]Register,April1,1955.

13.Harkins,“TheHillbillyintheLivingRoom,”100–101,114;andPaulHarvey,“TheBeverlyHillbillies,”Lewiston[ME]EveningJournal,October26,1968;thesamearticlebythesyndicatedcolumnistcirculatedintheSouth.ForasynopsisofBarney’sfailureinthebigcity,see“ReuniontoBringBarneyFifeBack,”NewYorkTimes,November20,1965.

14.HalHumphrey,“ViewingTelevision:Theoryofthe‘Hillbillies,’”[NewOrleans]Times-Picayune,January13,1963.Anothercriticsawthestoriesofthetoptentelevisionshowsasrelyingonthe“rube”versusthe“cityslicker,”ortheoldercrackermotifofthebeauversusthebackwoodsman.HecalledTheBeverlyHillbillies“vigorousvulgarians,”thecharactersinTheAndyGriffithShow“oafs,”andGomerPylea“slob.”SeeArnoldHano,“TV’sTopmost—ThisIsAmerica?,”NewYorkTimes,December26,1965.

15.Marling,“ElvisPresley’sGraceland,”74,79–81,85,89.16.ForElvisbecominga“countrysquire,”see“PresleyBuys$100,000HomeforSelf,Parents,”[NewOrleans]Times-Picayune,March24,1957.OnNixon’strip,see“‘MadeinU.S.A.’—InRedCapital,”U.S.News&WorldReport(August3,1959):38–39;StephenJ.Whitfield,TheCultureoftheColdWar(Baltimore:JohnsHopkinsUniversityPress,1991),72–73;ElaineTylerMay,HomewardBound:AmericanFamiliesintheColdWar(NewYork:BasicBooks,1988),10–12.

17.“ByRichardNixon,”NewYorkTimes,July25,1959.18.CharlesHillenger,“DisneylandDedication:Vice-PresidentandOtherCelebritiesHelpOpenSixNewAttractionsatPark,”LosAngelesTimes,June15,1959;MaryAnnCallan,“SaysPatNixon:‘It’sAmericanDream,’”LosAngelesTimes,July27,1960;JamesMcCartney,“CampaignPushStartsforPat:RepublicansFeelPatNixonMayHoldtheKeytotheElection,”PittsburghPress,September1,1960;PatriciaConner,“WomenAreSpotlightedin1960PresidentialCampaign,”Lodi[CA]News-Sentinel,November1,1960;MarylinBender,“HomeandPublicRolesKeptinCheerfulOrder,”NewYorkTimes,July28,1960;alsoMarthaWeinman,“FirstLadies—InFashion,Too?ThisFalltheQuestionofStyleforaPresident’sWifeMayBeaGreatIssue,”NewYorkTimes,September11,1960.

19.BeckyM.Nicolaides,“SuburbiaandtheSunbelt,”OAHMagazineofHistory18,no.1(October2003):21–26;EricLarrabee,“TheSixThousandHousesThatLevittBuilt,”Harper’sMagazine197,no.1180(September1948):79–88,esp.79–80,82–83;BoydenSparkes,“They’llBuildNeighborhoods,NotHouses,”SaturdayEveningPost(October28,1944):11,43–46.ForLevittownasa“vasthousingcolony,”see“NewModelHomestoBeOpenedToday,”NewYorkTimes,April3,1949;KennethT.Jackson,CrabgrassFrontier:TheSuburbanizationoftheUnitedStates(NewYork:OxfordUniversityPress,1985),234–37;andThomasJ.Anton,“ThreeModelsofCommunityDevelopmentintheUnitedStates,”Publius1,no.1(1971):11–37,esp.33–34.

20.Sparkes,“They’llBuildNeighborhoods,”44.ThoughtheLevittsremovedtherestrictivecovenant,theycontinuedtodiscriminateagainstblackfamilies;see“HousingBiasEnded,”NewYorkTimes,May29,1949;andJamesWolfinger,“‘TheAmericanDream—ForAllAmericans’:Race,Politics,andtheCampaigntoDesegregateLevittown,”JournalofUrbanHistory38,no.3(2012):230–52,esp.234.FortheNorfolkhousingfacility,seeLarrabee,“TheSixThousandHousesThatLevittBuilt,”80;Jackson,CrabgrassFrontier,234.

21.Forthesymbolicweightgiventhebarbecue,seeKristinL.Matthews,“OneNationoverCoals:ColdWarNationalismandtheBarbecue,”AmericanStudies50,no.3/4(Fall/Winter2009):5–34,esp.11,17,26;andA.R.Swinnerton,“Ranch-TypeHomesforDudes,”SaturdayEveningPost(August18,1956):40.AlsoseeLoisCraig,“Suburbs,”DesignQuarterly132(1986):1–32,esp.18;KenDuvall,“SinIstheSameintheCityortheSuburb,”ToledoBlade,December6,1960.On“FertileAcres,”seeHarryHenderson,“TheMass-producedSuburbs:I.HowPeopleLiveinAmerica’sNewestTowns,”Harper’sMagazine207,no.1242(November1953):25–32,esp.29.Onlawnmowingashusbandry,seeDanW.Dodson,“SuburbanismandEducation,”JournalofEducationalSociology32,no.1(September1958):2–7,esp.4;ScottDonaldson,“CityandCountry:MarriageProposals,”AmericanQuarterly20,no.3(Autumn,1968):547–66,esp.562–64;andHarryHenderson,“RuggedAmericanCollectivism:TheMass-producedSuburbs,II.,”Harper’sMagazine(December1953):80–86.

22.FrederickLewisAllen,“TheBigChangeinSuburbia,”Harper’sMagazine208,no.1249(June1954):21–28.Onthewayclassreinforcedracialsegregation,see“EconomicFactorsMayKeepSuburbiaSegregated,”[Lexington,KY]Dispatch,June19,1968.OnMahwahandWestchester,seeDodson,“SuburbanismandEducation,”5–6.Ontheclassstrategiesofzoning,seeCarolO’Connor,ASortofUtopia:Scarsdale,1891–1981

(Albany:SUNYPress,1983),30–42,159–65;alsoLizabethCohen,AConsumer’sRepublic:ThePoliticsofMassConsumptioninPostwarAmerica(NewYork:Knopf,2003),202–8,231;andBeckyM.Nicolaides,“‘WheretheWorkingManIsWelcomed’:Working-classSuburbsinLosAngeles,1900–1940,”PacificHistoricalReview68,no.4(November1999):517–59,esp.557.Onneatlawnsandgardensasclassmarkers,seeWilliamDobriner,ClassinSuburbia(EnglewoodCliffs,NJ:PrenticeHall,1963),23.

23.SeeWolfgangLangewiesche,“EverybodyCanOwnaHouse,”HouseBeautiful(November1956):227–29,332–35;Jackson,CrabgrassFrontier,205,235,238.

24.Becausehomeconstructionreliedheavilyonbanksandothersuchinstitutions,lendershadtremendouspowerinreinforcingracialandclassstratification;see“ApplicationoftheShermanActtoHousingSegregation,”YaleLawJournal63,no.6(June1954):1124–47,esp.1125–26.Fortheresidents’obsessionwithpropertyvalues,seeHenderson,“RuggedAmericanCollectivism,”85–86;Cohen,AConsumer’sRepublic,202,212–13.Forlackofvarietyinsuburbs,seeSidonieMatsnerGruenberg,“TheChallengeoftheNewSuburbs,”MarriageandFamilyLiving17,no.2(May1955):133–37,esp.134;DavidReisman,“TheSuburbanDislocation,”AnnalsoftheAmericanAcademyofPoliticalandSocialScience314(November1957):123–46,esp.134.ForLewisMumford’scritique,seePennKimball,“‘DreamTown’—LargeEconomySize:Pennsylvania’sNewLevittownisPre-PlannedDowntotheLastThousandLivingRooms,”NewYorkTimes,December14,1952;andVancePackard,TheStatusSeekers:AnExplorationofClassBehaviorinAmericaandtheHiddenBarriersThatAffectYou,YourCommunity,YourFuture(NewYork:DavidMcKayCo.,1959),28.

25.OntheBucksCountyLevittown,see“Levitt’sDesignforSteelWorkers’Community,”NewYorkTimes,November4,1951;DavidSchuyler,“ReflectionsonLevittownatFifty,”PennsylvaniaHistory70,no.1(Winter2003):101–9,esp.105.Onthetrailerpark,seeDonHager,“TrailerTownsandCommunityConflictinLowerBucksCounty,”SocialProblems2,no.1(July1954):33–38;andAndrewHurley,Diners,BowlingAlleys,andTrailerParks:ChasingtheAmericanDream(NewYork:BasicBooks,2001),195–96.

26.Foroneofthefirstreferencestotrailertrashinreferencetowarworkers,seeMaryHeatonVorse,“AndtheWorkersSay...,”PublicOpinionQuarterly7,no.3(Autumn1943):443–56.Forthehomemadetrailersas“monstrosities,”seeHaroldMartin,“Don’tCallThemTrailerTrash,”SaturdayEveningPost225,no.5(August2,1952):24–25,85–87;AllanD.Wallis,“HouseTrailers:InnovationandAccommodationinVernacularHousing,”PerspectivesinVernacularArchitecture3(1989):28–43,esp.30–31,34;“TrailersforArmyAreas,”NewYorkTimes,March19,1941;CarlAbbott,TheNewUrbanAmerica:GrowthandPoliticsintheSunbeltCities(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,1981),107–10;Hurley,Diners,BowlingAlleys,andTrailerParks,203;“TrailersforArmyAreas,”NewYorkTimes,March19,1941;andseeLucyGreenbaum,“‘TrailerVillage’DwellersHappyinConnecticutTobaccoField,”NewYorkTimes,April13,1942.

27.See“AgnesErnestMeyer”(1887–1970),inNotableAmericanWomen:TheModernPeriod,eds.BarbaraSichermanandCarolHurdGreen(Cambridge,MA:HarvardUniversityPress,1980),471–73;andAgnesE.Meyer,JourneyThroughChaos(NewYork,1944),x.

28.Meyer,JourneyThroughChaos,ix,373–74.29.Ibid.,196–99,210,216.30.SeeAlexanderC.Wellington,“TrailerCampSlums,”Survey(1951):418–21.FortrailercampsandidlewastelandsaspartofthefringezonearoundFlint,Michigan,seeWalterFirey,SocialAspectstoLandUsePlanningintheCountry-CityFringe:TheCaseofFlint,Michigan(EastLansing:MichiganStateCollege,1946),8,32,42,52,54.“PhotographofMobileHomes,Describedas‘Squatters,’inWinkelman,Arizona”(1950),ArizonaArchivesandPublicRecords,ArizonaStateLibrary.Forearlierreferencestotraileritesassquattersandthetrailerasthe“familykennel,”see“200,000Trailers,”Fortune15,no.3(March1937):105–11,214,200,220,222,224,226,229,esp.105–6,220.Thesquatterallusioncontinuedtoholdsway;seeKeithCorcoran,“MobileHomesMeritMoreRespect,”[Schenectady,NY]DailyGazette,April14,1990.

31.SeeJohnE.Booth,“AtHomeonWheels:TrailerExhibitionStressesComfortableLiving,”NewYorkTimes,November16,1947;VirginiaJ.Fortiner,“TrailersalaMode,”NewYorkTimes,April27,1947;“Trailers:MoreandMoreAmericansCallThemHome,”Newsweek(July7,1952):70–73,esp.70;Martin,“Don’tCallThemTrailerTrash,”85.Somesixthousandtrailerswerebeingusedoncollegecampusesin1946;seeMiltonMacKaye,“CrisisattheColleges,”SaturdayEveningPost219(August3,1946):9–10,34–36,39,esp.35.

32.AllanD.Wallis,WheelEstate:TheRiseandDeclineofMobileHomes(NewYork:OxfordUniversityPress,1991),116.Onzoningrestrictions,seeEmilyA.MacFallandE.QuintonGordon,“MobileHomesandLow-

IncomeRuralFamilies.”(Washington,DC,1973),38–40;RobertMillsFrenchandJeffreyK.Hadden,“AnAnalysisoftheDistributionandCharacteristicsofMobileHomesinAmerica,”LandEconomics41,no.2(May1965):131–39;LeeIrby,“TakingOuttheTrailerTrash:TheBattleoverMobileHomesinSt.Petersburg,Florida,”FloridaHistoricalQuarterly79,no.2(Fall2000):181–200,esp.188,194–96;Hurley,Diners,BowlingAlleys,andTrailerParks,235–41,254,256,258.

33.DinaSmith,“LostTrailerUtopias:TheLong,LongTrailer(1954)andFiftiesAmerica,”UtopianStudies14,no.1(2003):112–31.

34.“TrailersGaininginPopularityinU.S.butUrbanPlannerAssertsCommunityOppositionIsGrowing,”NewYorkTimes,July17,1960;“MobileHomes—Today’sNameforResidenceonWheels,”SarasotaHerald-Tribune,January19,1961.Vickersv.TownshipComm.ofGloucesterTownship,37N.J.232,265,181A.2d129(1962),dissentingopinionat148–49;foradiscussionofthecase,seeRichardF.BabcockandFredP.Bosselman,“SuburbanZoningandtheApartmentBoom,”UniversityofPennsylvaniaLawReview11,no.8(June1963):1040–91,esp.1086–88;alsosee“WouldForbidTrailerParks:CouncilGroupActs,”MilwaukeeJournal,December14,1954.

35.AnthonyRipley,“MobileHome‘Resorts’Make‘TrailerPark’aDirtyWord,”NewYorkTimesMagazine,May31,1969,25,48;“FessParker’sDollarsRideonWheels,”[BowlingGreen,KY]ParkCityDaily,November11,1962—anewsstorywrittenbyErskineJohnson,Hollywoodcorrespondent,fortheNEA;alsosee“GiantMan,withaGiantPlan,”TuscaloosaNews,March28,1969;and“FessParkerRidesAgain,”[Fredricksburg,VA]FreeLance-Star,October3,1970.

36.MorrisHorton,“There’sNoCrackinOurPictureWindow,”TrailerTopics(May1957):7,74,76;AgnesAsh,“TrailerOwnersStayingPut,”MiamiNews,July24,1960;alsosee“TheMobileHomeIsn’tSoMobileAnyMore,”BusinessWeek(March16,1957):44–46.

37.DouglasE.Kneeland,“From‘TinCanonWheels’totheMobileHome,”NewYorkTimesMagazine,May9,1971.In1941,awhitecommunityinDetroithaderectedawallbetweenthemselvesandablackcommunityinordertoreceiveFHAapprovalformortgages;seeJackson,CrabgrassFrontier,209.

38.See“ASociologistLooksatanAmericanCommunity,”Life(September12,1949):108–19;RobertMillsFrenchandJeffreyK.Hadden,“MobileHomes:InstantSuburbiaorTransportableSlums?,”SocialProblems16,no.2(Autumn1968):219–26,esp.222–25;BaileyH.Kuklin,“HouseandTechnology:TheMobileHomeExperience,”TennesseeLawReview44(Spring1977):765–844,esp.809,814;MacFallandGordon,“MobileHomesandLow-IncomeRuralFamilies,”46.Onthehighdepreciationrateoftrailers,seeJackE.Gaumnitz,“MobileHomeandConventionalHomeOwnership:AnEconomicPerspective,”NebraskaJournalofEconomicsandBusiness13,no.4,MidwestEconomicsAssociationPapers(Autumn1974):130–43,esp.130,142.OneoftheworsttrailerparksinDenverwasdescribedasfollows:“Called‘PeytonPlace,’manyofthetrailerpadsareempty.Oneislitteredwithanoldporcelaintoiletbowlfromsomeforgottendeparture.Theplaceisforsaleandthesign,inmisspelledEnglish,read‘vacancy’”;seeRipley,“MobileHome‘Resorts,’”48.

39.Forprostitutesintrailersatmilitaryanddefenseinstallations,see“SyphilisandDefense,”NewYorkTimes,November29,1941.Evenbeforethewar,therewererumorsofa“rollingbordello”travelingbetweentrailercampsinFlorida,andracystoriesinnewspapers,suchasthatofamantravelingwithbothhiswifeandhismistress;see“200,000Trailers,”220,229.Fortheassociationoftrailerswithimmoralbehavior,seeKuklin,“HouseandTechnology,”812–13;alsoAlanBérubéandFlorenceBérubé,“SunsetTrailerPark,”inWhiteTrash:RaceandClassinAmerica,eds.AnnaleeNewitzandMattWray(NewYork:Routledge,1997),19;OrrieHitt,TrailerTramp(Boston:Beacon,1957).Similartitlesincluded:LorenBeauchamp,SinonWheels:TheUncensoredConfessionsofaTrailerCampTramp(1961)andGlennCanary,TheTrailerParkGirls(1962).OnthecoverofCrackerGirl,itread,“Shewashisproperty;tokeep,tobeat,touse”;seeHarryWhittington,CrackerGirl(StallionBooks,1953).ThepsychologistHaroldLasswelllisted“trailernomadism”alongwithothersourcesofdegeneracy,suchasalcoholism,drugs,gambling,anddelinquency;seeHaroldLasswell,“TheSocio-PoliticalSituation,”EducationalResearchBulletin36,no.3(March13,1957):69–77,esp.75.

40.“TheMobileHomeMarket,”Appraiser’sJournal40,no.3(July1972):391–411,esp.397;and“PlannersApproveCityTrailerParksfortheHomeless,”NewYorkTimes,March23,1971.

41.Cohen,AConsumers’Republic,202–8,228,231,240–41,404.Onthemigrationfromruraltometropolitanareas,seePeteDaniel,“GoingAmongStrangers:SouthernReactionstoWorldWarII,”JournalofAmericanHistory77,no.3(December1990):886–911,esp.886,898.Ontelevisionandtribalism,seeH.J.Skornia,

“WhatTVIsDoingtoAmerica:SomeUnexpectedConsequences,”JournalofAestheticEducation3,no.3(July1969):29–44.

42.CountswasworkingfortheafternoonArkansasDemocratwhenhetookthepicture,whichmadehisphotographthefirsttoappear.JohnnyJenkinspublishedasimilarphotographthenextdayintheArkansasGazette.SeeKarenAnderson,LittleRock:RaceandResistanceatCentralHighSchool(Princeton,NJ:PrincetonUniversityPress,2010),2;PeterDaniel,LostRevolutions:TheSouthinthe1950s(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,2000),262;DavidMargolick,ElizabethandHazel:TwoWomenofLittleRock(NewHaven,CT:YaleUniversityPress,2011),1–2,36–37,59–61,63,152–54.

43.Margolick,ElizabethandHazel,38–39,41.OntheruralwhitemigrationintoLittleRock,seeBenF.JohnsonIII,“After1957:ResistingIntegrationinLittleRock,”ArkansasHistoricalQuarterly66,no.2(Summer1007):258–83,esp.262.

44.Margolick,ElizabethandHazel,70–71,88.45.BenjaminFine,“StudentsUnhurt,”NewYorkTimes,September24,1957;FletcherKnebel,“TheRealLittleRockStory,”Look,November12,1957,31–33,esp.33;Margolick,ElizabethandHazel,37,105;Daniel,LostRevolutions,263;andPhoebeGodfrey,“Bayonets,Brainwashing,andBathrooms:TheDiscourseofRace,Gender,andSexualityintheDesegregationofLittleRock’sCentralHigh,”ArkansasHistoricalQuarterly62,no.1(Spring2003):42–67,esp.45–47;andBelmanMorin,“ArkansasRiotLikeExplosion,”[Spokane,WA]SpokesmanReview,September23,1957.

46.ForGuthridge’sremarks,see“SomeBitterness,”ArkansasGazette,September1,1957;C.FredWilliams,“Class:TheCentralIssueinthe1957LittleRockSchoolCrisis,”ArkansasHistoricalQuarterly56,no.3(Autumn1997):341–44;GraemeCope,“‘EverybodySaysAllThosePeople...WerefromoutofTown,butTheyWeren’t’:ANoteonCrowdsDuringtheLittleRockCrisis,”ArkansasHistoricalQuarterly67,no.3(Autumn2008):245–67,esp.261.

47.RoyReed,Faubus:TheLifeandTimesofanAmericanProdigal(LittleRock:UniversityofArkansasPress,1997),358;“TheSouth:WhatOrvalHathWrought,”Time(September23):1957,11–14,esp.12–13.AlsoseeWilliams,“Class:TheCentralIssue,”344;“Orval’sIliadandOdyssey,”Life(September23,1957):28–35;Anderson,LittleRock,68;andDonIddon,“FaubusofLittleRock:‘ThePresidentUnderestimatedtheRuthlessAmbitionofThisHillbillyWhoSoFarHasAlwaysWonintheEnd,’”[London]DailyMail,September26,1957.

48.BenjaminFine,“MilitiaSenttoLittleRock;SchoolIntegrationPutOff,”NewYorkTimes,September3,1957;“SpeechofGovernorOrvalE.Faubus,September2,1957,”http://southerncolloqrhetoric.net/resources/Faubus570902.pdf.TheoriginalspeechislocatedintheOrvalEugeneFaubusPapers,1910–1994,Series14,Box496,UniversityofArkansas,Fayetteville,AK;andDavidWallace,“OrvalFaubus:TheCentralFigureatLittleRockCentralHighSchool,”ArkansasHistoricalQuarterly39,no.4(Winter1980):314–29,esp.324.

49.AnthonyLewis,“PresidentSendsTroopstoLittleRock,FederalizesArkansasNationalGuard;TellsNationHeActedtoAvoidAnarchy,”NewYorkTimes,September25,1957.OnFaubusmanufacturingthemythofviolence,see“Arkansas,”Time(September30,1957):17–19;“LittleRockSputnikIsBurningItselfOut,”WashingtonAfro-American,October22,1957.

50.JohnChancellor,“RadioandTelevisionHadTheirOwnProblemsinLittleRockCoverage,”Quill(December1957):9–10,20–21;JackGould,“TV:RealityintheSouth,”NewYorkTimes,September26,1957;HaroldR.Isaacs,“WorldAffairsandU.S.RaceRelations:ANoteonLittleRock,”PublicOpinionQuarterly22,no.3(Autumn1958):364–70,esp.366–67;and“AHistoricWeekofCivilStrife,”Life(October7,1957):37–48,esp.38–39.

51.Forlocaljournalistscallingthemrednecks,seeCope,“‘EverybodySaysAllThosePeople,’”246–47,267.For“manyinoveralls,”seeChancellor,“RadioandTelevision,”9.Forthe“redneckedman,”seeHomerBigart,“SchoolIsRinged:NegroesGotoSchoolinLittleRockasSoldiersGuardtheArea,”NewYorkTimes,September26,1957.ForthewomenintheNashvillemob,see“TheSouth:WhatOrvalHathWrought,”12,15.Forthecrowdaswhitetrash,seeStewartAlsop,“TragedyintheSunshineatLittleRock,”VictoriaAdvocate,September26,1957(reprintedfromtheNewYorkHeraldTribune).Anotherportrayalofthemobasa“motleycrowdofpoorwhites”isinthesyndicatedcolumnistBobConsidine’s“AnatomyoftheMob—II,”St.PetersburgTimes,September16,1957;Considine,“TheAnatomyofViolence—1:MobActionsHelpCauseof

Integration,”MilwaukeeSentinel,September14,1957.Oncallingwomen“slatternhousewives”and“harpies,”seeConsidine,“RiffraffofLittleRockIsGivingCityBadName,”MilwaukeeSentinel,September12,1957.AnAfro-AmericannewspaperclaimedthatGovernorFaubushadinflamedamobof“Arkansashillbillies”;see“RingOuttheFalse,RingintheTrue,”BaltimoreAfro-American,December29,1959.

52.“EisenhowerAddressonLittleRockCrisis,”NewYorkTimes,September25,1957;JackGould,“LittleRock:Television’sTreatmentofMajorNewsDevelopmentsFoundSuperficial”and“TheFaceofDemocracy,”NewYorkTimes,September15and26,1957;RichardC.Bedford,“ABiggerBomb,”JournalofHigherEducation29,no.3(March1958):127–31;Daniel,LostRevolutions,267;and“TragedyatLittleRock,”TimesLiterarySupplement,August28,1959,491.

53.OnhispoliticalsuccessinArkansas,seeReed,Faubus,251,352,357;Daniel,LostRevolutions,283;PaulGreenberg,“OrvalFaubusFinallyBlurtsOutTruthofHisDefianceThatLedtotheRacialCrisisinLittleRockin1957,”[Washington,DC]Observer-Reporter,June1,1979;“TheFaubusVictory,”Lakeland[FL]Ledger,July30,1958;“FaubusUnperturbedbyCrisis,”[Hopkinsville]KentuckyNewEra,September20,1957;Anderson,LittleRock,77;ThomasF.PettigrewandErnestQ.Campbell,“FaubusandSegregation:AnAnalysisofArkansasVoting,”PublicOpinionQuarterly24,no.3(Autumn1960):436–47.FaubushadJeffDavisinmind,becausehewantedtobethe“firstArkansasgovernorsinceJeffDavistobeelectedtoathirdterm.”Intheend,Faubusservedsixtermsfrom1955to1967.Healsodefendedhisactionsbasedonpolls.SeeWallace,“OrvalFaubus,”319,326;and“SegregationWinsonArkansasPoll,”NewYorkTimes,January29,1956;“TheMikeWallaceInterview:GuestOrvalFaubus,”September15,1957,transcript,HarryRansomCenter,UniversityofTexasatAustin.

54.GilbertMillstein,“StrangeChronicleofAndyGriffith,”NewYorkTimes,June2,1957;“AFaceintheCrowd,”Berkshire[MA]Eagle,June6,1957.

55.Millstein,“StrangeChronicleofAndyGriffith.”56.OnthefilmWildRiver,seeHenryGoodman,“WildRiverbyEliaKazan,”FilmQuarterly13,no.4(Summer1960):50–51;RobertMurrayandJoeHeumann,“EnvironmentalCatastropheinPareLorentz’s‘TheRiver’andEliaKazan’s‘WildRiver’:TheTVA,Politics,andEnvironment,”StudiesinPopularCulture27,no.2(October2004):47–65,esp.55.AndonthecontroversyinClevelandoverGumHollow,see“SouthernPrideEndsMovieRolesfor‘WhiteTrash,’”OcalaStar-Banner,November15,1959.

57.Ontheaggressivemarketingcampaign,seesyndicatedarticlebyHollywoodcorrespondentErskineJohnson,“‘Bayou’Film,Bustin1957,ReleasedUnderNewTitle,”[Florence,AL]TimesDaily,December11,1962;andJimKnipfel,“TheBrooklynCajun:TimothyCareyin‘PoorWhiteTrash,’”TheChiseler,chiseler.org/post/6558011597/the-brooklyn-cajun-timothy-carey-in-poor-white(2011).Ontheadvertisingcampaign,see[Hopkinsville]KentuckyNewEra,October9,1961;and“CompromisewithSin,”Lewiston[ME]DailySun,June23,1962.

58.LisaLindquistDorrhasshownthatthepoliticssurroundingrapeweremorecomplicated.InherstudyofVirginia,thereputationsofthewhitewomanandtheaccusedblackmanweretakenintoaccount.SothefilmandLee’snovel,fordramaticeffect,paintamuchmoreskewedpicture.Thisservestomakethewhitetrashcharactersevenmoreinsidious,becausetheEwellsdemandtheprotectionofthecodeofhonorwithoutdeservingit.SeeLisaLindquistDorr,WhiteWomen,Rape,andthePowerofRaceinVirginia,1900–1960(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,2004),79,115–19.

59.Inthenovel,LeeoffersthisscathingportraitoftheEwells:“Noeconomicfluctuationschangedtheirstatus—peopleliketheEwellslivedasguestsofthecountryinprosperityaswellasinthedepthsofthedepression.Notruantofficerscouldkeeptheirnumerousoffspringinschool;nopublichealthofficercouldfreethemfromcongenitaldefects,variousworms,anddiseasesindigenoustotheirfilthysurroundings....TheEwellsgavethedumpathoroughgleaningeveryday,andthefruitsoftheirindustry(thosethatwerenoteaten)madetheplotoflandaroundtheircabinlookliketheplayhouseofaninsanechild.”LeealsohasAtticusFinchofferadifferentdefinitionofwhitetrash,onedecoupledfrompoverty,asanyone,richorpoor,whotriedtocheatablackmanortreathimunfairly;seeHarperLee,ToKillaMockingbird(NewYork:HarperCollins,1999;originallypublished1960),194–95,253.

60.Thoughthefilmmuteditseugenictheme,onereviewersawBobEwellasa“degeneratefather”andthedaughterasa“poorwhitetrashtype”;seesyndicatedcolumnistAliceHughes,“AWoman’sNewYork,”ReadingEagle,February23,1963.TheNewYorkTimescalledtheportrayalsofBobandMayellaEwell“almost

caricatures”;seeBosleyCrowther,“Screen:‘ToKillaMockingbird,’”NewYorkTimes,February15,1963.ForthetangledcareerofJohnFrederickKasper,thepaidagitatorfromNewJersey,seeJohnEgerton,“WalkingintoHistory:TheBeginningofSchoolDesegregationinNashville,”SouthernSpaces(May4,2009).

61.AnAfro-AmericannewspapergavethisdescriptionofthefilmPoorWhiteTrash:“TherearenoEmilyPostrulestorawlife,and‘PoorWhiteTrash’createsnoneinthisstoryofapeoplewhosewayoflifehasstoodstillwhiletimehasmarchedonandlefttheminaworldapart”;see“‘PoorWhiteTrash’inNeighborhoodRuns,”BaltimoreAfro-American,September22,1962.OnSloanWilson’sTheManintheGrayFlannelSuit(1955)andthedangersoflosingone’sindividuality,seeAnnaCreadick,PerfectlyNormal:ThePursuitofNormalityinPostwarAmerica(Amherst:UniversityofMassachusettsPress,2010),77,86–87.JeansandawhiteT-shirtwasnotonlytheoutfitofJamesDeaninRebelWithoutaCause(1955),butalsothedressofangrypoorwhitemenprotestingdesegregationinNashvillein1957.See“TheSouth:WhatOrvalHathWrought,”15.

62.Daniels,ASouthernerDiscoverstheSouth,183,175,179.63.See“redneck”and“hillbilly,”inDialectNotes,Vol.II,PartIV,PublicationsoftheAmericanDialectSociety(NewHaven,CT,1904),418,420.TheHatfieldsruthlesslykilledwomenaswellasmen,breakingakeytabooofcivilizedbehavior;see“SoEndsaMountainFeud,”KansasCityTimes,January30,1921.Onmythaboutthefeud,seeAltinaL.Waller,“FeudingandModernizationinAppalachia:TheHatfieldsandMcCoys,”RegisteroftheKentuckyHistoricalSociety87,no.4(Autumn1989):385–404,esp.399,401–2;HalBoyle,“ArkansasEndsHillbillyMyth,”TuscaloosaNews,May29,1947.Onacritiqueof“hillbillydom”fromtheArkansasGazette,see“HillbilliesinAction,”TuscaloosaNews,August12,1940.Onthewomanhaving“hernumber,”seeMandelShermanandThomasR.Henry,HollowFolk(NewYork,1933),26.AreviewofHollowFolkdescribedthemas“degenerate,”andthough“theinhabitantsofourownrace,theirsisaprimitiveculture”;seeRobertE.L.Paris,“HollowFolk,”AmericanJournalofSociology39,no.2(September1933):256.

64.FrankS.Nugent,“TheScreen:‘MountainJustice,’AHill-BillyAnthologyIsShownattheRialto—ANewFilmattheCineRoma,”NewYorkTimes,May13,1937;SharonHatfield,“MountainJustice:TheMakingofaFeministIconandaCulturalScapegoat,”AppalachianJournal23,no.1(Fall1995),26–47,esp.28,33,35,37,42.

65.Onhillbillybands,comicstrips,andKentuckyMoonshine,seeAnthonyHarkins,Hillbilly:ACulturalHistoryofanAmericanIcon(NewYork:OxfordUniversityPress,2004),86–87,103–13,124–36,154–55,161–62.OnMinniePearl,seePamelaFox,“RecycledTrash:GenderandAuthenticityinCountryMusicAutobiography,”AmericanQuarterly50,no.2(1998):234–66,esp.253–54.Fortheconnectionbetween“radiorubes”likeMinniePearlandthevaudevillecircuit,seeBillC.Malone,“RadioandPersonalAppearances:SourcesandResources,”WesternFolklore30,no.3,CommercializedFolkMusic(July1971):215–25,esp.216–17.

66.“TheHillbillyinHueyLong’sChair,”MilwaukeeJournal,January4,1946.Davishadabachelor’sdegreeinhistoryandtaughthistoryatDoddCollegeforwomen,buthadanM.A.thesisinpsychology;histhesis,whichheearnedin1927,wasontheratherracisttopicofintellectualdifferencesamongwhites,blacks,andmulattoes.Hesangsongswithhisbandonthecampaigntrail.Hisgreatesthitwas“YouAreMySunshine.”Herefusedtorunanegativecampaign.Heranforgovernorandwononetermin1944–48,andanotherin1960–64.Herodehishorseupthecapitolstepsin1963.OnDavis,seeAngieReese,“JimmieDavis:FromSharecropper’sCabintotheGovernor’sMansion”(M.A.thesis,SoutheasternLouisianaUniversity,1995),1,4–9,14–16,30,99.

67.SeeWilliamC.Pratt,“GlenH.Taylor:PublicImageandReality,”PacificNorthwestQuarterly60,no.1(January1969):10–16;“O’DanielWritesOwnSongsforVoteCampaign”and“BiscuitPassingPappy,”[NewOrleans]Times-Picayune,July25andAugust14,1938;“Hill-BillySense,”ClevelandGazette,September10,1938;P.McEvoy,“PasstheBiscuits,Pappy,”Reader’sDigest,October1938,9–12.OnDeweyShort,see“Hillbilly‘Demosthenes,’”MilwaukeeJournal,August3,1942.

68.SeeW.R.Crocker,“WhyDoAmericansDisliketheEnglish?,”AustralianQuarterly21,no.1(March1949):27–36,esp.31–33.CrockermadereferencestobothJimmyDavisandPappyO’Daniel.

69.Onthetime-warptheme,seeBrooksBlevins,“IntheLandofaMillionSmiles:Twentieth-CenturyAmericansDiscovertheArkansasOzarks,”TheArkansasHistoricalQuarterly61,no.1(Spring2000):1–35,esp.2,20,24.Ontheclasslessmyth,seespeechbySupremeCourtjusticeHughesonthehillfolkofAppalachiain“MeritNotBirthAmerica’sBasis,”[Columbia,SC]State,February25,1915.Onthethemethatmountainpeoplepracticedtrueequality,aplacewhere“prideofbirthandsocialstandingmeantnothing,”seetheadvertisementforamoviebasedonthe1903classicmountainnovelTheLittleShepherdofKingdomCome,inLexington

Herald,March21,1920.Bythefifties,theegalitarianthemehadbecomemorepronounced;seeJuliaMcAdoo,“WherethePoorAreRich,”AmericanMercury(September1955):86–89;alsoseeBrooksBlevins,“WretchedandInnocent:TwoMountainRegionsintheNationalConsciousness,”JournalofAppalachianStudies7,no.2(Fall2001):257–71,esp.264–65.Onthe“ParkAvenueHillbilly,”seeMarkBarron,“BroadwayNotes,”[NewOrleans]Times-Picayune,July23,1950.

70.SeepromotionforHillbillyJamboreestaringRedSmithandElvisPresley,[NewOrleans]Times-Picayune,September1,1955.FortouringwithGriffithin1955,seeHeddaHopper,“ElvisWasNicetoAndy,”Times-Picayune,February6,1957;andGoddardLieberson,“‘Country’SweepsCountry:HillbillyMusicMakersHaveParlayedaBlendofBlues,SpiritualsandFolkTunesintoa$50-Million-YearBusiness,”NewYorkTimes,July28,1957;DickKleiner,“ElvisPresley,”SarasotaJournal,July11,1956;VivianBoultinghouse,“TheGuywiththeBlueSuedeShoes,”Times-Picayune,July1,1956;andHeddaHopper,“Hollywood:StarSwitchonGoodwin,”Times-Picayune,August2,1956.

71.OnElvis’sbackgroundinTupelo,Mississippi,seeLloydShearer,“ElvisPresley,”Parade,September30,1956,8–13,esp.11;andMichaelT.Bertrand,“ATradition-ConsciousCottonCity:(East)Tupelo,Mississippi,BirthplaceofElvisPresley,”inDestinationDixie:TourismandSouthernHistory,ed.KarenL.Cox(Gainesville:UniversityofFloridaPress,2012),87–109,esp.87–88,91–92,95–97.Onhisfemalefansasmountainmules,seeJockCarroll,“Side-BurnedDreamBoatofRed-BloodedYouth?ThisReviewer(Male)SaysILikeElvisPresley,”OttawaCitizen,September8,1956.

72.NoelE.ParmenterJr.,“TennesseeSpellbinder:GovernorClementRunsonTime,”Nation(August11,1956):114–17,esp.113,116;“Democrats:AnswertoDickNixon,”Newsweek(July23,1956):19–20;HaroldH.Martin,“TheThingsTheySayAbouttheGovernor!,”SaturdayEveningPost(January29,1955):22–23,48–51,54–55,58,esp.22.

73.Martin,“TheThingsTheySayAbouttheGovernor!,”22,48;“Democrats:AnswertoDickNixon,”20;Parmenter,“TennesseeSpellbinder,”117;“Democrats’Keynote,”Time(July23,1956):14.OnFolsom,seePaulE.Deutschman,“OutsizedGovernor:‘BigJim’FolsomLoathesShoesandGrammar—ButLovesNature,GirlsandBeingTopManinAlabama,”Life(September1,1947):59–65,esp.59,64–65;“‘Clowning’BlamedinFolsom’sDefeat”and“PoliticianinSqueeze:Gov.JamesE.Folsom,”NewYorkTimes,June6,1948,andFebruary25,1956;andRobertJ.Norrell,“LaborattheBallotBox:AlabamaPoliticsfromtheNewDealtotheDixiecratMovement,”JournalofSouthernHistory57,no.2(May1991):201–34,esp.230.

74.Forthetextofhisaddress,see“DemocraticNationalConvention:KeynoteAddress,byFrankClement,GovernorofTennessee,”VitalSpeechesoftheDay,vol.22(September1,1956):674–79;andJohnSteinbeck,“‘DemosGetSelvesVoiceinClement’—Steinbeck,”[NewOrleans]Times-Picayune,August15,1956.

75.OnClement’slatercomment,seeRobertE.CorlewIII,“FrankGoadClementandtheKeynoteAddressof1956,”TennesseeHistoricalQuarterly36,no.1(Spring1977):95–107,esp.107.Therewereothercriticalreviewsofhisperformance,somecallinghisaddressmere“bombast,”oraforensicexerciseratherthanrealeloquence;see“TheNewDemocrats:ADemocraticPartyofYouthandEnergy,”Life(August27,1957):20–36,esp.22;andGeorgeE.Sokolsky,“‘ATorrentofOratory,’GadsdenTimes,August17,1956;alsoseememorandumfromHoraceBusbytoBillMoyers,July29,1964,intheappendixofRobertMann,DaisyPetalsandMushroomClouds:LBJ,BarryGoldwater,andtheAdThatChangedAmericanPolitics(BatonRouge:LouisianaStateUniversityPress,2014),122.

76.HoddingCarter,“Hushpuppies,Stew—andOratory:SouthernPoliticiansMustBeShowmen,Too,butBehindTheirActIsaDeadlySeriousness,”NewYorkTimesMagazine,June18,1950;“ThePoliticianasBore,”ChicagoTribune,March23,1956.

77.“HillbillyChivalry,”ChicagoTribune,March15,1958.78.OnEstesKefauverand“BigJim”Folsom,seeWilliamG.Carleton,“TheSouthernPolitician—1900and1950,”JournalofPolitics13,no.2(May1951):215–31,esp.220–21;Corlew,“FrankGoadClement,”106–7;andforlinkingClement’sfallfromprominencetohis“corn-filledkeynotespeech,”see“Politics:OleFrank,”Time(August10,1962):13.OnJohnsonasthesecondmostpowerfulmaninthenation,seeStewartAlsop,“LyndonJohnson:HowDoesHeDoIt?,”SaturdayEveningPost(January24,1959):13–14,38,43,esp.13–14.AndonJohnsonhangingClay’sportraitintheovaloffice,see“PortraitsofWashington,ClayandJacksononWalls,”NewYorkTimes,March2,1964.OnJohnsonasateacher,seeJohnR.Silber,“LyndonJohnsonasTeacher,”ListenerandBBCTelevisionReview73(May20,1965):728–30.

79.OnJohnsonearningsympathy,seeJamesReston,“TheOfficeandtheMan:JohnsonEmergesGraveandStrongasthePresidencyWorksItsChange,”NewYorkTimes,November28,1963;AnthonyLewis,“JohnsonStyle:EarthyandFlamboyant,”NewYorkTimes,November24,1963;“LyndonBainesJohnson,”NewYorkTimes,August27,1964.Onhiscloseassociatesrejectingtheruralhickportrait,seetheAParticlethatappearedinnumerousnewspapers:ArthurEdson,“JohnsonCalledComplexPersonMistakenasa‘Cornball’”MilwaukeeJournal,December28,1963.On“diggingdowndeeply,”see“Johnson’sWay,”NewYorkTimes,April26,1964;andRussellBaker,“President’sManner,LikeJackson’s,aFolksyOne,”NewYorkTimes,November2,1964.Onhisshowmanshipanddeepemotions,seeMarianneMeans,“DespiteHisInformalAir,LBJSeldomShowsSensitiveSide,”SanAntonioLight,October10,1965.TheambivalenceoverJohnsoncontinuedduringhispresidency.Asonereporterwrotein1968onhisaccessiontothepresidency,“Justplainfolksyorjustplaincorny,spontaneousordevious,inspiringpersuaderorruthlessarm-twister,LyndonBainesJohnsonwasnowfirmlyinthesaddle”;seeAPcorrespondentSaulPett,“TheJohnsonYears:TheArcofParadox,”Hutchinson[KS]News,April14,1968.

80.SeeLyndonJohnson,“RemarksinJohnsonCity,Tex.,UponSigningtheElementaryandSecondaryEducationBill,April11,1965,”inPublicPapersofthePresidents:Johnson,412–14,esp.414.OnhisechoesofOdum,seeLyndonB.Johnson,“MyPoliticalPhilosophy,”TexasQuarterly1,no.4(Winter1958):17–22.Onthestrategicplanforwinningoversouthernlegislators,seeWilliamB.Cannon,“EnlightenedLocalism:ANarrativeAccountofPovertyandEducationintheGreatSociety,”YaleLawandPolicyReview4,no.1(Fall–Winter1985):6–60,esp.39,43;JohnA.AndrewIII,LyndonJohnsonandtheGreatSociety(Chicago:IvanR.Dee,1998),120–21.OnLadyBirdJohnson’svisitwithoutherhusband,seeNanRobertson,“Mrs.JohnsonVisitsPovertyArea,”NewYorkTimes,March22,1964.

81.Onphotographs,see“JohnsonandthePeople,”NewYorkTimes,May3,1964.Onpoorwhiteimages,alsosee“Johnson’sGreatSociety—LinesAreDrawn,”NewYorkTimes,March14,1965;andJohnEdPearce,“TheSuperfluousPeopleofHazard,Kentucky,”Reporter28,no.1(January3,1963):33–35;HomerBigart,“KentuckyMiners:AGrimWinter,”NewYorkTimes,October20,1963;RobynMuncy,“Coal-FiredReforms:SocialCitizenship,DissidentMiners,andtheGreatSociety,”JournalofAmericanHistory(June2009):72–98,esp.74,90–95;andRonaldEller,UnevenGround:AppalachiaSince1945(Lexington:UniversityPressofKentucky,2008),20,23–25,30–32,36–39;DavidTorstensson,“BeyondtheCity:LyndonJohnson’sWaronPovertyinRuralAmerica,”JournalofPolicyHistory25,no.4(2013):587–613,esp.591–92,596,606.

82.OnJohnson’shat,see“RandomNotesfromAllOver:JohnsonSaysAyetoLBJHats,”NewYorkTimes,February17,1964.Onthepoor,seeMarjorieHunter,“President’sTourDramatizedIssue”and“JohnsonPledgestoAidtheNeedy,”NewYorkTimes,April26,1964,andSeptember21,1964;FranklinD.Roosevelt,“StateoftheUnionAddress,”January11,1944.

83.BillMoyers,“WhataRealPresidentWasLike:ToLyndonJohnsontheGreatSocietyMeantHopeandDignity,”WashingtonPost,November13,1988.OnmanipulationofwhitetrashprideinFaulkner’swriting,seeJohnRodden,“‘TheFaithfulGravedigger’:TheRoleof‘Innocent’WashJonesandtheInvisible‘WhiteTrash’inFaulkner’sAbsalom,Absalom!,”SouthernLiteraryJournal43,no.1(Fall2010):23–38,esp.23,26,30–31;andJacquesPothier,“BlackLaughter:PoorWhiteShortStoriesBehindAbsalom,Absalom!andTheHamlet,”inWilliamFaulkner’sShortFiction,ed.HansH.Skei(Oslo:SolumForlag,1977),173–184,esp.173.NearlythirtyyearsafterhewroteASouthernerDiscoverstheSouth,JonathanDanielswroteoftheunfulfilledpromiseoftheAmericandreamintheSouth.The“NewSouth”wasstilltheOldSouth,poorwhitesandblacksremainedpoortogether,and“nonebuttheblindcanbelievethatintheSouththeunfortunateanddispossessedareonlyofonecolor.”SeeDaniels,“TheEver-EverLand,”Harper’sMagazine(April1965):183–88.

84.FortheRepublicancampaignattackfilm,seeNanRobertson,“G.O.P.FilmDepicts‘MoralDecay,’”NewYorkTimes,October21,1964;andMann,DaisyPetalsandMushroomClouds,94–95.OnBillyCarter’sfamouscomment,see“You’llHavetoPardonBilly,”MilwaukeeSentinel,February17,1977;alsoseeJohnSheltonReed,SouthernFolk,PlainandFancy:NativeWhiteSocialTypes(Athens:UniversityofGeorgiaPress,1986),38.OnMalcolmX,seeWilliamE.Leuchtenburg,TheWhiteHouseLooksSouth:FranklinD.Roosevelt,HarryTruman,andLyndonB.Johnson(BatonRouge:LouisianaStateUniversityPress,2005)327.

85.OnElvis’sCadillac,seeJoeHyams,“MeetHollywood’sBiggestSpenders,”ThisWeekMagazine,February25,1962.Thefilm’sattackwasbasedonstoriesaboutJohnsondrivinghiscarfastanddrinkingbeer,buttheyaddedthereferencestohimthrowingcansoutthewindow.OnLBJ’swilddrivingandposingwithapiglet,see

“Presidency:‘Mr.President,You’reFun,’”Time(April3,1964):23–24.Onthesymbolicmeaningoffreedom(escapingyourancestors)associatedwithcarsinAmericanculture,seeDeborahClark,DrivingWomen:FictionandAutomobileCultureinTwentieth-CenturyAmerica(Baltimore:JohnsHopkinsUniversityPress,2007),165.

86.OnFulbrightandMcGovern,seeAlbertLauterbach,“HowMuchCutbackforConsumers,”Challenge6,no.7(April1958):72–76,esp.72;andJosephGreen,“Events&Opinions,”TheClearingHouse32,no.8(April1958):485–86;also“PresleyTermedaPassingFancy,”NewYorkTimes,December17,1956.OnElvis’s“orgiastic”dancing,seeBosleyCrowther,“TheScreen:CultureTakesaHoliday:ElvisPresleyAppearsin‘LoveMeTender,’”NewYorkTimes,November16,1956.

87.Robertson,“G.O.P.FilmDepicts‘MoralDecay.’”Elvis’sdelinquentwaysledachurchcongregationinJackson,Florida,toprayforhissoul;see“ElvisaDifferentKindofIdol,”Life(August27,1956):101–9,esp.108–9.Elviswasconsideredtheidolofdelinquentboys;seeMartinGold,StatusForcesinDelinquentBoys(AnnArbor,MI:InstituteforSocialResearch,1963),104;andEugeneGilbert,“TypicalPresleyFanIsa‘C’Student;Aloof,Indifferent,”[NewOrleans]Times-Picayune,March14,1958.OnAppalachianshavingnorespectforworkinghardandstrivingtomoveuptheladder,seeRoscoeGriffin,“WhenFamiliesMove...fromCinderHollowtoCincinnati,”MountainLifeandWork(Winter1956):11–20,esp.16,18.Onthelureofbeinglazy,seeDamonRunyon,“MyOldHomeTown—ThePassingofCrazyBill,”MilwaukeeSentinel,September8,1957;Eller,UnevenGround,26.

88.Harringtonwrote,“Buttherealexplanationofwhythepoorarewheretheyareisthattheymadethemistakeofbeingborntothewrongparents,inthewrongsectionofthecountry,inthewrongindustry,orinthewrongracialorethnicgroup.Oncethatmistakehasbeenmade,theycouldhavebeenparagonsofwillandmorality,butmostofthemwouldneverhavehadachancetogetoutoftheotherAmerica.”SeeMichaelHarrington,TheOtherAmerica:PovertyintheUnitedStates(Baltimore:Penguin,1962),21.Anotherresearcherusedadifferentsetofanalogiesthatemphasizedinheritedincapacities:hesaidthepoorwere“underendowed,”“economicinvalids,”andpossessedan“inadequatepersonalpatrimony.”SeeOscarOrnati,“AffluenceandtheRiskofPoverty,”SocialResearch31,no.3(Autumn1964):333–46,esp.341–45;andseeEller,UnevenGround,101.

89.JohnKennethGalbraith,TheAffluentSociety,40thanniversaryed.(Boston:HoughtonMifflin,1999),235–37;Harrington,TheOtherAmerica,9–14,18,34.

90.LewisH.Lapham,“WhoIsLyndonJohnson?,”SaturdayEveningPost(September9,1965):21–25,65–67,70–72,esp.66,71.Ontheidiomof“bigones”asrichwhitefolksandpoorwhitesascravinglandandrespect,seeJackTempleKirby,“BlackandWhiteinRuralSouth,1915–1954,”AgriculturalHistory58,no.3(July1984):411–22,esp.418;alsosee“Johnson’sRareWord:‘Caliche,’aSoilCrust,”NewYorkTimes,January5,1965;“PoliticsWasJohnson’sWork,Rest,andRelaxation,”[Clearfield,PA]Progress,January24,1973;RyanGreene,“SideglancesintheMirror,”Gilmer[TX]Mirror,May26,1966.

91.JamesReston,“ParadoxandReason,”NewYorkTimes,January21,1965.92.LyndonJohnson,“RemarkstoStudentsParticipatingintheU.S.SenateYouthProgram,”February5,1965,PublicPapersofthePresidents:Johnson,148–51,esp.150.

ChapterEleven:RedneckRoots:Deliverance,BillyBeer,andTammyFaye

1.MaryBernstein,“IdentityPolitics,”AnnualReviewofSociology31(2005):47–74,esp.49,53,64.AsMaryLouisAdamsargued,“Itisimportanttonotethatidentitypoliticsencompassacelebrationofthegroup’suniquenessaswellasananalysisofitsparticularoppression”;see“There’sNoPlaceLikeHome:OnthePlaceofIdentityinFeministPolitics,”FeministReview,no.31(Spring1989):22–33,esp.25;andDouglasC.Rossinow,ThePoliticsofAuthenticity:Liberalism,Christianity,andtheNewLeftinAmerica(NewYork:ColumbiaUniversityPress,1998);MathewD.Lassiter,TheSilentMajority:SuburbanPoliticsintheSunbeltSouth(Princeton,NJ:PrincetonUniversityPress,2006),1,3.

2.JosephBensmanandArthurJ.Vidich,“TheNewMiddleClasses:TheirCultureandLifeStyles,”JournalofAestheticEducation4,no.1(January1970):23–39,esp.24–25,29.

3.AnneRoiphe,“‘AnAmericanFamily’:ThingsAreKeenbutCouldBeKeener,”NewYorkTimesMagazine,February18,1973,8–9,41–43,45–47,50–53,esp.8,47,50–53.

4.ThomasLask,“SuccessofSearchfor‘Roots’LeavesAlexHaleySurprised,”NewYorkTimes,November23,1976;PaulD.Zimmerman,“InSearchofaHeritage,”Newsweek(September27,1976):94–96.Eventhe

LibraryofCongressclassifiedthebookasgenealogyinsteadoffiction;seeDavidHenige,“ClassasGRInstead?,”AmericanLibraries31,no.4(April2000):34–35.

5.ThefirstcompellingcritiquethatexposedproblemswithhisAfricanresearchwasMarkOttaway,“TangledRoots,”SundayTimes(London),April10,1977,17,21.HisconclusionswerereconfirmedbyanAfricanscholarwhoexplainedthatthegriot,orfamilystoryteller,wasunreliable,andtoldtheinquirerwhathewantedtohear.(Haleyfailedtotapetheinterview,reliedononlyoneinformant,andwhenotherinformationcontradictedthestoryhewanted,heignoredit.)SeeDonaldR.Wright,“UnrootingKuntaKinte:OnthePerilsofRelyingonEncyclopedicInformants,”HistoryinAfrica8(1981):205–17,esp.206,209–13.ForHaley’sresponsetoOttaway’scriticismandhisrationalefortheunrealisticportrayalofKinte’svillage,seeRobertD.McFadden,“SomePointsof‘Roots’Questioned:HaleyStandsbytheBookasaSymbol,”NewYorkTimes,April10,1977.ProfessionalhistorianshaddifferentreactionstoHaley’sclaims:OscarHandlinofHarvardcalledthebooka“fraud,”andProfessorWillieLeeRoseofJohnsHopkinsUniversity,anexpertinslavery,concludedthatthe“anachronisms...aretoonumerousandchipawayattheverisimilitudeofcentralmattersinwhichitisimportanttohavefullfaith.”SeeIsraelShenker,“SomeHistoriansDismissReportofFactualMistakesin‘Roots,’”NewYorkTimes,April10,1977.

6.ForthemostthoroughexpositionofresearcherrorsinRoots,coauthoredbyahistorianandgenealogist,seeGaryB.MillsandElizabethShownMills,“‘Roots’andtheNew‘Faction’:ALegitimateToolforClio?,”VirginiaMagazineofHistoryandBiography89,no.1(January1981):3–26,esp.6–19.OnHaley’sclassbias(makinghisancestorssuperiortootherslaves),seeMillsandMills,“‘Roots’andtheNew‘Faction,’”25;andJamesA.Hijiya,“Roots:FamilyandEthnicityinthe1970s,”AmericanQuarterly30,no.4(Autumn1978):548–56.

7.ForHaleyasahoaxer,seeStanleyCrouch,“TheBelovedFraudof‘Roots,’”GardenCityTelegram,May9,2011;fortimingofpitchtoABC,seeobituaryofBrandonStoddard,whodevelopedtheRootsminiseries,WashingtonPost,December29,2014.

8.JamesA.Michener,Chesapeake(NewYork:RandomHouse,1978),158–59,161.9.Ibid.,325,803,822,826,842–45,854–55;TomHorton,“Michener’s‘Chesapeake’RevisitedNovel,”BaltimoreSun,October24,1997.

10.SeeNancyIsenbergandAndrewBurstein,“AdamsesonScreen,”inACompaniontoJohnAdamsandJohnQuincyAdams,ed.DavidWaldstreicher(Malden,MA:Wiley-Blackwell,2013),487–509;Boorstin’sintroduction,inJackShepherd,TheAdamsChronicles:FourGenerationsofGreatness(Boston:Little,Brown,1975),xxxi;andHijiya,“Roots,”551.

11.PeteHamill,“TheRevoltoftheWhiteLowerMiddleClass,”NewYork(April14,1969):24–29;PhilipShabecoff,“ABlue-CollarVoterDiscussesHisSwitchtoNixon,”NewYorkTimes,November6,1972;RichardNixon,“AddressAcceptingthePresidentialNominationattheRepublicanNationalConventioninMiamiBeach,Florida,August8,1968,”inJohnT.WoolleyandGerhardPeters,TheAmericanPresidencyProjectatUCSantaBarbara,http://presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=25968;ScottJ.Spitzer,“Nixon’sNewDeal:WelfareReformfortheSilentMajority,”PresidentialQuarterly42,no.3(September2012):455–81,esp.458–62,471,473,477;RickPerlstein,Nixonland:TheRiseofaPresidentandtheFracturingofAmerica(NewYork:Scribner,2008);Lassiter,TheSilentMajority,234,236;MichaelNovak,TheRiseoftheUnmeltableEthnics(NewYork:Macmillan,1972),4,30,53,60,70–71,81,258–60;MatthewFryeJacobson,RootsToo:WhiteEthnicsRevivalinPost–CivilRightsAmerica(Cambridge,MA:HarvardUniversityPress,2006),44–45,190.

12.SeeWashingtonsyndicatedNEA(NewspaperEnterpriseAssociation)columnistBruceBiossat,“WhitePoorinUSForgottenMasses,”Gadsden[AL]Times,September14,1969;Biossat,“PoorWhiteDilemma,”SumterDailyItem,May24,1967;“WhiteTarHeelsPoor,Too,”SpringHope[NC]Enterprise,November2,1967;MarjorieHunter,“TothePoorinSouthCarolina,FreeFoodStampsAreaSourceofSatisfactionandEmbarrassment,”NewYorkTimes,May18,1969.Ontheroleofthewelfarerightsmovement,seePremillaNadasen,WelfareWarriors:TheWelfareRightsMovementintheUnitedStates(NewYork:Routledge,2005);andFeliciaKornbluh,TheBattleforWelfareRights:PoliticsandPovertyinModernAmerica(Philadelphia:UniversityofPennsylvaniaPress,2007);“TheWorkEthic,”NewYorkTimes,November6,1972;GaylordShaw,“WelfareEthicAdvocatesHits;LeadstoViciousCycleofDependency—Nixon,”[NewOrleans]Times-

Picayune,September4,1972;alsosee“TranscriptofthePresident’sLaborDayAddress,”NewYorkTimes,September7,1971.

13.MarcusKlein,“HeritageoftheGhetto,”Nation(March27,1976):373–75,esp.373.14.OnchangesinNASCARfromthefortiestotheseventies,seeDaniel,LostRevolutions,94–97,108–10,118–20.OnDollyParton,see“PeopleAreTalkingAbout:DollyParton,”Vogue(October1,1977):300–301.On“redneckchic,”seePatrickHuber,“AShortHistoryofRedneck:TheFashioningofaSouthernWhiteMasculineIdentity,”SouthernCultures1,no.2(Winter1995):145–66,esp.159.Onredneckcountrymusic,seeJoeEdwards,“He’saRedneck,”Reading[PA]Eagle,August12,1976;andJoeEdwards,“‘Redneck’Doesn’tHavetoBeOffensive,”Gadsden[AL]Times,March25,1983.OnWhiteTrashCooking,seeSylviaCarter,“He’sProudtoBe‘WhiteTrash,’”MilwaukeeJournal,December29,1986.

15.SeeRobertBasler,“DollyParton:Fittin’intoFloozydomComfortably,”[Lafayette,LA]Advertiser,April24,1986;EmilySatterwhite,DearAppalachia(Lexington:UniversityofKentuckyPress,2011),131,172,174–75.

16.SeeLillianSmith,“WhiteTrash”(ca.1964or1965)and“ThePoorWhite’sFuture”(ca.1964),LillianEugeniaSmithPapers,Box41,ms.1283A,andBox43,ms.1238A,HargrettRareBookandManuscriptLibrary,UniversityofGeorgiaLibraries,Athens;Huber,“AShortHistoryofRedneck,”161.

17.RobertSherrill,“TheEmbodimentofPoorWhitePower,”NewYorkTimesMagazine,February28,1971.In1968,agroupofdemonstratorsfromanAppalachiancontingentofthePoorPeople’sCampaignprotestedathishomeinArlington.SeeJohnYago,“PoorEncounteredaSlickSenator,”CharlestonGazette,June24,1968;alsoseeSanfordJ.Ungar,“TheManWhoRunstheSenate:BobbyByrd:AnUpstartComestoPower,”AtlanticMonthly(September1975):29–35,esp.35;andRobertC.Byrd,RobertC.Byrd:ChildoftheAppalachianCoalfields(Morgantown:WestVirginiaUniversityPress,2005),42,53,219–221,223,228,235–37,244–45.

18.Seecoverand“NewDayA’ComingintheSouth,”Time(May31,1971):14–20,esp.14–16.OnWallace,seeDanT.Carter,“LegacyofRage:GeorgeWallaceandtheTransformationofAmericanPolitics,”JournalofSouthernHistory62,no.1(February1996):3–26,esp.10–12,26;RandySanders,“‘TheSadDutyofPolitics’:JimmyCarterandtheIssueofRaceinHis1970GubernatorialCampaign,”GeorgiaHistoricalQuarterly76,no.3(Fall1992):612–38,esp.620–21,623–25;andseeJamesClotfelterandWilliamR.Hamilton,“ElectingaGovernorintheSeventies,”inAmericanGovernorinBehavioralPerspective,eds.ThadBeyleandJ.OliverWilliams(NewYork:Harper&Row,1972),32–39,esp.34,36.

19.Sanders,“‘TheSadDutyofPolitics,’”632–33.20.OnDickeyinventinghismountainroots,seeSatterwhite,DearAppalachia,149–50,508–11;andHenryHart,“JamesDickey:TheWorldasaLie,”TheSewaneeReview108,no.1(Winter2000):93–106;alsoHarkins,Hillbilly,209.Inhismemoir,Dickey’ssonChristopherrecountedhisfather’sendlessneedtolieabouthislife;forareviewofthememoir(SummerofDeliverance:AMemoirofFatherandSon),seeDavidKirby,“LiarandSon,”NewYorkTimes,August30,1998;onDickey’segomania,seeBenjaminGriffith,“TheEgomaniacasMythMaker”(reviewofTheOneVoiceofJamesDickey:HisLettersandLife,1970–1997),SewaneeReview117,no.1(Winter2009):vi–viii.

21.Inthenovel,DickeydescribesBobbyas“plumpandpink,”andscreamingandsqualling.HealsohasLewisvoicethesurvivalistethosthatthefourmenmusttaptheinstinctswithinthemselvestoenduretheirordeal.Asusedgoods,Bobbyisunabletoovercomethe“taint”ofhisrape.SeeJamesDickey,Deliverance(Boston:HoughtonMifflin,1970),54,121–22,126,135,167;alsoseeChristopherRicks,“ManHunt,”NewYorkReviewofBooks14,no.8(April23,1970),37–40,esp.40;WalterClemmons,“JamesDickey,Novelist,”NewYorkTimes,March22,1970.Onthesexualizednatureofthetraumaandthepactamongthethreesurvivors,seeLindaRuthWilliams,“BloodBrothers,”SightandSound,September1994,16–19.Forareviewthatfocusedon“sodomy-inclinedhillbillies,”seeVincentCanby,“TheScreen:JamesDickey’s‘Deliverance’Arrives,”NewYorkTimes,July31,1972.

22.NotonlydoesDrewshowcompassion,butheistheonlyonetodefendthelawoverLewis’sprimalcodeofsurvival.SeeDickey,Deliverance,68,70,137;AnilNarine,“GlobalTraumaatHome:Technology,Modernity,‘Deliverance,’”JournalofAmericanStudies42,no.3(December2008):449–70,esp.466.Ontheidiotsavant,seeHalAigner,“‘Deliverance’byJohnBoorman,”FilmQuarterly26,no.2(Winter1972–73):39–41,esp.41.

23.Ondiscoveryofthis“rarebreed,”Wolfewrites,“ThereisDetroit,hardlyabletobelieveitself,whatithasdiscovered,abreedofgoodoldboysfromthefastnessoftheAppalachianhillsandflats—ahandfulfromthisrarebreed—whohavegivenDetroit...speed...andtheindustrycanpresentittoawholegenerationas...

yours.”TomWolfe,“TheLastAmericanHeroIsJuniorJohnson.Yes!”Esquire(March1965):68–74,138,142–48,150–52,154–55,esp.71,74,147,155.

24.AndrewHorton,“HotCarFilms&CoolIndividualismor,‘WhatWeHaveHereIsaLackofRespectfortheLaw,’”Cinéaste8,no.4(Summer1978):12–15,esp.14;andJamesPoniewozik,“WhatDidTheDukesofHazzardReallySayAbouttheSouth?,”Time(July2,2015).

25.Wolfe,“TheLastAmericanHero,”71,74,144.26.JamesWooten,Dasher:TheRootsandRisingofJimmyCarter(NewYork:SummitBooks,1978),280,346–47,354–56;andJamesWooten,“TheManWhoRefusedtoLose:JamesEarlCarterJr.,”NewYorkTimes,July15,1976.

27.ForCarteronthekinshiphefeltforJusticeHugoBlackandEstesKafauver,seeAnthonyLewis,“JimmyCarter:SouthernPopulist,”MorningRecord,June4,1976.OnCarter’s“logcabin”campaignstyle,seeFrankJackman(oftheNewYorkDailyNews),“Profile:WhoIsJimmyCarter?”[St.Petersburg,FL]EveningIndependent,July15,1976.OntheAllmanBrothersbenefitsforCarter,seeWayneKing,“RockGoesBacktoWhereItAllBegan:RockGoesSouth,”NewYorkTimes,June20,1976.Ontheradioad,seeEliEvans,“TheNaturalSuperiorityofSouthernPoliticians,”NewYorkTimes,January16,1977.ForCarterdescribinghimselfas“whitetrashmadegood,”seeCharlesMohr,“Reporter’sNotebook:EnigmaticSideofCarter,”NewYorkTimes,July1,1976.Young’scommentwasaimedattheblackcommunity,wheremanyofCarter’scriticscalledhima“cracker”and“redneck.”AndCartercalledhimselfaredneck;seePaulDelaney,“ManyBlackDemocraticLeadersVoiceDoubt:FearandDistrustAboutCarter,”NewYorkTimes,July6,1976.OtherpoliticalobserverssawCarterasthe“newroots”ofanewSouth,becausehewasnotaredneck;seeJamesWolcott,“PresidentialAesthetics:You’veSeentheMovie(‘Nashville’),NowMeettheCandidate—JimmyCarter,”VillageVoice,January19,1976.

28.RoyBlountJr.,Crackers:ThisWholeManyAngledThingofJimmy,MoreCarters,OminousLittleAnimals,SadSingingWomen,MyDaddyandMe(NewYork:Knopf,1980),210,221.NormanMailerwroteaboutthecampaignfilmshownattheDemocraticconventionthatcoveredtheparodiesofCarter’sfamoussmile(suchasAlfredE.NeumanonthecoverofMadMagazine);seeNormanMailer,“TheSearchforCarter,”NewYorkTimesMagazine,September26,1976,20–21,69–73,88–90,esp.69.AndtherewasevenanAssociatedPressnewsstoryonCarter’sdentist,seeFredCormier,“ThatFamousCarterGrinDoesn’tNeedToothpaste,”OcalaStar-Banner,February7,1980.

29.OnCarter’stenacityforhisroots,seeJohnDillin,“JimmyCarter:ForcesinHisLife,”BocaRatonNews,August1,1976(reprintedfromtheChristianScienceMonitor);RobertD.HersheyJr.,“Carter’sFamilyLinkedtoRoyaltybyBritishPublicationonPeerage,”NewYorkTimes,August12,1977.ForCarter’sfascinationwithhisownroots,alsoseeWooten,Dasher,62.Onthefactthatthe“details”ofCarter’scolonialVirginiaheritagewereassketchyandimprobableasAlexHaley’s,seeDouglasBrinkley,“ATimeforReckoning:JimmyCarterandtheCultofKinfolk,”PresidentialStudiesQuarterly29,no.4(December1999):778–97,esp.781.AndonthecentralityofCarter’sGeorgiarootsascrucialtohisself-fashioning,seeF.N.Boney,“Georgia’sFirstPresident:TheEmergenceofJimmyCarter,”GeorgiaHistoricalQuarterly72,no.1(Spring1988):119–32,esp.119,123.

30.SeePhilGailey,“MeetBillyCarter,”[St.Petersburg,FL]EveningIndependent,July15,1976;Huber,“AShortHistoryofRedneck,”158.Onsellingmobilehomes,see“BillyCarter,”[Henderson,NC]Times-News,September23,1981;alsoseeStanleyW.Cloud,“AWryClown:BillyCarter,1937–1988,”Time(October10,1988):44.

31.Blount,Crackers,93,131–32.32.OnShrum,seeMaryMcGrory,“Ex-CarterSpeechWriterSaysJimmyLies,”BocaRatonNews,May9,1976.Onpoorwomen,seeDavidS.Broder,“LifeIsn’tFair,”Telegraph,July25,1977.Carterdisplayedthesamedichotomyonwelfare,callingforgreaterhealthcareforpoorruralwomen,yetemphasizingthatgovernmentcannot“solveallourproblems.”AsoneNewYorkTimesreporternoted,Carter’sDixieconservatismwaspartofatraditionthat“embracesacertainfatalismaboutsocialinequalitiesandthenaturalpeckingordermorereadilythandoNorthernliberals”;seeHendrickSmith,“Carter’sPoliticalDichotomy:BeliefsRootedinSouthernDemocraticTraditionsSeemtoCounteractHisCompassionforthePoor,”NewYorkTimes,July16,1977;andAndrewR.FlintandJoyPorter,“JimmyCarter:TheRe-EmergenceofFaith-BasedPoliticsandtheAbortionRightsIssue,”PresidentialStudiesQuarterly35,no.1(March2005):28–51,esp.39.

33.Forasampleofthestoriesoftherabbitaffair,seeChicagoTribune–NewYorkNewsSyndicatewriterJackW.GermondandJulesWitcover,“LaughingwiththePresident—OratHim,”St.PetersburgTimes,September1,1979;“BanzaiBunny‘JustaQuietGeorgiaRabbit,’”MontrealGazette,August31,1979;“CarterandPeterRabbit,”LewistonEveningJournal,August31,1979;LouisCook,“AbouttheRabbit...,”BangorDailyNews,August31,1979;ValerieSchulthies,“MonsterRabbitsStrikeTerrorinManyaHeart,”DeseretNews,September1,1979;RalphdeToledano,“TheGreatRabbitCaper,”Lodi[CA]News-Sentinel,September20,1979.ForCartertellingthestory,see“QuestionsGetToughWhenCarterMeetsthePress,”PalmBeachPost,August31,1979;“ATaleofCarterandthe‘KillerRabbit’;PresidentOrdersPhotograph,”“CarterDescribesFoe:‘QuietGeorgiaRabbit,’”and“RabbitPhotoKeptSecret,”NewYorkTimes,August29,August31,andSeptember5,1979.Forareleaseofthe“clearestpicture”oftherabbitduel,see“TheFamedRabbitAttack,”Gainesville[FL]Sun,June23,1981.TomPaxtonwroteasatiricalsong,titled“IDon’tWantaBunnyWunny,”playingonthethemeofamockduelorbattle:“PresidentCartersavedtheday;/Splashedwiththepaddle,rabbitswamaway./Jimmywasahero,feltitinhisbones,/SaidinthewordsofJohnPaulJones.”

34.OnReagan’svisittoIreland,seeJacobson,RootsToo,16–17.WhenReagangaveaspeechatthededicationoftheCarterlibrary,hecalledCarter’spersonalstorythe“storyoftheSouth,”clearlytheoppositeofwhatReaganstoodfor.OnReagannotunderstandingtheSouth,seeFrederickAllen,“JimmyCarter,aSonoftheSouthWhoBoretheRegion’sBurdens,”[Wilmington,NC]Star-News,October5,1986.OnReagan’sactingskillsandtheNancyReagan“pigsty”rumor,seeBobSchiefferandGaryPaulGates,TheActingPresident(NewYork:E.P.Dutton,1989),170,181,375.KittyKelleywrotethatNancyReaganwanted“‘areturnofdignity,’”asif“theCartershadbeenjugheadsinbluejeanswhoproddedcattlethroughthehalls”;seeKittyKelley,NancyReagan:TheUnauthorizedBiography(NewYork:Simon&Schuster,1991),296–97.OnReagan’s“mediareflexes,”seeLanceMorrow,“TheDeclineofOratory,”Time(August18,1980):76,78,esp.76.

35.PatrickBuchanan,“ReaganOffersHopetoBlacks,”ChicagoTribune,September2,1980.36.Blount,Crackers,5.OnBakkerattheWhiteHouse,seeDudleyClendinen,“SpurredbyWhiteHouseParley,TVEvangelistsSpreadWord,”NewYorkTimes,September10,1984.Forthe“Pass-the-LootClub,”seeSandyGrady,“CameraDouble-CrossedBakker,”SpokaneChronicle,September22,1989.Ontheforty-five-yearsentence,seeJunePreston,“BakkerGiven45Years,$500,000FineforFraud,”SchenectadyGazette,October25,1989.By1987,thePTLbroadcaston165localstationscovering85percentofthenationalTVmarket;seeCharlesE.Shepard,Forgiven:TheRiseandFallofJimBakkerandthePTLMinistry(NewYork:AtlanticMonthlyPress,1989),239.

37.Forthe“Bibleschooldropout,”seePreston,“BakkerGiven45Years”;fortheBakkers’extravagantlifestyle,seeElizabethLeLand,“JimandTammyBakkerLivedLifeofLuxuriantExcess,”OcalaStar-Banner,May24,1987;RichardN.Ostling,“OfGodandGreed:BakkerandFalwellTradeChargesinTelevangelism’sUnholyRow,”Time(June8,1987):70–72,74,esp.72.Onlivinginatrailerandlaterexcesses,seeShepard,Forgiven,35,110,133,180,201,249,264,551.

38.OnJimBakker’suseofhispoorclassbackgroundinhisreligiousmessage,seeRichardN.Ostling,“TV’sUnholyRow:ASex-and-MoneyScandalTarnishesElectronicEvangelicalism,”Time(April6,1987):60–64,67,esp.62.Onprosperitytheology,see“JimBakker,”inRandallHerbertBalmer,EncyclopediaofEvangelicalism(Waco,TX:BaylorUniversityPress,2004),50–52;andAxelR.Schafer,CounterculturalConservatives:AmericanEvangelicalismfromthePostwarRevivaltotheNewChristianRight(Madison:UniversityofWisconsinPress,2011),125.Onthe“cheesy”natureoftheJimandTammyshow,seeBrianSiang,“Jim&TammyFaye’sFallfromGraceIsPerfectlyClear,”PhiladelphiaInquirer,April8,1987.

39.OnTammy’sdrugaddiction,see“TammyBakkerTreated,”[NewOrleans]Times-Picayune,1986;andOstling,“OfGodandGreed,”72.OnsexscandalsandHahnrevelations,seeAssociatedPressstory,“PlayboyInterviewwithJessicaHahn,”[Spartanburg,SC]HeraldJournal,September22,1987;HoraceDavis,“Hahn’sStory—InHahn’sWords,”Lakeland[FL]Ledger,October9,1987;“FletcherSaysBakkerBisexual,”Gadsden[AL]Times,December5,1988;“AsHeFacesLikelyIndictment,NewSexAccusation:BakkerSaysChristianityinDisarray,”Ellensburg[WA]DailyRecord,December5,1988;“BakkerDefrockedbyAssembliesofGod,”Lodi[CA]News-Sentinel,May7,1987;MontgomeryBrower,“UnholyRollerCoaster,”People,September18,1989,98–99,102–4,106,esp.104;MaryZeissStange,“JessicaHahn’sStrangeOdysseyfromPTLtoPlayboy,”JournalofFeministStudiesinReligion6,no.1(Spring1990):105–16,esp.106;“TheJessicaHahnStory:Part

1,”Playboy,November1987,178–80;“TheJessicaHahnStory:Part2,”Playboy,December1987,198;“Jessica:ANewLife,”Playboy,September1988,158–62.

40.Onsendingouttheappealsformoneyonthefirstofthemonth,seeMontgomery,“UnholyRollerCoaster,”106;NicholasVonHoffman,“WhiteTrashMovesFrontandCenter,”BangorDailyNews,April8,1987.Hoffman’seditorialappearedalongsideacartoonofSatanmeetingwithhisminions,holdingapapermarked“T.V.Evangelicals.”Satanissaying,“Thenit’sagreed.Thehostiletakeoverwillnotbeattempted.Theenterpriseinquestionbeingtoosleazyforourconsideration.”Forthetypicalviewersoftelevangelistshows,seeBarryR.LitmanandElizabethBain,“TheViewershipofReligiousTelevisionProgramming:AMultidisciplinaryAnalysisofTelevangelism,”ReviewofReligion30,no.4(June1989):329–43,esp.338.ForPresidentReagancultivatingtelevangelists,seeJeffreyK.Hadden,“TheRiseandFallofAmericanTelevangelism,”AnnalsoftheAmericanAcademyofPoliticalandSocialScience527(May1993):113–30,esp.126.

41.“TammyFayeBakker,”inR.MarieGriffith,“TheCharismaticMovement,”inEncyclopediaofWomenandReligioninNorthAmerica,eds.RosemarySkinnerKellerandRosemaryRadfordReuther(Bloomington:UniversityofIndianaPress,2006),463;Shepard,Forgiven,6–7,30–31,152–53;andWilliamE.Schmidt,“ForJimandTammyBakker,ExcessWipedOutaRapidClimbtoSuccess,”NewYorkTimes,May16,1987.

42.PartontoldRoyBlountthatthereasonforheroutrageousappearancewasthatshehadnothingasachildand,havingacquiredmoney,“I’mgonnapileitalloverme.”RoyBlountJr.,“Country’sAngels,”Esquire(March1977):62–66,124–26,131–32,esp.126;PamelaWilson,“MountainsofContradictions:Gender,Class,andRegionintheStarImageofDollyParton,”SouthAtlanticQuarterly94,no.1(Winter1995):109–34,esp.110,112,125;PamelaFox,“Recycled‘Trash’:GenderandAuthenticityinCountryMusicAutobiography,”AmericanQuarterly50,no.2(June1998):234–66,esp.258–59;DollyParton,MyLifeandOtherUnfinishedBusiness(NewYork:HarperCollins,1994),59.

43.Griffith,“TammyFayeBakker,”463.OntheTammyFayeBakkerdollsbeingsoldfor$675attheHeritageUSAgiftshop,andfor$500fromthedollmakerherself,see“TammyFayeDollsSellingfor$500,”[Wilmington,NC]Star-News,May19,1987.

44.RogerEbert,“TammyFaye’sStoryCapturedinDocumentary,”January24,2000,RogerEbert.com;ReneeV.Lucas,“TheTammyLook:It’sMakeupbytheNumbers,”Philly.com,April8,1987.

ChapterTwelve:OutingRednecks:Slumming,SlickWillie,andSarahPalin

1.MargoJefferson,“Slumming:Ain’tWeGotFun?,”Vogue(August1,1988):344–47;MikeBoone,“Magnum’sOh,SoEnglishChumHigginsIsReallyaTexasRedneck,”MontrealGazette,June19,1982.

2.LewisGrizzard,“InDefenseofHillbilliesandRednecks,”[Burlington,NC]Times-News,December3,1993.OnGrizzard’sreputation,see“ColumnistGrizzardDiesAfterSurgery,”[Schenectady,NY]DailyGazette,March22,1984.For“redneck”becomingatermofendearment,seeClarencePage,“GettingtotheRootofRedneck,”ChicagoTribune,July16,1987;andLarryRohter,“ToCallaFloridiana‘Cracker’inAngerMayBeaCrime,”NewYorkTimes,August19,1991.

3.CeliaRiverbark,“‘Hey,DoYouKnowMe?’:TheDefinitionofRedneckDependsonYourPointofView,”[Wilmington,NC]Star-News,August23,1993.

4.StacyMcCain,“OneThingGingrichIsNot,IsaRedneck,”Rome[GA]News-Tribune,November27,1994;andinsyndicatedcolumn“HarttoHeart,”JeffreyHart,“What’sBehindDavidDuke?,”Gadsden[AL]Times,October31,1991.

5.OnereviewerofChute’ssecondbookremarked,“IfMs.Chute’scharacterswereSouthern,we’dcallthempoorwhitetrash”;seeMaryDavenport,“ChuteNovelFindsWhiteTrashUpNorth,”[Wilmington,NC]Star-News,May29,1988.Scholarshaveidentifiedthegenreas“RoughSouth,”ofwhichAllisonhasfiguredprominently,buttheregionalnameisinaccurategiventhatChute’ssubjectsareruralfamiliesinMaine.Foradiscussionofthegenreandhowthesenovelistswritefrom“within”theirclass,seeErikBledsoe,“TheRiseofSouthernRedneckandWhiteTrashWriters,”SouthernCultures6,no.1(Spring2000):68–90,esp.68.

6.CarolynChute,TheBeansofEgypt,Maine(NewYork:Ticknor&Fields,1985),10–11,21,23–25,92,100,114–16,122–24,134–35,156,174,189.

7.Ibid.,135–36,165,175,177–79,181,192.

8.Ibid.,3,46–47,122,116.9.Ibid.,3.10.SeePeterS.Prescott,“AGatheringofSocialMisfits:SixNewNovelsTakeaWalkonLife’sWeirderShores,”Newsweek(February25,1985):86;andDavidGates,“WheretheSelfIsaLuxuryItem,”Newsweek(June13,1988):77.Chuteemphasizedthatshewas“soclosetothesepeople—theyweremypeople”;seeEllenLesserandCarolynChute,“AnInterviewwithCarolynChute,”NewEnglandReviewandBreadLoafQuarterly8,no.2(Winter1985):158–77,esp.161,174.Forotherinterviewshighlightingherexperienceswithpoverty,seeDonaldM.Kreis,“LifeBetterfor‘BeansofEgypt’AuthorCarolynChute,”Lewiston[ME]DailySun,March6,1985;andKatherineAdams,“ChuteDialogics:ASidelongGlancefromEgypt,Maine,”NationalWomen’sStudiesAssociationJournal17,no.1(Spring2005):1–22.

11.LesserandChute,“AnInterviewwithCarolynChute,”158,160,164–67,177.Forherhusbandas“coauthor,”seeDudleyClendinin,“CarolynChuteFoundHerLoveandHerCallinginMaine,”Gainesville[FL]Sun,February3,1985.Ontheinfluenceofherhusband,see“IlliterateMateInspiresMaine’sCarolynChute,”[Lewiston,ME]SunJournal,September16,1991.ForarealisticportraitofMainepoverty,seeLeighMcCarthy,“CarolynChuteTookaBumRaponPoverty,”Bangor[ME]DailyNews,September24,1985.

12.In1985,Chutedistinguishedherselffromrednecks.Doingpublicreadings,shewrote,“givesmeachancetoseesomepeoplethataren’t[slapsherneckwithherhandtoindicate‘redneck.’]Iwouldn’tmindifrednecksshowedup,thatwouldbeallright.Ijustdon’tliketoseethembrushingtheirteethoutmywindow.”SeeLesserandChute,“AnInterviewwithCarolynChute,”163.Butin2000,shewrote,“Butbeingaredneck,workingclass—or,moreaccurately,the‘tribalclass,’—Iamproudofthat.”See“AnInterviewwithCarolynChute,”NewDemocracyNewsletter(March–April2000),inNewdemocracyworld.org;CharlesMcGrath,“AWriterinaLivingNovel,”NewYorkTimes,November3,2008;CarolynChute,TheBeansofEgypt,Maine:TheFinishedVersion(SanDiego:HarcourtBrace&Co.,1995),273,275;GregoryLeonMiller,“TheAmericanProtestNovelinaTimeofTerror:CarolynChute’sMerryMen,”TexasStudiesinLiteratureandLanguage52,no.1(Spring2010):102–28,esp.103;DwightGardner,“CarolynChute’sWickedGoodMilitia,”Salon.com,February24,1996.

13.ChuteexplainsthatReubenBean’simmaturitycomesfromsocialdisadvantages;he“wasatachildishlevel,notinhisintelligencebutinhisemotionaldevelopment.”SeeLesserandChute,“AnInterviewwithCarolynChute,”169.Chutealsosaidinanotherinterviewthattheminimumwageproducesgenuinemalerageandthatwomenwerebetterabletoendurethanmen.See“Chute’sBookIsaRealAmericanClassic,”[Norwalk,CT]Hour,February21,1985.

14.DorothyAllison,BastardOutofCarolina(NewYork:Plume,1992),12,22–24,69,80–81,91,98–99,123.15.Ibid.,102.Chutealsotalkedabouttheshameofusingfoodstamps.“Butinthelittlestorestheywerekindofmeantous.Foodstamps,youknow,ugh.Theycomerightoutwithit.IgottothepointwhereIdidn’twanttogotothestoreanymore,Iwassoembarrassed.Ireallydreadedgoing.TherewasalotoftimeswhenMichaelandIwereeligibleforfoodstampsthatwedidn’tgo,becauseIfeltsohumiliatedbyit.”SeeLesserandChute,“AnInterviewwithCarolynChute,”169.

16.Allison,BastardOutofCarolina,309.17.ForhisJulyFourthspeech,seeWilliamJeffersonClinton,“WhatTodayMeanstoMe,”PittsburghPostGazette,July4,1993.

18.Ibid.OnClintonstandinguptohisstepfather,seeRonFournier,“EarlyLessonsServeHimWell,”BeaverCounty[PA]Times,January20,1993.OnTheManfromHopefilm,seeDavidM.Timmerman,“1992PresidentialCandidateFilms:TheContrastingNarrativesofGeorgeBushandBillClinton,”PresidentialStudiesQuarterly26,no.2(Spring1996):364–73,esp.367.

19.MikeFeinsilber,“ButOthersSay,‘You’reNoThomasJefferson,’”Prescott[AZ]Courier,January17,1993.20.OndescribingClintonasapoorsharecropper,seeToddS.Purdum,“IfKennedy’sMusicalWas‘Camelot,’What’sClinton’s?,”NewYorkTimes,January17,1993.SeeAPphotographofClintonwiththemuleGeorgeinCentralia,Illinois,July21,1992,inBrianResnick,“CampaignFlashback:BillClintoninSummer’92,”NationalJournal;andJoshO’Bryant,“Well-KnownDemocraticMuleofWalkerDies,”WalkerCounty[GA]Messenger,May14,2008.

21.RoyReed,“ClintonCountry:DespiteItsImageasaRedneckDogpatch,ArkansasHasLongBeenaBreedingGroundofProgressivePolitics,”NewYorkTimesMagazine,September6,1992;PeterApplebome,“Suddenly

Arkansas’sBeingNoticed,butaFirstGlanceCanBeMisleading,”NewYorkTimes,September26,1992;HankHarvey,“ArkansasNeedsClinton’sCandidacy,”ToledoBlade,October4,1992;MollyIvins,“ClintonStillaKidfromArkansas,”[Wilmington,NC]Star-News,July15,2004;RandallBennettWoods,J.WilliamFulbright,Vietnam,andtheSearchforaColdWarForeignPolicy(Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,1998),280.

22.DavidGrimes,“PutBubbainWhiteHouse,”SarasotaHerald-Tribune,July21,1992;NancyKruh(DallasMorningNews)syndicatedin[Spokane,WA]SpokesmanReview,February14,1993;MichaelKelly,“AMagazineWillTellAllAboutBubba,”NewYorkTimes,February4,1993.

23.OnGreenberg’suseof“SlickWillie,”seePaulGreenberg,“TruthCatchesSlickWillie,”TuscaloosaNews,February19,1992;PaulGreenberg,“WhyYes,IDidDubBillClinton‘SlickWillie,’butThen,HeEarnedIt,”[Fredericksburg,VA]FreeLance-Star,June28,2004;“JustWhyIsSlickWillySoSmooth?,”[Burlington,NC]Times-News,April6,1992;SandyGrady,“Clinton’sBiggestEnemyIsImageof‘SlickWillie,’”TheDay[NewLondon,CT],April16,1992;MartinSchram,“WhereverBillClintonGoes,SlickWillieIsSuretoFollow,”Rome[GA]News-Tribune,April6,1992;WalterD.Myers,“‘SlickWillie’ClintonInheritstheWoesofTrickyDick,”[Bend,OR]Bulletin,April2,1992.

24.SeeSchiefferandGates,TheActingPresident,180.ColoradocongresswomanPatriciaSchroedergaveReaganthename“Teflon-coatedpresident”;seeStevenV.Roberts,“ManyWhoSeeFailureinHisPoliciesDon’tBlameTheirAffablePresident,”NewYorkTimes,March2,1984;DonaldKaul,“SlickWillieStartstoLookLikeBarneyFife,”[Wilmington,NC]Star-News,February11,1993.

25.OnClintonsingingtheElvissong,see“ElvisPresleySightinginClintonCampaign,”AlleghenyTimes[PA],April3,1992.Clinton’sstaffalsousedPaulSimon’ssong“Graceland”tointroducethecandidatebeforehisspeeches;see“ElvisRunning,”Ellensburg[WA]DailyRecord,April3,1992.ForElvisasthereporters’nicknameforClinton,seeJohnKing,“SlickWillie’sCallingonElvis,”Lodi[CA]News-Sentinel,May4,1992;“ClintonInaugural:He’dInviteElvis,”Gainesville[FL]Sun,May1,1992.ForClintoncommuningwiththespiritofElvis,see“ClintonEnjoyingHisLead:He’sFindingTimetoJokeAboutElvis,”ReadingEagle,October22,1992.ForanElvisimpersonatorparticipatingintheinauguralparade,see“‘Elvis’toPerforminGrandParadeforClinton,”NewStraitsTimes[Singapore],December16,1992.OnBushhiringanimpersonatorandTheArsenioHallShow,seeDanielMarcus,HappyDaysandWonderYears(NewBrunswick,NJ:RutgersUniversityPress,2004),156,166–67.

26.For“ElvisisAmerica,”andtheElvisimageasawaytoattractmorecentristvoters,see“ElvisandBill:SouthernBoyswithThangsinCommon”[Wilmington,NC]Star-News(reprintedfromtheEconomist),August18,1996;andMarcus,HappyDays,155,158.

27.BillMaxwell,“‘Seenas‘WhiteTrash’:MaybeSomeHateClintonBecauseHe’sTooSouthern,”[Wilmington,NC]Star-News,June19,1994.OnNoonangushingoverReaganandPopeJohnPaulII,twomenshewrotebooksabout,seeKennethL.Woodward,“‘JohnPaultheGreat,’byPeggyNoonan,”NewYorkTimes,December18,2005;HelenEisenbach,“LookingforMr.Right,”NewYork(September1,2004);andonGergenandNoonanseeingReaganasabelovedfatherfigurewhotranscendedhisparty,seeMarcus,HappyDays,83;andPeggyNoonan,WhatISawattheRevolution:APoliticalLifeintheReaganEra(NewYork:RandomHouse,1990),127.

28.Maxwell,“Seenas‘WhiteTrash.’”29.Fortherevivalofthe“SlickWillie”slur,seeJackGermondandJulesWitcover,“Clinton’sDepositionRevealsReputationas‘SlickWillie,’”Reading[PA]Eagle,March12,1998.WilliamRusherarguedthatClintonwaswhitetrash,thatwithhis“recordofmoralsqualorandcriminalmisconduct,wemustnowaddanessentialtackinessstraightoutofthetrailerparksofArkansas”;seeWilliamRusher,“WhiteTrashintheWhiteHouse,”CherokeeCounty[GA]Herald,February7,2001;JackHitt,“Isn’tItRomantic?,”Harper’sMagazine(November1998):17–20,esp.17;“SecondWhiteHouseResponsetoStarr,”WashingtonPost,September12,1998.

30.SeeMarianneMeans,“ButBillClinton’sNoThomasJefferson,”[Wilmington,NC]Star-News,November7,1998;ThomasJ.LucenteJr.“NoComparisonforClintonandJefferson,”LawrenceJournal-World,November20,1998;GeorgieAnneGeyer,“ClintonandJefferson:AnOddComparison,”VictoriaAdvocate,November12,1998.TherewasacartoonaccompanyingGeyer’sarticleofClintoncallingJeffersonandtellinghimnottoworryabouttheDNAevidence.“ThePeopledon’tgiveadamn!”AlsoseeAndrewBurstein,AnnetteGordon-

Reed,andNancyIsenberg,“ThreePerspectivesonAmerica’sJeffersonFixation,”Nation(November30,1998):23–28.

31.JefferyJackson,“UnderstandingClinton:TheKingIsDead;LongLivetheKing,”NevadaDailyMail,August19,1999.

32.SeeToniMorrison,“TheTalkoftheTown,”NewYorker(October5,1998):31–32,esp.32.33.KathleenParker,“DemocraticRaceSeemstoBeBillvs.Oprah,”TheItem,December1,2007.AndrewYoungalsomadethecrudecommentthatClintonhadsleptwithmoreblackwomenthanBarackObama.OnKlein’sPrimaryColors,seeEricLott,“TheFirstBoomer:BillClinton,GeorgeW.,andFictionsofState,”Representations84,no.1(November2003):100–122,esp.101,108,111.

34.FrankRich,“PalinandMcCain’sShotgunMarriage,”NewYorkTimes,September7,2008;EricaJong,“TheMaryPoppinsSyndrome,”HuffingtonPost,October4,2008;ElizaJaneDarling,“OSister!SarahPalinandtheParlousPoliticsofPoorWhiteTrash,”DialecticalAnthropology33,no.1(March2009):15–27,esp.19,21.OnWasillaasarednecktown,seeJillClarkeoftheAssociatedPress,“AlaskanViewsofClintonReflectThoseintheLower48,”[Schenectady,NY]DailyGazette,January16,1999.

35.MonicaDavey,“PalinDaughter’sPregnancyInterruptsG.O.P.ConventionScript,”NewYorkTimes,September2,2008;StephanieClifford,“ReadersSeeBiasinUsWeekly’sTakeonSarahPalin,”NewYorkTimes,September8,2008;MaureenDowd,“MyFairVeep,”NewYorkTimes,September10,2008;DavidFirestone,“SarahPalin’sAlaskanRhapsody,”NewYorkTimes,December9,2010.

36.ItwasdiscoveredthatPalinhadspent“tensofthousands”morethanthedisclosed$150,000andthat$20,000to$40,000hadbeenusedforherhusband’sclothes;see“HackersandSpendingSprees,”Newsweek(November5,2008);alsoseeDarling,“OSister!SarahPalin,”24.

37.SamTanenhaus,“NorthStar:Populism,Politics,andthePowerofSarahPalin,”NewYorker(December7,2009);84–89,esp.89.

38.MaureenDowd,“WhiteMan’sLastStand,”NewYorkTimes,July15,2009;onGretchenWilson,seeNadineRubbs,“‘RedneckWoman’andtheGenderedPoeticsofClassRebellion,”SouthernCultures17,no.4(Winter2011):44–77,esp.56,andendnote24onpage69.ForPalinasahillbillyandprimadonna,seeGailCollins,“APoliticalMannersManual,”NewYorkTimes,November8,2008.

39.JustinElliot,“TrigTrutherism:TheDefinitiveDebunker:SalonInvestigatestheConspiracyTheory:IsSarahPalinReallytheMotherofTrigPalin?,”Salon.com,April22,2011.

40.Onheraccent,seeJesseSheildlower,“WhatKindofAccentDoesSarahPalinHave?Wasillan,Actually,”Slate.com,October1,2008;DickCavett,“TheWildWordsmithofWasilla,”NewYorkTimes,opinionator.blogs.nytimes.com,November14,2008.

41.WilliamEgginton,“TheBestorWorstofOurNature:RealityTVandtheDesireforLimitlessChange,”Configurations15,no.2(Spring2007):177–91,esp.191;DavidCarr,“CastingRealityTV,NoLongeraHunch,BecomesaScience,”NewYorkTimes,March28,2004;JimRuttenberg,“RealityTV’sUltimateJungle:SimulatedPresidentialPolitics,”NewYorkTimes,January9,2004;alsoseeBrendaR.Weber,MakeoverTV:Selfhood,Citizenship,andCelebrity(Durham,NC:DukeUniversityPress,2009),143–44.

42.DuckDynastywassimplyamodifiedversionofTheRealBeverlyHillbillies,arealityTVshowthatwascanceledbecauseofprotests;seeAppalachianJournal31,no.3/4(Spring/Summer2004):438;JonahGoldberg,“‘DuckDynasty,’UnrealOutrage,”NewYorkPost,December20,2013.

43.MaryElizabethWilliams,“WhatWillItTakeforTLCtoDump‘HoneyBooBoo’?,”Salon.com,October23,2014;JennyKutner,“‘HoneyBooBoo’StarMamaJuneRevealsFatherofTwoDaughtersIsaSexOffender,”Salon.com,November13,2014.

44.ThomasSowell,BlackRednecksandWhiteLiberals(SanFrancisco:EncounterBooks,2005),1,5–9,14–15,29,51;alsoseeJamesB.Stewart,“ThomasSowell’sQuixoticQuesttoDenigrateAfricanAmericanCulture:ACritique,”JournalofAfricanAmericanHistory91,no.4(Autumn2006):459–66.GradyMcWhiney,CrackerCulture:CelticWaysoftheOldSouth(Tuscaloosa:UniversityofAlabamaPress,1988).McWhiney’sworkwasyetanotherexampleoftherushtoturnpoorwhitesintoanethnicity,andtodenythattheywere/areaclass.McWhineyargued,“Crackerdoesnotsignifyaneconomiccondition;rather,itdefinesaculture.”SeeCrackerCulture,xiv.

45.CharlotteHays,WhenDidWhiteTrashBecometheNewNormal?ASouthernLadyAskstheImpertinentQuestion(Washington,DC:Regnery,2013),7,9,11,45,172;andHays,“WhenDidWhiteTrashBecome

Normal?,”NewYorkPost,November2,2013.

Epilogue:America’sStrangeBreed:TheLongLegacyofWhiteTrash

1.CarlDavisetal.,WhoPays?ADistributionalAnalysisoftheTaxSystemsofAll50States,3rd.ed.(Washington,DC:InstituteonTaxationandEconomicPolicy,2009),2.

2.JillLepore,“Fixed:TheRiseofMarriageTherapy,andOtherDreamsofHumanBetterment,”NewYorker(March29,2010).

3.SeeSeanMcElwee,“TheMythDestroyingAmerica:WhySocialMobilityIsBeyondOrdinaryPeople’sControl,”Salon.com,March7,2015;andLisaA.KeisterandStephanieMoller,“WealthInequalityintheUnitedStates,”AnnualReviewofSociology26(2000),63–81,esp.72.Asonescholarwrote,“IfyouwanttheAmericanDream,you’llhavetogotoDenmark.”Also,Americansgrosslyunderestimatewealthinequality,andifshownchartscomparingtheUnitedStates’andSweden’swealthdistribution(thoughwithoutidentifyingthecountries),respondentsoverwhelmingchooseSweden.SeeTimKoechlin,“TheRichGetRicher:NeoliberalismandSoaringInequality,”Challenge56,no.2(March/April2013):5–30,esp.16–17,20.

4.BryceCovert,“TheFirst-EverBilltoHelpLow-IncomeMomsAffordDiapers,”ThinkProgress,August13,2014,thinkprogress.org.ThelargefamiliescelebratedbyRepublicansinvitedacomparisontooureugenicpresidentTheodoreRooseveltandhissixchildren;seeAmyBingham,“PresidentialCampaign:BigGOPFamiliesLiningUptoFillWhiteHouse,”ABCNews,June21,2011,abcnews.go.com.Itwasnotonlythenumberofchildrenbutthemaster-racelooksoftheRomneyandHuntsmanchildrenthatgotattention.ScottStossel,aneditorofAtlanticmagazine,jokedonhisTwitterfeed,“HuntsmandaughtersandRomneysonsshouldgettogetherandbreed.”SeePaulHarris,“RepublicanCandidatesSeekStrengthinNumberstoShowOffFamilyValues,”Guardian,January7,2012.

5.PaulKrugman,“ThoseLazyJobless,”NewYorkTimes,September22,2014;“GingrichSaysPoorChildrenHaveNoWorkHabits,”ABCNews,December1,2011,abcnews.go.com.

6.“BillyRedden—Deliverance,”YouTube,https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=PBgxdROTTrE;CoryWelles,“40YearsLater,‘Deliverance’CausesMixedFeelingsinGeorgia,”Marketplace.org,August22,2012;“MountainMen:ALookattheAdaptationofJamesDickey’sNovel,”AtlantaMagazine,September2,2011.