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What difference does the analysis of art make to the study of anthropology?
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Transcript of What difference does the analysis of art make to the study of anthropology?
Anthropology, Art andPerception 1
What difference does the analysis of artmake to the study of anthropology?
University of St. Andrews
School of Philosophical, Anthropological and Film Studies
Department of Social Anthropology
Student ID: 140018431
Word Count: 3545
The main concern of analysis of art and at the same time the
main problem of the art world in our days, is the understanding of
what art is. Apart from this, the anthropology of art tries to
find ways of looking for art in the groups of people, that are
being studied, some of them not having the concept of art as part
of their language. Subsequently one may question: how can we as
anthropologists understand and categorize indigenous art with
inspiration from our western apprehension of art?
This essay will discuss the implications of the analysis of
art on the study of anthropology behind three important aspects of
the art world, mirroring them into the study of anthropology of
art. I focus on what can be called artwork, the relationship
between aesthetics and art, giving importance also to the role and
agency of the artist in the creation of an art piece. These
important features that are mostly considered in the western art
world are afterwards examined through the eyes of the anthropology
of art, with examples from different social groups such as: Dinka,
Fang, Anga, Gawa, Sogyle and so on. The theoretical debate starts
from Plato, Kant and carries on with Danto, Morphy and Gell, with
a proposition for an anthropology of art as free from western
conceptualization and sympathetic with the meaning and utility
given by the natives to the piece of art. This understanding is
based on a phenomenological approach and in disagreement with the
semiotic analysis (study that is based on the breakdown of
symbols).
I. How can aesthetics and art work together with the
anthropology of art?
If one were to discuss the implications of art in
anthropology, it is vital to look at where the concept of art
comes from. People started to be concerned with art, more
precisely aesthetics, when they gained free time to think about
the complexity of the world. Before the 16th century, art (artem)
denoted a skill or craft. After this, the concept evolved having
almost no meaning in our days. Art can be anything and anyone.
As a short history of the idea of art, Plato’s understanding
of art was as a representation or mimesis, an imitation of the
world. He referred to it as a shadow of the shadow of reality. In
this view, art cannot construct any type of knowledge nor can the
artists create a form of knowledge. (Plato 2012) Looking at
beauty, or aesthetics, Plato did not associate either with art –
this had for him (in Republica) a more erotic meaning, associated
to the body. Moving on to Kant, his main interest was a judgment
of aesthetics. He defines art as: “a kind of representation that
is purposive in itself and, though without an end, nevertheless
promotes the cultivation of the mental powers for sociable
communication” (Kant 2007). This description of art is part of
Kant’s bigger and largely ambitious philosophical movement to find
a link between morality, scientific knowledge and faith. As a more
contemporary view, one can look at Ryan Garden who speaks about
“art as everything and everything as art”. This interpretation of
art as everything begins with the revolution that Marcel Duchamp
started with his “ready made” art objects – most well known being
The Fountain – and continues with Damien Hirst and other modern
artists. The denotation of art was detached from the craft, the
skill of making something, from the imitation of the world to
concepts. In modern times, in the West, the creation of a piece of
art is related with giving a non-conventional meaning to
something. It can be anything, from an object, an animal to a
human and so forth. If we look at the “evolution”, or maybe the
changes and movements that occurred during history, in what we
call art today, they are in strong relations with the views that
people had on the once world. Even so, these views define more the
western view on art. Is art only for the West or it can be found
in all cultures? How can we, as anthropologists, understand a
concept that is mostly used in our part of the world in order to
mirror it in someone else’s culture? Is the need for aesthetic
judgment present in any other parts of the world? If so, how can
we as anthropologists grasp its meaning?
It seems, at least for me, unnatural to discuss art in a
society that does not have the concept embedded in their culture
and language. If it is to take the phenomenological attitude to
research, I do not see a clear path of how anthropology of art can
come out of the western context and project (or look for) art in a
culture where the term does not exist and propose an understanding
of the concept from its informants. However, this can be argued
and the answer to the question “how can we understand other
people’s art” has to come (in my point of view) from the people -
whom we study as anthropologists.
Taking into account the current views on art, as allowing art
objects to be everything, surely can lead us as anthropologists to
see any object, ritual, dance, body decoration, way of walking and
so on, as art. If everything is art then the concept has no value
and it is a meaningless term. For the next part of the essay I
will focus on aesthetics and build up to the anthropology of art.
The proposition to look into aesthetics comes from Kant and his
idea that the sensibility for aesthetics is present in every
society. (Kant 2007) If it is to think about what is beauty in the
west, it is an intersubjective construct.(Toren 2012) I see
something as being beautiful with reference to the way other
people see it and by combining perspectives, I have found my own
view, but always in relations to the views of others.
Nonetheless, I do not want to put a sign of equality in between
beauty and aesthetics, the explanation from above shows how a
group of people form aesthetic judgment in intersubjective
relations. Even if there is a way of looking at a common ground
of aesthetics in different groups, there is no way of finding a
common ground for artifacts or artworks. If there is a mutual
concern with aesthetics, then the anthropologist has to look for
this in the group of people he/she is studying. By adopting a
phenomenological perspective one can try to understand how a group
of people refers to the objects around them and look for those who
do not have a utilitarian (or partial) function and then grasp the
meaning offered to them in terms of aesthetics. This can refer to
the colors that have been used, to materials, to techniques and so
on. These kinds of objects can be empowered with a greater
aesthetics value that it first seen as having. As an example,
Jeremy Coote discusses the way people perceive oxen in Dinka.
Coote argues for an anthropology of aesthetics that “consists in
the comparative study of valued perceptual experience in different
societies”(Coote 1992, p 253). Coming back to Dinka, the way they
decorate their cattle is informed by a specific “cultural set of
characteristics regarding color, pattern, shape and so on” which
extends to a more vast and complex attitude in their everyday
life. In specific rituals or with specific occasions, Dinka people
decorate their bodies similar with their ox, “hold ox postures in
their dance, select adornments which emphasize light/dark
contrast, and convert themselves with ash, which recalls the
whitish of the oxen”(ibid, 267). Not only those oxen, according to
Coote, have aesthetic value and are a symbol of their community,
they are also a source of imagination and creativity in their
traditional poems (Coote 1992). Having this example in mind, Coote
implies that Dinka do not have art but they have a specific
aesthetic taste. This view implies an opinion on aesthetics as
dissociated from art, an argument that is also sustained by
Zangwill(1986) and Diffey(1986). In the meantime, aesthetics for
Coote is prior to art. This sensibility for aesthetics should be
referred to all that is in the world and not just for made up
objects. His observations for art had a Kantian approach,
according to Gell(2006), which makes his description of aesthetics
as part of “the branch of philosophy concerned with judgments of
beauty or sublimity”(ibid, p 221). Kant in his judgment of taste
proposes a divorce of aesthetics from utilitarianism. Looking back
at Dinkaland, the oxen are not kept only for their aesthetic
value; they are used in society for different purposes. For
example: young guys impress young girls with their ox in order to
get married. As a utilitarian view, this can be comparable with
guys attracting girls with their expensive cars and luxury houses
in the western society. Another problem with Coote’s view is his
closed eye for Dinka art. Even if he is against the old school of
anthropology of art, he is not escaping its rules. He does not see
that Dinka people have art because he considers art as something
collectable to be put in a museum and there is nothing to collect
in their culture. (ibid 225) What he also misses is the fact that
Dinka is a nomadic population, which cannot be seen as collecting
artifacts to move them around the land. The art of Dinka is the
people and the cattle in themselves.(ibid 225) As Gell argues,
there cannot be an anthropology of aesthetics without and
anthropology of art, they complement each other and they are
indivisible. Also, regarding aesthetics, people always have
reasons for objects to look one way or another, they cannot be
“said to have an aesthetic value simply by virtue … that things
look one way or another”(Gell 2006), p 231). As a short resume,
aesthetics and art have to work together in order to grasp an
anthropological meaning from the artwork. The movements of western
arts affects at all times the way anthropologists view the artwork
in the group they are researching. If it was to do anthropology
approximately 500 years ago, painted walls and painted/sculptured
bodies would have been what the researchers would have looked for,
now it can probably be anything. Coming back at Kant and Coote,
looking at aesthetics in terms of beauty is not a sustainable
method for anthropology. Baudez argues for “anthropologists to
look for meaning” and leave “art history to be concerned with
form”, in the same paper he suggests a drift from beauty/no-beauty
to aesthetics as a form of generating emotions.(Beaudez 2002, p
140) Even so, having all these ways of viewing artwork, I am still
not at peace with what the concept refers to and how we can define
a piece of art in a non-western context.
II. What is and art work?
In order to define an artwork and to be able to see it as such
in a researched community (maybe as a pattern – or structure as
Levi-Strauss (1969) puts it) one must look at how art is
analyzed/described in the land where it was conceived. In the
contemporary western context, art is what the art world says it
is. The people involved in making and criticizing art are those
who have a word to define the concept. One can look at many
different aspects of the artwork – it can be color (Alfremov),
form (Raphael), style (Brâncuși), shadows (Rembrandt), given
meaning (Hirst), live performance (Abramovic) and many other
features. Another important characteristic for the western art
world is quantity. If it is to know how many paintings a painter
painted during his lifetime and all of them are located and
valuable, the prices for these paintings will be more financially
esteemed and they will gain more value. Meanwhile, the art world
values objects/performances that can be collectable and put in an
art gallery/museum/exhibition and maybe traded. In modern times,
the art world started to shift to abstract/conceptual art, ready
made objects (Duchamp) that are not valued for their aesthetics or
creativity, but for the meaning the artist gave to them in
relation to a historical context. As an example, one can look at
the work of Damien Hirst and his most well known piece of art –
the giant shark in a tank with formaldehyde entitled: “The
impossibility of death in the mind of someone living”. The art
world had troubles putting it in a box as being high art, medium
art, low art etc, in the end they decided that it is art of some
kind and all his work of art is presently valued at £215 mil. As
so far, here in the western society we know how to deal with art,
we have art schools, we teach people how to make art, how to
understand creativity, we inspire them with our long History in
art and even if we do not know exactly how to deal with the new
movements we do our best and always find a good deal. The question
now arises on how do we deal with “art” in a space where there is
no institution of art and no concept of art. Morphy (1994) and
Danto (1964) both reject the idea of art as being whatever the art
world says it is, on the grounds that there is no art world in
some societies where anthropologists do their researchs. In the
aid of anthropology of art, Danto(1964) comes with two theories:
interpretive and institutional. According to the first theory,
indigenous art can be called art only by our meanings of what is
art, because anthropologists see it as such. The institutional
theory of art claims “that there is no quality in the art object,
as material vehicle, that definitively qualifies it to be, or not
to be an artwork” (Gell 2006, p 188). The differences between the
two relate on historicity, the institutional theory is not looking
at a historical interpretation. Morphy comes and builds on Danto’s
theories and proposes a dualistic definition for the artwork: “art
objects are those having semantic and/or aesthetic properties that
are used for presentational or representational purposes” (Morphy
1994, p655). Following his thoughts, artwork is seen as being
formed of objects that are inscribed with meaning or that are made
to “provoke a culturally endorsed aesthetic response” (Gell 2006,
p 5) or both of them together. Gell rejects all of the theories
mentioned above and debates for a free anthropological theory of
art without any pre-given lines or script to follow. He rejects
the theories based on his view on the aesthetic properties that
cannot be abstracted “from the social processed surrounding the
deployment of candidate art objects in specific social
settings”(ibid, p5). As an example, Luba-Sogyle Masks are not made
with a particular aesthetic interest in design, they are supposed
to be frightful and impose social control and defuse disruptive
elements in their society. The masks are well known in the
anthropology of art, they do not have to be related as beautiful
masks but powerful and frightening masks. In Gell’s view, the
anthropologist has to get rid of the aesthetic judgment and relate
to artwork from the point of view of the meaning that his
informants attribute to the mask and what role does it play in
their society (ibid, p 6). Gell also rejects Morphy’s idea of art
as “visual code for the communication of meaning”(ibis). Gell does
not take into consideration symbolism and puts emphasis on
“agency, intention, causation, result and transformation”(ibis),
as an alternative to the semiotic analysis. Gell suggests that his
view is more anthropological because he sees to look into the
“practical mediatory role of art objects in the social
process”(ibis) opposed to the artwork as compared with texts to be
semiotically analyzed. His proposition for a new view on a free
anthropological art theory suggests that the art object does not
have to be defined before being in the field. It does not have to
satisfy any “aesthetician, philosopher, art historian or anybody
else”(ibid 7). There should be no advanced decision about the
nature of the artwork because it is embedded in the social matrix
and this has to be understood prior to categorization. For such an
instance, anything can be related as anthropological art (from
bodies to masks, traps, and so on) but it has to be understood and
viewed through the eyes of the artists, while adopting a
phenomenological perspective. To give an example, one can look at
the way Fang people create their traps and how these can be
regarded as artwork(Gell 2006, p 200). One can argue that traps
are art objects in themselves, even taken out of their context.
However, Gell claims that they personify ideas and express
meanings, “because a trap by it’s very nature, is a transformed
representation of its maker, the hunter, and they prey animals,
its victims, and their mutual relationship which among hunting
people is a … quintessential social role”(ibid, p 203). In the
same token, these traps can be for Fang people images of the
ancestors, because they express inherited ancestral power. Traps,
among Anga people, are believed to be similar to some of the
western fantasies of moving statues or moving pictures. According
to Lemmonnier (1993) they believe traps move or attract animals by
the use of ancestral power.
III. How can we relate to artists in the anthropological
study?
Assuming that this essay has so far established what could be
considered an artwork, in the process of art analysis, the artist
takes a very important part in the understanding of the art
object. The artist is the person valued for what he/she creates. A
piece of art brings value to the artist and creates a name for
him/her. However, the converse is also true, as soon as an artist
has a name, everything that he creates afterwards has value and
prestige, even if it is considered by art historians as of little
value. One can look at Van Gogh, his first paintings are
spectacular, the latter ones not so much. As instance: his clown
painting is not as good as his first paintings, but it is valuable
because the artist put his brush and name on it. From the western
point of view, the artist is the one who creates, who brings to
life his/her piece of art, making it or just conceptualizing it.
One would argue that this agency of the artist has to be taken
into consideration in the anthropology of art. Even if the first
impression for the anthropologist would be to find the craftsman
or manufacturer of the piece of art, this cannot be done at all
times. In some cultures, objects that we call art have no creator
or they magically created themselves. They are objects “brought to
life by divine origins” (Gell 2006, p 23) and sometimes the
origins of the artwork can be forgotten, taking in this way the
agency from the artist and redeeming power in itself, the art
object remains self-sufficient in some societies. As examples, one
can look at the way Gawa people paint their boats, how Kurdish
create their carpets or again the example of the Fang traps.
Nonetheless, when these art objects are brought in the west and
valued, no one knows who made them, it is mostly known what part
of the world they come from but they do not need the agency of the
artist. These art objects (mask, ships, tools, shells) by the art
world as primitive and they will probably never have the same
value as the western art has on the art market. We, as
anthropologists, should never rely on the agency of the artist or
the actual origin of what we consider art. The focus must be on
the importance of the object in itself and the history, meaning
and attributes that are inscribed/given on/to the object by the
social group that we study.
As discussed so far, understanding what art is outside the
western context (and not only) brings up problems of
identification of the artwork and also with grasping its meaning.
The anthropology of art can project the idea of art in the group
of people the researcher studies, by understanding through a
phenomenological approach how natives see and relate to whatever
the researcher identifies as art. The western analysis of art
offers ways of identifying art objects, such as looking into
aesthetics, at the artist, the way the art object was created and
what informed the artists’ creativity. If this would be accepted
in a western context, for indigenous art the situation is changing
and the anthropologist has to perceive the art object through the
eyes of his/her informants. However, for a more anthropological
inside, one can follow Gell’s “free theory” which makes more
sense, freeing the researcher from putting art into boxes. The
analysis of art should only conceptualize the discipline and give
a foundation to the researcher, without imposing a frame of
action. It can be compared with psychology. In the same way, the
discipline offers insights of how humans form meaning, how to
understand the consciousness and so on, but the actual situations
and methods of research belongs to the anthropologist who only
borrows ideas and concepts from psychology.
References:
Baudez, CF, (2002), History of Art and Anthropology of Art, in RES:
Anthropology and Aesthetics, No 42, p 139-141;
Coote, J. (1992), “Marvels of everyday vision”: the anthropology of
aesthetics and the cattle-keeping Nilotes’, in J. Coote and A.
Shelton (eds), Anthropology, Art and Aesthetics, Oxford: Clarendon
Press) ;
Gell, A. (1998), Art and Agency, An Anthropological Theory, Oxford: Clarendon
Press;
Gell, A( 2006), The Art of Anthropology, Essays and Diagrams, in E.
Hirsch (eds) , Oxford: Berg;
Danto, A. (1964), The Artworld, Journal of Philosophy, 61:571-584;
Dickie, G. (1974), Art and The Aesthetics: An Institutional Analysis, Ithaca:
Cornell University Press;
Kant, I. (2007)[1790], The Critique of Judgment, Oxford: Oxford
University Press;
Lemonnier, P. (1993), The Eel and the Ankave-Anga of Papua New Guinea: material
and symbolic aspects of trapping, in C. Hladik (eds) Tropical Forests,
People and Food: Bicultural Interaction and Applications to
development, Paris: UNESCO MAB;
Levi-Strauss, C.(1969), Conversations with Levi-Strauss, in G.
Charbonnier (eds), London: Jonathan Cape;
Plato (2012), Republic, London: Penguin Classics;
Morphy, H. (1991), Ancestral Connections: Art and Aboriginal System of Knowledge,
Chicago: Chicago University Press;
Toren, C., 2012. Anthropology and Psychology. In J. Gledhill & R.
Fardon, eds. Sage Handbook of Social Anthropology. New York: Sage, pp. 24–
35;
Zangwill, N. (1986), Aesthetics and Art, British Journal of Aesthetics,
26 (3):257-269;