Unilateral’ and ‘bilateral’ practitioner approaches in decision-making about treatment
Transcript of Unilateral’ and ‘bilateral’ practitioner approaches in decision-making about treatment
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‘Unilateral’ and ‘bilateral’ practitioner approaches indecision-making about treatment
Sarah Collinsa,b,�, Paul Drewa, Ian Wattb, Vikki Entwistlec
aDepartment of Sociology, University of York, Heslington, York YO10 5DD, UKbDepartment of Health Sciences and Hull York Medical School, University of York, First Floor Research Section (Area 2),
Seebohm Rowntree Building, York YO10 5DD, UKcHealth Services Research Unit, University of Aberdeen, Polwarth Building, Foresterhill AB25 2ZD, UK
Available online 11 July 2005
Abstract
Practitioners can present and discuss decisions about the management of health problems in a variety of ways during
consultations. This paper examines in detail how doctors talk with patients in relation to decision-making about
treatment. Conversation analyses of decision-making sequences in consultations about diabetes in primary care and
about treatment of ear nose and throat (ENT) cancer in a specialist oncology setting, both in the UK, revealed a
spectrum of practitioner approaches ranging from more ‘bilateral’ to more ‘unilateral’. This paper identifies the key
communicative and organisational features of these approaches and provides some preliminary observations about the
implications of these for patient participation in decision-making.
r 2005 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
Keywords: Doctor–patient consultations; Decision-making; Conversation analysis; Patient participation; United Kingdom
Introduction
In recent years, there has been a growing recognition
of the importance of communication in consultations
and increased interest in ensuring that patients can play
active roles in decision-making about their treatment
(Department of Health, 2000, 2001; General Medical
Council, 2001; Kaplan, 2004; Richards, 1998).
A number of observational studies of consultations
have attempted to assess the extent of patient participa-
tion in decision-making by coding the presence or
absence of pre-identified features of such participation
e front matter r 2005 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserve
cscimed.2005.04.047
ing author. Department of Health Sciences and
dical School, University of York, First Floor
n (Area 2), Seebohm Rowntree Building, York
. Tel.: +01904 321330; fax: +01904 321383.
ess: [email protected] (S. Collins).
(e.g. Braddock, Edwards, Hasenberg, Laidley, & Levin-
son, 1999; Britten, Stevenson, Barry, Barber, & Bradley,
2000; Byrne & Long, 1976; Gwyn & Elwyn, 1999;
Kaplan, Greenfield, Gandek, Rogers, & Ware, 1996;
Roter & Frankel, 1992). Studies of routine practice have
generally reported low levels of participation.
A growing body of conversation analytic research is
also contributing to our understanding of patient
participation in decision-making. Conversation analysis
is a method that directly considers how participants
manage their communication. It is based on empirical
observation of patterns of communication, in which a
contribution from one participant provides the context for
interpretation of the prior contribution, and the form for
construction of the next. The analysis proceeds from the
viewpoint of participants’ understandings of one another’s
actions, rather than from analysts’ views or interpretations
of what is happening (Drew, Chatwin, & Collins, 2001).
d.
ARTICLE IN PRESSS. Collins et al. / Social Science & Medicine 61 (2005) 2611–26272612
Conversation analytic studies of consultations illumi-
nate details of the organisation of patient-professional
communication. These studies are not based on pre-
conceptions of what patients’ participation in consulta-
tions ought to look like. Thus they can shed light on the
forms which patients’ contributions to discussions take,
and on the ways in which patients’ contributions are
influenced by health professionals’ contributions. For
example, Robinson (2003) reviewed the conversation
analysis literature to develop a conceptualisation of how
organisational features of consultation activities might
account for the low levels of participation that patients
generally adopt in consultations. In the context of
patients presenting with new medical problems, he shows
that, by attending to interactional relevancies and
particular consultation phases, it is possible to predict
locations where patients are ‘free’ to initiate sequences of
action (e.g., patients tend to ask questions during the final
stages of treatment presentations). Stivers (2002) identi-
fied four ways in which parents advocate antibiotic
treatment, and illustrated how parents are oriented to the
delicacy of their proposals as intrusions into medical
authority. She also notes that when parents push for
antibiotics, this can compel doctors to prescribe them
even when this might be inappropriate, and discusses the
consequences for shared decision-making. Boyd and
Heritage (in press) demonstrate that patients, not
infrequently, exert initiative and agency in proposing
alternative agendas, challenging presuppositions, and
maintaining their contrary preferences. Gill and Maynard
(in press) show how patients construct explanations that
do not disrupt doctors’ information-gathering activities—
e.g., during the collection of medical data, patients’
explanations are constructed so as to provide doctors
with sequential options other than immediately produ-
cing confirming or disconfirming assessments.
Overall, relatively little research has analysed re-
corded instances of decision-making in detail (Clarke,
Hall, & Rosencrance, 2004). Those which have have
tended to focus on single types of consultation and/or
treatment decisions. Constituent features of practitioner
style have been underspecified, and the question of how
practitioners’ actions might promote (or inhibit) pa-
tients’ participation remains largely unaddressed.
This paper reports conversation analyses of record-
ings of consultations across different clinical settings. It
examines health professionals’ talk across decision-
making trajectories and considers the implications of
practitioners’ approaches for patients’ participation in
treatment decision-making.
Method and analysis
The analyses reported here were conducted as part of
a broader study of patient participation in decision-
making (see also Entwistle et al., 2004). Five areas of
clinical practice (family planning, general practice
management of diabetes, homeopathy, clinical cancer
genetics, ENT oncology) were selected to represent
variety in terms of traditional practice cultures and
professional–patient relationships; professionals’ train-
ing backgrounds; extent to which people are likely to be
informed and confident about contributing to decisions;
types of health problems and treatment/management
decisions. Within each area, purposive sampling techni-
ques were employed to identify a wide range of
experiences and views relating to the participation of
individuals in decisions about their care. We recorded
consultations (on video where permitted) and inter-
viewed (separately) the health professionals and patients
involved. A total of 168 consultations involving 114
patients and 47 health professionals were recorded,
providing the data source for the analysis presented in
this paper. Decision-making sequences in 80 of these
consultations were transcribed and analysed for the
present paper, with a particularly detailed focus on 45
(22 consultations for diabetes in primary care; 23 in
ENT oncology).
We used conversation analytic techniques to study
how decision-making is enacted through patient–practi-
tioner communication in consultations. We watched
consultation videotapes and listened repeatedly to
recordings, and prepared detailed transcripts using a
notation system designed to portray features of verbal
and nonverbal actions and their timing (see the
appendix).
The recordings revealed considerable variation
in how individual practitioners approached and
managed decisions in consultations with patients.
We made extensive notes on sequences of decision-
making and associated activities in consultations.
We identified typical trajectories of decision-making
and considered how their interactional configuration
shaped opportunities for patients’ involvement. At the
level of turn and sequence, we noted features of their
design and delivery, and collated instances of the
communication characteristics they contained. To take
one example, we recorded variations in the design of
practitioners’ turns in which decisions were initially
referenced. For each instance, we noted: the context in
which the initial reference was made; how it was
phrased and delivered; and what happened next (e.g.
whether or not a patient responded, and if so how). We
also took content into account, e.g. which treatment
options were presented, and what types of information
were supplied.
By documenting contrasts and variations at this
level of detail, we constructed a picture of how
practitioners manage decision-making in consultations
and how they provide opportunities for patients to
contribute.
ARTICLE IN PRESSS. Collins et al. / Social Science & Medicine 61 (2005) 2611–2627 2613
Findings
We identified a spectrum of practitioners’ manage-
ment of communication in decision-making that ranged
from more ‘bilateral’ to more ‘unilateral’. In a more
‘bilateral’ approach, decision-making was enacted as an
integral part of communication in consultations, nego-
tiated between the practitioner and the patient, and
dependent in part on the patient’s contributions. In
more ‘unilateral’ approaches, the practitioner more or
less autonomously conducted the decision-making pro-
cess, structuring it somewhat independently of his or her
conversation with the patient.
In this paper, we show that more bilateral and more
unilateral approaches can be seen across different
clinical settings, but also that they may tend to vary
across settings. In order to elucidate key features of each
type of approach, we describe the decision-making
sequences in four consultations, two concerning the
management of raised blood glucose levels (diabetes in
primary care) and two concerning a newly diagnosed
cancer (specialist ENT oncology). We selected these
cases from our data because they display the greatest
diversity in, and allow clearest portrayal of the contrast
between, ‘bilateral’ and ‘unilateral’ practitioner ap-
proaches. Also, the treatment decision-making se-
quences within these consultations are relatively self-
contained and distinguishable from other parts of the
consultation, and show the most consistent variations in
practitioner approach, allowing for detailed identifica-
tion of differences across instances.
The decision-making trajectory
From repeated viewing of the data, we observed a
trajectory of decision-making, extending from the
transition into a decision-making phase initiated by the
practitioner, through to the arrival at a decision (or
some conclusion about the decision to be made). The
findings presented below are organised according to
moments along this trajectory, which can be charac-
terised as follows:
�
The ‘opening of the decision-making sequence’ sets thescene for presenting and characterising a problem
�
The ‘presentation and evaluation of the test result ordiagnosis’ provides various opportunities and ave-
nues for talking about and reflecting on the problem.
�
The ‘introduction of the decision point’, i.e. how adecision is initially referenced.
�
‘Consideration and discussion of options’ in which oneor more options are identified and debated.
�
The ‘conclusion of the decision-making phase’ presentsthe chosen course of action (a treatment selection, or
agreement to continue discussion on another occasion)
and transition to another consultation phase begins.
Discussions of treatment of diabetes in primary care
The first two examples we present are from consulta-
tions between two different GPs and patients with Type
2 diabetes. They are both ‘review’ consultations, and in
each example, the latest glycosylated haemoglobin
(HbA1c) test results for the patient, who has had
diabetes for some time, indicate that the patient’s blood
glucose levels are high enough to cause concern. There
are a number of options that might be considered in
such cases: ‘do nothing’ or ‘leave it and see what
happens’; make lifestyle changes; and add in, or increase
the dose of, oral medication or insulin. In each of our
examples, both oral medication and insulin are con-
sidered. In the ‘bilateral’ example, ‘doing nothing’ and
lifestyle (dietary) changes are also entertained.
Opening the decision-making sequence
The difference between more ‘bilateral’ and more
‘unilateral’ approaches first becomes apparent in the
opening of the decision-making sequence.
The more ‘bilateral’ case
As this sequence begins, a lengthy phase of discussion
about the patient’s diet is drawing to a close. This
discussion about diet serves as the preface to the
introduction of the problem of the high blood glucose
levels, and enables the doctor to sound out the patient’s
opinion.
1a: B1-112-353
1 D:
Er:m (1.2) how do you think you are 2 with your diet now 3 P: hhhh –e::hh (3.0) huh h-h-he 4 hh (0.7) I rea: :ly h-don’t know 5 (0.4) eh-but again I’ve al::ways 6 been high [at tea time 7 D: [Hm – hm 8 D: Pk-.hh (0.3) do you think looking at 9 your diet there’s anything (1.8) 10 that really (.) you think’s not 11 quite as good from the diabetic 12 point of view (3.5) 1you know we 13 talked about cakes and biscuits 14 last time1 15 (2.5) 16 P: Not – not that I’m aware of 17 (0.3) 18 D: 1Right1 11okay11 19 D: One of the questions I think we have 20 today (0.2) i:sThe discussion is drawn into focus from the practi-
tioner’s initial question ‘how do you think you are with
your diet now’ (line 1) to a reformulation that builds a
ARTICLE IN PRESSS. Collins et al. / Social Science & Medicine 61 (2005) 2611–26272614
connection between diet and diabetes: ‘do you think
looking at your diet there’s anything that really you
think’s not quite as good from the diabetic point of view’
(lines 8–12). Correspondingly, there is a sharpening of
focus through the answers the patient produces, from
the more vague ‘I really don’t know but again I’ve
always been high at teatime’ (lines 4–6), in which he
attributes the peak in blood glucose levels at teatime to
‘normal’ fluctuations for him, to the more specific ‘not
that I’m aware of’. That the first answer was not the one
the doctor was looking for is evidenced in that: firstly,
she begins to rephrase her question (line 8) as soon as it
becomes apparent that the patient is focusing on the
‘normality’ (‘always’) of his high blood glucose levels at
teatime; secondly, she re-specifies the question (‘from the
diabetic point of view’); thirdly, she adds ‘we talked
about cakes and biscuits last time’; fourthly, she waits
for the patient to answer (lines 15,17). The doctor’s re-
specification of her question provides guidance for the
patient in how to reply, and points out the connection
between diabetes and diet.
The doctor pursues a comment from the patient on his
management of his diabetes through diet. She repeatedly
solicits his view: ‘how do you think’ (line 1), ‘do you
think’ (line 8), ‘you think’ (line 10). Thus, the patient is
encouraged to display his opinion, as evidenced in the
answers he produces. The doctor builds her next turn,
and the next phase of the decision-making (lines 19–20),
on the patient’s answers.
The more ‘unilateral’ case
This case exhibits a number of features which show it
to be more ‘unilateral’. The sequence opens with the
main focus of the doctor’s attention directed towards the
template displayed on the computer screen (line 3).
2a: B1-119-338
1 D:
11So we’re gonna do the diabetic 2 follow up11 1clinic1 3 ((looking at computer monitor)) 4 (5.0) 5 D: Okay I’m gunna set you target level 6 two (0.6) er:: now that (0.5) that 7 is: um:: (0.5) result of some tests 8 (.) 9 P: Yeh 10 (.) 11 D: That we’ve 4done from the nurse.o 12 an we we 4want ah- youo (.) 13 controlled to a certain level .hh 14 (.)mthuh most important testWhen the doctor begins to talk to the patient (line 5),
he sets a ‘target level’, the phrasing of which stands
independently of the patient’s viewpoint. This is
evidenced in the transitive verb forms ‘I’m gunna set
you target level two’ (lines 5–6), and ‘we want you
controlled to a certain level’ (lines 12–13); the profes-
sional ‘we’ combined with the verb ‘want’ suggesting
‘our determination of your treatment’ (line 12); ‘con-
trolled’ (line 13) implying a passive role for the patient.
In the course of the doctor’s pronouncement, the patient
produces an agreement token, ‘yeh’ (line 9).
As the doctor comes to the end of this first phase, he
immediately proceeds with the next. He introduces the
test result within the same turn in which he presents the
target level, leaving no room in which the patient can
respond to the proposed targets (line 14).
Comparison of features
In the ‘bilateral’ instance, the sequence opens with an
invitation from the doctor to the patient to consider and
express his views in relation to his own management.
The doctor pursues the topic of diet with a question,
seeking a specific response, and building on the one the
patient eventually supplies.
In the ‘unilateral’ instance, the interaction proceeds
with considerations outside the patient’s perspective. By
the end of this opening phase (in comparison to the
‘bilateral’ instance), the patient’s perception of the
current state of his diabetes remains unelicited, and
there has been no discussion of the patient’s self-
management by diet.
In the ‘bilateral’ case, the patient is given time to
respond; in the ‘unilateral’ one, there is not time for the
patient to respond.
Presenting the test result
The test result is presented differently in ‘unilateral’
and ‘bilateral’ cases.
The ‘bilateral’ case
Having established that the patient perceives little
scope for improvement in diet, the doctor introduces the
HbA1c result, and proceeds to detail the patient’s
situation in light of it.
1b: B1-112-353
20 D:
One of the questions I think we have 21 today (0.2) i:s (2.0) your blood 22 sugar is high 23 (0.2) 24 P: Ye[a 25 D: [it is better than it was last time 26 P: Yes ¼27 D:
¼ it’s not as good as it has been 28 (1.5) er:m if we look back – to – 29 (2.8) august (0.4) the year before 30 P: Yea 31 D: It was a bit better down atARTICLE IN PRESSS. Collins et al. / Social Science & Medicine 61 (2005) 2611–2627 2615
32
(eigh[t) but it’s higher than it ¼33 P:
[Hm – hm 34 D: ¼ has been �h and ideally we’d like it 35 down at seven 36 D: �hh we know that down into seven 37 (0.9) helps to protect you quite 38 dramatically �hh against heart 39 attacks (.) against strokes and 40 against all the complications in 41 your feet and your eyes of diabetes 42 (4.0)¼
By beginning with ‘one of the questions I think we
have today’ (line 20), the decision point is signposted for
the patient prior to its specification. It is framed as a
‘question’ shared by the doctor and the patient (‘we
have’) to be answered in the consultation (‘today’).
By gradually staging the problem presentation
through details of fluctuations in levels over time, the
doctor enlists the patient’s voiced agreement on the
nature of this problem at a number of points (lines
24,26,30,33) and highlights the significance of this latest
result for this individual patient.
The doctor cites the benefits of bringing the patient’s
blood sugar down by drawing on medical evidence ‘we
know that y’ (lines 36–41), and linking it with this
patient (‘helps to protect you..’, ‘your feet and your
eyesy’). A focus on this individual patient’s blood
glucose levels is established and maintained by the non-
technical introduction of the HbA1c result, its con-
textualisation within the ‘question we have’, and the
tracing of results over time.
The doctor specifies a desirable level based on
professional opinion ‘ideally we’d like it down at seven’.
The target is set conditionally, allowing room for
negotiation (the conditional form ‘we’d’; the emphasis
on ‘ideally’). This target is fitted to the individual patient:
built on the description of the patient’s results over time,
and presented separately from the discussion of options.
The ‘unilateral’ case
By comparison with the ‘bilateral’ presentation of the
test result in Example 1a, the case below displays
features of a more ‘unilateral’ approach.
2b: B1-119-338
14 D:
y (.)mthuh most important test 15 kthat we do is the HbA1c 16 P: ((nods)) (0.9) 17 D: Have yuh heard of this one 18 [before] 19 P: [ y e s] this is the: er 20 (1.3) 21 P: Erm 22 (2.0) 23 P: The actual control of the: er24 D:
Tck yeh it give[s an indication of] ¼25 P:
[ uv (the) sugar ] 26 ¼ how we[ll y]our diabetes is ¼27 P:
[(uh yeh)] 28 D: ¼ con[troll]ed 29 P: [y e s] 30 (.) 31 D: It’s actually ah- measuring how 32 much glucose is combined with 33 the red blood cell pigment 34 P: 1(Yes)1 35 D: And because the red blood cell 36 pigment is locked up in the red 37 cells which .hh have a half life 38 of a-(.)pproximately six to eight 39 weeks .hh (.) it gives us an 40 averaging out figure over that 41 period ¼42 P:
¼ That’s right (.) yeh 43 D: hhh now:? yours is nine point six 44 (0.4) 45 an[d that is] hi:[g h ::]. 46 P: [ Y e s : ] [that i]s high ¼47 D:
Y[eh] 48 P: [Ye]h 49 D: I would like tuh see that somewhere 50 near:: (.) sih- between six and 51 seven percentHaving explained that he will go through the test
results, the doctor proceeds with a detailed technical
description of the HbA1c test and what it measures. This
is done independently of, and is given prominence over,
individual patient considerations. It is placed immedi-
ately following (within the same turn as) the doctor’s
assertion ‘we want you controlled to a certain level’ and
highlighted in general terms that emphasise its signifi-
cance, ‘the most important test that we do’ (lines 14–15).
The question ‘have you heard of this before’ (lines
17–18) invites the patient to express his general under-
standing; his partial response (line 23) is sufficient to
allow the doctor’s continuation. The patient does not
relate the test to his own situation, nor does his response
influence the course of the explanation that the doctor
subsequently supplies.
The doctor’s report of the test result (line 43), and his
evaluation of it (line 45), are direct and emphatic,
carrying a note of urgency. The result is reported as
news: ‘no:w’ announces its arrival; the emphasis on
‘yours’ and ‘high’ gives it greater impact. This news
format (told from the doctor to the patient) leaves little
part for the patient in constructing its significance.
The presentation of the test result is not accompanied
by supporting evidence or rationales for how to interpret
this result for this patient, either in the light of previous
results or in relation to disease implications. The
ARTICLE IN PRESSS. Collins et al. / Social Science & Medicine 61 (2005) 2611–26272616
phrasing ‘that is high’ (line 45) does not invite talk about
how the result has come about, or how the patient feels
about it.
The patient expresses a form of agreement (repeating
and stressing the assessment ‘that is high’, line 46),
displaying that he knows this to be a high figure
generally speaking, but leaving unexpressed (and un-
explored in subsequent turns) his interpretation of it in
relation to his own situation. While the patient
demonstrates understanding of this result’s general
significance, his response does not indicate how he feels
about it in relation to himself. His agreement is
overlapped with the doctor’s continuation (lines 47,
49–50) and assertion of an ideal level.
The doctor’s presentation of the target (‘I would like
to see thaty between six and seven per cent’, lines
49–51) is built on his view (I would likey) and produced
immediately following his own evaluation of the result.
Comparison of features
In the ‘bilateral’ instance, the test result is introduced
as a question, which the doctor presents as one to be
answered together. The delivery of the test result is
phased to invite the patient’s agreement. The presenta-
tion is phrased with reference to this individual patient,
and the target is specified so as to allow room for
negotiation.
In the ‘unilateral’ instance, the medical and scientific
rationale of the HbA1c test takes precedence. The
doctor dictates the target for the patient’s HbA1c. The
agreement the patient produces is limited to under-
standing the general severity of this result, rather than
participation in constructing or reflecting on its source
or its significance for his situation.
Introducing the decision point
The way the ‘decision’ is initially referred to shapes
how it is subsequently discussed.
The more ‘bilateral’ case
1c: B1-112-353
43 D:
so we’ve got- (2.0) we’ve got a 44 couple of choices about that 45 really (1.8) either we sayThe phrasing ‘we’ve got a couple of choices about that
really’ alerts the patient to the shared status of these
choices in advance of the doctor naming them.
The ‘unilateral’ case
2c: B1-119-338
52 D:
Tck (.) so we need tuh get that down53
(0.7) an it means changing your 54 treatmentThe doctor’s presentation of the decision point
continues directly from his statement of a target. The
decision is stated unequivocally (‘need to get that down
y it means changing your treatment’).
Comparison of features
In the ‘bilateral’ case, the doctor signposts that a
decision is imminent, and refers to it as ‘choices’ we
have. In the ‘unilateral’ case, the transition is not
signposted, the decision is cast as necessary, and dictates
treatment change.
Presenting and discussing options
Presentation and discussion of options follows the
introduction of the decision point.
The ‘bilateral’ case
The doctor begins by talking about non-medical
options, setting the scene for decision-making widely
and inclusively.
1d B1-112-353
43 s
o we’ve got- (2.0) we’ve got a 44 c ouple of choices about that 45 r eally (1.8) either we say (1.2) 46 w ell (.) we leave it (0.2) and don’t 47 t ry and do anything I’m not 48 i nterested in doing anything �hh and 49 t ake the risk with the complications 50 ( 0.2) it wouldn’t be a (0.9) it 51 w ouldn’t be a route I’d (0.2) suggest 52 b ut it’s- it’s an option1 (0.7) then 53 t he other option we’ve got is 54 l ooking at your diet (0.5) even more 55 c losely (0.5) but it sounds like 56 y ou’ve- (1.8) you feel that that’s 57 f airly much honed down now 58 P: p k- �hh I hope so 59 (1.4) 60 D: W e have two more options (1.0) one is 61 t o (0.4) increase your insulin (1.5) 62 t he other option might be to add in a 63 t ablet (0.7) but keep your insulin 64 ( 0.3) the same 65 P: H -[hm 66 D: [and that’s been quite successful 67 f or some people 68 P: H m 69 ( 0.8) 70 D: E rm �hh I don’t know whether you’ve 71 h ad this tablet in the past it’s 72 c alled metforminARTICLE IN PRESSS. Collins et al. / Social Science & Medicine 61 (2005) 2611–2627 2617
73 P: H
m (.) I’ve had that that’s one I had ((10 lines omitted—patient relates his previousexperience of Metformin))
84 D: 1
Yea1 (0.4) p- �h[h what we used to ¼85 P:
[ �hh 86 D: ¼ (1.0) what we used to do was it was 87 e ither insulin or tab[lets 88 P: [Hmm – h[m 89 D: [ �hh 90 w hat they’re finding nowadays is for 91 s ome people �hh the combination of the 92 t ablet and the insulin work—quite 93 w ell ¼94 P
: ¼ Hm 95 (1.0) 96 D: S o (there are f) (0.5) or the other 97 o ption is putting your insulin up 98 P: H mIn presenting the first option (‘we leave it’, lines
46–52) the doctor offers the possibility ‘we don’t try and
do anything’, and qualifies this ‘it wouldn’t be a route
I’d suggest, but it’s an option’. Her opinion invites
consideration of the medical implications in doing
nothing (‘we take the risk of complications’). At the
same time, ‘what [she]’d suggest’ is separated from ‘it’s
still an option’. Thus, her expressed opinion does not
detract from its optional status for the patient. The
second choice (‘looking at your diet even more closely’,
line 54), and her report of the patient’s assessment of its
relative infeasibility (‘sounds like you feely’), displays
the doctor’s understanding of the discussion that has
just been concluded, and precipitates the patient’s ‘I
hope so’ (line 58).
The doctor continues by signposting further options
‘we have two more options’ and detailing these
(lines 60–67). Each option is presented neutrally
(‘increase your insulin’; ‘add in a tablet but keep your
insulin the same’). The doctor gradually introduces
the second option. She begins by referring to it as
a ‘tablet’; she then relates it to the patient’s experience
‘I don’t know whether you’ve had this tablet in the
past’; thirdly, she names it ‘it’s called Metformin’;
finally, she refers to its effectiveness ‘and that’s been
quite successful for some people’. This gradated delivery
invites the patient to begin to entertain it from his
perspective.
Following the patient’s recollections of having tried
this tablet before, the doctor reintroduces the tablet
option in such a way as both to accommodate the
patient’s experience and set it in the past (‘what we used
to do’, line 86), and to reinstate it as an option for the
present (‘what they’re finding nowadays’, lines 90–93),
thereby demonstrating the current viability of combin-
ing tablets and insulin. The reiteration of insulin (lines
96–97) redresses any bias introduced by the immediately
preceding in-depth discussion of the tablet.
The ‘unilateral’ case
In this case, non-medical options (e.g. ‘doing nothing’;
the patient’s own lifestyle and management) are
precluded from consideration in the doctor’s opening
turn (lines 43–44).
2d: B1-119-338
52 D:
Tck (.) so we need tuh get that down 53 (0.7) an it means changing your 54 treatment 55 P: 11Yeh11 56 D: mHave you been using (metformin) 57 kin the past 58 (0.4) 59 P: I tried it and it made me violently 60 ill 61 D: Okay (0.4) right ((16 lines omitted—effectiveness of the patient’s currenttablet is called into question))
77 D:
yeah (0.5) I- I- think thut- the 78 thing is thut (0.6) we- we need to 79 change things y- ¼80 P:
¼ yeh ¼81 D:
¼ Yer on a maximum dose of er: 82 gliclazide 83 (0.6) 84 P: Yeh ¼85 D:
¼ Ahrn: an ah don’t think (.) I can 86 increase the Acarbose without 87 causing you bowel problems 88 P: Yeh 89 D: .hhh so I think the choice is of 90 using a very new drug which I’ve 91 never used? before. (0.4) an I 92 would need to talk to one of the 93 consultants about that 94 P: Yeh 95 D: .hh or:: we switch yuh to insulin 96 (0.7) 97 P: Yeh 98 D: Now most people when we talk about 99 switching to insulin are horrified 100P: Ah: know 101D: But in fact? the actual process 102 (0.6) is easy to learn. 4an you 103 actually feel be[tter when 104P: [1?yeh?1 105 you’re on on insulino 106P: Yeh 107D: There are very few patients that 108 have said to me (0.4) er:m (0.9) 109 1I- I- I’ve- hated this switch 110 they’v-1by and large they’ve allARTICLE IN PRESSS. Collins et al. / Social Science & Medicine 61 (2005) 2611–26272618
111
said (0.5) I feel so much better 112 on insulin 113 (0.4) 114P: Yes 115D: So I think the reality is (0.7) the 116 reality is we’ll probably switch 117 you to insulin (.) .hh but I I’d 118 like to just suss this out 119 because there’s a new drug on 120 thuh on thuh market ((21 lines omitted—new drug is discussed, and patientrecalls having heard of it))
141D:
Now this second one’s come come has 142 come along an it’s much s:afer. .hh 143 but I still think I’d like tuh suss 144 this out with thuh consult[ant] ¼145P:
[yeh] 146 ¼ before we do 147P: (yes ) 148D: Tck okay .hhh ah so we need to make 149 some changesFollowing directly from his opening line (lines 52–54),
the doctor presents the first option within a question,
‘have you been using Metformin in the past’ (lines
56–57), which assumes a place for medication (and this
particular form of it) as an option.
Throughout the ensuing discussion, the scope for
decision-making is restricted to medication options.
These are presented as matters for the doctor to
decide, and are partially concealed from and handled
somewhat independently of the interaction.
The doctor discounts the first two options he presents.
The first (‘Glyclazide’, lines 81–82) is a definitive
statement. The second (‘Acarbose’) attributes responsi-
bility and opinion to the doctor (‘I don’t think I can
increasey without causing you bowel problems’, lines
85–87).
The second set of options (‘a drug I’ve never used
before’ and ‘switch to insulin’) are presented as a choice
from the doctor’s point of view (‘I think y’, line 89).
This signposts that more options are to be mentioned,
without accommodating the patient’s opinion. The
response the doctor actively pursues is information
about Metformin. The phrasing in the presentation of
each option limits the patient’s part: ‘we switch you to
insulin’ (with its transitive verb form we ‘do something’
to you), and, ‘I would need to talk with one of the
consultants about that’ (making recourse solely to
professional opinion).
Expansion of insulin as the most likely option (lines
98–112) is unilaterally initiated by the doctor, and
proceeds from the viewpoint of ‘most people’. The
doctor anticipates that this patient will resist, on the
basis of what he knows about people in general. In
response, the patient demonstrates familiarity with the
general reaction (‘I know’, line 100), without conveying
his own feelings.
Comparison of features
The ‘bilateral’ case shows a greater degree of
negotiation with the patient, facilitated by beginning
with non-medical options: ‘doing nothing’; ‘looking at
your diet’. The doctor’s presentation indicates how to
assess the import and benefits of each option, but the
medical options are signposted, counterbalanced and
related to the patient’s perspective.
In the ‘unilateral’ case, the doctor frames the
discussion in terms of medical options, and their
phrasing and delivery leave less room for negotiation
and the patient’s perspective.
Concluding the decision-making sequence
The way in which the decision-making is brought to a
close differs across ‘bilateral’ and ‘unilateral’ instances.
The ‘bilateral’ case
1e: B1-112-353
96 D:
So (there are f) (0.5) or the other 97 option is putting your insulin up 98 P: Hm 99 (1.0) 100D: and I don’t know how you feel about 101 (0.6) where we should go (1.0) as 102 far as the sugar’s concerned 103P: I’d prefer to try the tablet 104D: 1Would you1 105P: HmThe doctor’s conclusion (‘I don’t know how you
feely, lines 100–102) explicitly invites the patient’s
opinion while conveying, at the same time, that the
selection of a course of action is negotiable and to be
shared (‘ywhere we should go’).
The forthright expression of preference from the
patient, which follows, ‘I’d prefer to try the tablet’ (line
103) leaves little doubt about his view. It comes in
conclusion to (and is informed by) the doctor’s position,
spelt out through the decision-making sequence. The
doctor’s follow-up ‘would you’ (line 104) reinforces the
patient’s stated preference.
The ‘unilateral’ case
In this case, the decision-making sequence concludes
on the note of necessity on which it began.
2e: B1-119-338
148 D:
Tck okay .hhh ah so we need to make 149 some changesARTICLE IN PRESSS. Collins et al. / Social Science & Medicine 61 (2005) 2611–2627 2619
150
(.) 151 D: ah:nd (I’[ll )] 152 ((D turns to computer screen)) 153 P [yuh see] diet? I- I 154 can’t do anything with diet. 155 (0.6) 156 P: I:m:: eating as li[ttle] 157 D: [I: :] I agree 158 with you because your body mass 159 index is fineThe doctor’s ‘okay’ signals closure and transition to a
new topic (Beach, 1995) and is followed by his own next
turn ‘so we need to make some changes’ (lines 148–149).
Immediately, the doctor continues ‘an:dy’, turning
back to the computer screen, signalling a transition to a
new activity.
Just as the doctor moves out of the decision-making
phase (line 126), the patient mentions his diet (lines
153–154). By being raised at the point of sequence
closure (rather than in a space provided within the
sequence), scope for talking about the patient’s experi-
ence of his lifestyle management in the context of the
decision is restricted.
Comparison of features
In the ‘bilateral’ instance, the doctor gradually
concludes the decision-making, inviting the patient to
choose between options. In the ‘unilateral’ instance, the
doctor abruptly concludes the decision-making, with
reference to necessary actions he will take. Following the
sequence closure, the patient raises a lifestyle option, but
the doctor has moved on.
Summary of contrastive features of ‘unilateral’ and
‘bilateral’ approaches
The two cases presented above illustrate characteristics
of more ‘unilateral’ and more ‘bilateral’ approaches that
pertain across our data set. In Table 1 we summarise the
variations between different approaches and their corre-
sponding communication features.
Comparison across settings: ENT oncology consultations
for newly diagnosed cancer
In order to exemplify how these ‘unilateral’ versus
‘bilateral’ approaches hold across different clinical
settings, we now illustrate their features in the context
of treatment decisions in response to diagnosis of an
ENT cancer.
In each of these cases, the patient has throat cancer,
and is receiving an official diagnosis for the first time
(the patient in the ‘bilateral’ case had previously been
told that the surgeon suspected a malignancy, and had
been given an indication of the type of treatment that
the surgeon would propose if this was confirmed). In
both cases the surgeons advocate treatment by surgery,
followed by a course of radiotherapy. In the ‘unilateral’
instance, only one option (surgery) is presented. In the
‘bilateral’ instance, radiotherapy alone is presented as an
alternative, as are the possibilities of doing nothing, and
watchful waiting.
We note that in general, a more ‘unilateral’ format was
observed in our recordings of ENT oncology consulta-
tions than was observed in primary care diabetes
consultations. Where a cancer diagnosis prefigures talk
about treatment, the decision-making trajectory and its
constituent features appear to be managed and organised
in ways which reflect the critical nature of this diagnosis
and the associated treatment considerations.
Opening the decision-making phase
In the decision-making in ENT oncology, both
approaches begin with discussions about treatment.
The ‘bilateral’ case
In this ‘bilateral’ case, the surgeon introduces the
prospect of treatment (‘I think that there are two ways of
doing it’, lines 6-10) in advance of identifying options.
3a: B1-102-348
1 D:
I’m gonna wait for the- well I’m uh- 2 I’m gonna carry on talking because 3 uh although: I’m waiting for the 4 biopsy just to confirm I think 5 there’s �hhh there’s no doubt about 6 uh in my mind that you’ve got a 7 tumour in your tonsil. 8 (0.3) 9 D: Okay? �hhh And (0.3) as I said to you 10 last week I think that there are two 11 ways of 12 (1.5) 13 P: doin’ it ¼14 D:
¼ odoing that [for ] 15 P: [wih-] we (really-) 16 P: We agreed on thi[s (one.)] 17 D: [We mdid ] really 18 an’ I was jus’ gonna go over them 19 for for: (.) your benefit as much as 20 for mine so that you understand what 21 what the issues a:re. �hh It’s (0.2) 22 quite a large tumour (.) but it 23 certainly is very treatable: �hhhBy casting the alternatives as ‘ways of doing’ an action
is made prominent.
ARTICLE IN PRESS
Table 1
Contrastive features of ‘unilateral’ and ‘bilateral’ approaches
Components of decision making More ‘unilateral’ practitioner approaches More ‘bilateral’ practitioner approaches
Introducing the decision-making
phase
Begins from considerations not shared with
the patient
Begins from an accommodation of the patient’s
perspective, and practitioner shares his/her
considerations with the patient
No preface inviting the patient’s view (and/
or discussing patient’s management)
Preface invites the patient to consider their
views/understanding of possible treatment
(and/or their own management)
Presents decision as ‘made’ Presents decision as ‘to be made’
Presenting test results or diagnosis Emphatic presentation of test results or
diagnosis, pointing to the necessity of
doing something, and perhaps of acting
quickly
Deliberated presentation of test results or
diagnosis, accompanied by explanations or
guides as to how results/problems are to be
interpreted
Presentation of the situation premised on
the practitioner’s opinion
Presentation of the situation premised on
consideration of the patient’s understanding
Introducing the decision point Presentation of the decision as ‘news’,
‘necessity’, ‘information’, or ‘explanation’
Presentation of the decision as a ‘decision’ or
‘choice’
Presenting and discussing options Identifying choices or options within the
same turn in which the decision point is
introduced
Signposts that choices, options, or decision
points are about to be presented, in advance of
naming or specifying them
Discussion centres on medically controlled
options
Discussion includes relevant lifestyle and
patient controlled options alongside medically
controlled options
Lists or runs through options without
providing an opportunity for patient to
participate
Paces the delivery of options, and separates
options from decision point (by producing
them in different turns)
Relatively fewer options (single options
generally presented without their
counterparts)
Relatively more options (with inclusion of
counterparts)
Omits consideration of the option of ‘doing
nothing’
Includes ‘doing nothing’ alongside other
options
S. Collins et al. / Social Science & Medicine 61 (2005) 2611–26272620
The assessment of the tumour as ‘quite large’ (line 22)
provides the foundation for subsequent justification of
surgery (‘because of the extent of it’) as preferable. The
note of optimism carried in ‘certainly very treatable’
(line 23), coupled with the earlier emphasis on action,
stresses that treatment is worthwhile and, by implica-
tion, counters the possibility of doing nothing.
The ‘unilateral’ case
The surgeon introduces the diagnosis and treatment
discussion in terms of news: ‘results day’ (line 1) ‘good
news and bad news’ (line 5).
4a: B1-133-358
1 D:
Results day 2 (0.4) 3 P: Yes. (1.3) (I’ve turned up so you can 4 tell me to my face) 5 (0.4) 6 D: Yeah well (.) there’s good news and7
bad news. 8 (0.7) 9 P: Mm hm, 10 (0.5) 11 D: Shall we start off with the bad news 12 first 13 (.) 14 P: Mmm 15 (0.5) 16 D: You’ve got cancer. 17 P: I (thought) yeah, (.)I had assumed 18 that I would 1have1 19 (0.3) 20 D: Indeed (.) you’ve got cancer there, 21 (0.2) and you’ve got cancer there, ((59 lines omitted- surgeon explains anatomy anddescribes the cancer’s location and spread))
80 D:
And it’s become trapped (0.7) in 81 these glands here 82 (0.5) ((D draws on paper))ARTICLE IN PRESSS. Collins et al. / Social Science & Medicine 61 (2005) 2611–2627 2621
83 P:
This is here 84 ((indicating on his own throat)) 85 (.) 86 D: Yes. (.) indeed. 87 (1.1) 88 ((D turns away to draw on paper)) 89 D: .t an:d (0.8) what we need to do (.) 90 isBy equating ‘treatment’ with ‘news’, treatment is
presented as inevitable. The contrast of ‘good’ and ‘bad’
prefigures talk about a treatment decision, and has
particular consequences for how discussion proceeds. By
pitting ‘good news’ (surgery need not be as extensive as
it might have been; the patient does not have to have his
voice box removed) against ‘bad’, the ‘bad news’ of
having cancer becomes subsumed overall within the ‘bad
news’ of the need for surgery. Consequently, discussions
of the patient’s response to the diagnosis and of
alternative treatment options are deflected.
The detailed information the surgeon provides blocks
opportunities for exploration of the patient’s response
and sets the stage for talking about treatment. The
patient’s response to the surgeon’s descriptions (‘this is
here’, line 83) and the surgeon’s following ‘yes indeed’
(line 86) produce a level of understanding and agreement
that establish the patient’s awareness of the location of
his tumour in relation to the surgery being proposed, but
do not convey how he feels about the treatment decision.
The surgeon moves from one activity (describing the
cancer) to a next (talking about treatment) through his
own turns, drawing on the paper in between (lines
86–89). The unmarked transition restricts the space for
the patient to speak and limits the practitioner’s
responsiveness to the patient’s opinions or feelings
about the proposed surgery.
Comparison with diabetes
Across diabetes and oncology, in the ‘bilateral’
approach, doctors share considerations about possible
courses of action with the patients, and invite the
patients’ opinion. In the ‘unilateral’ approach, doctors
present results as ‘news’, decisions as ‘made’ and
treatments as ‘necessary’. They supply descriptions of
technical and medical aspects (the location of the cancer
and its spread; how the HbA1c test works), within which
patients’ contributions are limited to displays of under-
standing and agreement of given descriptions. They
move abruptly from definition of the problem to
presentation of treatment.
There are two overall points of contrast with diabetes
in the ENT oncology consultations. One concerns the
emphasis on treatment. Another relates to the structure
of the opening sequence in the decision-making trajec-
tory, which accommodates within it the decision point
itself.
Presenting and discussing options
The ‘bilateral’ case
The surgeon presents two options—radiotherapy and
surgery—alongside one another.
3b: B1-102-348
21 D:
ywhat the issues a:re. �hh It’s 22 (0.2) quite a large tumour (.) but 23 it certainly is very treatable: �hhh 24 And because of thee, extent of it, I 25 think that radio therapy would stand 26 a very small chance:: (.) of: (1.4) 27 completely uhm (0.3) getting rid of 28 it it. I think the other option:- 29 (0.2) which: (1.0) is: (.) much more 30 of a (0.3) of a (0.7) 1m-1 (0.7) 31 viable (1.0) treatment, is surgery. 32 (0.3) which would invo:lve removing 33 that- (.) ar:ea of the palette ‘n 34 tonsil (0.2) �hhh uh (0.3) what I 35 didn’t go in: to detail of la:st week, 36 was the details of the surgery one of 37 the things we would do: havin:g (0.2) 38 removed the tumour would be to use a 39 (0.4) patch of skin from down he:re, 40 (0.5) uz a (.) what’s called a skin 41 fla:p to put in there to fill the 42 a:rea. Cos you can’t just �h sew it 43 directly together �h like you could 44 a little thing on the ski:n 45 (.) 46 D: Uh:m (0.3) �t �h (0.5) A:nd what we 47 would then do is obviously send off 48 the: (.) the specimen from: the 49 biopsy from the the excision (0.6) 50 an::d have a look at that under the 51 microscope an’ I would think that 52 (1.0) I would probably (1.4) 53 recommen:d that you had (0.4) 54 pla:nned (.) post operative 55 radiotherapy (0.5) about four to 56 six weeks (0.3) after the surgery. 57 The reason for that is that the the 58 results of �hh treatment (.) show 59 that (0.8) although surgery (0.9) 60 I think- (0.2) on its ow:n stands a 61 much better chance of getting rid’v 62 this: (.) than: does radio therapy. 63 (1.6) There’s still a cha:nce: of 64 (1.0) the:re being (0.4) tiny 65 little satellites (0.3) of disea:se 66 left around afterwards (0.5) an’ ifARTICLE IN PRESSS. Collins et al. / Social Science & Medicine 61 (2005) 2611–26272622
67
they do come back, (0.5) the 68 likelihood of them bein:g (.) got 69 rid of: (.) are (.) less if you 70 wait, until they presen:t than if you 71 (.) nip it in the bud, �h and assume 72 that they’re the:re, �an’ get on with 73 radio therapy straight a:fter.Radiotherapy alone is presented first, and closed
down by its juxtaposition with surgery, which is then
immediately elaborated within the same turn. The
options are presented contrastively: radiotherapy ‘would
stand a very small chance’; surgery is ‘much more of a
viable treatment’. Radiotherapy is named prior to its
explanation; surgery is named following its justification.
Thus radiotherapy is physically distanced; and by the
time surgery is mentioned, radiotherapy alone has
receded and is not reintroduced.
The surgeon expands on surgery by detailing what it
‘would involve’ and ‘what we would do’ (lines 32–44),
pacing and structuring his explanation with reference to
the stages to be followed. While the status of the
treatment is viable and actual, the details of the
procedures it entails are presented conditionally (‘what
it would involve’). This allows the patient to consider this
option hypothetically, and from a distance. This
presentation recognises that the decision to carry out
surgery is not yet final, and provides scope for the
patient to influence its course. The surgeon also
recommends, but does not assume, ‘planned post-
operative radiotherapy’ and displays the reasoning
behind his recommendation (lines 51–73).
The ‘unilateral’ instance
In this ‘unilateral’ instance, the presentation of
options begins on a note of necessity.
4b: B1-133-358
89 D: .
t and (0.8) what we need to do (.) is 90 w e will need to sort- (.) we will need 91 t o get rid of this (0.4) these glands 92 c ontaining cancer, (2.0) and we need 93 t o get rid of where it started out 94 f rom. (2.7) so that’s the bad news. 95 ( 0.4) You need to have something 96 d one. ¼97 P: M
m hm 98 ( 0.4) 99 D: A nd (0.6) the: (0.2) something that 100 y ou need to have done for these (0.5) 101 t hey are of a reasonable size. (1.0) 102 a nd we need to do an operation to get 103 r id of the cancer here. 104 ( 0.2)105P: Y
eah I can see the ( ) 106 ( 0.6) 107D: ( indeed)((81 lines omitted- in which surgeon gives expansive
descriptions of the cancer’s location and spread))
188D: S
o- (.) so I’ve [given you- (.) what ¼189P:
[heh heh heh 190 ¼ I’ve done is I’ve given you the bad 191 n ews (.) you need to have an 192 o peration.The ‘bad news’ (the diagnosis) is bound up with
necessary treatment ‘that’s the bad news you need to
have something done’ (lines 94–96, 190–192). The
practitioner attributes responsibility for treatment to
professionals by specifying ‘we need to do an operation’
(line 102).
The presentation is paced by the reiteration of ‘need
to’ (‘need to sort’, ‘need to get rid of’, ‘need to do’, lines
89–96). The emphasis on the necessity of surgery
restricts the scope for entertaining alternatives and for
patient choice, limiting the patient’s participation to
minimal forms of agreement (lines 97, 105).
Comparison with diabetes
Across diabetes and ENT oncology, in the ‘bilateral’
approaches the doctors contrast two alternative options
to display their preference, and present options as ‘not
yet decided on’. In the ‘unilateral’ approaches, the
decision point, treatment option, and diagnosis are
intertwined in the news presentation, and treatment is
cast as necessary.
Concluding the main option presentation and the decision-
making sequence
In managing decision-making in the ENT oncology
consultations recorded in this study, certain structural
adaptations are made, reflected in the ordering of
aspects of the decision-making. Firstly, some options
fall outside the main decision-making sequence. Sec-
ondly, the decision-making concludes at different places.
Options that ‘fall outside’ the main decision-making
sequence
In the ENT oncology cases, certain options are
presented outside the main decision-making sequence.
The more ‘bilateral’ case
Two ‘non-treatment options’ are mentioned outside
the main treatment presentation. After discussing
surgical procedures and post-operative recovery, the
surgeon raises the possibilities of ‘doing nothing’, or
‘putting it off to see what happens’.
3c: B1-102-348
1 D:
I think the other op- you know: the 2 other option? (1.1) is to doARTICLE IN PRESSS. Collins et al. / Social Science & Medicine 61 (2005) 2611–2627 2623
3
nothin:g. 4 (0.6) 5 D: An’ I can promise you unfortunately 6 I can promise you that this will get 7 (0.5) steadily wo:rse: and, (0.2) 8 s:teadily more unpleasant to deal 9 with or f- or for you to deal with. 10 �hhh And I think also (.) it’s not 11 a matter of let’s put it off an’ 12 see what happens until after 13 Christmas because I think �hhhh (0.3) 14 as far as I’m concerned technically 15 it will reach a point where it’s: 16 (0.2) beyond the realms of sensible 17 surgeryAs options, ‘doing nothing’ and ‘putting it off’ do not
receive consideration on the same terms as, and are set
well apart from, presentations of surgery and radio-
therapy. The surgeon presents these ‘non-treatment’
options as untenable, and as having unpleasant con-
sequences.
The ‘unilateral’ case
In the ‘unilateral’ case, only surgery is initially
discussed; later in the consultation, post-operative
radiotherapy is mentioned as an aside.
4c: B1-133-358
1 D:
yby doing the operation on the neck 2 (1.0) and doing- giving the 3 radiotherapy(0.3) I think we: (0.2) 4 stand a- (.) an extremely good 5 chance (.) of getting a very (0.9) 6 significant result. 7 (.) 8 P: Do we 9 (0.3) 10 D: But I think we need to get on with it 11 (.) we- (0.4) we shouldn’t muck 12 around. (0.2) we should get you 13 sorted. 14 (.) 15 P: Mm hm, 16 (0.4) 17 D: Alr[ight, 18 P: [( ) 19 (.) 20 D: Absolu[tely 21 P: [And don’t delay. 22 (0.6) 23 D: No. 24 (.) 25 P: So after that (0.3) I’ll be having 26 uh- (1.7) radiotherapy (shortly) ¼27 D:
¼ Absolutely (.) to go to the28
primary (0.8) Um he might 29 [want to 30 P: [( ) 31 (0.2) 32 D: He might want to give you some 33 radiotherapy to the neck as well.The practitioner makes passing reference to post-
operative radiotherapy (lines 2–3) in the context of
talking about the operation. Thus radiotherapy is
introduced as a foregone conclusion. This leads the
patient to infer ‘so after that I’ll be having radiotherapy’
(lines 25–26), implying that this is not open to
discussion. It prompts the surgeon to provide further
information and explanation of what the radiotherapist
‘might want to do’ (lines 28–29, 32–33). The emphasis
on ‘what he might want to do’ gives prominence to
professional choice, setting a professional domain for
the entertainment of treatment possibilities. The pa-
tient’s ‘and don’t delay’ (line 16) concurs with the line
being taken by the surgeon, echoing and amplifying it,
without adding anything of his own opinion.
Concluding the main option presentation in the ‘bilateral’
case
In the ‘bilateral’ case, the main option presentation
(see 3b) is followed by a conclusion of its own—a check
from the surgeon of the patient’s understanding thus far.
3d: B1-102-348
74D:D
oes that make any sense, 75 (0.7) 76P: Y a:h, Oh yah,1 ¼ 77D:I t does 78P: m m 79D:G ood. �hh Uh:m so that’s: that’s 80 b asically my approach to this.The surgeon seeks to confirm the patient’s under-
standing ‘does that make any sense’ (line 74) and follows
this up with ‘it does’ (line 77). The surgeon’s summary
(‘that’s basically my approachy’, line 80) distinguishes
his view from the patient’s opinion and choice, which
are given room for expression later in the consultation.
Concluding the decision-making sequence as a whole
In the ‘bilateral’ case, the conclusion to the decision-
making is deferred until the end of the consultation as a
whole.
The ‘bilateral’ instance
3e: B1-102-348
1 D:
So I think that we (.) we- you know weARTICLE IN PRESSS. Collins et al. / Social Science & Medicine 61 (2005) 2611–26272624
2
need to sort of 3 (1.0) 4 D: make our minds up within the next few 5 days. I don’t know whether you’ve 6 you’ve chatted to [nurse] about it,The surgeon makes the first reference to a decision
towards the close of the consultation, at some distance
from the initial option presentation in which his preferred
option was stated. The surgeon casts responsibility for the
final choice as shared between the patient, himself and the
nurse ‘we need to make our minds up.’ (lines 1–4). By
positioning the decision-making outside the consultation’s
time span (‘in the next few days’), the patient is given an
opportunity to think about and state his preferences.
The ‘unilateral’ instance
In the ‘unilateral’ case, the conclusion to the decision-
making is placed early in the consultation (following
4b).
4d:B1-133-358
188D: S
o- (.) so I’ve [given you- (.) what ¼189P:
[heh heh heh 190 I ’ve done is I’ve given you the bad 191 n ews (.) [you need to have an. 192P: [((coughs)) 193 o peration. 194 (0.8) 195D: t o get rid of the glands here 196P: ( (pointing on his throat)) 197 (1.0) 198D: I ndeed (.) an we’ve got to get rid of 199 t he glands there (0.7) at [the- with ¼200P:
[Oh 201 ¼ the operati[on 202P: [oh 203 ( .) 204P: ( You set the X-ray to some glands here) 205 ( 0.9) 206D: W e need to get rid of that lot there 207 ( 0.3) 208P: A nd th[at 209D: [and then that lot there 210P: Y eah 211 ( 0.4) 212D: A nd what we’ll- (.) the way to do that 213 ( 0.5) i[s to make a cut ¼214P:
[Mmm 215D: ¼ like that, (1.3) and to take the 216 g lands out ((287 lines omitted- patient asks surgeon to be carefuland surgeon reassures the patient, relates his previous
successes, reiterates the need to operate and details how
the operation will be done))
503P: (
(coughs)) (0.3) Now what’s the good 504 n ews. (0.2) ((coughs))505 (
.) 506D:T he good news is we don’t have to 507 t ake your voice-box out. ¼508P: ¼
Oh that’s very good 509D:I t’s- it’s extremely good.The surgeon’s conclusion (‘yI’ve given you the
bad news (.) you need to have an operation’,
lines 188–193) reiterates and underlines the impact of
the whole treatment presentation. The decision-
making in this consultation thus begins and concludes
with the surgeon’s references to news and to necessity—
what has to be done (lines 191, 198, 206) and what
does not have to be done (lines 506–507). Framing
the treatment in this way limits the patient’s
participation.
Summary of features of ‘unilateral’ and ‘bilateral’
practitioner approaches in ENT oncology
The ENT oncology cases presented above are
illuminating in two respects. Firstly, they show how
features of ‘unilateral’ and ‘bilateral’ practitioner
approaches hold across different clinical areas and types
of decision. There are parallels with the diabetes cases:
the option of ‘doing nothing’ is absent in the ‘unilateral’
case, but present in the ‘bilateral’ one; the doctor’s
preferred course of action is presented as a matter of
necessity in the ‘unilateral’ case, and is thereby closed to
negotiation and discussion; there is some discrimination
between professional opinion and patient choice in the
‘bilateral’ case. Secondly, they show that ENT oncology
treatment decisions tend to be more ‘unilateral’. The
decision-making is underpinned by a sense of urgency,
and a limited time span within which to make the
treatment decision. These constraints on patient parti-
cipation are manifested in the ‘bilateral’ case as follows:
the surgeon pushes the remit for the decision-making
out beyond the boundaries of the consultation to
maximise the scope for patient involvement; the option
of ‘doing nothing’ comes towards the end of the
consultation and is given less prominence than the
corresponding option in the ‘bilateral’ diabetes case; the
degree of discrimination between professional opinion
and patient choice is not as clearly demarcated as in the
‘bilateral’ diabetes case, allowing professional opinion
and responsibility for making the choice to play a
greater part.
Overview of characteristics of approaches
The analyses presented in this paper have highlighted
a variety of communication features associated with
ARTICLE IN PRESSS. Collins et al. / Social Science & Medicine 61 (2005) 2611–2627 2625
‘bilateral’ and ‘unilateral’ practitioner approaches.
These analyses have characterised approaches at either
end of a ‘unilateral’–’bilateral’ continuum. In this paper,
we have demonstrated that bilateral and unilateral
approaches can be seen in two clinical areas. Our
broader data set suggests that they can be seen across
the full range of settings we studied.
The key characteristics of more ‘bilateral’ and more
‘unilateral’ approaches are as follows. In ‘bilateral’
approaches, the practitioner talks in a way which
actively pursues patient’s contributions, providing
places for the patient to join in, and building on any
contributions the patient makes: e.g. signposting options
in advance of naming them; eliciting displays of under-
standing and statements of preference from the patient.
In ‘unilateral’ approaches the practitioner talks in
formats less conducive to patient’s participation: e.g.
the scene for the decision is already set; the decision is
presented as ‘made’; the practitioner concludes the
decision-making independently of the patient’s contri-
butions.
Our data set suggests that one approach tends to
predominate through a single consultation or decision-
making episode (although elements characteristic of the
other approach may also be observed at points). We
have documented some variations in approach accord-
ing to individual patients and their preferences, but
overall we have observed that particular practitioners
tend to use either a unilateral or a bilateral approach
fairly consistently.
Possible implications of ‘bilateral’ and ‘unilateral’
approaches for patients’ participation
Our analyses have focused predominantly on
practitioners’ talk, but the ‘bilateral’ and ‘unilateral’
approaches that we have identified have implications
for the potential for different forms of participation
by patients. Although we cannot examine in detail
here how patients’ turns are constructed in response
to practitioners’ talk, we offer some preliminary
observations about apparent differences in
patients’ participation in decision-making when
practitioners adopt ‘bilateral’ and ‘unilateral’
approaches.
In ‘unilateral’ instances, when practitioners give
general explanations, patients seem to respond
with expressions of general understanding, not
linked to individual preference or experience (see
for example extracts 2d line 100 ‘I know’, 4a line 83
‘this is here’). Practitioners’ definitive presentations of
treatment rationales and proposals seem to be re-
sponded to by patients with forms of general agree-
ment/acceptance, which the practitioner then
subsequently reiterates (e.g. 4b lines 95–107 D-’you need
to have something done’, P – ‘mhm’, D – ‘to get rid of the
cancer here’, P- ‘yeh I can see they’). Patients’ responses
appear to display acceptance of a ‘given’ state of affairs
(e.g. 4c lines 25–26 ‘so after that I’ll be having
radiotherapy’).
In the ‘bilateral’ cases, there are more indications that
the practitioners’ talk accommodates patients’ experi-
ence, opinion and understanding, and patients express
their view in response. Patients seem able to answer
questions of whether or not they see scope for
improvement in their own management (e.g. 1a line
16, 1d line 58); can remind doctors of previous
discussions (e.g. 3a line 16 recalling a previously agreed
a course of action); and express their own treatment
preference (e.g. 1e line 103).
Overall, though, our data suggest that patient
participation in decision-making is limited. Patients
tended to say very little in the decision-
making trajectory, and what they did say did not
always appear to influence the selection of a particular
course of action. Examples of practitioner talk char-
acteristic of ‘bilateral’ approaches did not always
lead to patients’ contributing significantly to discussion
about or the selection between treatment options, as this
extract from a third consultation about diabetes
illustrates.
5: B1-117-329
1 D: S
o the next step if we did need to 2 m ake a change would be: to 3 c onsider(0.4) switching you from 4 t ablets. to insulin injections 5 P: M m hm 6 (0.9) 7 D: H ave you ever, considered that. 8 (1.8) 9 P: m Well (I’ll) do whatever you (say:,) 10 D: 1 1(no) 1111 P: k
I’m not gonna. (.) you know me by 12 n ow.This extract raises the question of whether and
when it is appropriate for health professionals to
encourage apparently reluctant patients to express
preferences between treatment options. Although
policies promoting greater patient participation in
decision-making would apparently tend to favour
‘bilateral’ approaches on the part of health profes-
sionals, we should not assume that such approaches are
universally ‘better’.
Overall, our data generally support the notion that the
organisation of interaction in a consultation influences
opportunities for patient participation (Robinson, 2003),
and that practitioners manage the decision-making
trajectory in different ways with different consequences
for patient participation (Charles, Whelan, Gafni, Willan,
ARTICLE IN PRESSS. Collins et al. / Social Science & Medicine 61 (2005) 2611–26272626
& Farrell, 2003). We have elucidated a number of ways
in which practitioners might create or enhance opportu-
nities for patients to influence the process of decision-
making over the course of a decision-making trajectory.
Features of ‘bilateral’ approaches such as creating
distinctions between moments along the trajectory (e.g.
by signalling the transition to the decision-making
sequence or by naming an option prior to embarking
on discussion about it) seem to offer more scope for
patient input. More detailed analyses of each of these
features (and their implications for patient participation,
as compared with their ‘unilateral’ counterparts) are now
warranted.
Conclusion
Drawing primarily on data relating to two types of
decision made in consultations conducted in two
different clinical settings, this paper has identified and
elucidated some key features of ‘unilateral’ and ‘bilat-
eral’ practitioner approaches to treatment decision-
making, and provided some preliminary observations
on their likely implications for patient participation. It
also suggests that the characteristics and qualities of a
‘bilateral’ approach may tend to vary across clinical
situations.
In contexts in which patient participation in decision-
making is advocated, it might be recommended that
practitioners adopt more ‘bilateral’ approaches to
facilitate this. Further research is needed to refine the
characterisation of these approaches and to investigate
the extent to which they facilitate greater patient
participation. If it does transpire that ‘bilateral’
approaches effectively encourage more appropriate
forms of patient participation in decision-making,
then efforts should be made to develop and evaluate
training interventions to encourage health professionals
to implement them in practice in different clinical
situations.
Acknowledgements
The PaPaYA (Patient Participation in York and
Aberdeen) project was funded by the Department of
Health: Health in Partnership Programme (reference
3700514). The opinions expressed in this paper are those
of the authors and may not be shared by the funding
body. We are most grateful to the patients and
practitioners who took part. We thank Sue Lawal,
Stewart Mercer, Anne Walker and the anonymous
reviewers for their comments on earlier versions of
this paper.
Appendix. Transcript notation for conversation analysis
Relative timing of utterances:
(0.7). Intervals within or between turns
(.) Discernible pause too short to be timed mechanically.
Square brackets indicate overlaps between utterances.
Point of overlap onset is marked with a single left hand
bracket.
Contiguous utterances are linked by an equals sign. Also
used to indicate very rapid move from one unit in a turn
to the next.
Characteristics of speech delivery
Various aspects of speech delivery are captured by
punctuation symbols (which, therefore, are not used to
mark conventional grammatical units) and other forms
of notation, as follows:
Full stop indicated a falling intonation.
Comma indicates a continuing intonation.
Question mark indicates a rising inflection (not
necessarily a question).
Stretching of a sound is indicated by colons, the number
of which correspond to the length of the stretching.
.h indicates inhalation, the length of which is indicated
by the number of h’s.
h. indicates outbreath, the length of which is indicated
by the number of h’s.
(hh) Audible aspirations are indicated in the speech in
which they occur (including in laughter).
11 Degree signs indicate word(s) spoken very softly or
quietly.
Underlining is used to denote words or parts of a word
which are emphasised.
Particularly emphatic speech, usually with raised pitch,
is shown by capital letters.
Unclear words are placed in parentheses.
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