Two foreign artists inrenaissance Florence

Alonso Berruguete and Gian Francesco BemboLOUIS A. WALDMAN

1 Ivuidonna mid Childunth SisJerome, Cosmas and Damian and a DOllarby Giovan Francesco Bembo (c. 1480-1543), 1524. Oil on panel,

250 x 190 em. S Pietro al Po, Crernona

~igni fican t chapter in the history

of Florentine art could be writtenn the many expatriate artists

who came from all over Italy, and the restof Europe, to work and study in the cityby the Arno. Drawn by a desire to studythe city's renowned masterpieces, or bythe hope of patronage, foreign artistswere a constant presence in renaissanceFlorence - even if most have left onlyfugitive traces of their sojourns. This iscertainly not the case , however, with theSpanish painter-sculptor AlonsoBerruguete, who resided in Italy fromabo ut 1508 to roughly 1517. 1 We knowBerruguete was in Rome prior to thesummer of 1508, and it was probablyaround this time that he became one ofseveral artists commissioned by Bramanteto produce wax copies of the recentlyrediscovered Laocoon? In July 1508Michelangelo wrote to his brotherBuonarroto that the Spaniard had movedto Florence to learn how to paint, andgave ins tructions for him to be allowed tostudy the Battle of Cascina cartoon.' A ref­erence to Berruguete in a letter ofMichelangelo's reveals that in the springof 1512 Alonso was in Florence, and sick:According to a recently published docu­ment, Giovanni Bartolini, later the builderof the palace in Piazza S Trinita, paid himfive ducats in 1513 for a painted quadro ofthe Virgin and Child? These scraps of evi­dence, joined with a small corpus ofpaintings, drawings and scu lpture, revealthe breadth of Berruguete's interests dur ­ing the decade or so he spent in Ita ly.According to the testimony of a contem­porary, he was apparently back at theroyal court of Valladolid in 1517, wherehe received the title of 'pintor del Reynuestro sefior."

A new document (see Appendix) adds ameasure of chronological precision to ourknowledge of Berrugue te's Italian period,revealing that the young Spaniard wasdwelling in Florence in the late summer of1509. On 8 August of that year, a Florentinenotary, Ser Francesco di Antonio di Ristoro,

22

leased half a house on the Via di Cafaggio,in the par ish of S Pier Maggiore, toBerruguete and ano ther pain ter, therenamed as 'Francisco Zacherie deCremona'.' The latter is surely to be identi­fied with the Cremonese painter Gian (orGiovan) Francesco Bembo, called II Vetraro

(died c. 1526?)." The document refers toBembo as 'Francesco' rather than by thefuller form of his given name, as do a num­ber of documents relating to his artisticcommissions in Crernona." The new docu­ment presented here confirms theevidence, cited by Mina Gregori, that

2 Madolllla and Childwith St [oun the Baptist by Alonso Berruguetc(c. 1488-1561), before 1518. Oil on pan el, diam 83 cm.

Loeser Collection, Palazzo Vecchio, Florence

3 Salomewith the Head ofSt lohn the Baptist by Alonso Berruguete (c. 1488-1561),before 1518. Oil on panel, 87.5 x 71 cm. Uffizi, Florence

Bembo's father was Zaccaria, the son of theCremonese hum anist Bonifacio Bembo."

The lan guage used in the 1509 leasecontract - referring to both Bembo andBerru guete as 'p aint er [dwelling] in thecity of Florence' - leaves little doubt thatboth we re cons ide red to be in at leastsemi-pe rmanent reside nce there. Theterm of the lease also indicates that thetwo pain ters were probably planning torema in in Flore nce for at leas t a year(tho ug h the agreement included a provi­sion that the lessees could termina teupon a month 's notice). Precisely howlong they actua lly stayed in Floren cerem ains a puzz le. A number of un con ­vincing attempts have been made toidentify Berruguc tc's hand in collabora­tive work s pro duced in Central Italyduring the 1510s," but all we know forcertain is that he was back in Spain byaro und 1517, whil e Bemb o had returnedto his native Cremona by the end of 1515.

Pron ounced echoes of Florentine art inBembos Crc mo nese works have alread yled scholars to suggest the artist mighthav e spe nt a period working in Florence,a hypothesis now confirmed by the 1509con trac t." We know that Bembo visitedRom e, before returning to Cremo na

around 1515. Bernbo's stay in Florencemust have been instrumental in helpinghim gain entry to th e society of Floren ­tines in Rome who became activepatrons of art after the election of Leo xto the papacy in 1513. Vasari describes apapal coat of arms, suppor ted by nudefigures, which Bembo painted on theRoman palace of the Florentine CardinalFrancesco Soderini." This work can pre­sumably be dated between 1513 - theyear of Leo x's election - and late 1515,when Bembo is documented back in Cre­mona, at work on the fresco decorationof the Cathedral." We hav e no way ofknowing for certain, but it is possiblethat on his trip to the Eternal City Bembowas acco mpa nied by his companionBerruguete.

Stylistic similarities betw een Bembo'swork and that of Berruguete suggest thatthe two arti sts worked and studiedtogether rath er closely during their timeas Italian house-mates. Bcrnbos Madon­IW and Child with Saints in S Pietro al Po(Fig. 1) employs a cool palette, angularform s and an alternation between sharpfocus and sjumato recalling works likeBerruguete's Loeser Tondo in the PalazzoVecchio (Fig. 2) or his Uffizi Salome (Fig.

3). Both artists' strident, acid colour, theirvibrant, luminous chiaroscuro, and theirmercurial technique also link them toFlorentine tnaniera painters like theyoung Rosso Fiorentino and Pontormo,as well as older masters such as Granacciand Larciani . Given these points of stylis­tic contact between the two [orestieri, ithardl y comes as a surprise that at leastone painting by Bernbo, the Portrait of aman (Galeazzo Pallavicino?) now inBudapest, was formerly attributed toBerruguete by no less an authority thanRoberto Longhi. " Both artists were equal­ly fascinated by the work of Raphael.Berruguete often adapts Raphaelesquecompositional formulas in his Italianpaintings." The composition of Bernbo 'sS Pietro al Po altarpiece (Fig. 1) is basedupon Raphael's Florentine Madonna delBaldacchino, just as the central group ofhis St Stephen Chased Out of the Temple inBergamo derives from the tapestry of theBlinding of ElYlllas.17 Moreover, it docs notseem to have been observed that hisMadonna and Child with the Infant Baptistand St Nicholas is a paraphrase ofRaphael's Madonna della Rosa." In 1524,Bembo also adapted Raphael's Madonnadi Loreto in a fresco for the Cathedral of

23

4 Study after Raphael's MadOlllla di Loreto by Giovan Francesco Bembo (c. 1480-1543).Red chalk, 22.3 x 17.8 em. National Gallery of Canada, Ottawa

Cremona; his interest in the painting isalso attested by a red chalk study after itin Ottawa (Fig. 4).1'

Like many artists of his generation inFlorence, Berruguete was profoundlyinfluenced by the art of the great mastersof the Florentine quaitrocenio, who werealready assuming a kind of canonical sta ­tus even beyond their native Tuscany.Vasari records Berruguete among theyoung artists who habitually copiedMasaccio's frescoes in the BrancacciChapel," a claim supported by a newaddition to the Spanish painter's corpusof drawings . The sheet in question is ared chalk sketch, now in the MuscoNazionale di Capodimonte, depicting theshivering nude youth from the Baptism ofthe Neophytes (Fig. 5).

The Naples sketch is inscribed with thename of Rosso, a traditional attributionaccepted by Berenson; subsequently thesheet was attributed to Bandinelli inEugene Carroll's dissertation." RogerWard observed that none of Bandinelli'ssurviving chalk drawings shows theextremely heavy outlines, simplifiedforms and abstracted anatomy seen inthis study; but he overruled these stylisticincongruities by suggesting thatBandinelli might have drawn the Capodi­monte sketch when he was a child." Thishypothesis, however, is not withoutproblems. The earliest Bandinelli drawingmore or less securely connected with a

24

dated commission is the red -chalk studyfor on e of the suitors in the fresco of theBetrothal of the Virgin , which he was com ­missioned to paint in the chiostricino ofSS Annunziata around the beginning of1512, at the age of eighteen (Fig. 6). Thisstudy reveals the young artist's alreadyimpressive mastery of his medium: theoutlines controlled and confident, with aspringy, tensile calligraphy that willbecome the hallmark of Bandinelli'smature draughtsmanship . Already by1512 one can see Baccio's well articulatedmastery of anatomy, uniting the rhyth ­mic, flowing forms of the figure'sabdomen, arms and shoulders into anorganic whole . The only figure drawingby Bandinclli which has a fair claim to beearlier than this is the sheet of figuresketches in black chalk (Fig. 7), whosecentral group appears in the backgroundof a painting of Leda and the Swan for­merly in the Robert Nevin collection inRome ." The less accomplished style ofthe black chalk studies suggests that it isprobably at least a year or two earlierthan the Nude breaking a rod for Santissi­ma Annunziata . In the earlier sheet thegamut of light and shade is fairly limited;cross -hatching is cautious, delicate andextremely fine, and has not yet begun tofollow the planes of the body. Bandinellihere draws his contours timidly; hisrazor-thin lines contain the form ratherthan help to create it in three dimensions .

Though their differences seem to illus­trate Bandinelli's rapid acquisition of amature and confident drawing style, itmust be owned that neither has much incommon visually with the Naples Shiver­ing man, whose author is remarkablycavalier in his treatment of anatomicaldetail. Arms and shoulders are distinctly­carelessly articulated, hands and feet areonly suggested, and the head is radicallysimplified. If these features point to anartist who has not yet had the opportuni ­ty to make a careful study of anatomy,the drawing also displays an impressiveability to reproduce Masaccio's powerfulillusion of three -dimensional form. Infact, the draughtsman has magnified thefigure's sculptural presence through hisemployment of intense chiaroscuro, andlent it a calligraphic tension through theexaggerated, heavy contour lines withwhich he traces its outlines. In contrast toBandinelli's early drawing style (Fig. 7),here the hatching of the red chalk iscoarse -grained but also swift and decisive.

All these features can be found indrawings from Berruguete's Florentineperiod, such as the two red chalk studiesof the Madonna and Child after Donatello,now in the Uffizi (Figs. 8, 9).24 The short­hand simplifications of forms and planes,with summary treatment of details suchas hands and feet, exaggeratedchiaroscuro and heavy contour lines,closely correspond to those in the NaplesShiveringman. In these drawings and theShivering man, which must be closelycontemporary, one sees the same coarsebut firm parallel hatching, which followsthe simplifed planes of the figure . Thetreatment of the hands and feet is equallysummary - to say nothing of ears (whichseem to have been a matter for discom ­fort at this period in Berruguete's career).Yet the drawings all show the sameundeniable power in their employment ofheavy shadows to define the majorplanes of the faces, which are dominatedby the heavily shadowed recess of theireye-sockets and their pert, puckered,slightly projecting lips. The Naples Shiv­eringman, together with the Uffizi studiesafter Donatello, represent precious testi­mony for the young Berruguete'sassimilation of Florentine quattrocenio art.

A second new addition to the catalogueof Berruguete's drawings can be dated toa later phase of his development, someyears after his return to Spain. Thisunpublished sheet, now on extended loanto the Georgia Museum of Art (Fig. 10), isalso currently attributed to Bandinelli -

/~­

"

7 Combat of Ill/de men by Baccio Bandinelli (1488-1560), c. 1510.Black cha lk, 27.5 x 35.9 cm. British Museum

with lightning-qui ck stroke s of the quill.All the sketches are characterized byswift, nervous outlines and by sensitivelycontrolled hatching that follows the formsof the body in a manner recalling

6 Malenude breakil!g a rod(Studyfor the Betrothal of the Virgil! for 55 Annunziata)by Baccio Bandinel li (1488-1560), c.1512. Red cha lk, 27.8 x 29.8 cm. British Muse um

structure of out stretched arm s. The shee tillustrates varied phases of the crea tivepro cess, from the highly-w rought figurestudy in the centre to the rapid sketchesof anatomical details and heads, set down

who se nam e attracts so many problemat­ic drawings of this period - though aninscription on the back of the modernframe cites an earlier attribution toRapha el. A recent inscription on themount claims a pres tigious provenance:the drawing was allegedly purchased inRome by Goeth e, and subsequently givenby him to the Grand Duke ofSaxe-Weimar. Two un traced collector'smark s (a fleur-de-lis and the lett ers 'eM')app ear in the bottom left corner of theshee t. The Georgia drawing is domin atedby a large and highly finished recumbentmale figure, presumably a study for thefigure of Christ in an Entombment orLamentation . Above and below arereclining male nudes in contorted posestypical of Berrugu ete's work; their atti ­tude s suggest that they were designed torepresent the sleeping or startled soldiersin a Resurrection scene. The interveningspaces are filled with small studies ofmale and female heads - perhaps ideasfor the other characters in an Entomb­ment - together with an elegantly swiftsketch of a limp hand, and three anatom­ical studies of the muscle or bone

5 Shiocring lIlatl (after Masaccio 's Baptism of theNeophytes) here attr ibuted to Alonso Bcrru gucte(c. 1488-1561), c. 1508-10. Red chalk, 26.5 x 12.9cm. Musco Nazionalc di Capodimo nte, Na ples

25

Michelangelo's early drawings, such asthe studies for the Cascina Cartoon whichMichelangelo himself encouragedBerruguete to study. Parts of the tworecumbent figures above and below thecentral dead Christ are treated almost asecorches: these, together with the master­ful sketches of arm bones and muscles,reveal the artist's fascination with - anddetailed knowledge of - the structure ofthe human body. Such profound interestin anatomy - notably lacking in the draw­ings from Berruguete's early years inFlorence - is one of the most strikingcharacteristics of the artist's mature workin Spain ."

Comparison of the sheet in the GeorgiaMuseum with other works by Berrugueteconfirms its authorship. The tightly-wovennetworks of hatching, the summary treat­ment of hands, and the quivering,seismographic contour lines all reappear,for instance, in the artist's study, now inChicago, for a statue of Job (?) for theRetable of S Benito, Valladolid, carvedaround 1526-32 (Fig. 11).26In the Georgiadrawing, the powerful backs of the tworecumbent figures above and belowChrist are constructed in the same man­ner as the male nude seen from behind ina sheet in the Uffizi, which containspreparatory studies for the choir frieze ofToledo Cathedral, carved between 1543and 1548 (Fig. 12).27In the twisting nudeat the bottom of the Georgia sheet, forinstance, short, choppy strokes define thecriss-crosstopography of the shoulder-bladesjust as they do in the Uffizidrawing. In bothsketches, the artist similarly emphasizes thebulging muscles of the upper back, the deepindentation of the spinal cord, and the greatarc of the latissimus dorsi - allowing the sub­cutaneous musculature to show through asthough the figure were flayed. Curiously,however, in all the drawings mentionedBerruguete's obsessive concern withanatomical precision stops short at thehands, which (as in many of the artist'sfigure studies) are only lightly suggestedor summarily and crudely sketched.

Further evidence of Berruguete'sauthorship of the Georgia drawing comesfrom the fact that it can be connectedwith a specific commission. In 1526, theartist, already engaged in a cycle of fres ­coes for the Capilia Real of S Jeronimo inGranada, offered to produce two sculp ­tured altarpieces for the chapel's lateralaltars with scenes from Christ's Passion.Berruguete never received this commis­sion, but it is believed that the splendidEntombment (Fig. 13), formerly in the con-

26

' ""

8 Madonna and Child (afterDonatello) by AlonsoBerruguete (c. 1488-1561), c. 1508-10. Red chalk,36.6 x 26.9 cm. Uffizi, Florence

'IJ4 '"

9 tvuidonna and Child (after Donatcllo) (verso ofFig. 8) by Alonso Berruguete (c. 1488-1561), c.1508-10. Red chalk, 36.6 x 26.9 cm. Uffizi, Flo-renee

vent of S Jeronimo at Granada, carved bythe Florentine emigre Jacopo di LazzaroTorni, called I'Indaco Vecchio, shortlybefore his death in 1526, may have origi ­nated as part of the altarpiececommission in which Berruguete had ini­tially been involved." The central figureof the dead Christ in Berruguete's Geor­gia drawing corresponds extremelyclosely to Indaco's figure; in fact, the onlysignificant difference between the two isthat in Berruguete's study Christ's legsare crossed at the ankle, while in thesculpted group they extend straight out.The relationship of Berruguete's Georgia

drawing to Indacos wooden group sug­gests that the Spanish master's role in thedesign of artistic commissions at Granada- including those executed by othersculptors - needs to be reassessed.

The presence of foreign artists likeBerruguete and Bembo in renaissanceFlorence has been treated in breve by afew scholars, like Haendcke and Wacker­nagel." but its influence on the artistic lifeof the city is only gradually beginning tobe appreciated. Not only was the city avibrant centre of art production, it wasalso a crucial way station for artists head­ing southward to study the antiquities ofRome . Precious little is known about thefluid and shifting siraniero community inrenaissance Florence, but the sources giveintriguing glimpses of Spaniards likeLeonardo's assistant 'Ferrando Spagno­lo', Venetians like Domenico Veneziano,Friulians like Giovanni da Udine, Umbri­ans like Perugino, and Marchigians likeRaphael - not to mention a slew ofpainters from every part of Tuscany. Thearchives contain the names of foreignersin Florence whose careers are still onlyvery imperfectly understood. If we con ­fine ourselves to the period between 1460and 1510, for instance, we find that one'Iohannes Pieri de partibus Alarnanie.pictor' is recorded as living in the Floren­tine parish of S Lucia d'Ognissanti in1467.30 The same individual may perhapsbe identifiable with the anonymous,deceased 'pictor de Flandria' whosedaughter [acomina married a fellowcountryman in Florence in 1486.31 A ver ­satile emigre active in late quattrocentoFlorence was the woodworker, sculptorand painter from Utrecht named Alvise diTommaso di Giovanni, known as Lanzi,who was working at Florence in theparish of S Michele Visdomini by 1492."By 1502 he seems to have become a spe­cialist in waxworks, manufacturing votiveimages and statues for the nearby churchof SS Annunziata."

The archives also reveal the names of lit­tle-known artists who came to Florencefrom all over Italy. Some came from theVeneto, like the painter Gregorio di Giustoda Treviso who was living in the parish ofS Biagio in 1470/ ' or 'Batista olim Franciscilohannis pictor de Venetiis' who leased aworkshop in Florence in December 1531.35

There were the Lombards, like 'Magisterlacobus Petri Lancilotti de Lancilottis, pic­tor de Mediolano et habitator in populoSancti Laurentii de Florentia.' who con­tracted marriage with a Florentine dyer'sdaughter in 1493,'6 or [acopo di Piero da

10 Studies for a Dead Christalldotherfigures here attributed to Alonso Berruguete (c. 1488-1561), c. 1526.Pen and brown ink, 20.5 x 28.3 em. Georgia Museum of Art (extended loan from a private collection)

13 Entombment by [acopo Torni, called l'Indaco Vecchio,after designs by Alonso Berru guete (c. 1488-1561), c. 1526. Polychromed wood.

Museum of Fine Arts, Granada (formerly in the convent of S Jeronim o)

, A citizen of Valladolid named Gaspar stated in 1525that he had known Berruguete for eig ht years, whic hwould pla ce the artist in Vallado lid around 1517(Gomez Moreno, op . cit ., p. 148, note 2); Martin Gonza ­lez suggests that he ma y have come back as early as1516 . The first securely datable record of Berruguete'spresence in Spain comes from December 1518, when hesigned the contract for the tomb of Joan de Selvagio atSaragossa (Gomez More no, op . cit., pp . 23-39, doc .xxxv).7 The Via di Caffaggio men tioned in the doc ument can ­not be eit her the on e now incorporated in ViaNaz iona le or the one no w called Via deg li Ara zzieri: itmay be ide ntical wi th the forme r Via di Caffagio lowhich is now the stretch of Via deg li Alfani between Viadella Pergola and Borgo Pin ti; see Stradario storico eamministratioo della ciu« e del cmll/Ille di Firenze, 1'10 ­renee, 1913, pp . 3, 6, 81. The toponym is not mentioned

and Elisabetta Saccomani (eds.), Scritti di storiadeWarteill ollore di Sylvie BCgl/;'l. Na ples, 2001, pp. 109-46 .2 Giorgio Vasari, Levite de' pili eccctlent pittori, scultori edarchitettori, G . Milanesi (ed .) 9 vols ., Florence, 1878 -85,vol. v, p. 147, states that sev eral other artists - [acopoSansovino, Zaccaria Zacchi da Volterra, and Dom enicoAimo - were also called upon to produce copi es, andthat their competing labours were eventually judged byRaphael. The mo st pla usible attempt to sor t out thechro nology of Berruguctc 's Laocooll copy has been madein Caglio ti, op . cit., p. 119., Paola Baro cchi and Rcn zo Ristori (cds.), IICarteggio diMichelallgelo, cdiz ionc postuma di Giovanni Po ggi, fl o­rence, 1965, vol. J, p. 70, no. XJ.]X. Mich elangelod iscusses this requ est in a second letter wr itte n lat ertha t mo nth ; ibid., p. 76, no. Llii.

, Ibid., p. 125, no . XCII.

5 Caglioti, op . cit., p. 110.

I wo uld like to th ank Bill Eilan d. Andrew Lad is andRomita Ray for ma king it possible for me to study theBerruguete drawing in the Georgia Museum of Artunder absolutely idea l conditions; Dottoressa LuciaMonaci Moran for her extraordinary helpfulness duringmy study of Berruguet e's Uffizi drawings; and CarolineElarn, William E. Wallace and Katalin Wa ldman forhelpful suggestions., The fullest overviews of Berruguete's career areManuel Gomez Moreno, Las Aguilas del Rellacilllielltoespaiiot: BartolomeOrdonez, Diego Siloee. Pedro Machuca,Alonso Berrugucte, 1517-1558, Madrid, 1941, and J.J.Martin Gonza lez, •Alonso Berru guet e ', in Jan e Turner(ed.), The Diciionaru of Art, Lon don , 1996, vol. Ill , pp.845-48 (bo th with earli er bibli ography). Several addi ­tion al pieces of chronologica l in form ation - and seve ralnew attrib ut ions - appear in an importan t rece nt article,Francesco Cag liot i, 'Alonso Ber ruguet e in lta lia : Unnuovo documento fiorentino, una nuova fonte do natel­liana, qualche ulteriore traccia ', in Mario Di Giampaolo

Milano who seems to have been part ofDomenico Ghirlandaio's workshop" - tosay nothing of Leonardo's Milanese pupilSalai di Piero, who sometimes resided inthe Florentin e house of the master'sfather, Ser Piero da Vinci." Two importantBrescian masters, Girolamo Savoldo andFra' Girolamo d'Antonio, were working inFlorence during the early years of thecinquecento? And a document of 1492informs us that Dom enico di Franco diPiero 'lombardus architectus' was living inthe environs of Floren ce." A Bologn esepainter named Luca di Giovanni isdescribed as a [amulus in the household ofBartolomeo d'Andr ea Capponi in 1505 (asituati on recalling Piero di Cosima'sslightly earlier 'adoption' into the house­hold of Niccolo di Piero Capponi) ." It hasrecently come to light that during his lateryears Piero di Cosima lived with a myste ­rious Roman painter named Nicola diGiovanni di Rosa Caprini." Before comingto live with Piero, this master had workedin partn ership with a Venetian painternamed Agostino; as in the case ofBerruguete and Bernbo. it seems thatexpatriate artists in Florence tended toband together ." Caprini's significance inthe artistic life of Florence is also hinted atby new evide nce that he was a closefriend of Andrea del Sarto, who personal ­ly stood surety for him in 1516." Thesteady influx of foreign artists to whichthese notices attest is more than just asign of Florence's pre-eminence as anartistic centre. Foreign artists working andsojourning in the city brought with themnew styles and new ways of thinkingabout art. It was due in no small part tothem that Florentine renai ssance art wasso varied and diverse. Although we stillknow relatively little about the specificcontributions of most of these foreignartists, their presence is a part of the richtapestry of Florentine art - one which his­torians can no longer afford to ignore .

27

in Dem etri o G uccerelli, Stradario storico della citti: diFirenzc, Floren ce [1929]., O n Gian (or Giovan) Fran cesco Bembo, sec Mina Gre­gor i, 'Gian Fran ces co Bernbo', in I Campi e la culturaartistica cremonescdel Cinquecenio, exh. ca t., Musco Civi ­co, Cromo na, 1985, pp . 101 -10; Fran co Moro , , "Ca rta diTo rnasole": La pal a di Giovan Fran cesco Bernb o con isa nti Stefa no c Fran cesco', Paragone, no. 439, 1986, pp .17-33; M. Dachs, 'G ian Fran cesco Bcrnbo', in Saurs all­gemeines Kiinstler-Lexikon, Munich and Leip zig, 1994,vol. VIII, pp . 576-77 .• G reg o ri, op. cit., p . 103 . Co m pare the similar practiceof the sixtee n th-c en tury biologist Agricola , who, thoughbaptised as johannes Georgius, always used the simplenam e Ge orgius in his publications (Stephen j . Gould,'Whe n Fossils Were Young', Natural History, vol. CVII1,

no . 8, 1999, p. 251).tn Gregor i, op . cit ., p . 103. More recently Dachs , op. cit.,p . 576, gave Bembo's patronymic as Lorenzo, but wit h ­out citing a specific source.u N icole Dacos, 'Alonso Berruguete da ns l'a te lier deRaphael ', Arte Cristiana, vol. LXXIII, 1985, pp. 245 -57, hasidentified Bcrruguetc's hand in the decorations ofRap hael 's Vatican Logge and the grotesques in theLoggetta of Cardinal Bibiena, while Mar ia Grazia CiardiDupre Dal Poggetto, 'S ull 'attivi ta italiana di Alo nsoBcrrugucte scultorc', Commentari, vol. XIX, 1968, pp . 14­70, has traced Berruguete in a number of Italian worksdating to the mid - and late teen s; none of the se attribu ­tions has been generally accepted.u For a sum mary of such opinions, see Gregori, op . cit .,p . 101 . For the co ntext of the S Pietro al Po altarpiecewith in the broader Rezeptionsgeschichte of th e MadOlmadel Baldacchino, see Serena Pad ovani , 'C o ns ide raz io nisu lla fo rtuna della "Ma do nna de l Baldacchino " c unipo tesi', in Raffaello a Pitti, 'La Madonna del baldacchino:Storia e restauro, exh . ca t., Palazzo Pith , Flore nce, 1991,pp.21-34." Vasa ri- Milanc si, vo l. v, p. 147. For Ca rd ina l Soderin i,sec K.j .P. Low e, Church and Politics in Renaissance Italy:Tile Life and Career of Cardinal Francesco Sode,;ni,1453- 1524, Ca m bridge, 1993." M oro, op. cit., pp . 18, 22.is Rob erto Lon ghi, 'Co mp rima ri spagno li nell amani era ita lia na', Paragone, no . 43, 195 3, pp . 9 -10. Apossible sideligh t o n th e rel ati on ship be tweenBcrnbo a nd Berrugu et e is suggeste d by a picturekn o wn o n ly from photographs, th e Mad onna andChi ld form erl y in th e Crespi a nd Ch ies a co llec tio ns,which rep eats th e composition of Berruguete ' s UffiziMadonna in re verse (illustrated in Cag lio ti, op . cit .,fig . 4) . Th e Ch ris t Child in that painting, with hishe avy eyelids, gaping eyes, and emphatica lly mod ­elled features, is the twin of the Child in Bcrnbo'sMadonna and Child ioith Sts Stephen and Francis(Pinacoteca Civica, Cremona), for which, see Mor o,op . cit., figs . 18, 19, and both works feature Bcrnbo'sidiosyn crati c treatment of the Virgin' s face. Thoughth e Cres p i-C hies a Mad onna is dama ged and its pre ­se n t wh ereabouts a re unknown , the s im ila rities ofhandlin g it s hares with Bembo 's w ork s tro ng ly sug ­ges t that he is its au tho r.'" For the influ en ce of Raphael on Berrugu ete 's wor k,see Dacos, op. cit., p . 246.17 For th is painting and the other pr ed ella panels fromBem bo's d ismembered Madolllltl and Cllild witll StsStepllm and Francis alta rpiece, sec Greg or i, o p. cit., pp .104-106, nos . 1.9.2-6; Mor o, op. cit., p. 18, figs . 21-23.l' For this pa in ting, see Gregori, op . cit., pp. 106-10 8,no. 1.9.8.l' For the draw ing, sec A.E. Popham and K.M. Fenwick,European Drawings in tile Collection of tile NationalGallery of Canada, Toro nto, 1965, pp . 6-7, no . 6 (theattribut ion to Bemb o is followed in G regori, o p. cit., p .104). I wis h to th an k David Fran klin for brin gin gBembo's O ttawa sheet to my atte ntion." In the Life of Masaccio (Vasari -Mil an esi, vo l. II, p.299), it is sta ted that 'tutti i pitzcelebra ti scultori e pitt oriche so no sta ti da lui in qu a, eserc itandos i e studiando inq ues ta cappe lla, sono divenuti ecce llen ti e chiari:cioc ... Alon so Spagn olo .. '-21 Thoug h accepted as Rosso in Bern ard Berenson, TileDrawings of tile Florentine Painters, 2nd ed ition, Chicago,1938, p. 315, no . 2448 A, the drawing wa s published asanonymous in Pao la Barocch i, /I Rosso Fiorentillo, Rome ,1950, pp . 224-25 , after which it disappeared from theliterature on the Florentine pa inter. For the attribu tio nto Bandinelli, sec Eugene A. Carroll, Till' Drawings ofRosso Fiorentillo (PhD dissertation, Harvard University,1964), Ne w York and London, 1976, no . 1'.41 ." Roger Ward, Baccio Bmldinelli as a Drauglltsman,unpublish ed PhD dissertation, Uni versity of London,1982, no. 251; ide m, Baccio Bandillelli, 1493-1560: Draw-

28

11 Job (?) by Alonso Berruguete (c. 1488-1561), c.1526-32. Pen , 25.3 x 10 em . Art Institu te ofChicago

ings from British Coltcctions, cxh, ca t., Fitzwill iam Muse ­um, Cambridge, 1988, no. 5." The Nevin Leda is often associated with a lost cartoonof the same subject whi ch Vasari says Bandinclli drew in1512 (though it sho uld be noted that the Vasarianchronology of Baccio 's early years is extremly unreli ­able). The picture was last recorded at auction in Rome,Sangiorgi, 22 -27 April 1907, lot 153, 'BaldassarrePeruzzi, Led a e il Cigno. Qu ad ro su tavola in cornicedorata '." See Lizzie Boubli in L'offlcina della Maniera: Varieta eflerezza Ilell'arte del Cinquecento f ra Ie due repubblic!le,1494-1530, exh. cat., Uffizi, Flo ren ce, 1996, no. 119.25 Idem , ' "Magnifico mastre Alonso Berruguet e' : Int ro ­du ction a J'etude de so n oe uvre gra phiq ue', Revue de/'art, vol. elll, 1994, p. 18." For th e Chicago dr awing, whic h was modelled af terGiovan Fran cesco Rust ici's Preaclling of 5 t Jolln tile Bap­tist o n the Bapti ste ry, Florence, sec Suz anne Fold sMcCullagh in Suzanne Fold s McCull agh and Laura M.Gile s, Italiml Drawings before1600 in tile Art Institute ofCllicago: A Catalogue of tile Collection, Chi cago andPrinceton, 1997, pp . 33-34, no. 34.v Boubli , op . cit. in n . 25 above, pp . 13, 17; idem, op. cit.in n . 24 above, no . 112." For the Granada Entombmellt, sec Manuel GomezMoreno, 'En la Capilla Real de Granada', ArcllivoEspmlol de Arte e Arqueologia, vol. I, 1925, pp . 275 -76;jesus Hern an dez Perera, ESCliltores flomltino s ell Espalla,Madrid, 1957, pp . 28-29 . On Berruguete's 1526 propos­als for 'un deszen dimien to de la cruz e una pie dad' forthe Cap illa Real, see Gomez More no , 'Documentos rd­erentes a la Cap illa rea l de Granada', Arcllivo Espmlol deArte e Arqueologia, vol. II, 1926, p. 99, doc. xv; and idem,op . cit. in n . 1 above, p. 155. For Indaco (1476 -1526), secWilliam E. Wallace, 'Miche langelo's Assistants in th eSistine Chape l', Gazette des Beaux-Arts, vol. ex, 1987, p.

207 (with bibliography) . In light of the extreme ly scan tydocumentation for Indaco's career, it see ms worthwhileto present a very early contract (dated 7 May 1499)recording a four -year lease tak en out by the art ist on ahouse located in the parish of S Bartolom eo in Floren ce;Floren ce, Archivio di Stato (hereaft er ASF), No tarileAntecosimiano, 4896 (Romolo Cecc hi, 1495-1504), no .16): 'Conven tio pro Fran cisco de Mart ellis facta per se rDavit. /I Item po st ea , dictis anno, indi ction e, die veroMartis se ptima men sis Maii . Actum in Audi entia supe r­sta n tis Stin charum de F1orentia, presentibus Ioh anneFran cisci Berti , farsettario, e t Fran cisco Leon ardi Pauli,un o ex custod ibus Stincharum pred ictarum. II Cum sitq uod, de anno Domini predicto et mense Maii , lacobuso lim Lazeri Bartolomei, pictor, per se et suos her ed esco nd uxeret a ser Davit Sandri ve tra rii, pr esbitero flo­rcntino, quandam domum cum suis habituris e t ed ificiispositam Florentie in populo Sancti Benedicti de Floren ­tia, infra suos confines, pro tempore annorum quatuorinceptorum prima die prescntis rnensi s Maii et pro pen ­sione flore norum decem auri largorum auri in auroquolibet anno so lvcndorum de sex rnensibus in sexmenses, prout de his om nib us co nstare d ixerunt prouno instr umento roga to ma nu presenti no tarii, ad quo det con ten ta in co re lati o hab catu r. Et cum sit ut asscruitidem se r Davit et d ictus Iacobus quod d ictus ser Davitoccasionc d icte pensionis ha bueri t et rcccpcrit a dictoIacobo flo renum unum auri largi in auro, undo hod iehac prcsenti suprascripta die dictus Iacobus in presentiarnci notarii et testium infrascriptorum constitutus delicentia dicti se r Davit et Sandri eiu s patris ibidem pr e­se ntium ct eidem lacobo licentiam dantium, omnimeliori modo etc., dictam pensionem totius dicti tern ­pori s dictorum anno rum quatuor mod o ct forma indi cto instrumento locationis ct cond uctio n is contentis,cxcepto dicto floreno ut supra eide rn se r Davit so luto e thoc cas u qu o di ctus Iacobus ten eat et possid eat dictamdomum dare e t solvere promis it etc. Fran cischo Rob ertide Martell is e t soci is in arte lan e, licet abse ntibus, etGuido ni olim Niccho lai de Ca m bis, civi florentino, uniex dictis soc iis, pro di ctis soc iis ct co ru rn heredibus etsuccessoribus e t quolibet eo ru m recipienti ct stipulanti.Et casu qu o dictu s Jacobu s so lu tione m pr edi ctam nonservaret, dictus ser Davit p romi sit etc. ita e t taliter curareq uod di ctam so lu tio nem faciet dictu s Iacobus modo etfor ma predictis, a lias de suo proprio atendere et obser­vare, se princi palite r e t in totum obli gando. Que omniadictus laco bus promisit obscrvare ct solutionem predic­tam facer e modo et forma pr ed ictis, sub penaflorcn orum xxv auri largorum, que etc., qu a e tc., proqui bus etc. obligavit ctc ., rcnurnptiavit etc. ct d ictu s serDavit pro predic tis observandis obligavit sc in pleniori etmeliori forma Camere Aposto lice cum con sti tut ionepro curatoris ct cum iuramento ct aliis visibilibus apponico ns uctis e tc. Rogans etc. Quibus peractis, prefatusGuido, suo nomine proprio ct dic torum so ciorum, etle roni mus Filippi de Scarpcria, c tiarn nomine suo pro­prio ct socio rum suorum. fuerunt con ten ti quod vigo redictc promissionibus ut supra facto suprascriptus Sandervetrarius re lap setur a dictis Stinchis civitatis, quibusdet emptus erat ad corum instantiam, et sic eundemSandrum Iicentiaverunt. Rogantes e tc.' jacopo wa s thebrother o f Francesco deJl' Indaco (Fran cesco di Lazzarod i Bart olomeo) , for wh om , sec David Franklin, 'Docu­menti per un a pala d 'altare di Fran cesco Indaco adArezzo', Rivista d 'Arte, vo l. XLIV, 1992, pp . 341- 50; alsoASF, No ta rile Anteco simiano 1232 (Raffae llo Baldesi,1511 -14 ), fols. 28v-29, in wh ich Fran cesco and th epainter Andrea di Donato d 'Andrea appear as \vitn essesto the donation of a tomb in S Mich ele Visdo mini toGiovan Simo ne di Mar co di Bart olom eo di maest roLacha (10 Septembe r 1511). Giovan Sim on e was a closefriend and later an heir of the painter Piero di Cosim o(Louis Alexande r Waldman, ' Fact, Fiction , Hearsay:No tes on Vasari 's Life of Piero di Cos imo', Art Bulletill,vo l. LXXXII, no . 1, 2000, pp . 172 -73) . For And rea diDon ato, see Dominic Ellis CoIn aghi , Coillaglli's Dictio­lIary of Florelltille Paillters, Florence, 1986, p. 15; Loui sAlexand er Waldman, 'The "Ma ste r of the Kress Land­scap es" Unmasked: Giovanni Lar ciani and theFucecchio Altar-piece ', Burlillgtoll Magazille, vol. CXL, no .1144 Ouly 1998), p. 462.,. Berthold Haendcke, Ocr frallzosisch-delltscll-llieder­ltindisc!leEillfluss auf die italiCllisclle KlIlISt von etwa 1200bis etwa 1650, Strasbourg, 1925, pp . 64 -66; MartinWackernage l, The World of the Florelltme RenaissanceArtist: Projects alld PatrOl ls, Worksllop alld Art Market,translated by Alison Luchs, Prin ceton, 1981, pp.303 -304 .." ASF, Notarile An tecosimiano, 234 (Giovann i BattistaAlbizi, 1465-70), fol. 21.' 1 ASF, Notarile An tecosimiano, 6240 (Domenico diBuonaccorso, 1466 -89) , fol. 135v : 'Da tio Anu li. In Dei

nomine amen. Anno Domini ab cius salutifera inchar­na tione 1486, indict ione quinta et die 25 mensisNovernbris more Florentinorurn . Actum Florenti e, inpopulo Sancti Petri Maioris . ..Patcat omnibus evidenterqual iter domina Iachoba sive Iacornina , filia olim pic­toris de Flandria [sic], ex parte una , et IachobusIohanni s vocato G[ijachotto de Hyner, tcutonichus sivede Alarnania bassa .. .Iegiptime matrimonium con ­traxeru nt . . .'" The artist is mentioned in a fragmentary document inASF, Notarile Antecosimiano, 19462 (Giovanni Spigliati,1495-99), unpaginated (3 October 1495): 'Item posteaincontinenti, eadem loco et prcsentibus suprascriptistestibus, etc. Loisius olirn Thornasii de Ute res de Ala­mania bassa. legnaiolu s, scultor et pittor , commorans incivitate Florentie , let) dicti populi Sancti Michaelis Vicedorninorurn civitatis Florentie, ut et tanquam procuratordurntaxat tam in vita quam post mortem Loisii ctlohannisfrancisci [deleted: illegible a domina] et domineLisabettc [deleted: filiis], filiorum ct filie olim magistriJacobi Iohannis Blanchar de Maligncs de Alarnaniabassa. ct dicta domina Lisabetta. in prcsentia dicti Loisiiconstituta a dicta Loisio, lohannifrancisco et dornineLisabette [deleted: et) eorum nominibus propriis ac utheredes ct heredis nomine in tatum ab intestato dictimagistri Jacobi eorum olim patri s etc., modis etnorninibus in eorurn et in cuiuslibet eorum contentis,rogatis ... [breaks ofI).' See also Notarile Antecosirniano,5982 (Giorgio Dainelli , 1495-96), fols. 106, 111. Hematriculated as a painter with the Arte dci Medici eSpeziali in 1492 (Karl Frey, Die Loggia dei Lanzi Zll Flo­rellZ, Berlin, 1885, p. 344; Wackernagel, op. cit., p. 303,note 10)." Alvise di Tornma so di Giovanni was referred to as'sculptor et ceraiuolo vocato Lanzi ceraiuolo dicti populi[Sancti Michaeli s Viccdorninorum] when, on 30 june1502, he appeared as a witness to an inventory of theestate of Geri di Piero Girolami; the other witness wasthe ccraiuolo Mariotto di Domenico di Stefano of thesam e parish : ASF, Notarile Antccosimiano, 15532 (PierFrancesco O livieri, 1502-09), fol. 2. This versatile for­eigner was still living in the same parish in january1509: see ASF, Notarile Antec osimiano, 5957 (AntonioDainclli, 1500-1508), fol. 230: ' Item postea dictis anno,indictione et die XVIII' rnensis Ianuarii, Actum in Floren­tie, in populo Sancti Michaellis Bisdomini de viaServorum de Florentia , presentibus Aloysia Masiilohanni s scultore, alias Lanzii teutonico de Alamania,ad presens Florentie commorante in dicto populo, etBenintendi lacobi Benintendi, ceraiuolo dicti populiSancti Michaellis Bisdomini , testibus etc . ..' His sonDomenico also became a sculptor: Notarile Antecosimi ­ana, 15851 (Zan obi Pace,1519-22), fol. 211.~ ASF, Notarile Antecosimiano, 7911 (Francesco di Dino,1465-74), fol. 241. Gregorio may have worked togetherwith the Florentine cassone painter Marco del Buono,who appears togeth er with him as a witness in this con ­tract." Asr, Notarile Antecosimiano, 17247 (Piero Pontassievi ,1530-36), fol. 41v.30 ASF, Notarile Ante cosimiano, 3607 Oacopo Buonaiuti ,1488-95), fols. 181v-82 (15 October )." jacopo and Ghirlanda io app ear together as witnessesto a dow ry agreement of Baccio da Montelupo in ASF,

No tarile Antecosimiano, 17863 (Zanobi Riccoldi Ric­cobaldi, 1488-96), fols. 147-47v (14 April 1493): 'Actumin popul o Sancti Michaellis Vicedominorum de Floren ­tia, presentibus Dominicho olim Tommasii Curradipictore et magistro lachobo olim Pieri de Mediolanopictor dicti populi , testibus etc.' jacopo di Piero daMilano is possibly identi cal with the assistant namedjacopo documented in payments to Ghirlandaio durin gthe early 1490s Oean K. Cadogan, DomellicoGhirlalldaio:Artist alld Artisall, New Haven and London, 2000, pp .167, 169)." As attested by a jideillssio of a pizziCtlgllOlo's son namedAntonio di Neri, dated 10 October 1500, preserved inser Piero 's notarial proto cols (ASF, Notarile Antecosimi ­ana, 16838 [piero da Vinci, 1499-1502], fol. 178v) : ' Itempostea eisde m anno, indiction e et die x' dicti mensisOttobris. Actum Florentie, in populo Sancti PetriMaioris, in dom o habitationis mei notarii infrascripti ,presentibus testibu s etc. Pellegrino Stephani Pieri MeiVannu cci, populi Sancte Marie a Faltognano, comunisVinci, comitate Florentie , et Salai Pieri pictore de Medi ­olano, habitatore hodie Florentie in domo mei notariiinfrascripti .. .',., For Savoldo's 1508 matriculation in the Florentinepaint ers' guild, sec Creighton Gilbert, The Works of Giro­lamo Savoldo: The 1955 Dissertatioll with a Review ofResearch, 1955-1985, New York and London , 1986, pp .417-18. On Fra' Girolamo 's activity in Florence, see LouisAlexander Waldman , 'Documenti inediti su Filippino e Ie

II--i.

12 Studies of putti, seated lila lc figllre seen [nnnbehind and architectural sketches by AlonsoBerruguete (c. 1488-1561), c. 1543-48. Pen andink, 30.7 x 18.3 em. Uffizi, Florence

sue opere ', and jonathan Nelson and Louis AlexanderWaldman, 'J collabora tori nelle botteghe tarde di Filip­pino Lippi: Fra' Girolamo da Brescia, iI "Maestro diMemphis" e la pala d'altare a Fabbrica di Peccioli', bothin Franca Faletti and jonathan Nelson (eds.), La Depo­siziOlle di Filippi>1O Lippie del re1/6~1I0 per /' altar maggioredella 55 AlIIlllllziataa FirellZe, forthcoming." ASF, Notarile Antecosimiano, 15918 (Giovanni BattistaPaganucci , 1488-93), fol. 157." The docum ent is the appointment of a guardian ormlllldllaldlls by Maria di Piero di Luca Albizi, wife ofNiccoliJ di Michele Capponi: Asr, Notarile Antecosimi­ano , 12511 (Raffaello del Maestro, 1504-11), insert 1,fol. 203: ' In Dei nomine amen. Anno Domini nostriYhesu Christi ab eius salutifera incarnatione M"CCCCCV',

indictione VIIIet die XXVI mensis Aprilis. Actum in popu ­lo Sancte Lucie de Magnolis de Florenti a, temporesan ctissimi in Christo Pape domini, domini nostri papelulii divina providentia pape secundo, anna secundo, etpresentibus testibus ad infrascripta omni a et singulavacha tis, habiti s et rogatis , videlicet lohanne Michaellislohannis vocato Tartaro, suture populi Sancte MarieMaioris de Florentia et Lucha magistri lohannis pictorede Bononia , famulo ad presens Bartholomei Andre[e)de Chapponibus.'" Waldman, op. cit. in n. 28 above (2000), p, 174. Pierodi Cosima's connection with Caprini 's native city afterthe 1480s is attested by a single , unpublished docu ­ment, in which he appointed a pro curator to collect adebt for him there (ASF, Notarile Antecosimiano, 1231[Raffaello Baldesi, 1509-11), fols. 137-37v) : ' Procura,Die XXIII Maii 1510. Petrus Laurentii Petri pictor f10 ­rentinus, citra revocatione etc. , omni modo etc., fecit,constituit etc. suum procuratorem etc. Raynaldus deRicasolis, civem et mercatorem f10rentinem RomanamCuriam sequentem, Iicet absentem etc., ad exigendumetc., et de exactis finiendum etc., et pro predictis agen ­dum etc., cum potestate substitutuendi etc., et cum aliisoportunis in forma Curie plenissima etc . Rogans etc.Actum in audientia arch ievescovalis curie florentine,presentibus ser Benedicta ser lohannis de Vichoratopresbitero et ser Simone Dini Doni de Ponte Sevisnotario f1orentino testibus etc.' The fact that Piero drewup the document in the Archiepiscopal court suggeststhat it probabl y con cerned a debt from a churchman orreligious foundation ." ASF, Notarile Antecosimiano, 2312 (Benedetto di Mat ­teo, 1515-17), unpaginated (18 September 1515):' Locatio ad pensionem. Die Marti[s], XVIII dicti mensis.

Venerabilis vir dominus Ludovicus de Aymari is(?), vic­arius monasterii Sancti Antonii de Florentia, locavit adpensionem Nichole Rose pictor de Urbe, [added in mar ­gin : et Augus tino (illegible) de Venetiis eius sotius (?),pro quibus de rata prornisit per tatum prcsentcm]Petrus Michaelis Fruosini da Castiglione, populi Plebisde Gaville, habitator Florentie in dornibus SanctiAntonii [deleted: illegible) prescnti. unarn salarn cum[deleted: su (?)] duabus carneris et cucina posita indornibus Sancti Antonii , quas tenebat ad pensionemSimon de [deleted: illegible] Capponibus, pro tempore[deleted: unius anni ] et terrnino [deleted: sex] uniusanni proximo futuri etc., [deleted: inci] pro pensioneducatorum octo auri largorum de auro in auro, solven ­dorurn de tribus mensibus in tres menses in antea, etpro primis [deleted: sex] tribus rnensibus dictus locatorconfessus fuit habuisse etc. [deleted : cum ad(?)] Et cumpacta reso lutive etc" cum prornissione, obligatio ne etaliis in similibus consuetis etc. Obligans in formaCarnerc [etc.]. Actum in dornibus dicti monasterii SantiAntonii, presentibus fratrc Georgia de Ciamboreriis(?),c1erico turinensi(?), et Martino de Vallettis dicte dioce ­sis.'" ASF, Notarile Antecosimiano, 6347 (Donato diFrancesco da Monteverdi, 1514-16), fol. 27: 'Recognitiodebiti. Item postea, die Lune, XXI II rnensis Martis 1515[1516 modern style] . Actum Florentie, in populo SanctiLaurentii florentini, presentibus Andrea Ieronimi, pic­tore, et Ambros io loh annis, familiari III.m, Ducis Urbini,testibus, Nichola Iohannis Rose, pictor populi Sancti deFlorentia [sic] per se et suos heredes etc., ornni rneliorimodo quo potu it etc. recognovit etc. ac publice confes ­sus fuit se fore ac esse verum ac legitimum debitoremhonorandi viri Alexandri Stefani de Bononia, ad presenshabitatoris Florentic et Guardarobe l ll ." Ducis Urbini,de summa et quantitate libra rum XX\1I1 cum dimidio,occasione residua brach iorum novem et tres quartaspanni Iini monachini eidern per dictum Alexandrumvenditorum etc, quam quantitatem promisit eidern sol­vcre hinc ad per totarn xv diem mcnsis Augusti proximofuturi , unica solutione sufficiente, Florentiae, Pisis etc.,cum promissionibus, penis et aliis in similibus usitatis.Et eius precibus ac mandatis magister Andreas de lSarto, pictor florentinus, sciens se ad predicta non tenerietc., sed volens efficaciter teneri etc., stetit fideiussor,etiam ut principalis, penes dictum Alexandrum, presen ­tem et acceptantem, cum promissionibus, dictis, peniset aliis in similibus usitatis. Rogantes etc.' The fact Sartowas willing to assume the responsibility for securingNicola Caprini's debt sugge sts that the two painterswere close friends. It might even be that at this earlydate Nicola was working in Andrea's workshop, along ­side the other painter mentioned in this document,Andrea di Girolamo (perhaps iden tifiable with thepainter Andrea Sguazzella who went to France asSarto 's assistant in 1518).

AppendixAlonso Berruguete and Cian Fran cesco Bembo

lea se a house in Via di Cafaggio in Florence(AS~, Notarile Antecosimiano, 5

[Andrea di Banco, 1508-11), fols. 89-89v)

[In marg in:] Locatio ad pens ionem [deleted: unius illeg­ible) unius anni.Die VIII Agusti 1509, indictione XII.

Ser Franciscus Antonii Restori, notarius et civis f10 ­rentinus, omni modo etc., locavit ad pensionem

Alfonso Berugetti spano, pictori in civitate Rorentine, etFrancisco Zacherie de Cremona, etiam pictori in dicta

civitate,presentibus et conducentibus etc., med ietatem uni usdomus posite in populo Sancti Petri Maioris de F1oren­tia, et in via qu e dicitur Cafaggiuol o, infra suisconfinibus etc., pro tempore un ius anni proxime futuri,incipiendi die sexta futuri mensi s Septembris et utsequitur finiendi , pro pretia in dicta anna f1orenorumqua tuor largorum auri, solvendo quolibet[quadrimestre changed to:ltrimestre etc. et de rata f10 ­renum unum largum auri in auro. Et cum pacta quod,si dicti conductores no llent finire dictum annum indicta domo, teneantur procurare consensum etc ., etconcedens iIlud dictus dominus locator, et [sic] tuncdicta pensio duret per unum menseum a die notifica ­tionis etc. Promittens dictus locator etc. , durare dictatempore etc. Et e converso dicti conductorespromiserunt, finito dicta tempore etc . Que omnia etc.promiserunt etc. actendere etc. sub pena f1orenorum 25largorum etc. Que pena etc., qua pena etc ., pro qu ibusetc. observantia etc. renumptians etc., quibus per guar ­entigiam etc. Rogans etc.

29