Educational content in the performing arts: tradition and

Christianity in Kenya

by

Florence Ngale Miya

A Dissertation presented to the Faculty of Humanities

South African College of Music

University of Cape Town

In fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of

Doctor of Philosophy (Ethnomusicologyr

October 2004

Supervisor: Dr Anri Herbst

The copyright of this thesis vests in the author. No quotation from it or information derived from it is to be published without full acknowledgement of the source. The thesis is to be used for private study or non-commercial research purposes only.

Published by the University of Cape Town (UCT) in terms of the non-exclusive license granted to UCT by the author.

Univers

ity of

Cap

e Tow

n

Declaration

This work has not been previously submitted in whole, or in part, for the award of any

degree. Each significant contribution to, and quotation in, this dissertation from the

work, or works, of other people has been attributed, and has been cited and

referenced.

Signature ....................................... . Date ............................. .

ii

Dedication

To my husband, Gilbert H. Miya, who greatly supported me throughout my studies

and loved me enough to let me pursue my goal;

To my mother, who was always there when I needed her support and prayers;

You have both demonstrated your great love, help and support for me and have let

me see God's love through you.

To the Lord God Almighty for his provision, strength, wisdom and spiritual guidance

iii

Abstract

The performing arts (a combination of music, dance and dramatisation) in the church

in Kenya have not received much scholarly attention. These performing arts as

adopted by Christian dance groups in Kenya have not been fully accepted into

Christian circles because of the indigenous and popular music influences that govern

them. This study therefore sets out to determine the educational role that the

performing arts in the church in Nairobi playas demonstrated by a Nairobi Christian

dance group, the Maximum Miracle Melodies.

The study involved extensive field research, which was conducted in Nairobi and

Kakamega, Kenya, and included a literature review, data collection through

participant observation and interviews, as well as data analysis using the following

software packages: NVIVO (qualitative data analyses), Benesh Editor (dance

notation) and Sibelius (music notation). Case studies were conducted on four

different categories of performing arts groups: (i) the Maximum Miracle Melodies,

which has greatly influenced churches in Kenya with their performing arts; (ii) the

Amalemba Matende Ngwaro isukuti, a neo-traditional Luhya group, and the Mukumu

Girls High School isukuti dance group; (iii) Koffi Olomide's group, a Congolese

popular music ensemble; and (iv) Kirk Franklin's Christian contemporary performing

arts group from the United States of America. Video clips of the performing arts of

these groups were recorded onto a VCD that forms part of this thesis.

The findings show that Christian dance groups in Kenya have adapted performing

arts from North American contemporary Christian music, Congolese popular music

and African indigenous and neo-traditional music. This influence is evident through

their performances, ideologies and reference points. The Christian performing arts

groups use songs informed by biblical texts, supported by dance styles and

dramatisations as well as dance styles that do not interpret song texts, but are

embedded in Congolese soukous and North American contemporary hip-hop.

Conflicting ideas and messages are thus transmitted to the audience. The study has

therefore developed a theoretical framework on how the performing arts can be used

to educate viewers and participants on social, moral, spiritual and musical matters. It

also indicates how the church can incorporate the performing arts in ways that are

more meaningful.

IV

Acknowledgements

This work would not have been possible without the support, assistance and advice

from a variety of people. I therefore would like to thank the following:

• Daystar University, Kenya, for granting me study leave and financial support;

• My supervisor, Dr Anri Herbst, for her continual wise scholarly advice, encouragement and support. She has been a great mentor and model;

• The University of Cape Town, for the opportunity of studying at this university;

• The Maximum Miracle Centre Ministries' leaders, Pastor and Mrs Muiru, the musicians, dancers, research participants and television crew for granting me access and for providing the necessary data for this work;

• The dance groups and musicians that I worked with: Amalemba Matende Ngwaro Isukuti dance group, Maximum Miracle Melodies, and Annie Clement and her Indian dance group;

• Mr George Mwiruki, lecturer at the School of Music at Kenyatta University, Kenya, who viewed the video material and verified my observations about the Isukha performing arts with special reference to isukuli music;

• Dr Jean Kidula at the School of Music, University of Georgia, for her professional advice and verification of the chapter on the isukuti performing arts;

• Mr Eduard Greyling, lecturer in the School of Dance, University of Cape Town, for his help with the computerised dance notations using the Benesh Editor software;

• Dr Jacques de Wet, lecturer in Social Science, University of Cape Town, for his professional assistance with the NVIVO software package;

• Mr Jacob Mwendwa, Ms Mercy Shivachi, my mother Ms Peninnah Musumba and Mr Ken Bakuli for acting as research assistants;

• The South African College of Music library staff for their assistance in acquiring the necessary sources for my work. A special note of thanks to Mrs julie Strauss, the head librarian, Mrs Shaheema Luckan and Mr Keith Holdstock, senior librarians;

• The Kenya Institute of Education for providing the necessary materials I needed for my research;

• The Steadman group for providing the necessary data on television viewership and radio listeners in Nairobi;

• Mr Adrian More for the setting of music examples using Sibelius software;

• Mr Harrison Njuguna, technician at Daystar University, for teaching me video editing procedures, which enabled me to edit my videos and compile the VCD that accompanies this thesis.

• Dr. Edwin Hees at the Department of English, University of Stellenbosch, for his professional assistance with copy editing.

v

Table of contents

Declaration ............ . .... . ............... . ...... ... ... .. '" ... . ...... , ............. .... . ................ , ii

Dedication ...... ......... ....................... . ...... ...... .... ..................... ... ................... iii

Abstract. .......... . ........ ........................... .. .. .. . ... ...... ........ ........ .. .. ....... . .......... iv

Acknowledgements .. . ... . .... . ..... . .. .... . ... .. . ... .. . , . .... ...... ...... .. .. .. .... . . " . .. .... .. .... .... v

Table of contents ... . .. ... .. . .. . ... ... . .. ... ................ .. . ... .. .. .. ... ... .. .. . ... .... . . ... . .. ...... . vi

List of figures ... . ...... ...... .. .. . ... ..... . .. . .. .. ... ... . .. ..... .... ... .. .. ..... . ........ . . . .. ........... .. xi

List of tables ... . ...... ..... ...... ... ........... .. .. ........... . ................. ......... . .. ............... xi

List of plates ......... .. . ... .. . .. . ................ ...... .. ...... .................... . .. .. ................. xiv

Chapter One: Purpose, research methodology and literature review

Introduction .. . . ... .. ... ......... ... ..... .. ... ... . ...... ... . .. . .. ... . .. . .... .. ... . .. ... ... .. . . ....... . ...... 1

1. Statement of the problem ............ ..... . ... .. . .. . .. . ..... . ....... .. ..... .. .. .... ......... . .4

2. Significance of the study ................ ..... .. . .................... ...... ... ... .............. 9

3. Demarcation of the study ..... .. .......... .. .. ... ................ .. . ... ..... .. ....... .. ..... 1 0

4. Ethical considerations ... .. .. .. ...... .. ....... ...... .. ... . .. . .. ....... .. .. .. ..... ..... .. . .. .. . 12

5. Research design ... . ....... .. .. ...... .. .. .. ...... .. ...... ... . ..... . .. . .. . ..... .... .... ......... 13

5.1 Data collection .. .. ... ... .. ... .... .. .. . ... .... , ...... . .......... .. ... ..... ... .. ... .. . .. 13

5.2 Data analysis ... .. .. .... ... ... .. . ..... . .......... .... . ...... .. . ........... ... . .. . ..... 19

5.3 Literature review ..................... .. . ... .................. ... . .. .. .. ... ............ 20

5.3.1 Christian dance groups .. .. .. ... .. ............... ... . ..... ...... . .......... 21

5.3 .2 Christianity and church music in Kenya .. .. .. ........ ... .. ... .. ....... 22

5.3.3 The performing arts and education ......... .. .. .. .. .. .................. 23

5.3.4 Communication and education ..... ........ .. .......... .. .... .. ... ... ... 24

6. Chapter outline ... ..... ... .... ...... .. . .. .... .. . ..... .... .. . .. ... ....... .. .... .. . .. ... . .. ....... 25

7. Umitations of the study ..... .. .... .. .... .. ...... .. ......... .. ............ . ... .. .... .. ........ 26

vi

Chapter Two: The development of church music in Nairobi: a historical account

Introduction ............................................................... .. ............................ 27

1. Historical background ........................................................... .. ........ 27

1.1 Kenya .. . ............ ....... . ............. 27

1.2 Nairobi .............................................................................. 29

2. Christianity in Kenya ........... . ................... ... ............. . . ............... 31

2.1 Missionary era .............................................. . . ............... 31

2.2 Christianity after independence ...................... . ..................... .. 36

3. Church music development in Nairobi ................................................... 37

3.1 The missionary era: late nineteenth century to the mid-1960s ........... 37

3.2 The post-independent era: 1963 to end of the twentieth century ........ 41

3.3 The beginning of the twenty-first century....... .............. .. .. .46

Chapter Three: The isukuti performing arts of the Isukha

Introduction ............................................................................................. 47

1. Historical background of the Luhya ............... .. .. .. ................................ .48

2. The indigenous Isukha ...................................................................... 51

2.1 Isukha background ................................................................. 51

2.2 Isukha religious heritage ...................................... .. .................. 53

2.2.1 Ancestors ........................................................ . ......... 54

2.2.2 Diviners...... .......................... .. ...... .. .... 55

2.2.3 Witchdoctors ................................................................. 57

2.3 Jsukuliperforming arts ....................... . ................................. 59

2.3.1 Indigenous cultural context. .............................................. 60

(a) Songs ..................................................................... 61

(b) Music instruments.. . .... .. .. .. ...... 68

2.3.2 Dance formations, movements, styles and drama.. .. ........... 77

3. The isukuli performances of the neo-traditional Isukha .............................. 77

3.1 The AmaJemba Malende Ngwaro isukuli dance group .................... 78

3.1.1 Performances................................... . ............ 78

3.1.2 Song repertoire and dance movements ........ .. . ............ 81

3.1.3 Learning of music and dance movements ........ . . ............ 83

vii

3.2 The Mukumu Girls High School isukuti dance group ........................ 83

3.3 Dance formations, styles, movements and drama ........................... 87

3.3.1 Dance formations ...................................................... ...... 87

3.3.2 Dance styles .................................................................. 90

4. Factors influencing dance formations, dance movements and dramatisation ............................................................................. 94

4.1 Rhythm, tempo and melody ....................................................... 94

4.2 The role of the singer soloist. ........................................... , ......... 96

4.3 Songs and structure ................................................................. 97

4.4 Context of performance ....... .. ... ......................... . .. .. .................. 98

4.5 Improvisation .......................................................................... 98

5. Educational role of the performing arts ...... .. ......................................... 100

5.1 General education .................................................................. 1 01

5.2 Socio-cultural educational roles ................................................ 1 03

5.3 Religious educational roles ....................................................... 104

5.4 Music educational roles .......... .......... .. ..................................... 105

6. Summary ....................................................................................... 108

Chapter Four: Popular music from the Congo and Kenya

Introduction ............................................................................................. 1 09

1. Popular music in sub-Saharan Africa ................................................... 1 09

1.1 The growth of popular music in Kenya ............ ............................ 11 0

1.2 Congolese popular music: rumba .............................................. 115

1.3 Congolese performing arts: Loi. ................... . ............................. 118

1.3.1 Song .......................................................................... 118

(a) Text and message .................................................... 118

(b) Melody and rhythm .................................................... 121

(c) Form and instrumentation ........................................... 123

1.3.2 Dance ........................................................................ 125

(a) Choreographic pattern formations ................................ 126

(b) Dance movements .................................................... 127

I. Nzomo ............................................................... 128

ii. The'wriggle' ................................................ · ........ 128

iii. Ndombolo ...... .................. ................. . ......... ... ..... 128

viii

IV. Variation of right stomp .......................................... 128

v. Bingeli .. ............... 128

vi. Yumbani ................. . ....... ........ .. . ................ 128

vii. Micko ....... . ............... 130

1.3.3 Dramatisation ..... . ..................... 131

1.4 Educational content in Congolese performing arts: Koffi Olomide's dance group............ ................ .. ........................ 133

Chapter Five: Christian dance groups in the United States of America: a case

study

Introduction ...... ............... 135

1. Historical background .......... . ............................................. 135

2. Performing arts in the Christian contemporary church: Revolution ............. 139

3.

2.1

2.2

2.3

2.4

2.5

Text ........ .. ..................................................................... 140

Form .................................. .. .. .. . ...... ........... . ................... 143

2.2.1 Responsorial ...................... ..

2.2.2 Verse and refrain.

2.2.3 Prelude and song ..

. .... , ................... 143

. ............ 143

. .......................... 143

Rhythm and instrumentation ................................... .. . ........ 144

Dance .............................. . . .. ........ 144

Dramatic actions .............................. . . ............................... 148

Educational contents in North American performing arts: Kirk Franklin ................................................................................ .. ... 150

Chapter Six: The role of performing arts in the Christian church - a case study of the Nairobi dance group Maximum Miracle Melodies

Introduction ..................... .. ..................................................................... 152

1.

2.

3.

4.

Historical background of Maximum Miracle Centre Ministries .................... 152

The founding of Maximum Miracle Melodies ............ ............. . . .... 156

Reasons for the inclusion of the performing arts in MMCM activities ......... 157

Factors influencing dancers' choice of music, dance and drama .............. 165

4.1

4.2

4.3

4.4

Musical factors ...... . ................. 166

Spiritual factors ................................ .

Electronic media factors ........... ..

Formal schooling factors ................................... ..

...... 175

.177

.. 179

IX

4.5 Maximum Miracle Centre Ministries' musicians ............................. 180

5. The significance of dance/drama movements and their relationship to music ..................................................... . ... '" ............ 182

6. Educational role of MMM performing arts ............................................. 198

Chapter Seven: The performing arts in Kenyan churches - a theoretical framework

Introduction ........................................ , ............. '" .................................... 200

1. Theoretical framework ...................................................................... 202

1.1 The members of the congregation ........................................ . ..... 203

1.2 Educational content.. ........................... , .................................. 205

1.3 The education process ............................ ................................ 21 0

1.3.1 Nature of process ......................................................... 211

1.3.2 Implicit, associative, observational and oral kinaesthetic

ways of learning ...... ........................................ .. ........... 211

1.3.3 Communication ............................................................ 214

Chapter Eight: Summary, conclusions and recommendations

Introduction ............................................................................................. 225

1. Indigenous performing arts and Christianity .......................................... 225

2. Colonialism, urbanisation and change .......... .. ............... .. . .. . ................ 228

3. The performing arts as education ........................................................ 230

4. Theoretical framework ..................................................................... 232

5. Recommendations ....................... , .................... , ..................... '" ..... 232

5.1 Recommendations to religious leaders about the performing arts ..................................................................................... 233

5.2 Recommendations for further research ....................................... 234

References ........... , ................................................................................ 235

x

Appendices

A Song texts and English translations .. ... ..... .. ... .... .. ..... .. .. .. ...... 264

B Dance pattern formations ... .. .... ... .. ...... ..... .. .. ... .. ..... ... ....... .... ... ...... 289

C Figures ........... . ........................... ..... .. .... . .. ... ... . .. .... .. ... ... .............. 293

D Tables .............. . ... .. . ... .. ... .. ..... .. . .. ... ....... ... . .. .. .. ... ... .. .............. . .... 297

E Kenya Music Festivals .. .... .. . .. . .. ... . .. ...... .. ... . ..... ... .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. ... 302

F Interviewees.. .. ... .. ... ... .. ....... ... .... .. . ... .. ... . .. .... ... ..... . . .... 305

G

H

I

J

Letter to research participants ..................... ... ..

Examples of oral narratives of the Isukha ..... .

............ 308

................ 310

Questionnaires ......................... . .... .. ........ .. ....... .. ..................... . ... 313

Order of dance excerpts on VCD ..... ... ... .... .. . ...... ... ... .. . ... .. . . ..... ... ........ 322

List of figures

2.1 Provinces of Kenya ............... .................... .. ....... .. .... ... .. .... .. ... . ......... 29

2.2 Language groups of Kenya...... ............. . .. .... . .. . .... 33

2.3 I surrender all.... ....... ...... ...... .. ..... .... .. .. ........ . ...... . 39

2.4

3.1

3.2

3.3

3.4

3.5

3.6

3.7

3.8

3.9

3.10

3.11

Yale /(wa Yesu (Kiswahili) ........... . ..39

The Westem province homeland in Kenya .. .. .. .. ......... .. .. .. .. .. ...... . .49

Nise ingoi (I am a Leopard) ............... .. .. ... .. .. .. .... .. .. .. .. .... .. ... 64

Lumbe (Death)...... ............. ....... .. . . .. .. . .. .. ... ... .... .. ... .. 66

The only melorhythmic pattern of Isukuli mwana/ngapa ... .... ....... .. ..... ..... . 69

Examples of isukuli mama melorhtymic patterns .. .... .... .. ..... .. .... . .......... ... 70

Examples of Isukuli isaza/papa melorhythmic patterns .... .. .. ..... .. ... .. .. ....... 70

Isukuli isalsa and mama ......... .. .... .. ... .. .. .... ........ . .. . .... ... ... .. ........ 71

Metal rods and gong.. ......... .. ......... . .......... .. ... .... .. . ... ................... 71

Mnemonic sounds of the isukuli mwana. ... ... . .... . 76

Mnemonic sounds of the isukuli isalsa .... .... ..... .. .. . ..... ............. .. ...... .. ... 76

Mwana wa mberi ................. . ............ . .. .... .. .. .. ........ 80

3.12 Circle ... ......... .......... ... .. .. . .............. . .... .. 88

3.13 Vertical lines ...... .. . ............ .............. 88

3.14 Vertical line variation .......... . ..... . ....... .. .. ......... .. .............. .. .. . .... .. ... .. . .. 88

XI

3.15 Horizontal lines ........................................... ...................................... 89

3.16 Cluster. .......................................................................................... 89

3.17 Ingoi. ...................... . ...................................................................... 91

3.18 Khumkongo ..................................................................................... 91

3.19 Lipala ...................... ....................................................................... 92

3.20 Amabeka ... .................................... .. ............................................... 92

3.21 Variation of ndombolo (variation a) ....................................................... 93

3.22 Variation of ndombolo (variation b) ......... .. ............................................ 93

3.23 Right stomp .... ................................................................................. 94

4.1 Bingeli ............................................................... ........................... 122

4.2 Micko melody ................................................................................. 123

4.3 [flNingisile ..... . ...... . ... . ........... . ................................................... ..... 124

4.4 Cluster .......................................................................................... 126

4.5 Two horizontal lines ......................................................................... 126

4.6 -rhe run ................................................... .. .............. ...................... 127

4.7 V-shape ............................................................ ............................ 127

4.8 One single line ............................................................................... 127

4.9 Circle ..................... '" .................................................................... 127

4.10 Free position .................................................................................. 127

4.11 Nzomo .......................................................................................... 128

4.12 Wriggle ......................................................................................... 128

4.13 Ndombolo ...................................................................................... 129

4.14 Variation of traditional right stomp ... ............................. , ..................... 129

4.15 Bingeli ... ................................................... .................................... 130

4.16 Yumbani ... ...... ............................................................................... 130

4.17 Micka ...................................................... .. ................................... 131

5.1 Circle ............................................................................................ 145

5.2 One horizontal line ..................... ... .................................................. 145

5.3 Two horizontal lines ......................................................................... 145

5.4 One broken horizontal line ................................................................ 145

5.5 Stomp ......................................................... '" .............................. 146

5.6 Glory .................. . .. .. ....... ..... . ... .. .... ... ... ... ......... ............. . ............... 146

5.7 Spot-march .................................................................................... 146

5.8 Grab 'n turn ................................................................................... 147

XII

5.9 Instantaneous bow ................ ............................................... .......... 147

5.10 Arm jerk ...................................................................................... 147

5.11 'Cool walk' ......................... ....................... ......... .... ......................... 147

5.12 Knee shake ....................................................... . ........... .. .. ............ 148

5.13 Fall .......................................................................................... 148

6.1 Haleluya ........................... .... ..................... ......................... 183

6.2 Haleluya variation ................................................. . ......................... 183

6.3 Niongoze...................... . .................................. ....... . ........ 184

6.4 Kitu gani? .. ............... . ............................................ ............ 185

6.5

6.6

Basic position ................................................................. .

Zambe 1 ................................................................. .

. ..... '" .. 185

.. 185

6.7 Zambe 2............. ....... . .... . ..................................... . ................. 186

6.8 Zambe 3........... .... ...... .... . .............................................. 186

6.9 Zambe 4 ...................................................................................... 186

6.10 Mwana wake ................................................................................. 190

6.11 Triplet stomp ............................................................................... 190

Variation of yumbani ... ... . ......... . . ............ . ..... .................... 191 6.12

6.13 Katika position .............................................................................. 191

6.14 Variation of 'wriggle' ..................................................................... 192

6.15 High ten ..................... . ............................................................. 192

6.16 Four point ................. .. ...... ....................................... ..................... 194

6.17 Amabeka ................. . ................................................................. .... 194

6.18 The run ................. . ..................................................................... 195

6.19 Gym..................... .... ... ................... . . .... .. ..195

6.20 Variation of stomp ............. ...................................... ...................... 196

6.21 Typewriter. ................................................................................... 196

6.22 The count...... .................. ... .. . ................................................. 196

6.23 Variation of knee shake...... . ....................................................... 197

6.24 Hip-hop loose walk ..................... .................................................... 197

6.25 Hip-hop kick ............................................... . ................ . .... . ... . ...... 197

6.26 'Hip-hop jump............................., ..... . .. .. .. ... .............. 197

6.27 Rafiki pesa ....... ..... ' ............................ , ............ . ......... '" ........ 293

6.28 Viewership of Kuna Nuru Gizani on KBC ...................... . . ............. 294

7.1 Hierarchical order of the proposed educational levels .... . . .............. 204

xiii

7.2 Aristotle's communication theory ........................................................ 215

7.3 Shannon and Weaver's communication theory ..................................... .215

7.4 Hesselgrave's model of communication ....................... . ...................... .215

7.5 Communication model for Christian dance groups ................................. 216

7.6 MMM's complex communication model. ............................................... 217

7.7 Suggested communication model. ...................................................... 218

7.8 Culture model ................................................................................. 222

7.9 An ecosystem of the performing arts ................................................... 224

List of tables

3.1 Information on the Matende Ngwaro isukuti dance group ......................... 291

4.1 Number of choreographic pattern formations and dance movements ......... 126

6.1 Church leaders' opinions and advice on Christian dance groups ............... 160

6.2 MMM members' ages, classes and tribes ............................................. 300

6.3 MMM dance teachers, dance styles and learning process ........................ 301

6.4 Comparison between the costumes of Makoma and MIVIM ...................... 302

8.1 Summary of educational role and content of the performing arts in three different socio-cultural settings ................................................ 231

List of plates

1 Amalema Matende Ngwaro dance group in performance ........... .. ........... 295

2 Amalema Matende Ngwaro dance group in performance ........................ 295

3 Mukumu Girls' High School dancers ................................................... 295

4 Mukumu Girls' High School dancers ......... .. ........................................ 295

5 Ngwaro group instrumentalists ........................................................... 295

6 Mukumu instrumentalists ........................................... .. ..................... 295

7 Koffi Olomide's female dancers ..... .. .. .. ........ .. ............ . ........................ 296

8 Koffi and male dancers ..................................................................... 296

xiv

9 Koffl and female dancers .................................................................. 296

10 Kirk Franklin ................................................................................... 296

11 Kirk Franklin in performance .............................................................. 296

12 Kirk Franklin's dancers ..................................................................... 296

13 MMM dance group .......................................................................... 297

14 MMM with Emachichi ....................................................................... 297

15 Mr and Mrs Dido ............................. ' ............................................... 297

16 Glorious Teens ............................................................................... 297

17 Makoma ........................................................................................ 297

18 Kamau in MMM crusade ................................................................... 297

/

xv

Chapter One

Purpose, research methodology and literature review

Introduction

Question: Nikhupa omwana wanje abandu basinanga (When I beat my child, people dance). Answer: Ing'oma (a drum).1

This common riddle is found among the Luhya sub-ethnic groups in Kenya implying

that, whenever a drumbeat is heard, people dance. This riddle not only demonstrates

the important role that music plays in the life of the Luhyas and other indigenous2

groups in Africa, but also how integrated music and dance are. Music is a powerful

means of communication and it affects man intrinsically (biologically and emotionally)

and socially (behaviour).3 As indicated by scholars as early as Plato,4 it may also play

an important role in determining the character and direction of civilisation, as well as

bringing well-balanced order to an individual and the state (society).

Apart from serving entertainment purposes, a combination of the performing arts

(music, dance and drama) greatly enhances communicationS and can be used to

convey messages effectively. In indigenous African societies, for example, the arts

inculcate cultural values and transmit culture-specific messages on a metaphysical

and concrete level. Kongo and Robinson provide a very specific example of a

concrete culture-specific message, where the slit drum has been used to

1 S. Khakayi, The educational role of African traditional religion and customs among the Abanyole of Western Kenya, unpublished PGDE project. Nairobi : Kenyatta University, 1984, p. 39.

2 The word 'indigenous' means "native or belonging naturally to a place." From Julia Elliot (ed), Oxford Paperback Dictionary and Thesaurus, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997, p. 382. This dissertation uses the term 'indigenous' to refer to the practices of the Kenyans and/or African people who are natives of a given place and naturally belong to that place. For example, indigenous Luhya music refers to music that is performed by the native Luhya's devoid of foreign interference. The term 'tradition' refers to "expressing or transferring knowledge to others." From Raymond Williams, Keywords: a vocabulary of culture and society, London: Fontana, 1988, pp. 318-319. According to Williams, "it only takes two generations to make anything traditional." This means that what may not necessarily be indigenous can become a tradition of a group of people with time. This study refrains from using this term except when issues pertaining to acculturation are referred to. For example, neo-traditional is used to refer to traditions acquired as a result of acculturation.

3 David Tame, The secret power of music, Northamptonshire: Turnstone Press, 1984, p. 13. 4 Plato, "The Republic", Oliver Strunk (ed), Source readings in music history: antiquity and the Middle

Ages, Vol. 1, London: Faber and Faber, 1950, pp. 3-12. S James Redmond (ed), Drama, music, and dance. London: Cambridge University Press, 1981.

communicate a message to the nearby village, informing them that the 'father

missionary' has arrived' This example is one of many that alert the scholar of African

music to the fact that the socio-cultural dimension of societies should form an integral

part of music research.

Because the performing arts communicate verbal and non-verbal messages, they

have always played major roles in religious ceremonies allover the world. Most

religions such as Islam, African indigenous religion , Buddhism, and Christianity use

music in their worship practices . In the Christian Bible, for example, reference to

music is made 989 times,' signifying its importance in Christian worship. According to

Boschman," music is used in the church for various purposes such as praising God,

communicating the message of the Holy Bible, spiritual warfare, prophesying and

healing.

The performing arts also depict the changing trends of a culture .. Africa has gone

through a process of acculturation, generated by foreign religions, colonialism and

European settlement. In this process Christianity has played a major ' role in

propelling change in music styles in Africa'

6

,

Along with the expansion of Christianity into Africa came much of the cultural baggage of the missionary. The early Christian missionary, whose highest goal was to preach the Word of God to the "heathen," was not originally trained to be sensitive to the communication channels inherent in the receptor culture . There was little or no attempt to understand customs that were foreign. Indeed, it was usually assumed that most African customs were foreign, pagan, and highly distasteful.'o

Zabana Kongo and Jeffrey Robinson, "Improvisation" in Herbst et al. (eds), Musical arts in Africa: theory, practice and education, Pretoria: University of South Africa, 2003, p. 104. LaMar Boschman, The rebirth of mUSiC, Shippensburg: LaMar Boschman, 1980, p. 75.

• Ibid. • Paul Wamock, Trends in African church music: a historical revie't/, unpublished M. A. thesis, Los

Angeles: University of California, 1983; Jean Kidula, Effects of syncretism and adaptation on Christian music of the Logoli, unpublished M. A. thesis, Carolina: East Carolina University, 1986; Florence Musumba, Effects of acculturation on church music: a case study of the Church of God in East Africa, Nairobi , unpublished M. A. thesis, Nairobi : Kenyatta University, 1993.

10 Roberta King, Pathways in Christian music communication: the case of the Senufo of Cote d '/voire, unpublished PhD dissertation, Michigan: Fuller Theological Seminary, 1989, pp. 5-6.

2

The people from sub-Saharan Africa were therefore expected by the Western

missionaries to consider indigenous African music practices as diabolical and

repugnant, and they were hence to be discarded in favour of Western music

practices.

Although the performing arts have gained importance in Western Christian circles

since the early 1990s, they had not been an integral part of earlier worship practices.

Charismatic churches allowed congregational music combined with dance, but the

evangelical churches followed a more conservative approach.

Indigenous societies in sub-Saharan Africa have a different perspective on the role of

the performing arts not only in worship, but also in general society. Nketia 11 affirms

that in indigenous African societies, music, dance and drama were and still are

inseparable. Music and dance are performed together in a social context. Every other

action and activity that takes place is considered as drama that is not pre-rehearsed

and performed as a separate entity for an audience, but as part of the integrated

conception of the musical arts in the cultural setting. Nketia argues that music is on'e

with the whole life of an African, demonstrating how it is displayed in an African's full

life cycle. It is this contextualising of the perform'ing arts that the missionaries also

compelled the Africans to discard by condemning the "heathen" associations of these

arts, According to Mugambi:

The establishment of Christianity in East Africa was also a process of acculturation in the sense that African Christians, through encounter and interaction with the new religion which was already expressed in terms of another culture, acquired and developed a new way of life which was distinct from, but also related to, both the old and the new cultural backgrounds. 12

More recently, the way of life of the African Christian has also been strongly

influenced by the growing use of electronic media in church environments. Electronic

media are tremendously powerful in shaping people's views of reality and cultural

practices,13 being capable of reaching any place on the globe instantly.14 Towards

the end of the 20th century, for example, African church music started to adopt

11 J. N. Kwabena Nketia, The music of Africa, London: Victor Gollanc2;, 1992, p, 21, 12 J. N, K. Mugambi, African heritage and contemporary Christianity, Nairobi: Longman, 1989, pp, 68-

69. 13 S.J, Baran, Introduction to mass communication, media literacy culture, California: Mayfield, 1999, k

p.299, 14 Billie Wahlstrom, Perspectives on human communication, Dubuque: Wm, C, Brown Publishers, \('

1992, p, 299,

3

Western music styles introduced through mass media. Consequently, new syncretic

dance forms have emerged in Christian circles. Christian dance groups now use the

performing arts in their worship services, crusades and other Christian gatherings,

This has in turn led to rapid changes in church music in Africa and Kenya in

particular.

1. Statement of the problem

In Kenya the Western Christian missionaries began their missionary work in the rural

areas in the late 18th century." Therefore, the headquarters of the mainline churches

became rural-based, However, as urbanisation in Kenya expanded, most of the

Christians formed fellowship groups that later grew to become big churches in the

city of Nairobi, The rural-urban expansion of churches in Nairobi led to increasing

acculturation,'6 because people from diverse ethnic groups converged to worship in a

given church due to its convenient location. However, it should be noted that, like in

other parts of the world,17 the rural-urban migration was not the only growth in

Nairobi; the migrants themselves bore children who were brought up in the city and

who developed their own kind of urban lifestyle. These children added to the

population growth of the city and churches and contributed to another dimension of

urbanism in Africa.

Nairobi is a multicultural city consisting of people from diverse ethnic groups, races,

social status and nationalities, Its population increases by five hundred people every

day, with 50% being immigrants." Seventy-three percent of Kenya's population claim

15 Bob Edwards, Growth of Church of God through ushirika groups among the Luhya in Nairobi, Kenya, unpublished PhD dissertation, Michigan: Fuller Theological Seminary, 1988; Barrett et ai, (eds), Kenya churches handbook: the development of Kenyan Chnstianity, 1498-1973, Kisumu:

16

1;

Evangel Publishing House, 1973, p. 21. Acculturation here denotes "adoption of or adaptation to alien culture." From Lesley Brown,New Shorter Oxford English Dictionary on historical principles, Vol. 1, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1993, p. 16. Musumba gives an account of how the intermingling of different cultural groups in a given church in Nairobi influence the music performance resulting to music change. See also Musumba, 1993. Alan Gilbert and Josef Gugler, Cities, poverty and development: urbanization in the third world,

. second edition, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1994, pp. 7-12, " Aylward Shorter and Edwin Onyancha, Secularism in Africa: a case study: Nairobi, Nairobi:

Paulines Publication Africa, 1997, p, 32.

to be Christian, whereas in Nairobi the figure is around 80%.19 Since Christians

constitute a large population in Nairobi, a study of their music is essential.

Music is a cultural phenomenon and culture determines the particular way in which

people interact and behave.'o According to Ayisi:

Culture consists of ways, mores and beliefs transmitted from generation to generation, it may be generally shared by some population or a group of people - in other words, it should represent the collective conscience of a group of people. 21

Just as culture represents a way of life, urbanisation in Nairobi has also become a

new way of life. Different cultural groups have undergone cultural change as they

encounter extemal forces such as urbanism. Such cultural dynamism has led to

popular culture. Wikipedia defines popular culture as:

The vernacular (people's) culture that prevails in a modern society. The content of popular culture is determined in large part by industries that disseminate cultural material, for example the film, television, and publishing industries, as well as the news media. I ... ], it is the result of a continuing interaction between those industries and the people of the society who consume their products'»

Chambers23 refers to popular culture as 'mass culture'. He argues that this culture is

held by masses, usually the youth, and that it is characterised by activities and

practices that are against the traditional norms of a given society. The churches in

Nairobi have not been excluded in the process of change that has resulted in popular

culture. A typical church in Nairobi has an amalgamation of members from different

ethnic groups, social status, races and denominational backgrounds." A large

number of the church membership in Nairobi consists of young people who are the

fas.test growing segment of the population." Gathu clearly demonstrates how

American programmes aired in Kenya have influenced young people in areas such

as music, taste and dress. By examining the effects of television on Kenyan culture,

she concludes that American contemporary music aired in Kenya has influenced the

19 Daystar University College, Summary of the Nairobi church survey, Kijabe: Kijabe Printing Press, 1989, pp. 17-42.

20 Wahlstrom, pp. 103-104. " Eric O. Ayisi, An introduction to the study of African culture. second edition. London: Heinemann,

1979, p. 4. 2' Wikipedia, The free encyclopedia, available from

<httpl/www.en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Popular_culture>ln.p.].ln.d.] accessed 26 July 2004. 23 lain Chambers, Urban rhythms: pop music and popular culture, London: Macmillan publishers,

1985, pp. 3-5. " Musumba, p. 141. 25 Mbutu, Chandran and Niemeyer, Nairobi youth survey, Nairobi: Daystar University, 1998, p. 10.

5

youth and helped to shape their culture.'6 Musumba27 points out those churches with

a large number of young people in their congregations have undergone greater

changes in their music practices.

Because of globalisation through the media, young people in Nairobi have

established Christian Dance Groups that perform choreographed dance and drama

to pre-recorded music, a practice adopted from North American Dance Groups aired

by Kenyan television networks. Since many of the young people expect church music

to be "livelier,"'6 they find pleasure in creating new dances and dramatic movements

within the groups. It is thus important to note that the American imports rekindled the

cultural practice of adopting African music in religion that was initially condemned by

Western Christian missionaries.

Evidently the performing arts embodied in the Christian dance groups are

phenomena that the Christian youth can identify with, but which have left some

churches in a dilemma about whether or not to accept the practice. According to

Mugambi:

Throughout the history of the church there has been a tension between conservatism and change [ ... ]. Thus the church will continue in its mission to face the great challenge of allowing culture syntheses to take place without losing its identity and fervour in syncretism. '9

Although the Christian Bible mentions dance as one way of worshipping God, the

nature of the dance has, however, not been exemplified. Oesterly, Boschman and

Tullos cite diverse biblical sources that mention the words dance, dancers and

dancing,30 implying that dance as an act of worship should be incorporated into

Christian worship. In addition, Read and Fry stress the effectiveness of drama as

follows:

'6 Faith Gathu, Television and the shaping of culture in Kenya: a case study of Nairobi High School youth's use of foreign TV programming, unpublished PhD dissertation, Ohio: Green State University, 1995.

27 Musumba, p. 208. 2B Mbutu et aI, p. 12. '9 Mugambi, pp. 68-69. 30 W.O.E. Oesterly, The sacred dance, [n.p.], 1923; Boschman, The rebirth of music, 1980; Matt

Tullos, "25 easy ideas for drama in worship", Lifeway Christian resources, 1999 available from <http://www.wordspring.com/ideas.html>; pp. 1-5, accessed 29 October 2001.

6

In divorcing drama from church worship we run the danger of worship becoming too remote, too cerebral, and in doing so we find, to our dismay, that emotional lives have remained outside the reach of the church. 31

As pointed out earlier, the three components of the performing arts (music, dance

and drama) in Africa are inseparable and are intimately structured into indigenous

religious practices. The youth thus try to use creative movements, stage

choreography and styles that may be determined by psychological, historical,

environmental or idiosyncratic factors,32 since the nature of the dance to be

incorporated in Christian worship is not exemplified in the Christian Bible. Therefore,

if the church in Africa divorces dance and drama from worship, it will also run the risk

of leaving out what would have been otherwise a great worship experience for its

members. The youth also expect the church to offer them well-organised social and

spiritual educational programmes. The Nairobi Youth Survey pointed out, however,

that this is not the case. 33 Nevertheless, the performing arts can be powerful means

of education because images, shapes, colour and space are used to convey a , multitude of ideas.34

The research problem therefore may be stated as follows:

The performing arts as used by the dance groups have not been fully accepted into the Christian circles in the churches in Nairobi because the indigenous knowledge that should govern the performance has not been clearly stipulated and accepted by many churches.

Hence the primary research question is:

What is the role of the performing arts in the church in Nairobi as demonstrated by the Christian dance groups?

31 Sylvia Read and William Fry, Christian theatre: a handbook for church groups, London: Eyre and Spottiswoode, 1986, p.9.

32 John Blacking and Joann W. Kealiinohomoku (eds), The performing arts: music and dance, Bristol: Mouton Publishers, 1979, p. 30.

33 Mbutu et al., p. 12. 34 Jordan Ayan, Aha! 10 ways to free your spirit and find your great ideas, New York: Three Rivers

Press, 1997, p. 161.

7

The secondary research questions are:

• Why do the Christian dance groups and their performing arts exist in the church?

• What educational values are conveyed through the performing arts?

• What principles guide the dancers' choice of music, dance and drama?

• What is the relationship between the music, dance and drama?

• What types of movements and music are used in the performance?

• What extrinsic factors affect the dance groups' performances?

• How can the performing arts contribute to the full African contextualisation of the Christian faith?

• What indigenous and neo-traditional African music practices are reflected in the practices of church dance groups?

By establishing the role of the performing arts, this study aims to investigate whether

these arts convey any social, moral and spiritual educational values. The following

are the objectives of the study:

i. To investigate the reasons for the existence of the performing arts and the dance groups in the church in Nairobi;

II. To determine the principles which guide the dancers' choice of music, dance and drama;

iii. To analyse the relationship between the music, dance and drama performed by the dance groups;

iv. To identify the type and significance of movements and music used in the performance;

v. To establish the factors vyhich affect the dance groups' performances;

vi. To develop a theoretical framework for making recommendations as to how the performing arts can be used in multicultural African settings in educating the church on social, moral and spiritual issues.

Following the above objectives, in a nutshell, the aim of this research is to provide a

critical account of the rise of Christian dance groups and their performance in

churches in Nai~o~i. The study identifies the educational values that these groups

propagate. It 'focus~ainly on the Maximum Miracle Melodies of Nairobi and ~ '----~-~

therefore primanly examines the Maximum Miracle Melodies of Nairobi in relation to

the development of church music in Nairobi. It also examines traditional modes of

performance and dance with particular attention to the traditional and neo-traditional

varieties of Isukuti as performed by Ama/emba Matende Ngwaro and Mukumu Girls

8

High School dance groups of Western Kenya respectively. In relation to popular

culture, it examines the Congolese popular style of Koffi Olomide and the American

Christian dance group of Kirk Franklin. The study endeavours to establish the

relationship between the music, dance and drama and the indigenous and neo­

traditional versus modern Christian and secular ideas and practices that these

groups express in their art performance, musicality and dance. These groups are

examined because they have influenced the performances of Maximum Miracle

Melodies of Nairobi. It proceeds to develop a theoretical framework on how the

performing arts can be utilised to educate viewers and participants on social, moral

and spiritual matters regarding the use of music in the church in order to make it

more relevant and effective in Christian ministry.

2. Significance of the study

It is evident that urban Africa is being greatly affected by popular culture, especially

through mass media. Since the performing arts form part of the indigenous as well as

popular culture, it is essential to use these arts as media to convey messages to

societies in Africa and, more specifically, Kenya. The findings of the research will

thus be significant in the following areas:

Firstly, they will augment studies on the performing arts, church music and

ethnomusicology, thereby rendering such findings useful for further analysis and

comparisons by future scholars. The comparison may be methodological or

interdisciplinary. For example, when conducting cultural anthropological studies, the

findings can help to illustrate the behavioural patterns of people in multicultural

settings. Therefore, cultural anthropologists can deduce the factors that influence

these people. This research provides a detailed account of the isukuti music

practices of the Isukha (Luhya, Kenya) both in indigenous and neo-traditional

settings. There has been no such detailed account before this study. The Christian

dance groups in Nairobi have been documented for the first time in their existence

since the late 1990s.

Secondly, the church institutions in Africa can benefit directly from the findings,

recommendations and the theoretical framework, which are useful to church leaders

9

and performing arts' participants in restructuring and/or re-focusing their performing

arts programmes, making them more meaningful and appropriate in communicating

Christian teachings. The framework can provide guidance as to the choice of

appropriate music and movements, issues related to performance preparation, and

on how the performing arts can be contextualised within sub-Saharan African

cultures. In addition, more churches can incorporate the performing arts to educate

their church members in general on musical, moral and spiritual values.

,

Thirdly, educators and educational planners of learning institutions can benefit from

the findings, which will demonstrate how to organise performing arts programmes

that can educate primary and secondary school learners on various subjects such as c

music, history, oral literature and religion. Such programmes will provide the

opportunity for learners to become involved in educational yet entertaining activities,

and to develop their talents and shape their careers. The findings of this study will

therefore provide useful information for the implementation of institutional

programmes by the Kenya Ministry of Education and Kenya Music Festivals.

Finally, African societies in general can use the findings of the study to develop

performing arts groups that can transmit educational concepts and practices within

given areas, such as topical or contemporary issues that are currently affecting

Africa, like acquired immune-deficiency syndrome (AIDS), poverty, corruption, ethnic

wars and diseases. A large population of Africa cannot read and will benefit from

knowledge depicted in a humorous yet simple and understandable manner through

the arts. Consequently, potential donors/sponsors may be attracted to using the

performing arts for propagating specific, positive educational concepts in order to

solve societal problems.

3. Demarcation of the study

The field research for this study was conducted in Nairobi and Kakamega, Kenya.

Although the study examined four performing arts groups, the focus was on one

Christian dance group, Maximum Miracle Melodies (MMM).35 The researcher chose

35 The abbreviation MMM will be used throughout the entire thesis to denote Maximum Miracle Melodies.

10

I

this local Christian dance group because its performances have been frequently

broadcast in Kenya. Hence, it depicts the current trends of dance groups in Nairobi

churches. The group also uses an amalgamation of Western and indigenous Kenyan

music styles. In order to draw background information that will bring to light the

various acculturated musical syncretic elements fused into the Christian dance

group, three other dance groups were examined in the following categories: Kenyan

indigenous dance groups, African popular dance groups and a North American

Christian dance group.

The first group, Maximum Miracle Melodies, is a Christian dance group aired on the

Kenya Broadcasting Corporation (KBC) channel in the programme Kuna Nuru Gizani

(There is light in the darkness). This is a 30-minute programme aired by KBC every

Sunday. The programme usually starts with teachings from the Christian Bible and

ends with a performance of the MMM. The members of this group belong to the

Maximum Miracle Centre Ministry in Nairobi, which is the church that runs the

programme on television. It consists of approximately 20 young members: 10 girls

and 10 boys ranging from the ages 10-19. They not only perform on television but

also in the Maximum Miracle Centre Ministry during Sunday worship services.

Therefore, besides observing the group's performances on television, the study also

investigates their performances in worship services and other occasions in which

they use the performing arts.

The second group is an indigenous Luhya dance group, the Amalemba Matende

Ngwaro (Kakamega district, Western Kenya) and the neo-traditional Mukumu Girls

High School isukuti dance groups to demonstrate the music characteristics and

social context of the Luhya. This group was used to compare and illustrate the

indigenous and neo-traditional performing arts that are reflected in the dance and

music styles of the Christian dance group, the MMM.

The third group is an African popular music dance group, Koffi Olomide's group,

which is an example of the secular popular performing arts groups found in Kenya

since the end of the twentieth century. This group is studied to demonstrate the

secular popular performing arts that have influenced many Christian dance groups in

Kenya. The Congolese musician Koffi Olomide and his group, who perform

11

Congolese pop styles, have been the most influential on the MMM group as far as

secular pop dances are concerned.

The fourth group that is included is a North American Christian dance group with Kirk

Franklin as leader, which is frequently aired on Kenyan television networks. The

focus is on an analysis of his video Nu-Nalion Tour. This group exhibits the various

North American performing arts styles that are often aired on Kenyan television and

have influenced the Christian MMM dance group with their choreographed

performances.

The second, third and fourth groups were chosen during the initial fieldwork stages,

because the researcher had to first determine the indigenous, neo-traditional and

North American influences that are reflected in the performances of the MMM. The

following issues were considered when choosing the groups in the three categories:

• The availability of the groups during the field research;

• Outstanding groups that exemplify the characteristics of their categories;

• Groups that were able to perform in a social context during the duration of the field research.

Video recordings were chosen for the third and fourth categories, because the two

groups are based in the Democratic Republic of the Congo and the United States of

America. It was also not feasible for the researcher to visit these countries for

research due to lack of funds and time available for the field research.

4. Ethical considerations

Ethical issues pertaining to field research were also considered. All the research

informants were briefed on confidentiality before the field research commenced.

Participants were requested to sign the form of consent attached in Appendix G.

The videotapes of Koffi Olomide and Kirk Franklin that the researcher used for

analysis' in this dissertation are in the public domain. This being the case, the

researcher was free to use them and comment on their performances.

12

I •

5. Research design

Qualitative methods are used to conduct this study. These methods give pnme

importance to the social contexts of activities in the understanding of the social world

of a group of people. Publications by Scott, Hart, Neuman and Mouton are used to

guide the research in methods related to fieldwork. 36 Since this study looks at a new

phenomenon in the church in Kenya that has not been given prior scholarly attention,

it is vital to adopt qualitative research data collection and analytical methods such as

interviews and participant observation. The research is situated within the existing

scholarly literature and involves extensive literature reviews.

5.1 Data collection

The researcher began the main fieldwork in December 2001 in Nairobi. The purpose

was to survey the research area, the focus group MMM and its churchlministry,

Maximum Miracle Centre Ministries. The offices, meetings of Maximum Miracle

Centre Ministries and the MMM's practice venues, contacts and contact people were

also established around this time. This was done as part of the preparation and

planning for the research.

During the same period the researcher viewed the programme Kuna Nuru Gizani in

order to determine the kinds of dances the MMM perform and any new changes that

had taken place in the performances as compared to the last time the researcher had

viewed the programme in early 2001. This viewing established the kinds of

indigenous performing arts the MMM group had adopted in their performances. The

exercise aided the researcher to ascertain the ethnic group(s) most appropriate for

this research in order to establish the indigenous practices of the chosen group.

Having been a Kenya National Music Festivals adjudicator of indigenous and neo­

traditional dances for nine years, the researcher was able to establish the Kenyan

indigenous and neo-traditional dances that the MMM had adopted and the ethnic

---------36 Grills Scott (ed). Doing ethnographic research, London: Sage Publications, 1998; Chris Hart, Doing

a literature review: releasing the social science research imagination, London: Sage Publications, 1998; William L. Neuman, Social research methods: qualitative and quantitative approaches, fourth edition, Boston: Allyn & Bacon, 2000; Johann Mouton, How to succeed in your master's and doctoral dissertation studies, Pretoria: Van Schaik, 2001.

13

group from which the dances originate i.e. Luhya. The same observations were also

verified later by the indigenous Luhya dance groups that viewed the videotapes and

Luhya dance teachers and university lecturers, as shall be discussed in Chapter

Three. This investigation enabled the researcher to prepare the questions to ask and

to begin arranging the visits to the Luhya dancers in their homeland in Western

Province of Kenya. The isukuti performing arts were seen to have influenced the

MMM. The sub-ethnic group, Isukha, which performs this music, was thus chosen for

research.

The researcher travelled to Kakamega district in Western Province during the

Christmas season, because most indigenous music is performed around this time.

The purpose of this visit was to find out a group that was ready and available to work

with the researcher, one that is well known among the villagers and a practising

group that incorporated Luhyaiisukuti dances. The researcher had to use this time to

plan the logistical aspects that had to be taken into consideration when returning for

further field research, such as power access for video shooting, research equipment

to carry and people to contact and interview.

From January to mid-March 2002 the main research area was Nairobi. The

participant-observation approach was the methodology adopted throughout the

whole investigation. The researcher attended the practice sessions of the MMM and

took part in their dances and rehearsals. This participation was to determine the

dancers' practice procedures, the attendance of the members, how the dancers learn

their dance movements and choreographic pattern formations, to gain knowledge of

their way of life, and to establish the influences the dancers have undergone. The

researcher was also interested in the principles that guide these dancers'

performances and how they choose music, dance and dramatisations for their

performances. These practice sessions also raised more questions for interviews and

clarified aspects of the arts and the artists.

The researcher attended the performance sessions and venues where the MMM

practise and participate. These included meetings such as worship services, lunch­

hour services and open-air crusades. The continual attendance of these meetings

was intended-"!o verify data collected from previous meetings, to select suitable

14

people for interviews, verify data collected through interviews, observe performances

and get more information, to compare their performances, and to ascertain any

similarities and disparities, and then to formulate more interview questions. The

researcher recorded some of these performances on videocassettes in order to

capture the contexts, dance movements and sound/music for further analysis. Since

the MMM crusades involve people from a variety of denominations, the researcher

also tried to find out which other denominations incorporate the performing arts in

their church services and the opinion that other church leaders have on the genre.

Intensive interviews were carried out with church leaders, dance group members,

church workers and musicians, as well as church leaders from other denominations.

The interviews with the dancers and their leaders focused on their social, musical,

spiritual and educational backgrounds. The questions were geared towards

ascertaining the reason for the existence of the dance groups, the role the dance

groups play and the reasons for their choice of movements and music. The

educational role that the performing arts -play and the programmes and videotapes

that have influenced the dancers were also established through the interviews. It is

through these interviews that the researcher discovered that the MMM members

have adopted music practices from the Family TV channel (a Christian broadcasting

network). The director of music programmes for this station was thus interviewed to

find out the reasons for the selection of their music and video clips, their target

audience, and how they prepare their music, dance and drama programmes for

airing. The researcher also viewed these programmes to establish what the MMM

group has adopted in their performances. It was also necessary at this point to

acquire information from Steadman Kenya, a company that conducts research and

provides demographic data on television viewership in Kenya. The purpose for the

collection of this data was three-fold:

• To verify the findings of the Steadman company with the MMM dance groups;

• To establish the urban lifestyle and music history in Nairobi;

• To establish the viewership of the programmes that have influenced the MMM (both Christian and non-Christian) such as Kuna Nuru Gizani, Channel '0', and Congolese pop music programmes.

15

The interviews with the members of the MMM also revealed the kind of musIc

videotapes that they enjoy watching and from which they adopt dance movements

and ideas for their dramatisations. The researcher therefore collected these

videotapes and their audiotapes for comparisons and analysis. It is through the

interviews and observations that the researcher found out that North American,

Congolese pop and isukuti indigenous and neo-traditional performing arts have

influenced the MMM's performances.

The Maximum Miracle Centre Ministries' leaders were interviewed in order to

establish the historical background of the ministry and the MNlM, their reasons for

allowing the performing arts in church, their expectation of the dance groups, and the

structure and beliefs of the Ministry and its activities. The leaders also revealed that

there were a number of dance groups and other musicians in the church. These

groups, such as Glorious Kids and Glorious Teens, were also interviewed in order to

establish the similarities and differences with the MMM and the historical

backgrounds. The researcher was also able to establish other meetings held by the

MMCM for attendance and further analysis.

Since the interviews revealed that all the services are usually recorded on video, the

researcher interviewed the television crew of MMCM. The interviews were conducted

in order to find out more about the past recordings of the crew and to get more

videotapes and data for comparisons. The interviews established why and what they

record during all the services, to establish whether their recordings influenced the

MMM's performance, stage scenery or costumes and how they select video clips and

dance performances for their television programme Kuna Nuru Gizani.

The researcher re-visited the field (MMCM) in June 2002, January-February 2003

and August 2004. These visits were undertaken in order to re-confirm findings, find

out any changes to and new developments in the genre, and to make comparisons of

the MMM's performance with those of Congolese pop, North American and isukuti

performing arts, which were investigated later.

Field research in the Western Province of Kenya among the Luhya was carried out in

late December 2001, mid-March to June 2002, December 2002, April to May 2003

16

I

and August 2004. The various visits were follow-up meetings with the dance groups,

verification of data, and to conduct more interviews on new discoveries and

comparisons with the MMM, and previous isukuti dance performances. The

researcher discovered that the existing isukuti groups perform what could be equated

to neo-traditional dances. These groups have experienced a great deal of influence

from the Kenya Music Festivals and the secular pop performing arts from Democratic

Republic of Congo. Consequently, the old generation of Isukha society, where the

research was done, were interviewed in order to establish the earlier indigenous

isukuti performing arts practices that had prevailed in their time. Most of these

interviewees were people who had been raised in Isukha indigenous settings and

had themselves been part of the music making and dance in their societies. The

interviews focused on the indigenous practices of the Isukha and their relationship to

the isukuti music, the social, religious and musical backgrounds, and the

philosophical underpinnings of the indigenous Isukha music and culture. The

interviewees viewed the video clips of the neo-traditional dance group chosen for this

category in order to illustrate the differences and similarities of the dance movements

with the indigenous ones.

The researcher carried out the fieldwork using participant-observation methodology.

Most of the performances of the dance group were recorded on video in venues

where power was available. It was discovered that most of the isukuti performers

have become very commercial and would only perform where they can be paid. This

limited investigation of the indigenous context of their performances. Unlike in

indigenous setting, families make a decision on whether or not they would like to

have isukuti performers at their functions. Christianity has also played a major role in

the decision making. Consequently, it was not easy to establish when and where the

dancers would perform their dances in context. Therefore, the only performances that

were recorded on video were their practice sessions and where they met specifically

to perform for the researcher for the purpose of the research.

The researcher also interviewed the dancers, the chiefs of the village and dancers of

other neo-traditional dance groups found in Kakamega. The interviews focused on

the dances, dramatisations and songs of the Isukha, isukuti dance performances and

instruments, verification of observations and data collected from other informants,

17

indigenous meanings associated with the performing arts and the historical, socio­

cultural and philosophical background of these arts.

The researcher discovered from the interviews that the dancers are involved in

teaching neo-traditional dances to schools in Kakamega to prepare them for the

Kenya Music Festivals. They also took part in these festivals when they were in

school. The Kenya Music Festivals' past videotapes of schools - available from the

Kenya Institute of Education - were thus consulted. This exercise was done in order

to compare the dance performances of Ama/emba Matemde Ngwaro isukuti dance

group and those of the MMM with the Kenya Music Festivals isukuti performing arts.

The group chosen from the festivals was the Mukumu Girls High School isukuti

dance group. This school has excelled in isukuti dance performance and emerged as

one of the top schools in the neo-traditional dance category at these festivals, as

discussed in Chapter Three.

The Congolese pop music and dances that have influenced the MMM were also

collected. These were mainly Congolese pop performing arts videotapes. The

researcher watched the television programmes in Kenya from which the MMM

adopted their dances in order to establish which videotapes to buy and use for

analysis. Since almost all the Congolese music currently performed in Kenyan

television programmes have the same type of pop dances and dramatisations, the

researcher chose the specific popular Congolese artists regularly shown and those

that some of the research participants of the MMM agreed had been influential for

them. The videotapes of performances by, among others, Koffi Olomide and Aurlus

Mabele," were viewed for comparison with the MMM dances. The videotape Loi by

KOffi Olomide was chosen for analysis because it represents all the dance

movements that the MMM have adopted from Congolese pop, and this artist's

videotape has greatly influenced some of the MMM musicians. Since the performers

live in the Democratic Republic of Congo, it was impossible to visit this country for

interviews due to the limited research period and lack of sufficient research funds.

The same also applied to the North American artist's music analysed in this work.

However, Congolese popular musicians who live in Kenya were interviewed for

37 Kofi Olomide, Les 12 titres de f'album en clips, produced by Sonodisc, 1 hour, VHS, Videocassette, 1995; Aurlus Mabele, Fiesta d'or, produced by AJP Productions, : hour, VHS, videocassette, [n.d.]

18

clarification and translations of the songs, because not much literature is available on

Congolese pop performing arts. The purpose of the video viewing was to analyse the

dance movements, dramatisations and songs, and then to compare with the MMM

performances. The North American hip-hop music that influenced the MMM is Kirk

Franklin's videotape, Nu Nation Tour. This videotape is also featured frequently on

Family Media (television channel and radio station). His music was therefore

collected for analysis and comparison with the MMM's performances. For this

analysis the researcher relied heavily on literature written on North American gospel

and hip-hop music.

5.2 Data analysis

After the fieldwork all the data were collected and prepared for further qualitative

analysis. A transcription of videotape performance, interviews and observations was

done and computed. The music collected from the field was analysed under the

elements: text, accompaniment styles, song type, musical instruments, form and

improvisations. Where the texts were not in English, both the original language and

English translations are given. The researcher transcribed all the notations.

The dances were notated using the Benesh notation system. 38 The researcher chose

this notation because it was most appropriate for the specific descriptive elements

needed for the analysis of the dances utilised. The software for this notation, Benesh

Editor, was also readily available for use and easily affordable. It gives a very apt

representation of even the slightest movements as compared to Laban notation and

pulse notation.39 Although other notations such as pulse notation have been used by

different scholars40 for African dance notation, the Benesh notation has also been

tried with many African dances and has proved to be accurate, paying attention to

very minute details. Books such as Benesh Notatiod' provide an African adaptation

of the Benesh notation system. All the dance movements analysed were notated

38 Benesh Institute of Choreology. Choreology: Benesh movement notation, London: Institute of Choreology, 1969; Benesh Rudolf, An introduction to Benesh notation. London: Black. 1956. These books give detailed background of the theory and practice of Benesh Movement Notation.

39 Rudolf von Laban. Principles of dance and movement notation. London: MacDona Ids and Evans. 1956.

40 Minette Mans, "Using Namibian musicldance traditions as a basis for reforming arts education," in International journal of education and the arts, vol. 1 no. 3. September 2000, pp. 1-12.

41 Eduard Greyling, Benesh notation movement: African dance application, part 1, unpublished document, 2000.

19

using this notation system. This was done mainly for comparative purposes (with the

MMM dances and the text used for each song) and to give the reader an appropriate

picture of the dances. A VCD that illustrates the notated dances was also prepared to

accompany this dissertation.

To aid in the analysis process, the computer-aided qualitative data analysis software,

Nvivo, was used. The reasons for the choice of this software package are as follows:

• It has unique qualities that help to better organise the data;

• It aids in coding process, searching and retrieving data when needed;

• It is easy to link discrete data for further analysis;

• One can write meaningful and reflective commentaries on some aspects of data as a basis for deeper or further analysis;

• It displays data in a condensed organised format, thereby aiding in interpretation, testing and confirming the data;

• It aids in theory building;

• It prepares reports on coding and many other processes;

• It gives the location of all specific words or phrases that have been coded, etc.

All the above features facilitate the analysis procedure and ensure accuracy. From

the findings of the research, a theoretical framework was developed on how the

performing arts can be used to aid in the social, moral, spiritual and musical

education of their viewers and users. The theoretical framework drew from Western

and African theories and practices that deal with movement, communication,

socialisation and education, and offers suggestions for the implementation of the

performing arts for educational purposes.

5.3 Literature review

The literature review covers publications in the fields of mUSIC, dance, drama,

Christianity in Africa and Kenya in particular, communication, culture and educational

psychology. This review includes literature from electronic databases and websites,

books, journals, theses and dissertations, seminar papers, newsletters, reports,

conference proceedings and monographs. The findings of the literature search

related to this research are presented under the following subheadings: Christian

20

I

dance groups, Christianity, and Church music In Kenya, the performing arts and

education, and communication and education.

5.3.1 Christian dance groups

A survey of the available literature related to the main topic of this study reveals that

no scholarly work on this research area has so far been completed in Kenya.

Maximum Miracle Times, which gives the activities, meetings and information about

the MMM, was consulted for information that shed light on the research areas.

Sources on the performing arts in general, and Christian churches in the USA

specifically, were consulted in order to find out what Christian dance groups in the

USA are engaged in. Such literature helped to shed light on areas to look for in the

MMM performances. Most of this literature was available in dissertations, journals

and magazines. Scholars such as Cutler, Forman and Walker" have addressed the

topic of hip-hop Christian dance groups. They deal with the music, dance

movements, culture and performances of the hip-hop dance groups. It was vital for

this study to examine these areas because hip-hop dance movements have been

adapted by the MMM in their performances. Examining African American music

culture that the hip-hop dances spring from facilitated the understanding of the dance

movements and how they came into being. For example, Rose remarks:

At 35, Harris is recognized as a leading hip hop choreographer in the U.S., who performs and choreographs for his Philadelphia-based company Puremovement. He has also been credited with helping to create a vocabulary for hip hop. "Hip Hop is not about tricks," says Harris. "It is about using variations of style to tell a story or convey an idea. The movement is the easy part, getting the message out is harder." Its structure allows the dancer the freedom to improvise in the moment because hip hop embraces the philosophy of individuality in thought and expression.,,43

Such comments show that hip-hop is a culture which needs to be learned in order to

fully appreciate and understand it.

Literature on hip-hop music also helps to explain the music video industry in the USA

and its impact on the dancers and masses. Since the MMM group learned their hip-

" Cecilia Anne Cutler, Crossing over: white youth, hip hop and African American English, unpublished PhD dissertation, New York: New York University, 2002; Murray Webster Forman, The 'hood comes first': race. space. and place in rap music and hip hop, 1978-1996, unpublished PhD dissertation, In.p.], McGill University, 1997; Tshombe R. Walker, The hip hop worldview. an Afrocentric analysis, unpublished PhD dissertation. [n.p]: Temple University, 1998.

4' Patricia Lorraine Rose, Black noise: rap music and black cultural resistance in contemporary American popular culture, unpublished PhD dissertation, In. p.], Brown University. 1993. p. ii.

21

hop dance movements from these videotapes, exploring the process and purpose of

developing them was essential.

5.3.2 Christianity and Church music in Kenya

It was vital to survey the literature on Christianity in Kenya because it lay the

foundation of the current Christian music situation. A number of publications are

available in this area. A variety of sources that give the Christian missionary history

from its inception in Africa and Kenya in particular, were surveyed. Such literature

includes Barrett et al., Hastings and Baur among others." The authors discuss how

missionaries settled in Kenya and their impact on the cultural practices and

worldviews of the indigenous Kenyans.

The adaptation of Christianity into the indigenous cultures was also an important

aspect to survey. Such literature outlined the trends that have taken place in Kenya

and Africa in general, before and after independence. The sources that shed light in

this area include Shorter, Kato, Mudimbe and Mugambi. 45 Bujo'6 also shows how

African theology was shaped because of adaptations of Christianity in Africa.

Besides looking at the historical development of Christianity in Africa, church music

literature was also reviewed. Literature on Western cllurch music such as Dickinson,

Douglas and Liesch" gave background information of the existence of church music

in the West before the missionaries brought it to Africa. Literature on church music in

Kenya is also limited. Most of the literature available on this topic is in fonn of theses.

" Barrett et al. (eds), Kenya churches handbook.' the development of Kenyan Christianity, 1498-1973, 1973; Adrian Hastings, The church in Africa, 1450-1950, paperback edition, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1996; John Baur, 2000 years of Christianity in Africa: an African church history, second edition, Nairobi: Paulines, 1998.

45 Aylward Shorter, African Christian theology - adaptation or incarnation? London: Geoffrey Chapman, 1977; Byang Kato, Biblical Christianity in Africa, Achimota: African Christian Press, 1985; V. Y. Mudimbe, The invention of Africa: gnosis, philosophy and the order of knowledge, Bloomington: Indiana University Press London, 1988; Mugambi 1989.

'6 Benezet Bujo, African theology in its social context, translated from German by John O'Donohue, Nairobi: St Paul Publications Africa, 1992.

" Edward Dickinson, Music in the history of the Western church, New York: Green Wood press, 1902; Winfred Douglas, Church music in history and practice: studies in the praise of God. London: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1937; Barry Liesch, The new worship: straight talk on music and the church. Grand Rapids: Baker, 1996.

22

These works by scholars such as Musumba, Kipula and Katuli48 discuss church

music in terms of choral and congregational performance. None of them addresses

the dance genre that this dissertation is concerned with , but they provided important

information on development of church music in Kenya among variety of ethnic groups

such as Luhya, Kamba and Luo.

5.3.3 The performing arts and education

Much literature has been written about the performing arts generally in Africa. Since

the MMM is an African group that has been influenced by Kenyan indigenous

performing arts, literature in this area was also examined . The Luhya ethnic group

from the Western Province of Kenya is the main social grouping that the MMM has

adapted dances from. Literature on the history, cultural practices, performing arts,

religion and oral traditions shed light on the background of this group. Publications by

Were, Malusu, Mirimo and Nandwa49 were instrumental in exploring the cultural and

philosophical underpinnings of the Luhya . It was therefore important for the study to

relate their discussions to the music of the Luhya. Kwakwa, for example, shows how

indigenous music is intertwined with other areas of life:

Traditional African dancers do not occur in isolation [ ... J Many have value as entertainment, but entertainment is not their most important function: dancers perform for sociocultural, historical, political, and religious purposes. 50

These observations are also true of the Luhya. Literature on performing arts and

African cultures from other indigenous groups in Kenya and the sub-Saharan Africa

was also investigated for comparisons and for placing the Luhya community in

perspective in Africa. For example, Orawo discusses the music of Luo, Luhya and

Kilifi from Kenya. 51 He examines the dances, instruments, songs and cultural

48 Musumba; John K. Katuli, Ethnic music in Christian worship: a study of specific aspects of Akamba traditional music in the liturgy of the Catholic church in Mwingi deanary, unpublished MA. Thesis, Nairobi: Kenyatta University, 1998; Jean Kidula, Sing and shine: religious popular music in Kenya , unpublished PhD dissertation, California : University of California, 1998.

49 Gideon Were, A history of the Abaluyia of Western Kenya, Nairobi: East African Publishing House, 1967; Jane Nandwa, Oral literature among the Abaluyia, unpublished M. A. Thesis, Nairobi: University of Nairobi. 1976; Joseph Malusu, The Luyia way of death based on the Isukha people of Kakamega District, London : Oxford University Press, 1978; Abraham Mirimo, Luyia sayings with English translation , Nairobi: Oxford University Press, 1988.

50 Patience A. Kwaka, "Dance in communal life in Africa" in Ruth M. Stone (ed), The Garland Encyclopaedia of World Music, Vol. 1, New York: Garland Publishing Company, 1998, p. 285.

51 Charles Nyakiti Orawo, Lwimbo: Busia-Luhya song dance traditions, Kisumu: Lake Publishers, 2002; Ibid. , Bul: The Luo drum, Kisumu: Lake Publishers, 2002; Ibid., Miel: The Luo dance, Kisumu : Lake Publishers, 2002; Ibid., Music of Kilifi. the Midzi Chenda and their music, Kisumu: Lake Publishers, 2002.

23

practices of these groups. Others who do the same in different communities include

Kavyu, Asante, and Merriam.52 Although the works of all these authors were not

directly related to this study, they provided an insight into areas to research among

the Luhya.

It was necessary to survey literature on African popular music, especially from the

Democratic Republic of Congo and Kenya, which have influenced the MMM.

Roberts, Bergman and Ewens,53 among others, furnish substantial information on

Congolese and Kenyan popular music. They discuss the music, musicians,

costumes, instrumental and vocal styles as well as the development of these

performing arts. However, they do not pay much attention to the music videos of the

performing arts and the specific dance movements and their execution. They do not

provide the meanings and notations of these styles.

5.3.4 Communication and education

This study adopts the definition of education from The Oxford Dictionary:

The process of 'bringing up' (young person), the manner in which a person has been 'brought up'; with reference to social station, kind of manners and habits acquired, calling or employment prepared for etc.54

Literature on how the performing arts transmit education was invaluable in this area.

Abrokowaa and Herbst et a/. 55 give substantial information on how education takes

place in indigenous Africa. Educational aspects are defined as are the people to and

by whom knowledge should be transmitted as well as the content of this knowledge.

For example, Abrokowaa states that "the general aim of indigenous music education

52 Alan Merriam, The anthropology of music, Chicago: Northwestern University Press, 1968; Paul Kavyu, An introduction to Kamba music, Nairobi: East African Literature Bureau, 1977; Kariamu Welsch Asante, African dance: an artistic, historical and philosophical inquiry. Eritrea: Africa World Press, 1996.

53 John Storm Roberts, Black music of two worlds, New York: Original Music, 1972; Billy Bergman, African pop: goodtime kings, Poole: Blandford Press, 1985; Graeme Ewens, Africa 0-Ye! A celebration of African music, London: Guinness, 1991.

54 James A. H. Murray, Henry Bradley, W. A. Craigie and C. T. Onions (eds), The Oxford English Dictionary, second edition, Vol. V, 1989, p. 74.

55 Clemente K. Abrokowaa, "Indigenous music education in Africa" in Ladislaus M. Semali and Joe L. Kencheloe (eds), What is indigenous knowledge? Voices from the academy, New York: Falmer Press, 1999; Herbst et al. (eds), Musical arts in Africa: theory, practice and education, Pretoria: University of South Africa, 2003.

24

•

I r

• I

I

is to impart socio-cultural knowledge and skills to the young of the community.,,56 He

highlights the specific kind of education that the performing arts convey and other

methods of instruction.

For this education to be realised, effective communication needs to take place. Fiske,

Hesselgrave and Wisely57 provide communication models and processes of

communication in their writings. These were useful in shedding light on how

communication takes place and in comparing the models with the MMM's

experiences.

6. Chapter outline

The information acquired from the research of this study is presented in the following

manner.

Chapter One focuses on the purpose, research methodology and literature review,

while a historical account of the development of church music in Nairobi appears in

Chapter Two. This chapter illustrates how church music in Nairobi evolved from the

missionary era to 21 sl century.

The isukuti performing arts of the Isukha are presented in Chapter Three, tracing the

history of the Isukha of the Western Province of Kenya and their performing arts. It

discusses their indigenous and neo-traditional performing arts in their relation to

culture.

Chapter Four explores the development of popular music in Kenya and the

Congolese music influences on Kenyan popular music. The chapter ends with a

discussion of selected video clips of Koffi Olomide and his dance group, which has

influenced the focus group of this study, the MMM.

56 Abrokwaa, p. 198. 57 John Fiske, Introduction to communication studies, second edition, London: Routledge, 1990;

David Hesselgrave, Communicating Christ cross-culturally: an introduction to missionary communication, second edition, Michigan: Zondervan, 1991; Forest G. Wisely, "Communication models," in Moore et al. (eds), Visual literacy: a spectrum of visual learning, Englewood Cliffs: Education Technology Publications, 1994.

25

The periorming arts of Kirk Franklin and his dance group are situated within the

context of the church music development in the United States of America in Chapter

Five. Chapter Six provides a detailed documentation and analysis of the periorming

arts in the Christian church as demonstrated and practised by the Nairobi dance

group, the MMM. Cross-cultural influences and the educational role are being

emphasised.

Based on the findings of the previous chapters, Chapter Seven proposes a

theoretical framework for the effective use of the periorming arts in the Christian

church and other educational settings.

The findings of this study are summarised in Chapter Eight, conclusions are drawn

and recommendations for practical implementation of the framework as well as for

further research are made.

7. Limitation of the study

The main limitation that this study faced was lack of enough research funds and time

to extend fieldwork documentation to the Democratic Republic of the Congo and the

United States of America; Koffi Olomide and Kirk Franklin and their dance groups live

in these two countries respectively. This limited the kind of contact that the

researcher could have and the field experiences in those areas. However, the

videotapes of these artists have been analysed and the similarities and differences

between them and the MMM are drawn.

26

I

ChapterTwQ

The development of church music in Nairobi: a historical account

Introduction

The focus group of the study, the Christian dance group Maximum Miracle Melodies,

is based in Nairobi. This chapter therefore traces the historical development of an

aspect of church music in Nairobi. Apart from providing a brief history of Kenya and

Nairobi in particular, this chapter also illustrates how church music developed in

Kenya.

1. Historical background

1.1 Kenya

Kenya is located on the eastern Coast of Africa, right on the equator. 1 It is bordered

by Somalia, Ethiopia, and Sudan in the north, Tanzania in the South, Uganda in the

West and the Indian Ocean in the east. Covering an area of 225,000 sq. miles (360

km),2 Kenya has a wide variety of striking landscapes and beautiful scenery and is

inhabited by more than 40 African ethnic groups, the five largest being Kikuyu, Luo,

Luhya, Kamba and Kalenjin. All ethnic groups can be divided into four linguistic

groups, namely Bantu, Cushitic, Nilotic and Paranilotic, making Kenya one of the few

African countries characterized by extreme ethnic diversity.3 In pre-colonial times,

these societies were largely ethnically homogeneous, small in number and regional.

In late 19th century European countries invaded Africa, which had a snowballing

impact on the continent as a whole. This invasion culminated in the conquest of

African countries, including Kenya, by Europe in the 1880s and 1890s.4 Britain

colonised Kenya, declared it a protectorate in 1895, while derailing the autonomy and

independence of the indigenous Kenyan societies. Kenyans were required to work on

1 AE. Afigbo et al. (eds), The making of modern Africa: Vol. 1, Eighth Impression, Longman: England, 1993, p. 315.

2 Kaplan et al., Area handbook of Kenya, Washington: American University, 1976, p. 1. 3 Ibid., p. 85. 4 A E. Afigbo et al. (eds), p. 317.

27

the European-owned farms and were forced to abandon their traditions, causing a

cultural division between indigenous community members.

The economy of the British grew at the expense of Kenya's. Lawyers, accountants,

doctors, missionaries, teachers, hunters, electricians, and mechanics entered Kenya

en masse and worked together with the colonial government to achieve their varied

purposes.5 Other European settlers such as Germans and Canadians6 also came to

Kenya to work in the above-named professions. Hence, the Kenyans could not tell

the difference between Christian missionaries and the colonialists.

Besides colonisation, other forces such as trade contributed to the process of

acculturation in Kenya. The main traders were from Arabia, Portugal and India, who

traded in the trading ports on the Kenyan coase The common language of these

traders and coastal Kenya was the Bantu language, Kiswahili. Due to the spread of

trade within the country and the railroads8 that the Asians constructed in collaboration

with the British government, there was greater interaction even among African ethnic

groups. Kiswahili became the main language of trade in Kenya. It should be noted,

however, that there were cross-cultural influences between various Kenyan ethnic

groups over the years before colonialism, Christianity and foreign trade in Kenya.

The British rule over Kenya resulted in a Western-style centralised administration and

government. Kenyans fought for liberation, resulting in independence in 1963,9

reforming the country into a modern state with African majority rule. Kenya in the 21 st

century has eight provinces, namely Nyanza, Western, Nairobi, Central, Eastern, Rift

Valley, North Eastern and Coast (see Fig. 2.1). The national languages spoken are

English and Kiswahili, and Kenya's population in 1999 was 28,808,658. 10

5 Robert Collins, African history, text and readings, New York: Random House, 1971, pp. 247-250. G Donald R. Jacobs, "Kenya's cultural heritage and tradition," in David B. Barrett et al. (eds), Kenya

churches handbook: the development of Kenyan Christianity, 1498-1973, Kisumu: Evangel Publishing House, 1973, p. 41.

7 Collins, p. 226; Jacobs, p. 41. 8 There are about 32,000 Indians who were transported as labourers to Kenya in order to construct

the Kenya-Uganda railway in 1896. This railway was the foundation of East African development that facilitated interaction among the various groups of people. From George Delf, Asians in Africa, London: Oxford University Press, 1963, p. 11.

9 Collins, p. 249. 10 People, [no p.l, Kenyaweb, 1999, available from <http://www.kenyaweb.com/peoplelindex.html; >

accessed 10 March 2003.

28

Fig. 2.1 Provinces of Kenya 11

Rift valley

TANZANIA

ETHIOPIA

North eastern province

) \ '/ )

( \ \

\

Q) u c -:; e D-

E 2 <f)

co UJ

INDIAN OCEAN

A t

Towns in Kenya have had a high population growth rate with Nairobi, the capital city,

being the highest. 12 Nairobi had been the only city in Kenya until Kisumu and

Mombasa were also declared cities in 2002.

1.2 Nairobi

Nairobi is a Maasai word that means "the place of sweet waters."13 It is the smallest

Province in Kenya, yet the fastest growing in terms of population. Situated near

11 Adapted from W,R. Ochieng', A history of Kenya, London: Macmillan Publishers, 1985, p. 89. The researcher inserted the provinces,

12 Shorter and Onyancha, pp. 32-33. 13 [No author] "Nairobi region," in Kenyaweb, 1999, available from

<http://www.kenyaweb.com/regions/nairobi/nairobi.html;> accessed 10 March 2003.

29

Central Kenya (see Fig. 2.1), it is also the financial and administrative capital of

Kenya. Nairobi has a pleasant climate and a surface area of 264 sq. miles (422.4 km)

and is at an elevation of about 5500 ft. (1.6764 km).

The British colonialists controlled Nairobi town during the colonial era (late 19th

century to 1963). In terms of social status and privileges, the British were given first

priority, then Asians, and lastly indigenous Kenyans." Indigenous Kenyans were

considered temporary and transient labourers who belonged to the rural areas.

Nairobi's ethnic and racial character was established right from its inception.

Declared a municipality in 1919, it became a city in 1950.

Shorter commented as follows about indigenous Kenyans:

The basic truth is that African town dwellers never really sever their ties with the rural homeland I .... J To understand the urban migrant in Africa one must know his or her rural background ( ... ] They (people] tend to return to the homeland in order to marry. give birth or retire. Usually, they maintain a rural family as well as an urban residence. '5

The above obserVations indicate that, although the indigenous Kenyans lived in the

city, they had close-knit ties with their rural homes.

The population of Nairobi City increased after independence. The growth may be

attributed to the enormous expansion of public services, amenities, businesses,

compani,?s, and government that followed independence. At independence, Nairobi

had a population of barely a quarter of a million. In 1969, the population was 400,000

and in 1999, the population was about 2 million.'·

Nairobi is a centre of economic power, where the desirable residential areas and

shopping centres are situated on the higher altitude locations. The low-income areas

lie on the city outskirts in the swampy, lower altitude .

. '4_ Collins, pp 243-250. '5 Aylward Shorter, The church in the African city, England: Cassell Publishers 1991, p. 14. ,. Shorter and Onyancha, p. 33.

30

The city is an international business and tourist centre.17 As mentioned in Chapter

One, it encompasses people of many multi-lingual and ethnically heterogeneous

cultures, races and nationalities. The international character of Nairobi makes it a

major trade and commercial centre for business such as music studios, the recording

industry, and other activities. This international outlook has attracted tourists to the

country, making tourism a major industrial commodity in Kenya. 18 As a result, the

music industry started to cater for the non-Kenyans as a consequent of tourism. The

two national languages of Kenya, English and Kiswahili, are used in the city of

Nairobi in day-to-day communication.

Several religions are found in Nairobi due to the government's policy of freedom of

worship. The two religions that have greatly influenced Kenyans in general and

Nairobi in particular are Islam and Christianity. The arrival of the Arabs, who settled

on the Kenyan Coast in 600 AD, marked the coming of Islam. Christian missionary

activity began towards the end of 19th century.19 For the purpose of this study, the

development of Christianity will be discussed in detail.

2. Christianity in Kenya

Distinct periods such as the pre-colonial, colonial, missionary, post-colonial, and/or

national eras can be identified in the history of Kenya. This section looks at

Christianity in the missionary era and national era. 20

2.1 Missionary era

The earliest missionary contact known in Kenya occurred in 1498, when Roman

Catholic missionaries came to the country.21 However, most of them were massacred

in 1631, when they refused to renounce their Christian faith. Later Protestant

missionaries began to come to Kenya for evangelistic purposes. The first Protestant

missionary to Kenya was a German Anglican, Dr Johann Ludwig Krapf, who was

17 Jacobs, "Kenya's cultural heritage and tradition," in Barrett et a/. (eds), p. 41. 18 Jean Kidula, Sing and shine: religious popular music in Kenya, unpublished PhD dissertation, Los

Angeles: University of California, 1998, p. 32. 19 Kaplan et al., p. 117. 20 The national era started with independence. 21 Barrett eta/. (eds), p. 21.

31

later joined by John Rebmann.22 The two missionaries were sent to Kenya by the

Church Mission Society (CMS) in 1844. They began their evangelistic mission work

on the Kenyan Coast, despite the fact that this area was entirely Islamic. These two

missionaries had very few converts and their evangelical work developed very slowly.

At this time, there was no proper trade route across the country. Krapf developed a

strategy whereby a chain of mission stations would be built across the country.

Hence, the two missionaries conducted an exploratory tour of Kenya for which they

became well known. Catholic and Methodist missionaries joined them to work in the

coastal area to do evangelical work among the coastal people. (Fig. 2.2 illustrates the

groups of people that live in the coastal area).

22 Kidula, p. 39.

32

I I I

I

Fig. 2.2 Language groups of Kenya23

,. .•

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TURKA'O.

Uganda

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ElJiiopia

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APHWIAoY.

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~'WAHill

ocr-; 1'0 N

23 Adapted from C. Chesaina, Oral Literature of the Kalenjm, Nairobi : East African Publishers, 1991, p. x by the organisation of Bible Translation Literacy, Nairobi. The researcher has inserted the circle to indicate the Luhya homeland.

33

When the Kenya-Uganda railway was built in 1896,24 there was an influx of missions

into the interior of Kenya from different denominations. In a span of eleven years,

there were twelve different mission societies. Out of these, nine were Protestant, the

leading one being the Anglican Church Mission Society. The British administrative

government invited the missionaries in Kenya and allocated specific rural areas to

them. These missionaries depended on local chiefs for permission to start their

evangelism, and they built their earliest mission stations in the vicinity of the chief

village of the rural areas. 25 Consequently, many of these mission societies had their

first churches and headquarters based in the rural areas. For example, Cameroon

Scott started the African Inland Mission (later known as African Inland Church) in

Ukambani (Eastern Province of Kenya); the United Methodist Mission began in Meru,

the Presbyterian Mission in Central Province, and the Church of God, Friends,

Seventh Day Adventist and Canadian Pentecostal Missions concentrated on the

Western Province. 26

These missionaries built schools and hospitals in the rural areas that were also used

to attract the Kenyans to Christianity27 To many missionaries the schools were the

most important institutions, because indigenous Kenyan children were converted and

taught Christian principles. Missionaries generally considered the indigenous children

as the future African Christian apostles of the Christian faith. Most of the schools in

Kenya around this time were built by the mission societies and very few by the

colonial government. However, to run the schools smoothly, the missionaries had to

work closely with the colonial government. The missionaries assumed a position of

colonial superiority of white civilisation and did not trust the indigenous Kenyans.

Therefore, the missionaries did so much "for" them and very little "with" them. Their

self-satisfaction with their civilising mission tended to rest on their ideals rather than

their practice. Even the salvation of members was based upon satisfactory

observance of the missionary rather than on personal conversion by faith of the

African. The schools therefore were considered centres of 'civilisation' and Western

Christian propaganda. In effect, the indigenous Kenyan Christians tended to be

24 Dell, p. 14. 25 b Musum a, p. 35. 26 John Baur, 2000 years of Christianity in Africa: an African church history, second edition, Nairobi:

Paulines Publications Africa, pp. 255-256. 27 K aplan et aI., p. 117.

34

I

'better' educated (in terms of Western schooling) than those of other religious

affiliations. 28

Missionaries regarded an indigenous Kenyan as intellectually inferiQr and a person

whose customs were to be discarded for him/her to be 'civilised' and converted to

Christianity.29 Mbuga observes that:

[ ... ] faced in the early stages with the difficulties of a strange land, people, language, culture, customs and music, most early missionaries did not have the time, capacity or patience to go into these matters sufficiently. Instead, they thought that by abandoning any attempt to unearth what was good in the African way of life they would cut off ali pagan associations; and thus they were able to introduce their own familiar music as the church music of East Africa. 30

Christianity in this sense came with Western education, reading and writing. The

church hence became associated with the upper class, development, education, and

power. Like other African countries, where Western Christian missionaries

penetrated,31 this led to the breakdown of African education systems without

consideration of their relevant value. This is ultimately responsible for the demolition

of African cultural values. It also led to the assumption that "African music is by

nature inferior, primitive, crude, and useless in the church."32 This is a mentality that

the indigenous Kenyans believed and held too tenaciously. Indigenous dances and

instruments were also discarded.

In replacing the Kenyan culture with European culture, the missionaries controlled

the minds of the indigenous Kenyan people, taking full control over their lives.

According to Ngugi wa Thiong'o:

28 Ibid.

Economic and political control can never be complete or effective without mental control. To control a people's culture is to control their tools of self-definition in relation to others. 33

29 Daniel S. Sifuna, Short essays on education in Kenya, Nairobi: Kenya Literature Bureau, 1980, pp. 6-7.

30 Stephen Mbuga, "The new surge in indigenous Christian music in Kenya," in Barrett et al. (eds), p. 65.

31 L. B. B. J. Machobade, 'Basotho religion and Western thought', in Occasion papers no. 55, Edinburgh: Edinburgh University, 1995, p. 1.

32 Mbuga, p. 66; Warnock, pp. 61-62. 33 Ngugi wa Thiong'o, Decolonising the mind: the politics of language in African literature, Nairobi:

East African Educational Publishers, 1986, p. 16.

35

2.2 Christianity after independence

In the 1950s-1960s the fight for independence from the colonial government

intensified in Kenya, culminating in full independence in 1963.34 Indigenous Kenyans

also sought liberation from Christian missionary domination and founded the first

independent churches. Many of the independent churches emerged as splinter

groups from the mission churches. For example, the Church of Christ in Africa split

from the Anglican Church; Maria Legio Church from the Catholic Church, and Dini ya

Msambwa from the Friends (Quakers).'" These church splits were the most

distinctive marks of the 1970s-1990s as compared to the years that followed.

Most of these splinter churches were based in the rural areas and had indigenous

leaders who were seeking an authentic African Christianity that was intimately

connected with the re-birth of African culture. Such churches have been despised

because their leaders have not been as highly 'educated' as their counterparts in

mission schools.36 Despite this fact, they spread so fast throughout the country such

that by 1970 Kenya had 150 independent churches with 1,600,000 affiliated

members."

The city scenario was a little different. Many indigenous Kenyan Christians moved to

Nairobi from the rural areas in search of employment and 'better life'. Those who

were not in the splinter groups attended the churches that they could find in their

vicinity. Since these Africans had been Christianised by different Western mission

churches, they did not have affiliated branches of the same denomination in the city.

Some began meeting together in small groups (fellowships) as members of the same

denomination. These fellowships became larger and the mission churches that the

members belonged to in the rural homes allowed them to develop into affiliate

congregations. The denominational leaders appointed pastors for these

congregations. In some instances, the denominational leaders sent Western

missionaries to the city to act as pastors for the new congregations. However, most

34 I Kaplan et a., p. 1. 35 Baur, pp. 255-259, 490-493; Gideon Were, Essays on African religion in Western Kenya. East

African Literature Bureau: Nairobi, 1977, p. 34. 3S Kidula, 1998, p. 42. 37 Baur, p. 493.

36

of the missionaries went to the city reluctantly because they had an anti-urban

mentality. They considered urban areas as centres of a secular colonial power."

These new congregations tried to enhance and develop the same worship practices

as their affiliated denominations until after independence, when many Western

missionaries left the country. They relinquished leadership to the African nationals,

who tried to retain the practices of the missionaries, but had the autonomy to set their

own priorities. The Catholic Church in Kenya seems to have begun relinquishing

powers to the indigenous Kenyans slightly before independence.'9

The fact that many Kenyans came to the city in search of employment meant that

they became scattered all over the city meaning that they had to intermingle with

members of different cultural groups. Those who were not churchgoers in their rural

homes became Christians and joined churches of their choice. Hence, many urban

churches became inter-ethnic in nature as well as interdenominational, which in

effect resulted in changes in the practice of worship and music.

3. Church music development in Nairobi

This section focuses on the development of music in the churches in Nairobi during

the missionary era, after independence and the present situation in Kenya. It should

be noted that most Western missionaries left the country after Kenya attained its

independence.

3.1 The missionary era: late nineteenth century to the mid-nineteen sixties

During the inception of mission churches in Nairobi, the songs that were performed at

church services were in Kiswahili and other African language translations of English

" Shorter and Onyancha, pp. 63-64. 39 Barrett et aJ. (eds), p. 26.

37

hymns'O sung by the mission societies in their European countries. Since the growth

of church membership was based on the transfer of members of the same

denomination from the rural churches, most of the congregations sang the hymns in

their ethnic languages.

The hymns had messages about the gospel and the Christian experiences of the

composers, thus depicting the culture and environs of these musicians. Such texts

posed a problem to the translators of the hymns, because it was difficult to get a text

with an equivalent meaning in the ethnic languages that would fit the melodic line.

The missionaries' focal point was the retention of the melodies and meaning of the

original English text. Many of these translation efforts, however, distorted the

semantic meaning of the texts by ignoring the tonal syllabic rules of indigenous

languages, which resulted in the stresses of melodies falling on the wrong syllables."

The English language differs in grammatical structures and stresses from the

indigenous languages used in Kenya. Most of these languages are tonal."

In the translations the melodies were retained but not the tone of the indigenous

languages, which guided the organisation of interval and melodic sequences. The

pitches used were those found in Western major scales. The Kenyans were hence

forced to use scales that were not found in their indigenous music repertoire.

Temperly" observes that the earliest Protestant hymns, which were translated into

vernacular languages, were largely in metric strophic form, consisting of three to four

'0 A hymn here is defined as "a song of praise or adoration to God or the deity of a saine' or "a poem sung to the praise of God." Michael Kennedy (ed), The concise Oxford dictionary of music, third edition, London: Oxford University Press, 1980, p. 313; "J. A. Westrup and F. L. Harrison, Col/ins Music Encyclopedia, London: William Collins and sons, 1959, p. 329; Willi Apel, Harvard Diclionary of Music, second edition, revised and enlarged, London: Heinemann educational books, 1971, p. 397; The New Encyclopaedia Britannica, Vol. 6, fifteenth edition, Chicago: Encyclopaedia Britannica, 1994, p. 199. G. W. Stubbings goes further to define a 'hymn tune' "as a vocal melody, generally harmonized in four parts, for the congregational singing of metrical verse." A Dictionary of Church Music, London: The Epworth Press, 1949, p. 64.

" Andrew Wilson-Dickson, The Siory of Christian music: from Gregorian chant to black gospel, England: Lion publishing, 2003, p. 174-175.

" A Henry Weman, frican music and the church in Africa, translated by Eric J. Sharpe, Uppsala: Appelbergs Boktryckeri AB, 1960, P 55. According to' The Oxford English Dictionary, Volume XVIII, second edition, Oxford: Clarendon Press. 1989. p. 217, the word tonal is defined as "Of, pertaining, or relating to the tone or tunes. Of speech or a language; expressing difference of meaning by variation of tone."

a h N. Temperly, The music of I e English Parish Church, Vol. 1, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1979, p. 14.

38

lines. The poetic structures and melodic phrasing of the original hymns were in turn

distorted, because in translations adjustments are made in the length of the verbal

units in order to tally with the melody. Although the melody remains the same, the

syllabic numbers change. The following is a hymn with this problem.

Fig. 2.3 I surrender alf4

J.W. Van Deventer w.~. Weeden arr. R. Fudgtl

fill J. ;1] J 1 3. } J j 1 J. Jl j J 1 j J J All 10 Je - sus I sur me - der. All to Him I free - Iy give;

5

,-II J. ;d J 1 l l' J j 1 J. ;'1 j J 1 j J J I will ev - er love and tOlst Him. In His pres - ence dai - Iy live.

9 ,_II f' ~ r j I]. 1 F' p J j IJ J sur - Ten - cler all. sur - ren - <..Ier .11,

}j

tpgJ. • p r j I f' ~ F r IJ JI j j U. All to Thee. my hless ed Say - iour, J sur - ren - der all.

The metric form45 of the verse of the song is 8.7.8.7 where the numbers represent

the syllables per phrase. The metric form of the refrain is 5.5.8.5_

Fig.2.4 Yote kwaYesu (Kiswahili)

,-II! J. jl n j IJ ).J j 1 J n J 1] 1 J j J Yo - te n8 - m -to - Ie - a Ye - SU, Na - rn - pa rno - yo WQ - ngu wo - te~

5

tu· n j j 1 J l' J j 1 J )1 J J 1 J J J Nt - la - m - p! - nun si - ku 1.0 - Ie na - mWQ - n<..ln - mn Ki - In - sa

9 ,_II f' ~ r J IJ 1 F' p J J IJ Yo Ie kwa Ye - su, Yo te kWD Ye SU,

·' r P r r· Yo - Ie k"vl1 • ko ee Mwo - ko - 7.1 nn to - Q so - ~

44 Church of God, Hymnal of the Church of God, no. 157, [n.d.]. [n.p.]. 45 The metric forms that the hymns have are derived from the early Christian metered Psalms of the

Holy Bible where each poetic line of music had a specific number of syllables. Temperly, (footnote 42) uses this term in his book.

39

The metric form of the verse is 9.9.9.7, where the numbers represent the syllables of

each phrase. The metric form of the refrain is the same as the English version. The

indigenous Kenyans learnt these hymns by rote from the missionaries.

Many churches had choirs that often sang their own compositions in a Western

hymnal style. The choristers wore long robes to cover most parts of their bodies.

These uniforms were different from the indigenous costumes that the Africans were

used to.46

The songs were hence written in books because most 'indigenous' Kenyans who

came to the city could read and write. The Kenyans had to learn to sing while holding

a hymnbook. Most of these hymnbooks, such as Nyimbo za Injili (Gospel songs),

Nyimbo za Ibada (Worship songs), and Church of God Hymnal,47 were printed and

used in various churches in the city of Nairobi. Some hymnbooks were still in English

for the English-speaking Kenyans and for the churches that were predominantly for

the white population. The Kenyan Christians came to like and appreciate the music

performances in their churches not just because of the quality in the music per se,

but because of what the music had come to mean to them as members of the

specific denomination. The performances of the churches conformed to the norms of

the missionaries who insisted on singing while standing still. They believed that the

Africans would go back to their 'pagan' dances and practices if allowed to dance in

church. 48 To ensure that this did not happen, they deliberately made the Kenyan

Christians sing slowly in a tempo that would not prompt dance movements.

In 1927 radio broadcasting began in Kenya and later television was inaugurated. The

early broadcasts were in English until World War II, when programs were aired in

Kiswahili and Hindi for the benefit of indigenous Kenyans and Asians. The Kenya

Broadcasting Corporation (KBC) enjoyed the monopoly of broadcasting on both radio

46 See more details of the choirs and their practice in Musumba, pp. 48-96. 47 Nyimbo za injili, second edition, Nairobi: Evangel Publishing House, 1987; Nyimbo za ibada, [n.d.],

[n.p.]; Church of God Hymnal, [n.d.], [n.p.] 48 Musumba, pp. 87-88. 49 Kidula, 1998, p. 47. 49 Ibid.,p.51.

40

and television5o. The National Council of Churches in Kenya had several radio and

television transmissions on the Kenya Broadcasting Corporation (formerly VOK-Voice

of Kenya).51 This body assigned different churches airtime on the national

broadcasting network, where different denominations were able to hear, and view

music performances by different denominations.

3.2 The post-independent era: 1963 to end of the twentieth century

The earliest Christian television programme in Kenya started in 1969 known as

Nyimbo za Dini, which featured choirs and small music ensembles.52 Then came

Sunday Music Parade, a choral music programme that featured choirs from a wide

variety of denominations; Joy Bringers, a family programme that featured solo and

small music ensembles; and Sing and Shine, which began in 1985. According to

Kidula,53 Sing and Shine was the first programme that the Kenya Broadcasting

Corporation made which featured various artists in diverse scenarios rather than the

studio only. Kenyan Christian artists initiated this programme in order to influence the

Kenyan population with gospel music.

The kind of music that was aired on Kenya's mass media influenced churches in

Nairobi. Subsequently churches adapted songs, singing styles and musical

instruments from the artists and this marked the beginning of change in music

practice in the churches in Nairobi. Choristers such as Mary Atieno, Japheth

Kassanga, Agnes Masika, and Mary Wambui,54 who featured in these programmes,

later launched solo careers and through their performances helped to shape the taste

of their Christian audiences and churches. The famous choirs included International

Fellowship Church Choir (IFC), African Inland Church Choirs (AIC) and St Barnabas

Church Choir. The small singing group that greatly influenced Christian music in

Kenya was Youth for Christ (YFC), which involved pre-university students and

college students.

50 Ibid. 51 Moses Wesonga and John Ward, "Religious broadcasting in Kenya" in Barrett et al. (eds), pp. 85-

89. 52 Ibid., p. 51. 53 Ibid. 54 Musumba, p. 180.

41

The music of the Christian artists that were heard frequently on mass media sold very

well. 55 Sing and Shine therefore provided an opportunity for marketing and promoting

the artists and their music, thus leading to commercialisation and inaugurated the

. age of cassette production and buying in Kenya. Christian musicians began

producing tapes for sale. These musicians also performed their music in open-air

crusades, parks, outdoor rallies, and music concerts and church services, thereby

enhancing their influence and making Christian music increasingly popular. Kariuki56

also notes that gospel music was selling very well in Kenya and in turn attracted new

gospel musicians who sang their own compositions .

Many interdenominational Christian gatherings were held throughout the city at

different times. They included rallies, conventions, camps, crusades, and seminars.

Examples include the Great Miracle Crusade by Reinhardt Bonnke and Pentecostal

healing rallies by Oral Roberts. 57 Such meetings embraced people from different

denominations and ethnic groups. In such meetings the well-known and new

Christian artists would perform their music. New experiences, new choruses, songs

and new ways of worship were acquired informally and learnt by the participants, the

majority being young people. Usually the Christians who attend these meetings are

very eager to share their new experiences and songs with the congregation. If the

congregations accept the new songs, change in music practice occurs.

In the 1980s and 1990s most churches in Nairobi had become multicultural. The rise

of African-initiated churches, which were also charismatic, attracted various ethnic

groups to their congregations. Churches that had more young people had more

changes in their music practices. This is because the youth were actively involved

with interdenominational Christian gatherings; they easily interacted with people from

other denominations and were eager to implement new music that they learnt from

55 Larry Niemeyer, Christian music ministry in Kenya: a study of the impact of cassette ministries, Nairobi: Daystar University, 1985, p. 30.

56 John Kariuki, "The rise and rise of gospel music" in Now magazine, Nairobi: Nation Newspaper, 28 April 1991 , p. 7.

57 Barrett el a/. (eds), p. 28. 58 Musumba, pp. 178-180. 59 Musumba, pp. 178-180; also see chapter five of this dissertation for more examples.

42

these meetings, the mass media and other denominations, since such songs

appealed to them.

Musumba61 also notes that those churches with a variety of denominations and ethnic

groups represented in their congregations experienced more musical changes than

those congregations comprised of predominantly one tribe or denomination.

Sometimes changes in music due to conflicting ideas brought about by acculturation62

caused schisms in the church and the formation of new churches, thereby illustrating

the power of music. The change was mostly brought about through contact with other

African ethnic groups, denominations, mass media and Western cultures. As the

society changed due to inside or outside pressure and as changes of environment

occurred, so also the music and musical expression changed. In a way, music helped

the congregations to adapt to new social conditions.

Although change in the city has influenced many churches, some historical mission

churches have not fully embraced the changes. This is due to the leaders who are

more conservative and prefer to retain the music practices as taught to them by the

missionaries. Such churches have also had to contend with more breakaway groups

than those churches with more liberal leaders have had to.63

Musumba continues to explain that the consequence of these influences was musical

changes in various ways such as in the text, rhythm, melody, instruments and

instrumentation, type of musicians and performance. The text embodied in the new

songs, mainly choruses, has become low text64 , where the congregation became

more involved in music because the songs were very repetitive with short response

sections. The text was an amalgamation of biblical text with topical ideas found in the

city and/or in indigenous settings or societies. The songs were sung in a variety of

languages found across Africa. In this regard, each congregation was unique and

had music peculiar to it, depending on the ethnic groups represented in a given

60 Ibid., pp. 176-178. 61 Ibid., p. 204. 62 Acculturation here denotes "adoption of or adaptation to an alien culture" Lesley Brown (ed), New

Shorler Oxford English Dictionary on historical principles, Vol. 1, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1993, p. 16.

63 Musumba, 209. 64 Musumba uses this term to mean songs with short, repetitive text.

43

church. Some songs also incorporated Sh-Eng language, a synthesis of Kiswahili

and English, spoken especially by urban youths. Although new songs were added to

the music repertoire, many churches still sang the old Westem hymns. Sometimes

texts were added and sometimes the refrains of the hymns were sung without the

verses.

The Catholic Church and African Inland Church66 (Protestant) incorporated Kenyan

indigenous musical instruments from a variety of communities into their church

worship services as early as the 1970S67 These churches began collecting

indigenous folksong melodies and rewrote biblical texts to fit the tunes:' The new

songs were strongly rhythmical with polyrhythms- typical African music

characteristics. These in turn propelled dance movements. Other Kenyan indigenous

music rhythms were added such as chakacha, rumba and isukuti. Such rhythms

depicted the rise of African Church Music developing free of Western influence,

meaning that African songs and rhythms became integrated into church music

worship.

The form of the songs has also widened. They include verse and refrain, responsorial

singing (call and response), songs with preludes (both vocal and instrumental),

instrumental interludes with a climax or bridge (sometimes known as sebene - see

chapter four) and instrumental postludes.

The performance of the music has also changed. More and more churches allowed

dance movements in congregational singing. Free-style dances that reveal

acculturation because of the amalgam of dances from different communities in Kenya

and North America emerged. More use of African music characteristics such as

word-interpolations, improvisations, speech-melody, participatory performance which

was mainly enhanced by the use of choruses, hand clapping and jumping. Some of

65 This paragraph contains observations by Musumba, ibid. 66 It should be noted that the African Inland Church used their students from Scott Theological

College, which is their affiliate college, to introduce indigenous music instruments in the church. Other churches in Kenya adopted this practice through their exposure in media, open-air crusades, and evangelistic campaigns.

67 John P. Kealy, "Catholic progress with traditional music," in Barrett et a/. (eds), pp. 67-70; Eva Christian. "Protestant choirs of traditional instrumenls," in Barrett et a/. (eds), pp. 70-84.

6' Chapter Seven shows how this was also the case in the early Western Christian church.

44

the choruses sung were adapted from the compositions of the Christian artists who

had produced cassettes.

New types of musicians emerged that brought a new dimension to music. They

included small singing groups (as portrayed in the mass media), worship teams,

chorus-song leaders and instrumentalists playing new instruments brought to church.

Most of these musicians are from a wide range of ethnic and denominational

backgrounds. They join the specific churches because of their proximity to residential

area, way of worship, marital obligation, the language used in the service, church

programmes, the type of music performed in the church or when they are asked to

help in the music ministry of a given church. Some of the musicians were initially in

secular pop bands and therefore they come with previously acquired music

knowledge and skills from these bands.69 Therefore, their style of music helps to

shape the taste of music of the congregation. The instrumentalists are the ones that

have influenced church music in Kenya immensely.

The instrumental performance of the Christian music aired on television and radio in

Kenya developed a sound that came to be associated with the Christian solo or small

ensemble music in Kenya. The initial instruments that were prevalent were lead,

rhythm and bass guitars, trumpets, trombones and electric keyboard synthesisers.

Such music attracted many Christians. Musumba observes that Christian

instrumentalists who were initially in secular pop bands use their previously acquired

playing techniques from secular pop bands in church music. The Christian music that

has become popular in Kenya has similarities with African secular pop music. The

major difference is in the text used.

Although the new practices have been incorporated in charismatic / African-initiated

churches, there has been a concern about effective ways of utilising music in church.

To alleviate problems that come with ignorance about the use of some of the new

practices in the church in Nairobi and Kenya in general, a few trained Christian

69 Musumba, pp. 166-169.

45

musicians in Kenya have written books with the Kenyan and African context in mind

to help in the training. Such authors include King, Scott and Miya. 70

3.3 The beginning of the twenty-first century

The church in Nairobi has seen tremendous changes in its music. New practices

have emerged and have brought misunderstandings, sometimes curiosity and even

conflicts. One such area that currently represents a paradigm shift for some churches

and a dilemma for others are Christian performing arts groups. Many churches are

now forming Christian dance groups that perform pre-rehearsed dances to pre­

recorded Christian music. The older generation in many churches is still trying to

come to terms with this practice, but many of the young people enjoy it. These

performing arts have now become very popular among the youth and the young

pastors to the extent that these arts are performed in open-air crusades and

interdenominational Christian gatherings - meetings that are used to propagate new

ideologies and Christian practices. This is the focus of this study and is discussed in

Chapter Six with specific referen~ to Maximum Miracle Melodies. ,

Isukha indigenous performing arts known as isukuti have apparently influenced the

Christian dance group in question. The next chapter thus traces the indigenous

music practices of the Isukha as they were performed in pre-colonial times and

•

changes that the music has gone through in the 20th century. This discussion traces •

the indigenous music history of Kenya and then shows how the indigenous music

has come to influence the new genre of the 21 st-century church in Kenya: Christian

dance groups.

I 70 Roberta King, A time to sing: a manual for the African church, Nairobi: Evangel Publishing House, I

1999; Joyce Scott, Tuning in to a different song: using a music bridge to cross-cultural differences, Pretoria: University of Pretoria, 2000; Florence Miya, Building effective worship teams, Nairobi: Uzima Press, 2002.

46

Chapter Three

The isukufi performing arts of the Isukha

Introduction

The cultural practices of Kenya, like many post-colonial African countries, have

undergone many changes because of colonisation.' Consequently, the indigenous

practices performed in Kenya since the late 20th century differ from what was

performed during the pre-colonial times. 2

This chapter highlights the Luhya history, cultural practices, religious belief systems

and musical performances, with specific reference to the isukuti performing arts3 of

the Isukha. It also traces the changes that have occurred in these performing arts

since the late 20th century. These changes are discussed because of their influence

on the Maximum Miracle Melodies dance group, the focus of this thesis.4

Two Isukha neo-traditional dance groups that signify the changing indigenous

practices in Kenya, the Amalemba Matende Ngwaro and Mukumu Girls High School

isukuti dance groups from Isukha, are discussed. The chapter also summarises the

educational roles that the performing arts of isukuti perform. These aspects are

generally discussed in relation to other cultural groups in Kenya, illustrating some

underlying music practices and philosophical underpinnings, commonalities and

differences.

, A brief history of colonisation in Kenya appears in Chapter Two. 2 Abrokowaa, pp. 193-194. 3 The term isukuti performing arts refer to isukuti dance, music and drama. Sometimes the words are

used independently to emphasise a given concept or specific area. 4 A lecturer in the School of Music at the Kenyatta University, Nairobi, Mr George Mwiruki, viewed all

the videotapes and verified the observations by the researcher that Isukha performing arts with special reference to isukuti influenced the Maximum Miracle Melodies dance group. He is an isukuti performer and has been teaching isukuti performance practices at primary, secondary and various tertiary educational institutions in Kenya. He has also been an adjudicator of Kenya Music Festivals since 1979. The Director of Culture in Kenya, Mr Sylvere Anami; the Chief and Sub-chief of the Bukhulu Location in Isukha, Mr Fabian S. Lilumbi and Mr Maurice M. Mukhabali respectively, directed the researcher to the key isukuti performers and informants who are knowledgeable in isukuti performing arts as shall be discussed later in the chapter.

47

1. Historical background of the Luhya

Kenya has four major linguistic groups that encompass a variety of ethnic and sub­

ethnic groups.' These distinct linguistic groups are Bantu, Nilotes, Cushites and

formerly known as Paranilotics, now referred to as the Lake and River Nilots.' The

Luhya are Bantu people whose main homeland is in the Western Province of Kenya

(see Fig. 2.1 in Chapter 2). Historians such as Were have noted that the Bantu

arrived in Kenya from Zaire in Central Africa during the first millennium.' These Bantu

intermingled with those who arrived later from Egypt. They also mingled and

intermarried with Cushites and the Nilotes from other parts of Africa. This fusion

became an ongoing process, to the extent that contemporary Bantu groups have

emerged as distinct groupings. Some of the immigrants such as the Kalenjin adopted

the Bantu languages and cultures and lost their own, while in a few Kenyan districts

some of the Bantu were themselves absorbed by the immigrants. The Bantu

therefore became a hybrid community. The Luhya falls under the Bantu group."

The neighbours of the Luhya include the Highland and Plain Nilotes, formerly known

as Nilo-hamites; the Teso (west), the Kalenjins (north), the Nyang'ori-Teik (south­

east) and the Lake and River Nilotic Luos (south) 10 Uganda also borders the Luhya

to the west, where some of their sub-ethnic groups are found. The current Western

Province homeland in Kenya incorporates four districts: Bungoma, Busia, Kakamega

and Vihiga.

5 This section gives a very brief history of the Lu hya. For detailed account of the history of the Luhya, please refer to J.Osogo, A history of Abaluyia, Nairobi: Oxford University Press, 1966; Gideon Were, Western Kenya historical texts: Abaluyia, Teso, and Eigon Kalenjin, Nairobi: East African Literature Bureau, 1967.

6 Gideon Were, A history of the Abaluyia of Western Kenya, Nairobi: East African Publishing House, 1967, p. 29.

7 Kaplan eta/, p. 101. 8 [Anonymous],"Regions" in Kenyaweb, available from

<http://www.kenyaweb.regions/kakamegaDistrict.html> accessed 18 February 2003; Were, 1967, p. 64; Kaplan et a/., p. 90.

g W.H. Laughton, The peoples of Kenya: The Bantu of Kavirondo, Nairobi: Nindia Kuu Press, 1944, p. 8, indicates that the Bantu of Kavirondo (now Western Province), began calling themselves 'AwaLuhya'. According to Laughton, this name was inclusive of all the Luhya sub-ethnic groups. However, initially they didn't have a term for all the groups.

10 W ere, 1967. p. 30.

48

Fig. 3.1 The Western Province homeland in Kenya 11

TESO

L. Victoria

KEY

setUen:erl1

Mf EtGON •

LUO

(

In the four mentioned districts there are seventeen different Luhya sub-ethnic groups.

These sub-ethnic groups are the Tiriki, Idakho, Isukha, Wanga, Kisa, Maragoli,

Nyore, Marama, Marachi, Khayo, Nyala, Batsotso, Bukusu, Kabras, Masaba, Songa

and Samia. Although each sub-ethnic group has its own distinct language and

customs, they are culturally and linguistically related. They can understand and

identify each other's language, despite the fact that they exhibit certain differences.

According to Ochieng'," the period between 1200 and 1850 marks "the formative

phase of the Abaluyia as a cultural and linguistic community." The people have thus

come to be known as Abaluhya or Luhya, their land as Buluhya 13 and their ethnic

11 Adopted from W. R Ochieng, A history of Kenya, London: Macmillan Publishers, 1985, p. 23. " Ibid, p. 22. 13 Andrew Fedders and Cynthia Salvadori, Peoples and cultures of Kenya, Nairobi: Transafrica, 1998,

p.99.

49

group and/or language as Luhya or Oluluhya. Munday14 asserts that the term

'Abaluhyia' "came into general use in 1930s'" However, several authors spell the

name Luhya in different ways , For example, Whyte and Mirimo use the spelling

Luyia; Currey, Mojola and Were use the spelling Abaluyia , whereas Munday, Shorter,

and Collins use Luhya '5 Malusu argues that even the Luhya seem to "agree to differ"

about the spelling , ,. For the purpose of consistency, this dissertation will use the

spelling of Luhya ,

The total area of the Western Province region that the Luhya specifically occupy is

about 4,886 kilometres (3,054 sq , miles),17 The Western Province is well watered and

has two distinct seasons: the dry season that falls between mid-December and mid­

February, and the rainy season that lasts from March to December. The Western

Province receives rain throughout the year and is therefore very fertile, It has rich

highland soil and a large forest in Kakamega. The forest provides good wood for

making musical instruments, From this forest the Isukha get the materials used in

making their famous instruments, the isukuti drums.'· The Isukha also render the

dances that these drums accompany as isukuti dance, This dance has become very

popular in Kenya'9 and is performed regularly at the Kenya Music Festivals, in

television advertisements , national gatherings, the Bomas of Kenya Cultural Centre,

church performances and football matches'O

\4 Elizabeth Munday, Birth and death in between: children in Wanga society, Nairobi: Nairobi University, Institute of African studies, 1980, p. 9.

IS Michael A. Whyte, Controlling comparison: a discussion of divergent paths taken by two Luyia­speaking groups, Nairobi: UniverSity of Nairobi, 1979; Abraham K. L. Mirimo, Luyia sayings with English translations, Nairobi Universi ty Press, 1988; James Currey, African worlds: studies in the cosmological ideas and social values of African peoples, Hamburg: Oxford, 1999; A. asotsi Mojola, Knowledge and social images: a study of the connexion between knowledge and social structure with special reference to the Abaluyia traditional society and Plato, Nairobi : University of Nairobi, 1980; Gideon Were, Western Kenya historical texts: Abaluyia, Teso, and Elgon Kalenjin, Nairobi: East African Literature Bureau, 1967. Munday, 1980; Shorter, 1974; Collins, 1971 ,

16 Malusu, p, vii. " 0 Were, 1967, p, 3 , I. Interview with Elkana Machika , 6 June 2002. 19 Interviews with the Ngwaro isukuti dance group; Etkana Machika, 26 December 2001, isukuti

drummer and lecturer at Kenyatta University, Mr George Mwiruki, 28 July 2003 and the director of culture in Kenya, office of the Ministry of Sport s, Cu lture and Gender, Mr Sylvere Anami, 29 July 2003 indicated that isukuti music and dance began among the Isukha. Mr Anami has been performing isukuti drumming and dance since his childhood . He has also taught and adjudicated isukuti performing-arts in a variety of schools and the Kenyan Music Festivals.

20 Senoga-Zake, p. 31 , According to Senoga-Zake, isukuti is nowadays performed during Christmas season and installation of a chief as well as at o ther public holidays, This information has been contirmed in interviews with Mrs Musolo, 2 June 2002, Mrs Machika, 26 June 2002, Mr George Mwiruki, 28 July 2003 and Mr Sylvere Anami, 29 July 2002 .

50

2. The indigenous Isukha

This section examines the indigenous culture and music practices of the Isukha, a

sub-ethnic group of the Luhya, as practised by some of the old members of the

Isukha community. The researcher collected information on the indigenous Isukha (a)

from existing literature, (b) old research participants21 of the Isukha community, (c)

research participants knowledgeable on the isukuti performing arts and culture, and

(d) through observing and participating in selected isukuti performing arts

ceremonies. 22 The isukuti performing arts rhythms and songs derive their name from

the isukuti drums that are used in the execution of the performing arts.

2.1 Isukha background

The Isukha are also known as Abisukha and their language as Luisukha or Isukha.

Isukhaland is found in Kakamega district. It lies about 11.2 kilometres (7 miles) from

Kakamega town centre. The Kakamega District has eleven administrative divisions

consisting of 33 locations and 128 sub-locations,23 of which Isukhaland forms one.

The Isukha neighbours are the Idakho, Tiriki and Batsotso. Most of their practices

and music have similarities with those of their neighbours. The Isukha, Idakho, and

Tiriki originally performed the is ukuti dance, music, and drama that were later

adopted by the Maragoli, Banyore, and other Luhya ethnic groupS.24

The main occupations of the Isukha include farming, livestock keeping, and hunting.

They grow crops such as tea, sugarcane, maize, beans, bananas, vegetables,

potatoes, millet, groundnuts, fruits, and cassava. 25 It is no wonder that such crops are

frequently mentioned in their songs and stories. Some of the leaves of these crops as

21 The term 'research participant' is preferred to as 'informant' to convey the respect and importance of the knowledge added by the people who contributed to this study.

22 A lecturer in music at University of Georgia, Prof. Jean Kidula also verified the information in this chapter. She is an ethnomusicologist from the Luhya ethnic group and has performed isukuti dances.

23 [Anonymous], "Regions" in Kenyaweb, In. d.]. available from <http://www.kenyaweb.regions/kakamegaDistrict.html>. accessed 18 February 2003.

24 Interviews with Elkana Machika 6 June 2002; Mrs Machika, 26 June 2002; and George Mwiruki, 28 July 2003. Mrs Machika was an isukuti dancer between the ages of 12-18 before she got married. Her son Mr Machika leads the Matende Ngwaro Isukuti dance group that the researcher worked with during her fieldwork. George Mwiruki has been performing isukuti music since he was a teenager.

25 Interviews with Peninah lVIusumba, 26 June 2002; W. H. Laughton, The peoples of Kenya: the Bantu of North Kavirondo, Nairobi: Ndia Kuu Press, 1944, p. 5.

51

well as the trees in the forest are also used to make musical instruments and

costumes, as shall be discussed later (see plates 1 to 6 in Appendix C). The Isukha

also use trees and leaves from the forest and bushes to build their indigenous

houses made of mud from their fertile soil. Bushes and leaves are used for their

thatched roofs, and cow dung to smoothen the floor.

The common livestock that the Isukha keep are cattle, goats, chicken and pigs.

When they slaughter these livestock as well as other wild animals that they hunt, they

use the animals' hides, feathers, and bones to make musical instruments. From the

horns and hide of the cattle they make musical horns (olwika) and the membranes of

drums, (ingoma) which are used in their dance performances. They also mention

these animals in their music, folktales, riddles, proverbs, legends and myths'>· They

imitate the sounds of these animals in their music making. These animals also playa

major role in their religious and music rituals as shall be discussed later.

From the wild animals such as monitor lizards, snakes, monkeys and leopards the

Isukha make drum-membranes as well as artefacts and costumes for their cultural

dances. Their songs, dances, dramas and stories also refer to these animals. This

practice of relating songs and folktales to the environment, animals and occupation is

also common among other cultural groups in Kenya such as the Gusii (Western

Province), Borana (North Eastern Province), Midzi Chenda (Coast Province), Kikuyu

(Central Province) and AKamba (Eastern Province)." Finnegan'· (Southern Africa),

Scheub'9 (North, West and East Africa), and Bascom'o (Mozambique and East, West

and Central Africa), among others, have noted the same practice in other African

countries.

,. Interviews with Christina Musolo, and Penninah Musumba, 2 August 2003. They narrated stories commonly told to children among the Isukha. Other authors have noted the same about Luhya sub­ethnic groups. Such authors include Nandwa, pp. 100-206; Mirimo, 1988; and S. Khakai, The educational role of Afn"can traditional religion and customs among the Abanyole of Western Kenya, unpublished PGDE Project, Nairobi: Kenyatta University, 1984, pp. 24-42.

27 William R. Ochieng', Kenya's people: people of the South-Western highlands, Nairobi: Evans Brolhers, 1986, pp. 32-34; Hussein A. Isaack, People of the North Boran, Nairobi: Evans Brothers, 1986, 39-42, Charles Nyakiti Orawo, Music of Kilifi: The Midzi Chenda and their music, Kisumu: Lake Publishers & Enterprises, 2002, pp. 70-71; George Senoga-Zake, Folk music of Kenya, Nairobi: Uzima Press, 1986, pp. 13-28, 88-90.

,. Ruth Finnegan, Ora/literature in Africa, London: Oxford University, 1970, pp. 432-434. '9 Harold Scheub, The African storyteller: stories from African oral traditions, Kendall: Hunt Publishing

co., 1990. 30 William Bascom, African dilemma tales, Paris: Mouton Publishers, 1975.

52

I

2.2 Isukha religious heritage

According to Gideon Were,31 the Luhya believe in one Supreme Being known as

Nyasaye or Were who created all living creatures and is involved in all their affairs.32

All beings, including the invisible and the visible, are subject to him and they need to

pay him homage since he is their ultimate object of worship. Were is all-powerful,

protector of all creatures and giver of all prosperity (wealth, health, success, etc.). He

brings good luck or blessing to the obedient, but disasters and curses to the

disobedient.

The Isukha believe that Were is always at the centre of their life. Their daily lives, like

those of other indigenous Kenyan groups,33 are religious because whatever they do,

in every occasion and stage of life, always has a religious connotation. Religion and

culture were inseparable. The Isukha live a religious life rather than propagate it,

since it is an integral part of their total way of living and culture. 34

They believe that, since Were is invisible, he resides in the sky and nature. He is

believed to particularly reside in a big rock found in Isukha known as Ikhonga

Murwi. 35 Around this stone, there is some edible vegetation. The Isukha believe that

this vegetation has the power to heal infertile women because Were is the source of

life. He is involved in the begetting of children, who are considered his greatest gift to

man.36 The rock is therefore of great religious signifICance. Gunter has indicated the

following prayer that the indigenous Luhya pray to Were:

31 Gideon S. Were, Essays on African religion in Western Kenya, Nairobi: East African Literature Bureau, 1977, p. 7.

32 The name of the author, Were, should not to be confused with Were, the Supreme Being. 33 Peter Bandena and John B. Gichuhi, Prayer in an African context: with an anthology of African

traditional prayers, Nairobi: Paulines Publications Africa, 2002, pp. 12-13. 34 Mugambi discusses six dimensions of religion in Africa: mythological, doctrinal, social, ritual, ethical

and experiential. He cites that these dimensions are always interrelated and intertwined with African cultures. Although the discussion of the indigenous Isukha is not organised according to Mugambi's six dimensions, it clearly refers to them. (J. N. K. lVIugambi, Religion and social construction of reality: Inaugural lecture delivered at the University of Nairobi on 26 September 1996, Nairobi: Nairobi University Press, 1996, pp. 7-9).

35 Interviews with Mark Mabiya and Joseph Liluma, 3 August 2003. Khukhonga means to create or shape. Ikhonga means something that creates/shapes itself. Murwi means head. Ikhonga murwi therefore means that the stone has a self-created head or it has shaped a head for itself. The stone is large and has a smaller stone at the top (which looks like the larger stone's head). This information was confirmed and verified by Job Rufus Miya, 26 December 2003 and Penninah Musumba, 26 December 2003.

36 Munday, p. 5.

53

Po! God, may the day dawn well; may you spit upon us the medicine so that we may walk well!37

The prayer illustrates that the Luhya acknowledge Were when they rise up in the

morning before beginning their daily work.

Other beings that the Isukha believe in and who aid the community to communicate

with the supernatural are their ancestors, diviners and witchdoctors.

2.2.1 Ancestors

The Isukha have a strong belief in communalism. The individual is not strong on

his/her own and s/he therefore needs the rest of the community to survive. Their

kinship system includes those who are dead, their living relatives and those who are

about to be born. Having the desire to feel the presence of their ancestor, the living

relatives normally give a new-born child an ancestral name. Like their LU038

neighbours, the Isukha view death not as the end of all life, but only the end of

physical or visible existence.39 When a person dies, his spirit, omwoyo, assumes new

and active life and role in the invisible world. Such people are referred to as abafwa

or bandu bakhutsa (the dead). If the abafwa were spirits of good men, the Isukha

expect them to do good to the community. The spirits of bad people are referred to

/' as binanyenzo (ghosts)40 and are believed to be evil and harmful.

The ancestors sometimes appear to their living relatives in dreams and

hallucinations. According to Mrs Christina Musolo:

When a child is about to be born, an ancestor may appear to the mother or father in a dream, demanding that the child be named after him or her. In such a case, the parents give the child that ancestor's name in order to appease the spirit [of the ancestor].41

37 Gunter Wagner, The Bantu of North Ka virondo , Vol. I, London: International African Institute, 1949, p.170-171.

38 A. B. C. Ocholla-Ayayo, "Death and burial: an anthropological perspective" in J. B. Ojwang and J.

39

N. K. Mugambi (eds), The S.M. Otieno case: death and burial in modern Kenya, Nairobi: Nairobi University Press, 1989, p. 31. Malusu, pp. 3-4.

40 Vitalis W. Sitati, 17-Abaluhya tongues in English and Kiswahili Dictionary, Vol. 8, [n.pj, [n.d.], 1980, p. 104.

41 Interview with Christina Musolo, 2 August 2002.

54

I

The ancestors have a strong bond with the living and have the following roles: 42

(a) Ancestors bring good fortune to the living. They are capable of intluencing the lives of the living. The living regard the ancestors as active and helpful;

(b) Ancestors are capable of bringing prosperity as well as causing disaster, diseases, infertility and harm in the lives of their living relatives and their livestock. The living therefore pour libations to the ancestors before they eat a meal in order to appease the ancestors;

(c) Ancestors are mediators between Were and the community. Sometimes the Isukha involve ancestral spirits in the worship of Were. They believe that the spirits act as mediators.

The above roles explain why funeral rites a·re very important to the Isukha. If a

deceased man does not receive proper communal burial, his spirit will disturb the

living. If he receives a proper burial, he will bring good luck to his people. The isukuti

performing arts therefore play a major role in funerals and commemoration

ceremonies to ensure that the living beings make peace with the deceased, bringing

stability and balance in life as evidenced in many African cultures.43

2.2.2 Diviners

Diviners only come from a specific family lineage and are highly respected among

the Isukha, because they are mediators between the physical and the supernatural

world. A father hands over his supernatural ability and powers to his son or daughter,

who will carry on with the work. The community consults diviners during times of

hardships and trouble or when families are looking for solutions or insight. The

community regard such misfortunes as curses from Were. They consult diviners who

diagnose the problem and offer solutions. Usually the diviner decides the kind of

sacrifice the community should offer.

The diviners offer sacrifices to Were through ancestral spirits as effective mediators.

Sacrifices are offered to rectify the 'sins' of the community and/or the family. For

example, if there are unnatural disasters such as famine, sudden deaths, locust

42 Were, 1977, p. 7. All the old research participants that were interviewed had a vague memory of Were and his attributes. They can only remember what some of their grandfathers used to say about Were. It is apparent that they did not follow the same practice. The researcher has therefore adapted these beliefs and practices from the book by Gideon Were mentioned.

43 John Mbiti, Introduction to African religion, Nairobi: East African Educational Publishers, second edition, 2000, p. 119.

55

invasions, contagious and severe sickness, they are believed to be a result of the

societal disobedience to Were. Sacrifices are thus offered to appease Were and the

ancestral spirits so that the calamity can end.

Sometimes if an individual violates any of the regulations of Were and the community

at large, s/he may be punished by the Isukha society. The Isukha believe that if such

an individual is not punished, s/he can endanger not only his/her family, but also the

community at large. Mrs Machika narrated incidents she witnessed when she was

younger:

There are people who used to perform many shameful things. There were elderly people in the community who knew the rules and laws of the lands. If there were young people who were immoral and had sexual relations with other women in the homestead [incest], the village elders would come [to sort out the problem] in the homestead. Beer would be prepared at the occasion. During this occasion, they [the elders, the young people who were victims and the relatives] would all drink it, but they would not allow the victims to drink too much and loose their soberness. When the young people are then asked whether they committed the sin, they would easily admit the truth. The woman/women alleged to be involved would also drink from the same calabash; then they would give to others till the whole group would have taken from the same calabash. They would then be given arrows that they were meant to shoot on the Mrembe tree. They believed that when the arrow is shot towards the tree and the elders confess that 'whoever did the act and repeats it again, would die'; it would actually happen. If the people were guilty, they would die if they repeat the same. As each of the victims shot their arrow, they would repeat the words, 'I will not repeat the act again. If I do, let the curse be upon me.' For sure, those who used to repeat the sin would die. 44

These are ritual dramas45 that the clan elders and the people in question perform.

The sacrifices that are commonly offered are chicken, goats, cattle, birds and

crops such as millet. These animals are also used for oath binding and

purification rites. The selection of the sacrificial animal, bird or crops partly

depends on the nature of the occasion or the type of offence committed.

The places where sacrifices are offered, especially for the whole community, are

sacrificial stones or altars. The sacrifices are slaughtered on this altar and some

are burnt (as burnt offering) on them. The actual ceremony varies, depending on

the nature of the situation. Mrs Machika narrated her experiences as follows:

Our god sometimes would come through the diviner to inform him [the diviner] of a particular family that needed to be purified because the owner of the homestead offended the ancestors. He would have to slaughter a hen and cock. They would also slaughter two goats as sacrifice

44 Interview with Mrs Machika, 26 June 2002. 45 The term ritual in this dissertation is defined as "Of, pertaining to, or used in a solemn rite or

solemn rites," Lesley Brown, The New Shorter Oxford English Dictionary on historical principles, Vo1.2, Oxford: Clarendon, 1993, p. 2609. Ritual dramas are the dramatic actions that accompany the rituals.

56

to the ancestors. Many people come to the homestead. Then the diviner would begin calling unto the ancestors by name, one by one. An old woman would cook purely wimbi ugali. 46 If there were no old women available for this work then a young virgin girl would have to do it. I even cooked the ugali while I was still young.

Then that night the chicken would be slaughtered outside and roasted on fire (altar]. The ugali would be kept on the plates without moulding it. The chicken would then be cut into small pieces and put on plates with the ugali. The plates would then be put outside in the open and then they (diviners] would begin calling on the ancestors. The elders and diviners would then take the food and throw it in the air and on the rocks for the ancestors to eat. The rest of the people (the living] would then eat roasted meat and ugali to their fil1.47

All these actions were part of the ritual drama ceremony. Mbiti48 observes that In

Sierra Leone, Ghana, Nigeria, and Uganda cultural groups built altars in their

homestead, where they offer sacrifices to their ancestors and remember them in

prayers to their gods. During certain times in the religious ceremonies among the

Isukha, there is no music or dancing, but only ritual dramas. When music is

performed, the diviners and at times the elders sing songs and play small drums and

shakers. These songs aid in communicating with the people's maker and ancestors.

In some religious ceremonies the members present sing and dance. When asked

whether they sing and dance in these ceremonies, Mrs Machika says:

Yes, we used to sing when the ceremony begins, but when the people were roasting the meat and eating, there was no singing. There was also some singing after the rituals as the people drunk beer. We would also sing and really dance. The songs were about the one who died [ancestor] in that homestead. The parent of the deceased would sing songs with words that she just comes up with (improvised words]. The rest of the people join in the dance ... we just danced any style good for old people49

The songs and dances are meant for the elderly who execute dance movements of

their choice. There is no prior rehearsal for the performances.

2.2.3 Witchdoctors

The Isukha community at large does not appreciate witchdoctors because they

invoke evil spirits to torment and destroy people during secret rituals. Whenever a

young person dies in the community, this is often attributed to witchdoctors. Mrs

Machika sang the following lament that depicts this belief:

46 Ugali is a "a stiff porridge, made of maize, millet, or cassava flour" From Inter-territorial Language Committee to the East African Dependencies, A Standard Swahili-English Dictionary, London: Oxford University Press, 1939. Wimbi ugali is made from millet flour. It is also refered to as bushuma bu bule.

47 Interview with Mrs Machika, 26 June 2002. 48 Mbiti, 2000, p. 119. 49 Interview with Mrs Machika, 26 June 2002.

57

Nahuka muno (I wonder)50

Ha yeye haye aye ye (Oh, oh, oh) Mwana wanje ukhutsi (My child is dead) Nalira muno ko (I'm crying so much) Nahuka muno ko (I am really wondering) Mundu ukhalachiri mwana wanje (Somebody has cut short the life of my child).

The deceased's parent sings this lament in a parlando style. Mrs Machika

commented on the song as follows:

You know in the olden days, when a child died when she was young like you [meaning the writer], nobody thought that she died a natural death like sickness. Aaa l They would say that someone has cut short the life of her child [Ukhalachiri mwana wanje]. But if an old woman like me dies they will just believe that she died a natural death.

This 'someone' is believed to be a witchdoctor who caused the child's death.

Mrs Musolo reiterated that it was shameful to be seen in the homestead of a

witchdoctor. Therefore, most people who wanted the witchdoctor's help would visit

him at night. According to her:

There was no dancing; it was a secretive visit or experience. Other people were not supposed to know that you visited a witchdoctor. That is why the community could not sing and dance.51

It is seen as a shame to get married to a close relative of a witchdoctor. The next

song is an example of what young married women sing as they do their work.

Ng'ombe yambira (The cow took me)

Ng'ombe yambira, ng'ombe yambira (the cow took me, the cow took me). mubalochi, ng'ombe yambira ha, ha (to the witchdoctor's, oh the cow took me) ng'ombe yambira mubalochi. (rhe cow took me to the witchdoctor's).

Usually the Isukha pay a dowry price for a bride before marriage. The bridegroom

pays this price, usually cows, to the parents of the bride. In this song, therefore, the

words 'the cow took me' are a metaphor that refers to the dowry price paid to the

woman's parents as bride price. The woman laments and regrets this action

because, if it were not for the cow, which her father paid as dowry price, she would

not be married into this homestead of witches. Seemingly, she is blaming the dowry

price for her marriage to the witch.

50 Caleb I. Shivachi, A case study in language: English, Kiswahili and Luhyia people of Kenya, unpublished PhD. dissertation, Cape Town: University of Cape Town, 1999, p. 33. He translates these words as "I was surprised."

51 Interviews with Christian Musolo, 2 August 2002.

58

2.3 Isukuti performing arts

Several scholars52 have discussed the role of music among the Luhya of the Western

Province of Kenya. They have exemplified the social occasions where music is

performed as well as the rites of passage of the Luhya. However, this section will not

re-examine the social contexts of all the music the Luhya perform, but will

concentrate on the isukuti performance. The isukuti performing arts initially formed

part of indigenous funeral ceremonies. Although isukuti has become very popular in

the twenty-first century and is used in a wide variety of settings, only its use in the

funeral context will be discussed in detail. The focus will be placed on illustrating the

relationship between the music, the cultural practices and beliefs, as well as the

educational role it plays in the indigenous setting.

The Isukha, like other ethnic groups in Africa,53 do not have an equivalent term for

'music' in Luisukha. They refer to other words that portray their concept of music

such as tsinyimbo 'songs' and khusieba 'to dance'. Tsingoma or muyumu refer to

music performances such as dancing or playing of instruments. When going for a

performance, a person would often say 'I am going to tsingoma or muyumu'. It is tacit

knowledge among the Isukha that musical instruments accompany singing and

dancing.

The same concept is found among the Akamba of Kenya. Kavyu and Katuli54 observe

that, in the Akamba community of Eastern Kenya, the terms wathi and kwina are

used, meaning 'to dance' and 'song'. When the Akamba say 'Kwina wathi', it means

'sing a song' or 'dance a dance.'

52 Pius W. Kakai, Social contexts of the initiation rites of the Abatachoni: a historical study, unpublished MA Thesis, Nairobi: Kenyatta University, 1992, pp. 180-189; Nandwa, pp. 206-235; Khakayi, pp. 10-65;

53 Leonardo D'Amico and Francesco Mizzau (eds), Africa: folk music atlas, Frenze, Italy CentroFLOG: Tradizioni Popolari, n.d., p.28; Gerhard Kubik, The theory of African music, Vol. 1, Wilhelmshaven: Florian Noetzel Verlag, 1994, p. 330.

54 Paul N. Kavyu, An introduction to Kamba music, Nairobi: East African Literature Bureau, 1977, p. 11; John Kilyungu Katuli, Ethnic music in Christian worship: a study of specific aspects of Akamba traditional music in the liturgy of the Catholic Church in Mwingi deanary, unpublished MA Thesis, Nairobi: Kenyatta university, 1998, p. 39.

59

2.3.1 Indigenous cultural context

The isukuti performing arts were indigenously performed during shimambo and

shiremba. 55 Shimambo is a funeral ceremony carried out when a middle-aged man or

woman dies. In such ceremonies the isukuti instrumentalists and dancers perform

their music to console the bereaved family and the community mourners. Shiremba is

performed in remembrance of someone who died, or in commemoration of prominent

members of the Isukha society.56 This performance takes place several days after the

burial and sometimes once a year for two to three years around the period the

deceased died. In this case the isukuti is performed as a tribute to the dead.

A ceremony known as shinini is performed several months after the burial. The

Isukha believe that this ceremony brings the ancestral spirit to his/her homestead to

live in peace in the next world, and to protect his/her living family members from evil

spirits and bad omen. This ritual is also found among other ethnic groups across

Africa such as the Yoruba and the Shona.57

The dancers and singers of isukuti performing arts are young unmarried women and

men. The instrumentalists are both young and elderly men. Customarily, when a

woman gets married, she has to stop performing isukuti, because the dance

movements are not appropriate for married women. 58 However, whenever isukuti

performing arts are performed as a procession, for example, in a ceremony, the

community members, regardless of their age or gender, join in the dance, utilising

their own free-style dances. The isukuti musicians lead them.

The young girls wear banana leaves around their waist,59 whereas the men wear wild

animal's hide. Both the men and women dance topless. The dancers paint their

bodies with clay of various colours. The instrumentalists are dressed like male

dancers, but with headgear made of animal hide and decorated with bird-feathers

(see plates 1 to 6 in Appendix C).

55 Senoga-Zake, p. 31. 56 Interviews with Mrs Machika, 26 June 2002, Mr Mark Mabiya and Mr Joseph Liluma, 3 August

2003. 57 S. A. Thorpe, African traditional religions: an introduction, Pretoria: University of South Africa, 1992,

pp. 65, 102-103. 58 Interviews with Mrs Musolo, 2 June 2002 and Mrs Machika, 26 June 2002. 59 Interview with Mrs Musolo, 2 June 2002.

60

• I I

• -

In the 21 st century, women wear sisal waist skirts and cotton-blouses (see plates 3, 4,

and 6 in Appendix C). During Mrs Machika's era, the 1920s and 1930s, the isukuti

dancers wore 'Amerikani' (American material or jinja, a cotton material that they used

to get from Jinja in Uganda.)60 They would cover their bodies with these pieces of

cloth and tie them around their shoulders. This was considered as 'decent.' When the

dance is performed as a procession in these ceremonies, the dancers who join do

not require specified costumes.

There is usually much beer drinking during funeral times for the whole community.

The instrumentalists take the local brew before performing. Wagner commented on

the custom of beer drinking as follows:

One of the most humiliating experiences which a man can suffer is to be derided by his age­mates for having offered them 'beer of the women which is not of the husband's kind', i.e weak stuff that has not properly fermented, or to be despised 'because he drinks beer at other people's places, but does not know how to brew the right stuff himself. ,61

(a) Songs

The songs analysed in this section are those that are considered to have the original

purpose intended for isukuti music. The cultural context is also exemplified.

When someone dies among the Isukha, there is much sorrow and wailing. The

wailing serves a dual purpose: first to mourn the departure of the deceased, and

second, to announce the death. The mourning goes on for months and the

community members are expected to cry. Christine Musolo remarked that "the people

have to cry. If one doesn't cry, it will be assumed that you are happy about the.

person's death." Her remark indicates that the community expects certain behaviour

from an individual when someone dies. This kind of unity is also reflected in some of

their oral narratives. For example, the following Luhya proverb emphasises the fact

that unity in the family and the clan is highly regarded:

Bulala niko amani. [Team work/unity is peace. To be united is to be strong].62

60 Conversations, Dr Jean Kidula, 5 March 2004. 61 Gunter Wagner, The Bantu of North Kavirondo, Vol. II: economic life, London: University Press,

1956, p. 68. 62 7 Mirimo, p ..

61

Tracey, Blacking, Dargie, Setiloane, Hardesty and Mngoma63 have observed the

same belief among the Zulu, Sotho, Tswana, Venda, Xhosa and other African

cultures. The Xhosa, for example, have the following saying:

Umuntu ngumuntu ngabantu [A person is a person by (virtue of) other peoplej.64

The mourning begins when the person dies and lasts until several weeks or months

after his/her burial. The period of mourning depends on the age and status of the

deceased. There is a shorter mourning period if the deceased is a child compared to

a young man or woman. If the deceased is a prominent member of the society, such

as a chief or an elder who had a high standing in the community, the mourning goes

on for many months. If the deceased is an old man or woman, there are fewer

mourning days than for the former, because the Isukha believe that the old man or

woman had lived life to the full and had finished his/her work. 55 An older person is

seen to fit comfortably into the next spiritual world/life in their ancestral place as

described in section 2.2.

During the mourning period the Isukha gather together in the homestead of the

bereaved family. They drink and eat as they mourn in the home. There are specific

musicians that lead the community in a great deal of singing and dancing. These

musicians perform music for consoling the bereaved family, to relieve their sorrow

and pain related to the death of their beloved, for group solidarity, which is a product

of the ontological relationships that result from communalism, and to appease the

spirit of the departed. It is believed that if the rituals, songs and dances are not

performed, the deceased will be unhappy and will haunt the living as a spirit or

63 Andrew Tracey, "African values in music" in Klaus P. Waschmann (ed), Essay on music and history in Africa, Evanston: Northwestern University Press, 1971, p. 272; John Blacking, "Trends in the black music of South Africa 1959-1969" in Elizabeth May (ed), Musics of many cultures: an introduction, California Press: Bekerly, 1980, p. 204; David Dargie, "The teaching of African music using techniques based on traditional learning methods" in Andrew Tracey (ed), Papers presented at the sixth symposium on Ethnomusicology, ILAM: Grahamstown, 1988, pp.118-119; Gabriel M. Setiloane, African theology: an introduction, Johannesburg: Skotaville Publishers, 1986, pp. 13-16; Kay Hardesty, "Achieving ubuntu through chamber music: a lifelong learning perspective" in Tracey (ed), pp. 337-359; Khabi Mngoma, "Music and ubuntu" in Tracey (ed), 1998, pp. 427-433.

64 Tracey, 1971, p. 272. 65 Interviews with Mrs Musolo, 2 June 2002 and Mark Mabiya & Joseph Liluma, 3 August 2003.

62

ghost.66 The Kipsigis, Luo, Kikuyu, Akan of Ghana, Chewa of Malawi and other

African ethnic groups across the continent share a similar belief.67

After the funeral the Isukha organise a shiremba in memory of the deceased. This

memorial dance is incorporated in bull fighting. An example of a song sung during

shiremba is Ing'ombe.

Two ing'ombe songs (The cow)

Solo: woi (oh) All:: Ing'ombe (the cow) Solo: woi (oh) All: ee mama ing'ombe (oh mother, the cow) Solo woi(oh) All: ing'ombe (the cow) Solo woi (oh) All: ee mama ing'ombe (oh mother, the cow) Solo ing'ombe woi (Oh the cow)

ibuluhya ... (of Luhya land) Woi ... (oh6 Makhuba 8 (literally means 'words') Kweinyama ... (of meat) Yeha ... (yeha) Ikhulimira ... (it digs for us)

(Word - interpolations: shio, shio, ing'ombe-iyo, hee) (there, there, the cow, iyo, hee)

Solo: Ing'ombe ikuri baba (the cow did not get satisfied) All: ilahumira (it will moo!) Solo: wo ing'ombe ikuri baba (the cow did not get satisfied) All: ilahumira shimoli khuilacherera (the calf will moo! And go back)

These two short songs are often sung sequentially. After the word-interpolations69 the

second Ing'ombe song begins. The song leader usually determines when to sing the

next song and what song to sing. The choice of song normally depends on the

66 Interviews with Mr Mabiya and Mr Liluma, 3 August 2003. Malusu (p. 5) has also noted this belief. 67 Henry A. Mwanzi, A history of the Kipsigis, Nairobi: East African Literature Bureau, 1977, pp. 120-

123, Jude Ongong'a, The Luo concept of death: a study of beliefs and ceremonies of death in the light of Christian message, unpublished PhD dissertation, Pontificia University Urbaninana: Rome, 1978, pp. 3-4; Shorter, p 117; Robert B. Fisher, West African religious traditions: focus on the Akan of Ghana, Maryknoll, New York: Orbis Books, 1998, p 23; James N. Amanze, African traditional religion in Malawi: the case of the Birubi Cult, Blantyre: CLAI M, 2002, pp. 141-142.

68 When the word makhuba is translated literally, it does not make much sense. The Isukha use this term as an exclamation when a person is shocked or amazed at something. It is equivalent to the English use of the words 'my goodness!' (Interviews with Penninah Musumba and Job Rufus Miya, 26 December 2003).

69 Word interpolations are words and passages that are spoken within a song or while the music is performed.

63

occasion, rituals and sometimes the soloist's desire. The musicians know what kinds

of songs to sing for each occasion, ritual and drama.

The text of the songs refers to cattle. The song leader's words also refer to Luhya

land and the benefits of cattle. These songs are sung in praise of the bulls. There are

usually two groups in the crowd, each cheering a bull. The bull that wins and its

owner will receive more applause. The one that loses becomes a source of shame to

its owner, who is usually ridiculed by the crowds. 70

In the second song, after the word-interpolations, the singers refer to the emotional

status of the cow. Prior to the bull-fighting ceremony, the bulls are given local Isukha

brew to get them drunk. When the music begins and the bulls are released, they are

'charged up' with anger, ready to fight. The musicians sing that if one of the bulls is

not satisfied, the satisfied bull will hurt it and the hungry one will go back home like a

calf would. Each owner has to give its bull a name, which is used in the cheering and

the songs. All the singing, bull fighting, cheering, and dancing are dramatic actions

enacted as a tribute to the deceased.

It is mandatory for the living warriors to sing the following song if the deceased is a

warrior. The warriors dance and dramatise in honour of the deceased. The isukuti

drums are also played during the performance.

Fig. 3.2 Nise ingof1 (I am a leopard)

Ingoi Trad.

)=106 solo ,- 3 --, Chorus solo Chorus solo ;! 1'1 J. j IT] J. j J I J Jl J J n Ii J } J. J jQ:1 Ni -5ei-ngo-i wani-sei-ngo-i. Ha ni-sei-ngo -i ho_ ho ni-sei-ngo-i h3-

5 #.. Chorus .-3 --, ,----3----,

~:l J } J. J J J ]I Fj -i j J 113 I J Jl J J J1 II _ ha! Ni-sei-ngo-i wa-ba kha ya-nga khu ma-kha yo_ ha ni-sei-ngo-i.

70 Interviews with Elkana Machika, 6 June 2002. 71 The Amalemba Matende Ngwaro dance group and Mrs Machika who is an isukuti dancer sang this

song text. However, it should be noted that several people use different words as they improvise. The researcher came across a different version of the same song (see Appendix A) as noted by Nobuhiro Nakabayashi, Isukha traditional songs, [n.p.], Kanazawa University, 1979, pp. 10-11.

64

Solo: Nise ingoi wo nise ingoi (I am a leaopard, oh I am a leopard) All: ha nise ingoi (Ha! I am a leopard) Solo: wo hal (Vocables) All: nise ingoi (I am the leopard) Solo: ha hat (ha, ha) All: nise ingoi wa bakhayanga khu makhayo hat Nise ingoi (I am the leopard that

repulses any aggression)

The warriors place spears next to the deathbed of the warrior. They then cover the

body with a cowhide (in the 21 st century they use a blanket). The elderly circumcised

men in the clan dig the grave in front of the house of the wife to the deceased. If the

deceased was polygamous, the grave is dug near his first wife's hut. As the digging

goes on, the warriors sing the above warrior song while dancing around the

compound. Elderly clan women give a spear to the widow that she holds as she

dances throughout the performance as the women direct her. She mainly sings

Isukha dirges (tsinzikhulu).

On the burial day the deceased is buried as the sun is setting, signifying the end of

his journey. An elderly clan member gives an account of the deceased's life history.

At this point there is no crying or singing until the dead body is buried under the

ground; only then do the singing and crying resume.

A day after the burial, the warriors organise for the bull-fighting ceremony. They wear

leopard hides and leaves around their bodies. They sing and dance with spears in

one hand and a slasher in the other. The warriors slash all plantations in the

deceased's homestead to signify that all the living crops must die with him. As they

do so, they make guttural sounds and threatening gestures to scare the women and

children. Such actions symbolise their anger as well as demonstrate their fierceness

that is equated to that of the leopard.

The war victors regard themselves as leopards, believing that a leopard is a very

strong and fierce animal. This allusion is a result of victory and fierce fighting. Friends

also refer to one another as ingoi, signifying some big deed by an individual or

merely because of one's harsh or fierce character. The dances performed for such

occasions imitate the movements of the leopard. Drums, jingles, ankle bells and

olwika, animal horns, are usually played to accompany the dancers.

65

On the third day of mourning a fig tree is planted at the graveside of the deceased. A

bull is slaughtered and its sacrificial blood is mixed with indigenous medicine. This

mixture is then sprinkled on the people present and things around them. The close

relatives of the deceased shave their hair. All the above are done as a sign of

bereavement, a cleansing of the clan members and initiation of the deceased into the

spirit world. The Luhya neighbours such as the Abasuba and the Luo also practise

cleansing of the living through sacrifices. 72

Some songs they sing after the above ceremony refer to the departed ancestors.

Fig. 3.3 Lumbe73 (Death)

Lwnbe T",d .

.6106 Solo Chorus -i- .--3---,

~ dll 2 J J J J 1 J 1 J~ J. J J J Ngwa . ro i· Ii - la - nga lu - mbe. Woi ye lu - mbe

-i- ,--3--.,

~dll J J J J 1 J -----J J Ii' J. J J Ngwa-ro i-Ii - la • nga lu - moo, woi ye III - mhe.

Solo: Ngwaro iliranga lumbe (Ngwaro [dance group] is crying about the death [of the deceased].

All: woiye lumbe ngwaro iliranga lumbe woi lumbe (Oh death, Ngwaro is crying. Oh death) Solo: Maina 74 yakorera muliloba (Maina disappeared in the soil) All: woiye lumbe maina yakorera muliloba, (Oh death, Maina disappeared in the soil)

woiye Lumbe (oh death) Solo: Mbotswa yakolera mwiloba ... (brother disappeared in the soil)

Flora 75 yaliranga lumbe ... (Flora cried death) Papa yakolera muliloba ... (Her father disappeared in the soil) Mutsatsa yakolera muliloba ... (The man disappeared in the soil)

(Word-interpolations: Khali mwami weru wa Khuchaka akolera muliroba ... 0 pole, kalaha) (Even our first chief disappeared in the soil. .. oh sorry, sorry)

Solo: Ye basatsa (Oh men) All: Khuliranga (we are crying) Solo: Ee basatsta (Oh men) All: Khulilanga lukhutsu muliloba.(we are crying for the death in the soil)

72 Henry O. Ayot, Historical texts of the Lake Region of East Africa, Nairobi: Kenya Literature Bureau, 1977, pp. 290-306; Ongong'a, pp. 3-20.

73 Although the Isukha people sing this song, they use a Lunyore word, Lumbe. This shows the intersub-ethnic borrowing (adaptation) of words. Death in Luisukha is referred to as LUkhutsu.

74 This is not originally a Luhya name. It is commonly found among the Kikuyu of Central Kenya. However, Laughton, p. 16, contends that it is a name of Nandi origin. If the name 'Maina' is of Nandi origin, this fact verifies and explains the intercultural borrowing that existed between the two ethnic groups as discussed earlier in the chapter.

75 The performers used the researcher's name in their performance. Prior to the performance, the group leader Mr. Machika, inquired from the researcher if she had lost a close relative. He thus decided to Sing about her deceased father.

66

Solo: 8akhaye ... (women) Ni mbotswa papa nt is my father's sister) Lukutsu luchaki .. . (death has began) Yei basatsa ... (Oh men) Woi bashianje .. . (Oh my fellow kinsmen)

The texts of the two songs refer to the deceased, Maina. The texts also reveal the

sentiments of the community. The Isukha are sad and are crying for the physical loss

of their departed. They use metaphors that can be understood by the community; for

example, the deceased "disappeared in the soil." This means that the deceased died

and was buried under the ground and covered with soil, to be seen no more, as

though he disappeared from the world. Malusu76 states that there are other terms that

the Isukha use to refer to death such as utsili (he has gone), ushindi (he is cold),

ukhutsi (he is dead), etc. Such words illuminate the concept of death among the

Isukha.

A strong communal bond is also depicted in the song through the use of words such

as "my fellow kinsmen". Bashianje refers to the way the Isukha refer to each other.

This is a commonly used word amongst the Isukha men and women. It signifies the

strong ontological relationship that exists among them.

The metaphoric texts in the songs illustrate that these are songs sung by adults and

not children.

Some of the texts used are sometimes regarded as nonsense syllables or vocables.

They may not make much sense to a non-Isukha / non-Luhya person, but they are

very sensible, vital and sentimental to the Luhya. For example, in the above songs,

words such as woiye, ha, yeha, woi and ee mama, are used. When the Isukha cry or

are sad they exclaim woiye, ha or woi. When they are perplexed, they exclaim ye ha

or ee mama. When they are happy, ha a woiye ha are used. 77

These are words understood by the Isukha community and are used in their daily

conversations sometimes to express their emotions. It is no wonder that they can

sing the same vocables repeatedly. In such cases, their emotional attachment to the

76 Malusu, p. 1. 77 Interviews with Mrs Musolo, 2 June 2002 and Mrs Machika, 26 June 2002.

67

music is more important. The song thus acts as a vehicle for releasing their sorrow or

emotions. In the funeral song, the singers lament as they sing, "oh men, we are

crying .... " In the Isukha community a man is not allowed to shed tears in public.

However, here they cry 'through the song' . There is a strong emotion of sadness

released through the singing and that is why the same vocables are sung repeatedly.

The song also helps to console them as they release their tension . In such songs, the

words seem to take precedence over the melody that is sung repetitiously.

The songs reveal some of the cultural practices of the Isukha such as livestock

keeping, chief rulership, communalism, burying their dead under the soil and funeral

rites. Even though the texts are short and repetitive, they tell a story that reveals

much about the Isukha. The soloist of a song sometimes creates his text on the spur

of the moment through improvisations. 78 The extempore text is fitted to suit the

melody, but sometimes the melody may have fluctuations because of the new words.

The soloist repeats the melody, but keeps changing the text . The soloist therefore

has to be well versed in the Isukha language, and have extensive knowledge of the

people, their customs and cultural practices. This person also needs to be very

musical to ensure that improvisations fit well within the musical boundaries and

performance. Sometimes the soloist uses word-interpolations that further explain the

message of the song as in the examples given, or he can use guttural sounds, which

are commonly used and understood by the community. For example, in the bUll­

fighting song, the soloist uses the guttural sound: "Rrr" to imitate the sound made by

cattle herders when directing their cattle as they graze. These sounds contribute to

the whole music performance.

(b) Music instruments

Isukuti drums are named so because of the deep sounds they produce when

played.79 These drums come in sets of three. They are all the same shape except for

the sizes.

78 During the performance of the Amalemba Matende Ngwaro group, the researcher noted that the soloist kept changing his words every time he sung. Whenever he performed the songs, he sang the text differently as he added new text.

79 Interviews with Mr Machika, 6 June 2002 and Mr Mwiruki, 28 July 2003.

68

The smallest drum is called isukuti mwana or mutiti, which literally means 'child' or

'small'. The performer of the mutiti drum has to play a regulative constant

melorhythm80, providing the regular basic pulse of the music (see Fig. 3.4). This

constant rhythm enables the players of the other two drums to generate their own

rhythms while keeping the basic pulse.

Fig.3.4 The only melorhythmic pattern of isukuti mwana/ngapa

.1=118

II aU' U' u· U' :11

The isukuti mwana IS also known as isukuti ngapa81, which also denotes its

mnemonic sounds.

The middle drum is known as isukuti mama or shiseti, which means 'mother',

symbolising the mother figure. It is not always played constantly throughout the

performance but is often used especially during climaxes when the dancers need to

intensify their movements (see Fig. 3.5).

The biggest drum is known as isukuti papa or isatsa, which means 'father' or 'man'.

The melorhythms of this drum are very important for the dancers as they guide the

dancers in their dance movements and pattern formations. It has the deepest sounds

and has much more complicated and fast melorhythms that require more

concentration and repeated practice to achieve the dexterity required (see Fig. 3.6).

80 Meki Nzewi developed the term 'melorhythm' to describe the melodic mnemonic nature of drum music; Meki Nzewi, African Music: theoretical content and creative continuum. Oldhausen: Institut fOr popularer Musik, 1997, p. 34.

81 Ngapa is the mnemonic sound of the isukuti mwana melorhythmic pattern.

69

Fig. 3.5 Examples of isukuli mama melorhythmic patterns

Isukuti Mama Trad.

J=H8 ,---- 3 -----, ,---- 3 ---,

II i CD' CQ CIT CQ I:;~· r If r II

.-- 3 -----. .-- 3 -----.

112[IJ U U 7 U IIT.J U U U II

Fig. 3.6 Examples of the isukuti isalsa melorhythmic patterns

Isukuti Papa Trod.

J=118

II 2 r U bI r I r bOr u· r I fU :; (]' r I

4 ~3~

II r U br r I U ~ uti r r u"' r I r br br r II

8

IId·~7u7ulr urrlbUWWW I

11

II r r r r lillilleD ITJlr ur ulr ur r II

70

The drums are made of logs of wood chopped from the mukumari (cordia abyssinica)

tree.82 The drum makers dig a hollow in the log and shape it according to the desired

shape, then they make the outside smooth. One end is wider than the other. The

wider end is usually covered with the hide of a monitor lizard, Shiseri.

Fig. 3.7 Isukuti isatsa and mama Fig. 3.8 Metal rods and gongs (vikhuli)

The utilisation of this hide indicates that the Isukha are hunters. The men hunt for this

monitor lizard in the surrounding forest. The hide is usually fastened with small

wooden pegs on the wooden drum while it is still wet. Its elasticity in its wet state

allows for more flexible stretching to produce the desired sounds once it has been

dried in the sun. When the drying process is complete, the instrument makers tune

the drums by sprinkling a little water on the membrane from the inside. The drum is

again left in the sun to dry till the desired sound is achieved. A strap is usually fixed

on one side of the drum to allow drummers to hang it on one shoulder during

performances. The drum hangs under the armpit as the musicians play them in

procession (see Plates 5 and 6 in Appendix C. Also see is ukuti excerpts on

accompanying VCD for demonstrations).

82 Senoga-Zake, p. 172; R. Luziri Mulindi, Music of the Logooli: a study of Logooli music with particular reference to children's songs, unpublished MA. thesis, [n o p.], Queens University of Belfast, 1983, pp. 97-100.

71

The Isukha believe that the three drums represent the family: father, mother and

child.83 The three drums are always to be played together as a symbol of unity. The

big drum, the father, plays melorhythmic patterns that direct the dancers' steps and

movements. If the drummer plays melorhythms that have misplaced pulse or tempo

variations, he84 confuses the dancers. This is symbolic of the important role the father

plays in the Isukha community. He is the one in charge of his family and he directs

them in life. The rest of the family members have to follow his instructions.

Wagne~5 notes that:

Theoretically, [ ... J, a father has almost absolute rights over his children which are not curtailed by any actions which might be taken either by his own clan or by that of his wife. Formerly he could sell his uncircumcised sons in exchange for cattle or goats, to another clan or tribe, [ .... J Nowadays a father can still force his daughter to marry a man of his own choice, and he is also entitled to select a wife for his son without consulting the latter's opinion. If his son refuses to marry the girl he has assigned to him, he may disinherit him and drive him away.

The middle drum that represents the mother interjects its melorhythms sporadically.

Such interjections illustrate that the mother 'adds' flavour to the family and that she is

not always with them. Most of the time she is in the Mumaika (cooking area/kitchen)

busy preparing food, working in the field, fetching firewood and water, etc. and only

enters the ibwerif6 (living area in the house) at certain periods. However, what she

does is vital in the family.87 The mother is also considered to be inferior to the

83 Except for Mr Sylvere Anami, 29 July 2003, all the informants and the books the researcher read on Luhya music indicate that the isukuti drums are played in a set of three. According to Mr. Anami, the drums were originally four but today people use only three. These four included the big drum, which represents the father, the middle drum which represents the mother, and 2 small drums which represent the female and male children. He contends that his late father and grandfather, who were renowned isukuti drummers, gave him this information.

84 G ender issues are discussed later in this section. It is important to note that in the indigenous setting women are not allowed to play the isukuti drums.

85 Gunter Wagner, 1949, p. 46. 86 The Isukha indigenous houses had one big room that was divided into several portions. Ibweru was

where the male adults used to sit, talk and have their meals. Girls and women were not allowed to sit with the men in this area. They could only come into this area to greet the male visitors or to bring food to the men. Sometimes the father of the home or male visitors may call the females to the ibweru for interrogations or serious discussions if need be. (Interview with Penninah Musumba, 26 December 2003

87 Interviews with IVIr IVIwiruki, 28 July 2003, and Mark lVIabiya and Joseph Liluma, 3 August 2003. The isukuti instrumentalists could not answer questions regarding the meaning and representation of the isukuti drums. They seem to have inherited the isukuti drumming from their fathers and grandfathers without inquiring about the meaning and philosophical underpinnings of the drums and rhythms.

72

husband and if she misbehaves the husband can 'divorce,aa her and marry another

woman. Wagner also observes the following about the Luhya wife:

The low status of the wife with regard to property is paralleled by the fact that she has no rights over her children in her capacity as a mother. If the marriage is dissolved, even if entirely owing to the husband's fault, the wife can under no circumstance claim any of her children, in the sense that she would have a ri~ht to take them with her to her father's house or to her new husband and there bring them up. 9

Compared to the isatsa, the middle drum has high-pitched sounds, representing the

high-pitched voice of the mother. This sound also reflects that the woman is usually

noisy and talks 'loud.'90 Although the shiseti drum is played intermittently, its

melorhythmic patterns are simple and varied, and it does not perform on its own,

without the isatsa. When the shiseti player was asked by the interviewer to play his

melorhythmic patterns alone, he tried but found it difficult. He replied:

I can't play properly without the big drum. I need to hear the sounds of the big drum in order to play mine.

Again the ideology of unity or communalism is depicted in the execution of the drum's

poly-melorhythmic patterns.

The isukuti mwana melorhythmic pattern is short, but very essential (see Fig. 3.5). It

acts as a time line from which the other two drums get their pattern and keep their

pulse. This pattern is not meant to change or stop before the music is over. If this

happens, the other instrumentalists lose their pulse and even the dancers may be

confused. Although this pattern may appear simple on the surface, it provides the

background for the other patterns to the extent that the players of the other two

drums depend on the steadiness of the isukuti mwana player.

88 It should be noted that in the Isukha indigenous customs, if a husband is totally displeased with the wife's behaviour, he 'chases' her from his home and demands that she should return to her parents. In such a case the relatives of the woman are expected to return her to her husband. These relatives, mainly the father and uncles, have to go back to the homestead of the woman's husband for a serious discussion on the woman's behaviour. Depending on what the two parties agree on, a decision is made on whether the woman should remain in her husband's house or not. If the woman is totally displeased with the husband even after returning to him, she will decide her fate. Usually such women run away from their husbands without their father's consent and often choose to get remarried to another man even as a second or third wife. (Interviews with Mrs Penninah Musumba, 26 December 2003).

89 Wagner, 1949, p. 46. 90 Interviews with Mr Mwiruki, 28 July 2003.

73

The child is illustrated as a very important element in the nuclear family. It is therefore

considered a curse or a bad omen if an Isukha woman is barren. 91 This means that

she has to undergo some rituals through an ethnic healer as discussed in section

2.2.

If a woman is still not able to conceive, the husband will marry (khutesia) a second

wife, who will carry on his lineage. Whereas the other two drums can have periods of

silence in their drumming, the small one has to play constantly, meaning that children

must always be present in a nuclear family. As indicated before, the isukuti mama

comes in periodically, meaning that, although the wife gives birth to children and she

is vital in the home, the husband can be free to marry a second wife.

Although the Isukha are considered polygamists, polygamy is not mandatory. A

husband can choose to have only one wife and only remarries if his wife dies. A man

is not allowed to remain single after his wife's death. The elders of the clan will give

him a new wife who is suitable to take care of him and his children as well as provide

a mother figure in their nuclear home. If the man dies first, the woman is free to

remarry. In most cases, one of the brothers to her late husband inherits her so that

her children can have a father and her sexual desires will be fulfilled as well. This is

done in order to prevent promiscuity in the community.

Isukha women are not allowed to play or even touch the isukuti drums.93 Ideally, they

are not meant to play any musical instrument. Their participation in music is mainly in

singing, dancing, through drama and clapping hands. The Isukha believe that women

are meant to be busy with household chores and other family work so they do not

have enough free time to learn and practice how to play the instruments. Playing

instruments needs plenty of time for skill development and is therefore considered as

91 Interviews with Mrs Musolo, 26 June 2002, Mrs Machika, 2 August 2002, and Mr Mabiya and Mr Liluma, 3 August 2003.

92 Interviews with Mrs Musolo, 26 June 2002 and Mrs Machika 2 August 2002. Verified by Mr Mabiya and Mr Liluma, 3 August 2003.

93 Interviews with Mr Mwiruki, 28 July 2003, Mr Elkanah Machika, 6 June 2002, Mr Mabiya, August 2003, and Mr.John Litswa Lumati 4 August 2003.

74

I

time consuming. Other Kenyan societies such as the Kalenjin, Kisii, and Luo also

discourage their women from playing musical instruments.94

The Isukha also believe that the drums should never be played when crossing the

river.95 If this happens, the characteristic isukuti sound will 'disappear' and the drums

will never sound the same again. The main reason for this belief is that the

membrane of the drums is made out of monitor lizard's skin that lives near the river.

Therefore if the isukuti drums are played while crossing the river, the lizards will get

scared and disappear; so when one needs to make more isukuti drums or to repair

them, there will be no lizards to provide the membranes.

Other instruments that accompany the drums include the olwika (cow horn) and a

metal ring or gong. The olwika plays occasionally. Sometimes a calabash can be

used to cover and uncover its open end. According to a horn player, Sylvester

Muhongo, the olwika can produce three major different sounds that have the

following meaning:96

• The first sound is played to set the bulls ready for fighting during a bull-fighting ceremony. It has a 'mooing' sound;

• The second sound is to help the bull to start fighting;

• The third sound is played when the bull wins.

Any of the sounds can be used in other performances and ceremonies. The horn

sounds alert people in dance performances and acts as a cue for change of dance

step and style or song.

94 Ministry of Education, Music education in Kenya: music workshop held in Oecember, 1977, Nairobi: The Jomo Kenyatta Foundation, 1979, pp. 27-37; Helen A. O. Agak, Gender difference and academic achievement in music Form Four students in Kenya 1991-1995, unpublished DMus Dissertation, Pretoria: University of Pretoria, 1999, pp. 2-11; Graham Hyslop, Musical instruments of East Africa: Kenya, Nairobi: Nelson Africa, 1975, p. 5.

95 Interview with Mr Mwiruki, 28 July 2003. 96 Interviews with the horn player of the Amalemba Matende Ngwaro group, Sylvester Muhongo, 6

June 2002.

75

The metal rods and gongs (Fig. 3.8) are played as a time line and they have a

consistent rhythmic pattem just like the isukuti mwana. In earlier times, metal rattles

and a gong were used instead of a metal ring and a gong. The vikhulis play the same

rhythmic pattern as the ngapa.

The instrumentalists use mnemonic sounds to teach their rhythms to others or to

illustrate how specific rhythms need to be played. For example, the isukuti mwana

has only two mnemonic sounds (nga, pal·

Fig. 3.9 Mnemonic sounds of the isukuti mwana

pa

nga

Fig. 3.9 indicates where the sounds are played on the drum membrane. The

fingertips play and then mute the deeper sound 'nga'. The 'pa', which is high pitched,

is played by the flat fingers of the other hand and is free. There are other mnemonic

sounds such as mmh and ti-ti played by isukuti isatsa drurnmer.

Fig. 3.10 Mnemonic sounds of the isukuti isatsa

o ~~---- ti-ti (free)

mmh

(muted)

Fig. 3.10 shows where the deepest isatsa sounds are located: mmh (at the centre).

The drummer mutes the sound either by the fingertips only or by the fingertips of one

hand and the flat hand of the other arm. The rhythms may be accented or not. It is

the combination of these sounds, playing techniques, syncopated rhythms, accents

and poly-melorhythmic patterns that form the gestalt melorhythms, which attributed to

the perceived complex sound . This poly-melorhythmic gestalt fascinates the

76

performers and propels them to intensify their dances. The instrumental rhythms

therefore play vital roles in all isukuti dances.

The drummers improvise melorhythmic patterns within the isukuti framework easily

distinguishable by the team and clan. Even when new songs are sung, the isukuti

drum melorhythmic patterns remain the same, except for improvisations on the

standard patterns.

2.3.2 Dance formations, movements, styles and drama

The dance styles, movements and drama of indigenous Isukha isukuti are varied.

Some of the formations and styles are still in use in the 21 st century. This section is

therefore dealt with at length in section 3.3, illustrating similarities and differences of

indigenous and neo-traditional practices.

3. The isukuti performances of the neo-traditional97 Isukha

Even though the indigenous occasions of the isukuti performance were funerals and

memorial ceremonies, the Isukha have come to use the isukuti instruments and

dances for a variety of occasions.9• Since the late 20th century the isukuti performing

arts have also been performed at wrestling matches, weddings, football matches,

and the installation of a chief in the Isukha villages, circumcision ceremonies and

other occasions of importance to the society.99 It is this kind of usage that lends itself

to the popularity and spread of isukuti performing arts, which in turn has influenced

other groups such as the Maximum Miracle Melodies. In this section and those that

follow the isukuti dances and their relationship to the culture are discussed,

exemplifying two cases. The first, which is a group that calls itself the Amalemba

Matende Ngwaro isukuti dance group, is well known in the Isukha community for its

performances of isukuti music in the 21 st century. The second, Mukumu Girls' High

School dance group, exemplifies in an outstanding manner the kind of isukuti

97 The terms 'indigenous', 'traditional' and 'neo-traditional' have been discussed in Chapter One. 9. Priscillah Machika recalls that when she was 10 years old in (1915), they used isukuti even for

wedding ceremonies, competition and for entertainment, 26 June 2002. Her son, Elkana Machika, asserts that the dance group performs in football matches, weddings, fundraising ceremonies, entertainment venues, national public holidays and wherever invited.

99 Interview with Elkana Machika, 6 June 2002. Mr Mwiruki, 28/07/02, also confirmed the same.

performing arts executed in schools In 21 51 century Kenya during Kenya Music

Festivals. '00

3.1 The Amalemba Matende Ngwaro isukuti dance group

The Amalemba Matende Ngwaro isukuti is a dance group consisting of 16 dancers

and singers mainly between the ages of 16 to 25'0' The group chooses dancers

according to their availability, interest in the performance and talent. The repertoire of

songs, dances and dramatisations of this group are representative of the kind of neo­

traditional performance style of the Isukha. The dancers have been influenced by the

performances at the Kenya Music Festivals. Out of the 16 members, 10 were

involved in these festivals while they were still at school (refer to Appendix D) and

learnt many isukuti songs and dance styles because of this involvement.,02

The researcher attended and video-recorded several performances during the

periods December 2001 to January 2002, June 2002 and August 2003. The focus of

the analysis was on performance practices, repertoire and acquiring of knowledge

that Isukha performing arts convey through the Amalemba Matende Ngwaro isukuti

dance group'03 Differences between indigenous and neo-traditional practices will be

noted and explained. The discussion will be interspersed with information collected

from group members during interviews.

3.1.1 Performances

.Music performances in the Isukha community take place at a variety of occasions, as

seen earlier. However, the neo-traditional groups execute their perfonmances when

invited into people's homesteads and by community at large in major festivals, as in

100 The annually held Kenya Music Festivals started during the colonial period in 1927. Its main objective is to promote and foster an appreciation of Kenyan music cultures through performance. A more detailed discussion of the Kenya Music Festival and its relation to isukuti music appears in Appendix E.

101 The Amalemba Matende Ngwaro isukuli group consists of 16 dancers and singers. Out of the 16, only two are above 30 years; the rest are between the ages of 16 and 25. Their chairman or group leader is 26 years old. A detailed analysis of the age groups appears in Appendix D.

102 At the Kenya National Music Festivals, isukuti music and dances gained so much popularity that many schools all over Kenya perform and present isukuti dances at the festivals.

103 The name will be shortened for reference purposes to the 'Ngwaro dance group' in the remainder of this chapter.

78

the indigenous settings, at football matches, performing arts competitions, hotels,

conferences and seminars, private parties, and just for entertainment in village

squares, as well as at public political gatherings. At such occasions they perform

according to the requirements of the occasion and duration given/instructed. The

Ngwaro group receives such invitations and they perform some of their music out of

context when invited to entertain people. In such cases they enact the ideal scenario

of the would-be context.

The group leaders complained that not very many homes invite them for

performances these days [21 st century] because the majority of the people in Isukha

have become Christians. The Christians do not invite them to perform in their

functions, even funerals. On each field visit to Isukha the researcher noted that the

Ngwaro group always used to complain of lack of practice and funds to purchase

their dance costumes. The dancers engage in other businesses that generate

income for them, because isukuti performance does not earn them enough money to

take care of their families. As a result they do not get enough time to practice.

Interviews with Mr Anami, 29 July 2003 and Mr Mwiruki, 28 July 2003, confirmed that

isukuti dance groups now exist mainly for commercial purposes. The isukuti dancers

have made isukuti performance their career in the modern sense. Because of these

modern trends, isukuti music has undergone changes to adapt to and survive the

changing society.

At several occasions the Ngwaro dance group performs isukuti out of its indigenous

context wherever they are invited. According to their leader, they are invited to

perform at hotels and football matches, among other places. At such occasions the

group performs with the purpose of staging an entertaining performance. They also

dramatise contexts in which songs are performed in indigenous context because of

the need for monetary reward. Some of their comments reveal this need:

I am not employed. My main work is in the isukuti performance. We've made isukuti our job. (Elkana Machika)

My educational level. ... I will first say that this isukuti group educated me. This group is a good one because it can get you from a low status and lift you up. The group has helped me a lot. I can't complain. (Anthony Mmaisi)

79

This Ngwaro isukuti group paid for my school fees up to '0' Level'. We would go to different places to perform and the money that came from our performances would sometimes be paid towards my school as fees. (Anthony Alusiola) My grandparents asked me to be performing isukuti dance songs and dances because guitars were for wicked people. They even pronounced isukuti blessings on me. (Atanas Mabuyi)

Fig. 3.11 is a typical example of a song that is sung in a variety of contexts

regardless of the fact that it was initially performed during the birth of a first born male

child.

Fig. 3.11 Mwana wa mberi

Mwana wa Mberi J=109 , Solo

! Jo Mwa na

Solo ,----- 3 ---,

I J

'mbe

)i j ~

-na 'mbe - ri ba - ya -

j ri

I • ye

,---3---,

J i f) } j • ~

ba ya ye

Choros r- 3----, ,----- 3 -----,

} I; h J J J J' • ~

mwa - na 'mbe - ri Ol- shi -

Traci.

Chorus

5 4>-

mwa

J J J II kho - ye - roo

The Ngwaro dance group includes two small boys aged 7 and 8, who act as cattle in

their bull-fighting songs.

Before starting the performance, the performers finalise a few performing details. By

this time all the men will have taken their local beer. When asked why they take this

brew before a performance, the group leader responded:

We have to take the beer so that we can be bold, strong and courageous. We do not take a lot. We take just enough to help us in the performance. It makes us really wild and alert. Those of us who are shy will not be shy when we take the brew.

Before commencing on a given performance, the drummers tune their isukuti drums

by drying them in the sun. One of the drummers said:

If the membrane is too dry, then you need to sprinkle water on it through the open-end of the drum. Then put this open-end on the ground so that the top membrane faces up towards the sun. Let it dry for a few minutes [ ... ) During cold weather, we just prepare some fire for warming the membrane.

During the time that the drummers are tuning their instruments, the dancers get

ready by wearing appropriate costumes. The men pluck leaves from a nearby fence

to use as part of the costume. When asked why they choose the specific leaves for

costumes, they replied:

80

[w]e have to get large leaves that we tie together all around the body to portray a msitu [bush] look. We need to look fierce.

The Ngwaro dance group does not wear specific indigenous attire for their

performances. They attribute this to lack of funds to purchase and/or make the

desired costumes. Some of the male dancers cover their bodies with leaves and

some wear no shirts. They deliberately wear leaves and tattered clothes that

resemble the kind of clothes the old members of their society wear. The girls wear T­

shirts, loose skirts and/or dresses and frilled skirts that emphasise their hip

movement as opposed to the sisal skirts and American materials discussed earlier in

the indigenous setting (see Plates 1, 2 and 5 in Appendix C).

Contrary to tradition, most of the time the dancers do not sing. The instrumentalists,

artistes, and a few singers sing the songs. It is also worth noting that the horn

instrument used by the Ngwaro dance group is not made out of animal horn, but out

of a water pipe and a 'Jik' container at one end . In the indigenous setting a cow horn,

olwika, and a calabash were used .

3.1.2 Song repertoire and dance movements

The Ngwaro dance group includes newly composed songs in their indigenous

Luisukha and Kiswahili repertoire. The group's main song leader, Elkana Machika,

composed most of these, while others were composed by some of the elderly

members of the team that are retired from the group performance or have since died .

The inclusion of new songs emphasises that the Isukha culture is dynamic, reflecting

current ideological, societal and musical issues. While the isukuti drums and

associated melorhythmic isukuti patterns are maintained, the lyrics of the new songs

focus on contemporary issues that affect especially the young people. The topical

issues address ukimwi (acquired immune deficiency syndrome - AIDS), love and

political issues. Political songs no longer address just the Isukha, but the whole

nation of Kenya and the various ethnic groups therein. 104

104 Please refer to Appendix A for examples.

81

Indigenous isukuti music never includes love songs. However, the Ngwaro dance

group has incorporated love songs because isukuti performing arts have been

performed in a variety of contexts since the late twentieth century. When the Ngwaro

group perform love songs, they name individuals by their English rather than Isukha

names. These English names are, however, adapted to sound close to their

language; for example, Rose becomes Rosi and Jane becomes Jeni.

The AIDS songs warn the community against indulging in behaviour that will lead to

contracting this fatal decease. Some of the song texts express their sorrow

concerning AIDS orphans. The text uses allusive language and metaphors to

illustrate that there is no cure for AIDS; for example, "Gh girls be careful, the AIDS

doctor is dead, it's only the malaria doctor that is alive." The texts display imagery

and symbolism to structure social meaning since culture is dynamic. The new songs

demonstrate the fact that such songs are central in understanding the dynamics of

the society.

New dance movements have also been incorporated and have become part of

Isukha isukuti dance repertoire. The Ngwaro dance group has amalgamated

indigenous dances with African pop dances such as Ndombolo. Ndombolo105 is a pop

dance from the Democratic Republic of Congo that has influenced Kenyans,

including the Christian dance group Maximum Miracle Melodies. An example is the

pop dance style of the Ngwaro dance group's performance of the song on AIDS.

During the climax of this song the girls execute pelvic movements to emphasise

sexual behaviour that the youth should abstain from (Refer to Fig. 3.21 and 3.22).

Also see example of ndombolo dance in the accompanying VCO). Such songs

illustrate that neo-traditional isukuti singers are conscious of a wider audience and

therefore incorporate, in addition to Luisukha, Kiswahili songs as well as African pop

dance movements in their performances.

105 This dance style includes pelvic movements (see Chapter Four for an explanation of ndombolo Congolese dance that incorporates pelvic movements. The Maximum Miracle Melodies has also adapted this dance). According to Mrs Musolo, 6 June 2002 and Mrs Machika, 26 June 2002, ndombolo is not a 'decent' dance. The two women claim that in 'real' (indigenous) isukuti dance, which is what they performed when they were growing up, girls are not meant to move their pelvis, as this was seen as disgraceful for a woman. See Fig. 3.21 and Fig. 3.22 for the dance transcription.

82

I

When asked about the indigenous meaning of the dance movements that the

Ngwaro dance group use, the dancers could not explain the meaning attached to

each movement; they may have inherited these styles without understanding the

contextual meanings.

3.1.3 Learning of music and dance movements

The dance group learns the dances from the dance leader, the older members of the

group and from each other. Each dancer has been performing isukuti performing arts

since they were teenagers in a variety of groups. They therefore teach each other

styles that they learnt from their previous groups. The song leader, Elkana Machika

who is the oldest member of the group (40), has been passing on the dance

movements that he learnt when he was a teenager. He began dancing at the age of

15 years. The older Isukha community members taught the instrumentalists how to

play their instruments.

The dance group learns new dances in a very short time. 106 The teacher of a given

dance-style first performs the dance as the group sings for him/her. The

instrumentalists then join in and the dancers follow. They continue on the same

procedure till they master the style. Once the style has been mastered, the group

discusses how they can incorporate the dance style into their pattern formations or

choreography of a whole performance. When this is done, they are ready to give a

performance after a few more rehearsals. Usually, the leader has the final say about

the dance movements and formations to use.

3.2 The Mukumu Girls High School isukuti dance group

The Mukumu Girls' High School is famous for isukuti performing arts. It is a boarding

school for girls located in Isukha, Kakamega District. This school usually performs

isukuti performing arts at the annual Kenya Music Festivals107 and has influenced

other schools in Kenya. Aspects such as the group's costumes, dance movements

106 Based on field observations, 5 June 2002. Also interview with Elkana Machika, 5 June 2002, revealed the same.

107 See history and background of performances of Kenya Music Festivals in Appendix E.

83

and stage choreography during performances as videotaped by the Kenya Institute of

Education in 1991 form the basis of this analysis. loa

Mr Mwiruki and Mrs Machika viewed the performance of the videotape to verify the

styles observed by the researcher and to take part in discussions on the acculturation

of the isukuti performances. Some of the Ngwaro dance group members also assist

with the training of isukuti drumming and dance movements at schools. It is

furthermore important to note that most members of the Ngwaro dance group

followed the same Western schooling system as the Mukumu Girls dance group.

Some Ngwaro group members also took part in the Kenya Music Festival while still at

school and it is clear that their performances have been influenced by the Western

schooling system and the Kenya Music Festivals.

The following observations have been made about the Mukumu Girls' videotaped

performance:

(a) The dance movements of the Mukumu Girls dance group vary greatly. Many of

the dance movements performed were not found in indigenous isukuti dance

styles and some dance movements from the Banyala sub-ethnic group from

Western province of Kenya have been incorporated. This trend is typical of

many of the isukuti dances performed in Kenya Music Festivals where the

performers incorporate dance movements from other Luhya sub-ethic groups

that are not found in indigenous isukuti styles;109

(b) Compared to the Ngwaro dance group and indigenous Isukha dances, the

Mukumu Girls dance group incorporates more dance movements and

variations. Because of the influence and expectations of the Kenya Music

Festivals, their stage choreography is highly modified and varied. At the Kenya

Music Festival higher marks are awarded for more varied stage choreographic

108 Kenya Institute of Education (KI E), "Mukumu Girls High School" in Kenya Music Festivals 1991, produced by KIE, 15 min., VHS, videocassette, 2003.

109 Interviews with George Mwiruki, 28 July 2003 and Sylvere Anami, 29 July 2003. The two gentlemen stated that the dancers are 'too fast' i.e. they have very vigorous movements and that the tempo of the music and dance is fast. The dancers have also incorporated movements from other Luhya sub-ethnic groups that were not originally considered isukuti dances.

84

I

pattern formations and designs as well as dance movements. 110 Therefore, the

dance movements that are indigenously performed in contexts other than

isukuti have also been incorporated. Due to the competitive spirit, the Mukumu

Girls High School dance group adds much vigour to their performance and

dances through the inclusion of a variety of Luhya sub-ethnic group dances;

(c) To alert the dancers about change of style, the instrumentalists use either a

horn or whistle. The indigenous Isukha do not use whistles for any of their

music performances. 111 The instrumentalists of Mukumu Girls high school use

the whistle to aid the dancers in making calculated, swift and apt transitions.

(d) Mukumu is a girls' school and does not allow boys to perform with them. One of

the requirements of the Kenya Music Festival is that the participants should

strictly come from the student body of a specific school. Therefore, girls play all

the music instruments, a practice that is not allowed in the indigenous Isukha

customs as seen earlier (see Plate 6 in Appendix C);

(e) The musicians of Mukumu Girls High School are grouped into five categories:

i. Dancers who only dance;

ii. Instrumentalists who only play instruments such as the isukuti drums, the horn, the whistle and the metal rings;

iii. The soloist of the group who leads the songs;

iv. The chorus-response group who sings antiphonally with the soloist;

v. The actors who enact the ceremony in which the music is performed. Unlike indigenous performances, the Mukumu Girls performers are not organised as performers and participants, but as performers and audience. In this case the audience are the spectators;

(f) At the Kenya Music Festivals, the performing arts take place out of indigenous

context and in front of an audience. The drama is both spoken and mimed. The

actors pretend to be who they are not: some girls act as men, as village elders,

pretending to drink beer. They use the Luisukha language and demonstrate

110 Interviews with Mr Mwiruki, 28 July 2003 and Mr Anami, 29 July 2003 revealed that part of the assessment of dances at the Kenya lVIusic Festivals involves creativity of choreographic patterns.

111 Interviews with Mr Machika, 2 June 2002, Mr Mwiruki 28 July 2003 and Mr Anami, 29 July 2003 and IVIr Mabiya, 3 August 2003.

85

what usually happens in such ceremonies in the indigenous cultural setting (see

accompanying VCD "isukuti dramatisation 2 (Mukumu)";

(g) The various groups within the Mukumu Girls performance have their own

costumes made out of cotton material with different designs. The 'female'

dancers wear sisal skirts. These costumes are more modem in material used,

design and colours as opposed to the leaves and animal hides of their

ancestors and the Ngwaro group. Their types of costumes are now used widely

in Kenya and are considered traditional"2 (see Appendix C, Plates 3, 4 and for

examples of costumes);

(h) The songs they sing are a collection from a variety of occasions, such as Nise

ingoi usually sung during war, Bunyanzi sung at happy occasions, Matuma

sung during harvest and Bayayi bacherera, sung when warriors have come

back from a successful war (see Appendix A for these examples);

(i) The dancers and actresses are chosen according to their talents and abilities;

0) The following educational concepts are embedded in the performances of the

Mukumu Girls group:'13

i. The students get to learn and appreciate their Isukha culture;

ii. The performing arts develop the personalities, creativity and talents of the students;

iii. The performing arts are stored in videotapes and kept at Kenya I nstitute of Education archives for classroom leaming such as African music, Art, Oral Literature, History, and other cultural studies. As a result, these video recordings are important in documenting the aspects of acculturation in Kenya;

iv. The learners in schools ascertain changes that have taken place in African societies and are therefore able to relate them to other studies or disciplines.

"2 Mr Mwiruki alleges that the former president of Kenya, Mr. Daniel Arap Moi, banned the use of animal hide coslumes and topless performances in the neo-Iraditional dance performance of the schools in Kenya Music Festivals. Since then the schools have been improvising different kinds of costumes closely related to the indigenous ones.

113 Interviews wilh Mr S. Anami, 29 July 2003. '14 It should be noted that at Kenya Music Festivals, students are also given the option of perfonning

mus',c from cultural groups in other African countries under the class: 'Dances from the rest of Africa'.

86

3.3. Dance formations, styles, movements and drama

This section describes isukuti dramatisations, dance formations and styles as they

are manifested in the performances of the Amalemba Matende Ngwaro and Mukumu

Girls High School isukuti dance groups. The old research participants of Isukhaland,

who were renowned isukuti dancers in their youth, were also consulted to determine

similarities and differences between the indigenous and neo-traditional practices of

the isukuti performing arts.

In indigenous isukuti performing arts, four dance formations have been commonly

used: circle, two parallel vertical lines, two horizontal lines and cluster. Other dance

formations that were not originally used in isukuti dances will be noted and explained.

3.3.1 Dance formations

Dancing in a circle is very common in isukuti performing arts as well as other African

cultures. 115 Usually the dancers form a circle as they engage a variety of dance

movements. They dance facing the inner circle, while the instrumentalists play their

instruments outside the circle. The song leader "seemingly" has the freedom to do a

solo while in the centre of the circle, on the circle or outside the circle. None of the

participants interviewed knew whether this pattern is symbolic or not. They reiterated

that it might be a way of showing group solidarity and unity as they performed.

In indigenous cultural setting, when performances are meant for the dancers alone,

the rest of the society observes outside the circle as they sing. However, at some

occasions the audience joins in the dance performance as well. In this case they

dance around the group. The dancers of the group remain in the centre. The other

members imitate dance-styles of the group, but others employ their own free dance­

styles for as long as they are 'in rhythm'.116

115 Ojo Rasaki Bakari and Minette Mans, "Dance philosophies and vocabulary, in Herbst et aI., Musical arts in Africa: theory, practice and education, Pretoria: University of South Africa, 2003, pp. 219-220.

116 Observations made during 26-27 December 2001 and 3-5 June 2002. During the researcher's second visit to the field, the Ngwaro group had a procession of isukuti dance as they approached the dance arena. Many people followed the procession and joined in the dance. When they reached the arena, they formed a circle and as they continued dancing. The villagers performed outside the circle.

87

Fig. 3.12 Circle

There are occasions where the dancers dance as though in procession, forming two

lines in pairs. The dancers use this choreographic pattern when entering or exiting

the dance arena, or when performing in procession from one venue to the required

site, which may be as far as five kilometres away. In such cases, the community joins

in the procession as they enjoy the music and "escort" them to their destination. The

sound of the isukuti drums attracts people from afar. As a result many people come

to inquire about the occasion and join in, if it suits them.

Fig. 3.13 Vertical lines

The neo-traditional dancers usually alter this formation. When they arrive at their

destination, they can change this choreography to circular as shown below.

Fig. 3.14 Vertical line variation

o Step 1 Step 2 Step 3

The use of horizontal lines is applicable to both indigenous and neo-traditional

performers. In this pattern the dancers form two horizontal lines and they all face the

88

community. All of them will be facing the same direction at the same time and will be

visible to all. Unlike the former pattern where only the first two dancers on the line are

easily visible to the rest of the community, all dancers face front:

Fig. 3.15 Horizontal lines

/./~--------------~~

'" This pattern is often used when the dancers are already at the arena. As they dance

while facing the people, the rest of the community can join them. In this case, the

community and the dancers face each other. The instrumentalists are normally either

at the back of the dancers or at their side. As the dancers move and change their

patterns, so do the instrumentalists in order to be placed in a comfortable position

that will not distract the dancers' performance.

From this pattern the dancers either go back to the circle, or may move into the

cluster pattern discussed below.

In the cluster pattern the dancers execute their own dance movements and are free

to move in the whole arena. They also communicate with the community and

motivate them to dance. Some soloists select a community member and take him/her

by the hand into the dance arena to join in the dance and perform free-style dances.

Fig. 3.16 Cluster

The Ngwaro dance group uses free-style patterns to encourage audience­

participation through singing and dancing. During this performance the soloist will be

preparing for the next pattern by observing the dancers. If s/he feels that the dancers

need a change of style, s/he will change into a different song that will enable the

dancers to change their styles.

89

The Mukumu isukuti dance group uses more dance formations than the Ngwaro

dance group. They make use of a combination of the formations discussed above.

Since those formations have not influenced the Maximum Miracle Melodies, they will

not be discussed here. However, refer to Appendix B for examples of the Mukumu

Girls High School dance formations.

3.3.2 Dance styles117

Within the choreographic patterns, the dancers employ a variety of dance styles.

Sometimes the pattern formation may change, but the dance movements may

remain the same. The dancers can also use a variety of styles and movements in

one dance choreographic pattern formation compared to another. Although the case

study dance groups, Ngwaro and Mukumu, use a variety of dance movements, only

those that the Maximum Miracle Melodies have borrowed will be analysed. Apart

from the dance styles amabeka, lip ala , and khumkongo,118 the rest of the names

given to the dances are the researcher's own inventions. Reasons for the choice of

names are given in each case.

With the exception of the ndombolol19 variations a and b (Fig. 3.21 and Fig. 3.22),

whirl120 and free styles, all other movements notated are also found in indigenous

isukuti performance. In execution of free styles, the dancers employ a variety of

indigenous isukuti dances; however, in neo-traditional performances, the dancers

use more modern dance movements adapted from African pop styles and other

indigenous ethnic groups in the execution of dances in the free-style section.

117 Please note that all the dance movements discussed in this section are also found in the accompanying VCD. They demonstrate the dance transcriptions found in this chapter.

118 The term khumkongo is a Luhya word that literally means 'on the back'. The Ngwaro group uses this term to refer to the dance. However, they do not know the real name of the dance. All the elderly interviewees speculated that this dance might have been derived from the movement of the birds and chicken as they flap their wings. The researcher thus adapted this name because it depicts the back contractions of the dancers.

119 It should be noted that although the Ngwaro group refers to this style as ndombolo, the real ndombolo dance is not performed in this manner. (See the dance transcription of ndombolo dance in Chapter Four, Fig. 4.9.) The researcher adapted the term ndombolo for the style adopted by the Ngwaro group and named it a "variation of ndombolo." As mentioned in Chapter Four, many Kenyans refer to Congolese soukous dances as ndombolo.

120 The Ngwaro group that incorporated this dance style does not have a name for it. The researcher noted that only two people executed this dance style in the free-style section. They turned round in a circular motion hence the name 'whirl'.

90

From the dance movements, it is evident that a variety of them are imitation of

animals. For example, the ingoi (leopard) dance is an imitation of a leopard's

movement; khumkongo is an imitation of birds' movements as they fly and/or chicken

movements as they flap their wings. Lipa/a represents the movement of a duck and

amabeka represents the flapping of chicken's wings. The dance notations clearly

indicate the difference between the amabeka and khumkongo: in amabeka, the

shoulders are emphasised and in khumkongo, the arms and the back contractions

are more emphasised.

Fig. 3.17 Ingoi121

+

X Bars

""

Fig. 3.18 Khumkongo

", Please see Appendix B for an explanation and Illustration of how to read Benesh notation.

91

Fig. 3.19 Lipala 122

,. + t

i ,

,re fall g tV~ lo~

-+------ ~ ---nn !fl} ... - '0 u ...

,. ,.

'I Pi -==~

tV:I liI~

,. ,.

TI I

tV:! -===== ,"- :IV:! 310 ====-

I

,.

T tVt -==== ~ II

Fig. 3.20 Amabeka

Tb"--------'--t _+ _____ L--II

nn

Animal-movement imitation in African indigenous dances is a common practice in

many cultures. Minette et al. have observed that:

The dances of people from cattle and hunting cultures [in Africa] also demonstrate certain qualities that are derived from lives that are intimately interwoven with cattle [ ... ]. In hunting cultures in Namibia and Botswana, certain characteristics of animals might be emulated in the dance or the name of the song repertoire, such as the eland, giraffe and elephant repertoires of the Jul'hoansi [ ... ] In the Kxoe kui teai dance, people imitate movements of the jackal, vulture, squirrel, ostrich or an insect. 123

122 Interviews with Mr Mwiruki, 28 July 2003, revealed this information. 123 Bakare and Mans, "Dance philosophies and vocabularies" in Herbst et aI., (eds), p. 223.

92

I

Other authors such as Addo et al. and Green 124 have also noted African dances that

imitate animals, environment and occupation . They have observed that African

dancers select postures, facial expressions and eurhythmic motifs to express their

everyday activities, experiences and their environment.

The Ngwaro dance group female dancers use ndombolo variations. In reality, as

mentioned earlier, the female dancers perform the 'wriggle' dance just like the

Congolese female dancers (see Chapter Four, Fig. 4.9 for this example). The

difference between the 'wriggle' dance movement performed by the Congolese

dancers (see Chapter Four, Fig. 4.9 and accompanying VCD) and the Ngwaro

dancers lies in the pelvic movement. The Ngwaro group female dancers utilise the

forward-backward pelvic movements, while the Congolese female dancers use a

circular motion of the pelvis. The new dance movements in neo-traditional contexts

illustrate how societal attitudes and worldview change as a consequence of societal

changes.125 Bakari and Mans also contend that African indigenous societies use

certain pelvic movements to denote sexual behaviour.

Fig. 3.21 Variation a of ndombolo

a) , '---A-fiee-~-"----"'"

x¢

Fig . 3.22 Variation b of ndombolo

b) ,------"----I Afh:G I

T~ --1 J.;, fX x¢

124 Akosua O. Addo, Florence Miya and Hetta Potgieter, "Intergrating the arts" in Herbst et al., pp. 239-242; Doris Green, "Traditional dance in Africa" in K.W. Asante (ed), African dance: an artistic, historical and philosophical inquiry, Eritrea: Africa World Press, 1996, pp. 13-16.

125 Bakare and Mans, in Herbst et al. (eds), p. 219. This point is discussed further in Chapter Four of this dissertation.

93

The Isukha do not seem to have a name for a right-stomp dance. However, their Luo

neighbours have the same dance style with a slight variation and a name for it. The

Luo variation is similar to the Congolese right-stomp (See Fig. 3.23). The researcher

has thus used the same name for this dance and called it the "right-stomp variation"

adopted from North American hip-hop dances.

Fig. 3.23 Right stomp

~ l' l 0'0

I I

II , I ~ : : + + t x fX n

" nn

I I

xQ5

4. Factors influencing dance formations, dance movements and dramatisation

There are a variety of issues that guide the performances of the isukuti performing

arts such as rhythm, tempo and melody of songs and instruments, soloist, type of

songs, improvisations and context of performance.

4.1 Rhythm, tempo and melody

The drum melorhythmic patterns usually act as the main thrust for dancing. The

dancers listen to specific melorhythmic patterns to identify which dance movements

to use and how to perform them. The isukuti isatsa (the big drum) usually plays the

main dance-style melorhythmic patterns. The dancers listen to this drum to execute

the appropriate dance style. For example, in the song Ukimwi (AIDS), there is an

instrumental interlude which acts as a climax. In this interlude, the isatsa drummer

plays fast melorhythmic motifs and deep sounds to propel the dancers to intensify

their movements. In this section, the player of the isukuti mama (middle drum) plays

high-pitched repetitive melorhythmic patterns.

Where the dancers need to employ alternate limb movements such as in the style

ingoi (see dance transcription), they listen to the consistent melorhythmic phrases

and accents of isatsa drum. Each phrase is meant for one set of limbs, for example,

right leg and right arm; the next phrase is for the next set, involving the left leg and

94

•

-

left arm. Usually the pitches of the drumming also guide performances in some

dance movements. High-pitched isatsa rhythms are for much lighter styles, while

deeper sounds are for the intensification of styles and for faster and more complex

styles.

Besides the drums, other instruments such as the olwika (horn), metal ring and rod

may also guide the performers. The olwika is sometimes blown to indicate change of

dance movement. After the olwika has been blown, the drummers change their

rhythmic patterns to aid the dancers in their change as well. The olwika is played to

add flavour to the music, in which case the dancers also intensify their movements. It

may also alert dancers and announce that the dance is about to begin.

The metal ring and rod have a consistent rhythmic pattern, which is played

throughout the song, assisting the dancers in maintaining their rhythmic tempo (see

Fig. 3.8). In case a dancer is 'lost' or wants to perform in free style, s/he listens to the

regulative beats in order to stay in rhythm. The melorhythmic pattern of the metal ring

is the same as the isukuti mwana illustrated in Fig. 3.5.

The melodies transcribed are very short and repetitive (see section 2.3.1 (a)). They

remain the same throughout the song, even when the texts change. The only

variations in the melodies are found in improvised text sections where the soloist has

to ensure that the new text closely fits the pattern of the singing and that the text

makes sense. The melodic rhythm in this case also changes slightly to accommodate

the new text.

As a result of the constant repetition, the song melodies do not undergo elaborate

development, apart from improvised sections that are slight variations of the melody.

Several melodies on the same theme are sung subsequently (as shown in section

2.3.1) and they are usually joined together with an instrumental interlude or word­

interpolations. The melody of the new song may be in a different tonal centre,

depending on the pitch tones used and whether or not they are comfortable for the

singers. The choice of the key depends entirely on the song leader.

95

The song melodies have complex rhythms that differ very much from the instrumental

melorhythms. Whereas the melodies tend to be flowing and slower in tempo, the

accompanying instrumental melorhythms are very fast and polyrhythmic.

Generally, the chorus-response group sings in unison, or octaves apart. When the

whole community is involved in singing, there are brief moments when homophonic

parallelism usually occurs in intervals of a third apart between the different voices.

This kind of harmony only happens seldomly. Sometimes overlapping of soloist and

chorus sections may occur. Although the notations incorporated in this chapter show

clear demarcation of solo and response sections, sometimes the soloist overlaps with

the chorus-response group. A typical example is Mwana wa mberi (Fig. 3.11, where

sometimes the soloist can overlap with the chorus-response whenever s/he chooses

to do so.

In some songs exactly the same rhythm and melody of the soloist is repeated in the

chorus-response (see Waiyeka in Appendix A). In songs such as Ing'ombe (the cow)

the soloist's section is very short: the entire soloist's sections are based on one pitch,

using the same vowels, ee, except when the soloist extemporises other words. Even

when this is done, the pitch ranges are very narrow and move in intervals of a

second apart. In the entire Ing'ombe song only four pitches are utilised. Most of the

melodies have narrow pitch ranges. Most of the rhythms are highly syncopated and

they make frequent use of triplets. 126

4.2 The role of the singer soloist

Sometimes the dance movements or postures may change without change of music.

In this case the singer soloist usually has full control. He can decide when to start a

new song, change and/or end a performance. 127 Since the performers do not use any

melodic instruments that can give the pitch or key of a song, the soloist starts a song

in a comfortable pitch and the chorus-response follows. Although the olwika is used,

its limited pitches are not adequate for pitching the song leader. When changing into

a new song, the soloist automatically modulates to a comfortable pitch and the

126 The terminology used for rhythm is not based on that of pulse notation, but follows the arguments set out in Kofi Agawu, Representing African music: post colonial notes, queries, positions. New York: Routledge, 2003.

127 Conversations with Jean Kidula, 5 March 2004, indicated a different experience. Dr Kidula pointed out that in her own research she witnessed singers pitching off the drums. However, the researcher of this study did not experience this in the field.

96

chorus-response group ensues. S/he also directs the dancers to change into new

dance movements by sllowing directions and giving word- interpolations to follow.

The singer soloist also changes into a new song that may require different dance

movements. The dancers need to be very alert to change their movements swiftly

accordingly.

4.3 Songs and structure

The type of song may also determine the dance movements. For example, the song

Nise Ingoi (I am a leopard) is usually performed with ingoi style and/or its variations.

This is because the style demonstrates the movements of a leopard.

The main form of all the songs collected is responsorial or call-and-response. In this

form there is a singer soloist or song leader and a chorus-response group. The

following variations occur in its performance and the findings correspond to some

extent with the call-and-response form as discussed by Willie Anku: 128

• The soloist sings a question and the group answers. In this case the text for the two sections is different. (Refer to the song Ngao in Appendix A);

• The soloist sings the first part of the statement, which is then completed by the group. In this case the text for the two sections is also different, as can be seen in the funeral songs discussed in section 2.3.1 (a);

• The soloist sings a full statement and the chorus group respond with a fixed different text that is different and repeated each time. The song Lumbe (death) in section 2.3.1 (a) is a relevant example. Sometimes the soloist section overlaps with the chorus-response group.

The above performances display the unity between the singer soloist and the group:

their parts are incomplete when presented on their own. The soloist and group need

each other to make full meaning of their expression and communication. Again, the

idea of communality and dependence on each other is expressed. In most of their

performances, for as long as the singers are singing the same section (phrase and

text), the dancers perform the same dance movements, even when the singer soloist

improvises his/her part.

127 Conversations with Jean Kidula, 5 March 2004, indicated a different experience. Dr Kidula pointed out that in her own research she witnessed singers pitching off the drums. However, the researcher of this study did not experience this in the field.

128 Mitchel Strumpf, Willie Anku, and Kodnwani Phwandaphwanda, and Ncebakazi Mnukwana, "Oral Composition," in Herbst et al. (eds), p. 131-134.

97

The texts of all the songs are short and very repetitive. The group leader of the

Ngwaro /sukuti group states that "our songs are very simple. We take a very short

time to learn them. We do not need to write them down." In this statement is

encapsulated one of the main purposes of responsorial form in the Isukha

community. Isukha has an oral tradition and most learning and / or cultural practices

are passed on from one generation to another through songs. The text therefore

needs to be short for the community to remember and participate fully in the

performance. The same practice is common in many other sub-Sahara African

communities, as Andrew Tracey points out:

Practically without exception all African music uses this [repetition] form, it starts at a certain point, goes through a number of ideas, shapes or patterns, and keeps returning to the same point over again [ .... ] Repetition of a cyclic form [ ... ] is a major element of form in African music. 129

4.4 Context of performance

The ceremony during which a dance is performed largely governs the kinds of

movements or drama that are utilised. For example, in the bull-fighting ceremony

shiremba, there is normally a dramatisation that the group performs in collaboration

with other villagers and/or members of the deceased family as discussed earlier in

this chapter. If the ceremony is meant for young people only, the performance may

contain "suggestive" styles. For example, in the song Ukimwi (AIDS), the girls move

their pelvises thereby performing a dance movement that is not found in indigenous

isukuti performing arts. Ukimwi talks about AIDS and the dancers emphasise these

movements to demonstrate sexual gestures.

It is clear from the above descriptions that there is a strong relationship between the

music, drama, and dance among the Isukha. The gestalt performance of the

instruments forms poly-melorhythmic patterns that are usually in juxtaposition with

the singing, dancing and clapping.

4.5 Improvisation

The improvisatory nature of the music and dance influences the movements and

dramatisations. Sawyer defines improvisation or extemporisation as the art of

129 Tracey, 1971, p. 284.

98

creating and performing music at one and the same time. 130 He looks at

extemporisation as synonymous with improvisation and sees the art of improvisation

as a form of a gift. Wright131 contrarily argues that the art of improvisation can be

acquired through the process of music-making and skill development. He further

argues that extemporisation is an art and skill by which people make music on the

spur of the moment, whereas improvisation is the process by which this music grows.

Kongo and Robinson also indicated that improvisation is composing as one is

performing. They argue that improvisation may contain elaboration and modification

of pre-composed materials or the improviser's own compositions that s/he creates on

the spur of the moment. 132

The authors go on to argue that:

Improvisation in music is the equivalent of extemporisation in verbal discourse. 133

The performances of Ngwaro make use of extemporisation and improvisations as

explained by Wright, Kongo and Robinson above. The song leader usually adds

improvised text on the spur of the moment while singing. 134 The chorus-response

group listens carefully to the singer soloist in order to respond accordingly. For

example, in the song, Ukimwi, the soloist sings about Florence just because she was

present at the performance. The chorus-response group had to respond accordingly.

Since the word 'Florence' as written and pronounced in English could not fit in the

melodic phrase, the singers had to change the pronunciation to suit their Luisukha

language and Florence became Fulorenzi. 135

Besides the improvised sung text, the soloist also extemporises word interpolations.

He speaks out words that may be directives, encouragement or information for the

130 Frank J. Sawyer, Extemporization, London: Novello, [n.d.], p. 1. 131 David Wright, From extemporization to imrovisation: a practical guide, London: Trinity College

London, 1997, p. 5. 132 Zabana Kongo and Jeffrey Robinson, "Improvisation" in Herbst et al. (eds), p. 95. 133 Ibid., p. 95. 134 Interviews with IVIr Machika, 6 June 2002, revealed that he sings according to how he feels on the

inside and the observations he makes. 135 The old women in the village called the researcher Fulorenzi.

99

dancers, instrumentalists, or other participants. During dramatisation, the soloist also

instructs the actors and dancers on what to do and how to do it.

Improvisation is also incorporated in the drumming. Although the drummers have

specific melorhythmic patterns for the dances and dramatisations, they improvise on

the patterns, changing the rhythmic phrases or motifs. The drummers say they do

this to add, "flavour""6 to the music. Sometimes when a dancer is performing

extremely well and others cheer him/her, the drummers may also improvise

melorhythms that emphasise the dancer's specific styles, which in turn cause the

dancer to intensify his/her movements. Dancers may also use ululation to express

their enjoyment of the music. These are done sporadically and when the soloist asks

for this. Floyd"7 has noted the same about the musicianship of the Maasai of Kenya:

It is based on individual and communal experience, and requires individual creativity within a well established framework, and with a recognisable repertoire of appropriate motifs, to which the individual is expected to add.

Dancers too improvise their own movements, especially during free-style dancing.

What they perform during their practice time is not always what they perform in the

actual ceremony.'38 As they improvise, they listen to the time-line instruments so that

they can keep their rhythm steady.

5. Educational role of the performing arts

The performing arts of the Isukha play an important educational role that enable the

whole community to remember and live according to the societal norms. This section

explains these roles based on the preceding discussions. Hence the examples will be

referred to but not discussed again. Most of the summaries are also based on the

interviews conducted among the Isukha139 The section divides the educational roles

of the performing arts into four broad categories: general, socio-cultural, religious and

musical.

136 By adding flavour to the music the instrumentalists mean to make the music sound more interesting.

137 Malcolm Floyd, "Warrior composers: Maasai boys and men" in Floyd, Malcolm (ed), Composing the music of Africa: composition, interpretation and realisation, Ashgate: Aldershot, 1999, p. 135.

13' Based on field observations on 5 June 2002 and the actual performance on 6 June 2002. '39 Interviews were conducted with Mrs Christina Musolo, 6 June 2002, Mrs Penninah Musumba, 6

June 2002, Mr Adriano Lusala, 7 June 2002, and Mr Mabiya, 3 August 2003, Mr Joseph Liluma, 3 Augusl 2003, Mr Elkanah Machika, 22 December 2001 and 5-8 June 2002, and Mrs Machika, 26 June 2002. Also see a detailed list of interviewees from Kakamega in Appendix F.

100

5.1 General education

In Isukha indigenous community children are brought up through engaging In

communal activities. The whole community is involved in the child's education. The

initial education is mainly in the hands of the mother. 140 She teaches the child

personal hygiene, how to eat, count, dress up and talk. When the child is old enough

to carry out these taught life-skills, the male child is taught further by the father and

the female child remains in the care and instruction of the mother. Parents thus play

an important role in the education of their children. However, other members of the

village also help the parents in teaching their children. These people include the

grandparents, the aunts, uncles, and the clan at large. Education at this level

therefore grows out of the actual physical environment.

Such kind of education prepares children for daily living and adult life in the

community. It involves transforming a child into a mature and responsible member of

the community.141 Therefore through education, the child acquires beliefs, norms,

customs, skills, behaviour and character that enable him/her to execute his duties as

a growing community member, who can survive and "fit well in the society.

The children have to learn to live and serve other people in accordance with the

Isukha's accepted manners and morality, customary laws and taboos. Through

his/her relations with other community members, the child learns to imitate the

actions of adults and his peers, which in turn shape his/her community identity.

Learning by imitation develops necessary skills in the children such as herding,

hunting, sweeping, and carrying water and firewood. The children live by being useful

to the adults by working together with them. At this stage gender roles are reinforced

by means of taboos and sharp warnings. For example, Mrs Musolo said:

"Boys are not allowed to go to the kitchen to cook. Aa! They can grow up to behave like girls. We have to say this to them, so that they can learn when they are still young. If not, they can fail to get a wife when they grow up."

Grandparents playa significant role in the evening for education through folktales,

legends, myths, riddles, proverbs, songs and dances. The tales are both entertaining

and instructive and depict the dire consequences of violating certain cultural laws.

140 Interviews with Mrs Musolo, 6 June 2002 and Mrs Machika, 26 June 2002. 141 Daniel N. Sifuna, Development of education in Africa: the Kenyan experience, Nairobi: Initiatives

Publishers, 1990, p. 5.

101

Embedded in folktales, myths, songs, dances, etc. is also advice on moral character

building. Goduka notes the same about other African cultures: 14'

Idioms and proverbs feature prominently in virtually all traditional African cultures and play an important communicative and educational role. A basic idea underlying idioms and proverbs is that such sayings provide succinct, easily remembered summaries of important ideas and experiences that are part of the shared cultural knowledge by indigenous communities.

He also argues that such oral narratives are context-specific. Most of the Isukha oral

literature and songs feature wild and domestic animals found in the vicinity. Animals

are given human characters in stories in order to convey social standards of

behaviour accepted among the Isukha. For example, the hyena is presented as a

greedy animal; the ogre is a fierce, man-eating giant; the hare is cunning, the leopard

has a strong character and the monkey is mischievous and cunning.'"

The grandparents also give the children religious advice, offering prayers, and

sacrifices on the children's behalf. Therefore, the children grow up with the

understanding that their relationship with their grandparents is also a religious one.

The grandparents in this case are mediators between god, the ancestors, and their

grandchildren. Before the evening meal the grandparents offer libation to the

ancestors on behalf of the children. All these prayers, rituals, libations and sacrifices

introduce children to religious life, which they adapt and continue practising

throughout their lives. Their indigenous religion is concemed with morality, and

accepted rules like courtesy, generosity and honesty. It also supports customary laws

of the Isukha.

Other methods of instruction include learning through playing such as make-believe

play activities, where the children imitate the grown-ups imaginatively and

symbolically. Adults also give verbal warnings, commands, sharp rebukes, and

rewards or encouragement. Sometimes deception is used to discourage the children

'42 Ivy N. Goduka, "Africanlindigenous philosophies: legitimizing spiritually centred wisdoms within the academy", in Philip Higgs (ed), African voices in education, Lansdowne: Juta, 2000, p. 76.

'" The researcher collected 15 folktales from the Isukha, all of which had animal characters (see an example in Appendix H).

102

from acquiring bad character. Children are punished in various forms when they are

disobedient. For example they can be denied a meal, or spanked or ridiculed with a

nasty nickname. Punishment in this case is meant to reform.

Children are given formal indigenous education during puberty or their initiation

period. The initiates are asked to interpret riddles in order to sharpen their wits. The

education at this stage also focuses on transferring a heritage from one generation to

another. It is an immediate induction into society and a preparation for adulthood and

marriage Iife. 144 The initiates are taught to be kind and obedient to their elders.

5.2 Socio-cultural educational roles

The general aim of indigenous music education is to impart socio-cultural knowledge and skills to the young of the community.145

The above quotation is also true of the Isukha. The Isukha's isukuti performing arts

play an important role of relaying social behaviour expected by the community at

large. It provides a forum for socialisation where the community gathers not only to

sing and dance, but also to take part in the community's rituals and practices. The

community in turn is educated on the social norms required for their cultural survival.

The cultural values are not only presented through the text of the songs, but also

through their behaviour in the context of the performance, thereby reinforcing

individual and group discipline. Individuals learn that they need the approval of the

community members, which is obtained by observing the rituals surrounding the

performing arts. As in many other African societies,146 music among the Isukha is a

social institution.

The community's sentiments encompassing the performing arts reveal the

ontological relationships structured in the ceremonies that unfold their unity, which is

to be maintained by each member of the society. Such a communal ideology is an

important aspect of the Isukha and realised through living and not just propagating it.

144 Interviews with Mrs Christina Musolo, 6 June 2002, Mrs Penninah Musumba, 6 June 2002, Mr Adriano Lusala, 7 June 2002, and Mr Mabiya, 3 August 2003.

145 Abrokwaa, p. 198. 146 Alan P. Merriam, African music in perspective, New York: Garland Publishing co., 1982, p. 434;

Meki Nzewi, "Acquiring knowledge of the musical arts in traditional society" in Herbst et al. (eds), Musical arts in Africa: theory, practice and education, Pretoria: University of South Africa, 2003, p. 16.

103

When humane people surround a child, for example, the child will acquire the same

character. 147 The members participate in societal ceremonies in accordance with the

customary laws that govern their behaviour, which reflects the communal ideology. A

good performance relies on each member's co-operative spirit. This kind of co­

operation is also evident and vital in other African cultural groups as Andrew Tracey

and Uzoigwe affirm:

African music is a very close form of participation or cooperation in which the resulting sound is the proof that the participation is working. Everything starts from the feeling of people in cooperation, resulting in musical sounds within the bounds of the style being played. This means thai one's participation, accuracy in rhythm, finding the right entry point, the right coordination, the right relationship, normally precede other considerations. ' "

Kenyatta 149 also observes that the Gikuyu of the Central Province of Kenya value

unity and communalism - a virtue that they teach the members of the society who are

growing up:

According to Gikuyu ways of thinking, nobody is an isolated individual. Or rather, his uniqueness is a secondary fact about him; first and foremost he is several people's relative and several people's contemporary.

The isukuti performance also educates and reminds the community about their

cultural beliefs and practices. For example, the use of the three drums illustrates the

unity expected in the family and the roles that each family member assumes. These

instruments are played during funerals and commemoration ceremonies to signify the

importance of funeral rites and the relationship between the members and their

ancestors. This unity is just as important as the unity of the living family, The gender

roles in this case are also displayed in their instruments. This symbolises male

dominance in their society just as drums found in many other African societies.150

Music thus expresses the community's ideas and philosophies,'51

5.3 Religious educational roles

From the preceding discussion it is clear that the Isukha are very religious. All their

cultural practices, rituals and rites of passage have religious connotations. These

religious customs are also evident in their performing arts. The songs that this

147 Moeketsi Letseka, "African Philosophy and educational discourse," in Philips Higgs (ed), p. 186. '" Andrew Tracey and Joshua Uzoigwe, "Ensemble" in Herbst et al. (eds), p. 76. 149 J. Kenyatta, Facing Mount Kenya, New York: Vintage Books, 1965, p.297. 150 Kofi Agawu, African rhythm: a Northern Ewe perspective, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,

1995, p. 91. 151 Tracey and Uzoigwe, p. 76.

104

chapter has examined exhibit their religious beliefs. The drama performed during

shiremba unveils their religious beliefs and practices too. The whole organisation of

the performing arts in their context lends itself to the philosophical understanding of

the belief systems that govern their behaviour. Such intertwined cultural construction

of the Isukha can only be fully understood within its context. Gehman asserts that:

African traditional religion permeated the whole of life. One could not point out to anything and classify it as secular, for all of life was sacred with spiritual dimensions. Strictly speaking, African traditional religion is not a religion as understood in the West a set of dogmas, but is life, experiential. 152

The drama enacted during shiremba displays the religious belief that if this is not

done, then the deceased will come back to haunt the living. The music that is

performed then is to act as a tribute to the dead and to allow the whole community to

give the deceased a 'proper send off' to the next world. This belief also reveals that

the ancestors of the Isukha played a major role in the welfare of the living. These

ancestors were therefore to be respected. Zahan argues that:

In Africa the problem of life and death constitutes the basis for religious feeling and is the unconscious foundation of philosophical reflection. 153

This philosophical reflection guides the total way of life of the Isukha people.

5.4 Music educational roles

Indigenous music among the Isukha plays a major role in educating its members,

starting with lullabies and ending with funeral dirges. For the purpose of this study the

discussion will only focus on the educational roles of isukuti performing arts.

Music education of the isukuti performing arts is handed down orally from one

generation to another. The instrumentalists learn by imitation and memory in order to

develop and perfect their skills. The mnemonic sounds used in the teaching of

melorhythmic patterns aid in the process of identifying, remembering and

reproducing the cultural rhythmic patterns. The instrumentalists learn to identify

indigenous rhythmic patterns upon which the instrumentalist improvises his/her own

rhythms. According to Kongo and Robinson:

152 Richard J. Gehman, African traditional religion in biblical perspective, Kijabe: Kesho publications, 1989, p. 50.

153 Dominique Zahan, The religion, spirituality, and thought of traditional Africa, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1970, p. 36.

105

Improvisation is a vital educational activity in any of the performing arts in that it integrates intuition and kinaesthesia 154 in spontaneous creative acts. There simply is no other form of artistic activity that manifests such complex and efficient pre-conscious processing. And it provides the clearest indicator of how thoroughly artistic concepts have been assimilated as opposed to merely learned. 155

Participating in performing arts groups means that one has to have and develop

music imaginative skills and creativity; qualities that are mandatory in indigenous

music practice of musicians. 156

The instrumentalists have to learn great skills of co-ordinating between themselves

and the dancers because African music requires maximum physical co-ordination.157

Likewise, dancers have to listen intently to the music and learn when to perform

specific dances and co-ordinate their movements. As a result they end up learning

how to work together as a team. The team spirit is also vital in the responsorial form

of singing. The singers are always attentive to the soloist's section so that they can

respond accordingly and change their sections when the soloist changes the text or

song. In dance and drama they have to use their eyes and ears to produce the

correct styles. In the singing and drama they use their mouth, eyes and ears as well

as their imaginative creativity. In general they learn group musical performance skills.

Besides playing the instruments, the instrumentalists are expected to make their own

instruments and take care of them. As they make their instruments, they have to

ensure that the instruments produce the sounds required in their isukuti drumming.

Through this engagement they become well acquainted with their cultural sounds

and the skills needed in the making of the instruments.

The dance movements that the dancers employ are very much related to the animal

movements that are found in Isukhaland. The dancers thus learn to imitate the

animals' movements through their dance movements and gestures. They in turn

154 Kongo and Robinson define kinaesthesia as 'the feedback mechanism of the nervous system that conveys information between the mind and the body and is fundamental to all forms of music making and dance because it is what coordinates all the faculties we use in these activities; hearing, seeing, feeling, knowing and reasoning', p. 108.

155 Kongo and Robinson, p. 109. 156 Ibid., pp. 105-106. 157 Tracey and Uzoigwe, p. 83.

106

learn community dances and how to express themselves musically. By so doing they

develop a strong sense of rhythm.

Since tile dancers also sing as they perform, they learn how to co-ordinate melody,

rhythm and dance in their music expressions. Their aural and memory perceptions

are highly developed in the process; they have to learn to hear and remember the

rhythms and melodies that guide their performance.

Musicians learn and develop vocal skills and techniques through their performance.

As seen earlier, the soloists have to know the language and culture in order to

extemporise successfully in performance. This involves learning how to sing within

the cultural expectations and what to sing. In the process they also learn composition

skills. In their compositions they depict the cultural norms and practices. They aid in

keeping the community's culture and memory through their songs. In West Africa too

the 'mother' [master] musician is the custodian of a people's history.158 "'fa Thiong'o 159

notes the same about African community artists:

Writers, artists, musicians, intellectuals, workers in ideas are the keepers of memory of a community.

Wa Thiong'o argues that such people embody their community's cultures in their

works and in turn record what generations to come can learn about those

communities. Agawu also observes that:

The idea of belonging separates this [the] African composer from composers elsewhere who deliberately position themselves outside the mainstream and sometimes in opposition to the prevailing ethos. The African composer's work takes on its fullest meaning within the context of his particular community.160

Agawu's observations imply that an African musician (composer) depicts his culture

through his music, thereby documenting the cultural norms, practices and behaviour

intertwined in his music.

The song texts also playa major role in educating Isukha society. The texts relay

messages related to their cultural norms and practices, behaviour expected of the

societal members which render them as good Isukha history of clan and individuals

158 Michael Nixon, Joshua Uzoigwe and Benon Kigozi, "MUSicianship" in Herbst et al. (eds), p. 54. 159 Ngugi wa Thiong'o, "The fourth Steve Biko memorial lecture", unpublished document, South Africa:

University of Cape Town, 12 September, 2003, p. 6. 160 Kofi Agawu, "Defining and interpreting African music" in Herbst et al. (eds), p. 5.

107

(especially the deceased), etc. The messages embedded in these songs carry the

keys to understanding the Isukha concept of music, cultural rituals such as those

practised in funerals and other philosophical underpinnings.

6. Summary

The Isukha, like other ethnic groups in Africa, have music practices that are closely

intertwined with their daily lives, social practices and religion. Their performing arts

depict their belief systems, social lives, philosophical underpinnings and communal

approaches. The discussions in this chapter show how their performing arts convey

educational values to their members, such as socio-cultural, religious and musical

values. These cultural values have, however, changed tremendously due to the

introduction of Christianity and formal schooling.

Chapter Four

Popular music from Kenya and the Congo

I ntrod u ction

There are some popular music styles, which have influenced the dance styles of the

Maximum Miracle Melodies. This chapter provides an historical overview of the

development of popular music in Kenya on a general level and addresses, more

specifically, the influence of the Congolese popular performing arts on the MMM.

Similarities between Congolese performing arts and Maximum Miracle Melodies are

illustrated through an analysis of Koffi Olomide's' video clips, Loi and Micko, because

the Maximum Miracle Melodies have adapted his performance modes into their

performances to a large extent. The discussion focuses on Koffi Olomide's style in

relation to other Congolese performing arts. This section mainly examines the

aspects of the Loi video clip and refers, when necessary, to the Micka video clip. The

text of the two songs and their English translations appear in Appendix A.

1. Popular music in sub-Saharan Africa

Like many other African countries that the West colonised, Kenya has adopted music

elements from the West to create new forms of music on the popular music scene.

Abrokwaa indicated that:

The basic purity of indigenous African music lasted until the arrival of Europeans in the 151h

century. Their infiuence reached its climax in the early 20" century, by which time colonial rule was firmly established in Africa [ .... I New musical instruments included the guitar, violin, woodwinds, the piano and organ, the accordion, and drum sets, some of which were later adopted into the traditional African musical forms to create new forms of African music"

Each country or region in Africa in turn had specific kinds of popular music that

integrated Western music with the country's indigenous music, for example, 'highlife'

in Ghana 0/Vest Africa), mbaqanga and kwela in Southern Africa, soukous in

Zaire/Congo (Central Africa), juju in Nigeria (West Africa), benga in Kenya (East

, Kofi Olomide is a Kora Award winning Congolese popular music artist. Two of his video-clips are used in the analysis of Congolese popular music in this study: Kofi Olomide, "Loi" track 1, Loi: Les 12 titres de /'album en clips, produced by Sonodisc, 5 min., VHS, videocassette, 1995; and "Micko" track 3, Loi: Les 12 fifres de /'album en clips, produced by Sonodic, 5 min., VHS, 1995. Abrokwaa, p. 193.

109

Africa), as well as viva and chimurenga in Zimbabwe (Southern Africa).' Music

acculturation thus occurred as a result of colonisation. According to Taylor:

Rather than cultural imperialism simply wiping out indigenous music king and indigenous sounds, new popular musics are being made, old ones altered or maintained, sometimes museumized and sometimes lost altogether'

1.1 The growth of popular music in Kenya

Popular music in Kenya developed because of Western contact and influence,

experiencing tremendous growth after the Second World War. 5 The Kenyans who

participated in the war and were influenced by the music of the Europeans not only

brought Western musical instruments such as guitars, mandolin and accordions with

them, but also learnt to play the musical instruments and incorporate the styles into

their music.

These instruments laid the foundation for the formation of the word beni (Kiswahili), a

mispronunciation of the word 'band.' Beni first emerged in Kenya in the 1890s;

however, the period during which beni flourished came to an end in the 1960s after

Kenya became independentS These bands initially played European music using

European instruments such as the accordion and guitars. The dancers wore

European military uniform and displayed loyalty to the British colonial masters and

culture. However, after the First and Second World Wars, these benis took a different

turn. The Kenyans, similar to other musicians in other African countries mentioned

earlier,7 endeavoured to use European instruments to play their original compositions

with both European and African music characteristics - hence the rise of popular

bands.

The popular bands consisted of Kenyans who were striving to compose and play

music in African languages using a combination of Western and African musical

instruments. The bands had clearly defined audiences for music in Kenyan

, Thomas Turino, Nationalists, cosmopolitans, and popular music in Zimbabwe, Chicago: The

4 University of Chicago Press, 2000, pp. 244-246; Bergman, p. 51. Timothy D. Taylor, Global pop: world music, world markets, London: Routledge, 1997, p. 197.

5 John Collins, West African pop roots, Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1992, p. 52; Caleb C. Okumu, The development of Kenyan popular guitar music: a study of Kiswahili songs in Nairobi, unpublished MA thesis, Nairobi: Kenyatta University, 1998, pp. 27-32.

6 T. O. Ranger, Dance and society in Eastern Africa 1890-1970, Berkeley: University of California Press, 1975, p. 9. Roberts, pp 240-244.

110

languages of the respective home districts. In conjunction with the bands, another

kind of music called dansi developed, with its name deriving from the word 'dance'·

Dansi incorporated guitars, mandolin or banjo and percussive African instruments.

This specific genre was performed in a variety of local languages and its popularity

grew rapidly.

The inception of radio and television broadcasting in Kenya also enhanced the

influence of the popular music. Many Kenyans learnt to play the guitar and musicians

began forming their own bands. As popularity of the music grew, recording industries

such as East African Records limited,' Jambo Label, AIT, EMI and Phonogram

(Polygram), were established in Nairobi after the Second World War, which served

the whole of the East African region1O Popular musicians could record their music on

78 rpm records and sell them in order to earn a living .

The popular bands that emerged such as Gabriel Omollo, Apollo Komesha 71 and

Super Mazembe" tried to imitate the playing techniques of the musicians they heard

on popular music records performed by artists from European countries and the rest

of Africa. By the end of the 1950s, Nairobi had been established as a music business

centre that served East and Central Africa.'2 At the time anything Western or

European was associated with the elite and civilised society. The musicians therefore

imitated Western popular music performance and styles . The records sold well all

across the country and East Africa in general. Musicians such as Daudi Kabaka, Paul

Mazera and Fadhili Williams began singing in Kiswahili, especially after Kenya

became independent in 1963. By this time, Kiswahili was understood by a variety of

people across East and Central Africa. It had become a lingua franca that promoted

nationalism and trade across East and Central Africa"

A civil war broke out in the Congo (then known as Zaire) in Central Africa in the

1960s, forcing many of the Congolese and especially musicians to move to East

8 Okumu, pp. 24-25. 9 Kirster Maim and Roger Wallis , Media, policy and music activity. London: Routledge, 1992, p. 84. 10 Collins, 1992, pp. 249-250. 11 John Collins. Music makers of West Africa, Washington: Three Continents Press. 1985. p. 56. '2 Maim and Wallis, pp. 84 and 89. 13 Kidula , 1998, p. 37; Graeme Ewens. Africa o-ye l A celebration of African music. London : Guiness

Publishing Limited. 1991. pp. 158-159; Kaplan et a/. p. 103.

111

Africa and Kenya in particular. These Congolese musIcians recorded their kind of

music, rumba,'· in Nairobi, attracting and influencing many Kenyan musicians. Hence

Kenyan popular musicians such as Fadhili Williams, and Fundi Konde started to

imitate the guitar picking style of the lead guitar found in rumba music. Congolese

music became so dominant in East Africa that it gave rise to benga music.

Benga was started amongst the Luo, who are known for their lyre instrument, the

nyatiti.15 The nyatiti is an eight-stringed lyre played by the Luo of Nyanza province of

Kenya. It is the men, jathum, who usually play the instrument by plucking the

strings.'• Since the Luos were used to plucking the strings of the nyatiti, the guitar

plucking technique of Congolese pop music fascinated them and they found it easier

to play the guitar" According to Omondi,'· the Luos also adopted some guitar­

playing techniques into their nyatiti performance, for example, strumming. Later other

language groups adopted the style and called their music benga. '9 Different kinds of

benga music developed such as Kikuyu benga, Luhya benga, etc., each identified by

the scales used in their music. The tones and rhythmic patterns used were those

found in Kikuyu, Luhya, etc. traditional songs.'o Benga therefore developed as a

result of Congolese music influence. The musicians that were popularly known for

benga music are George Ramogi, Gabriel Om 0110, Ochieng Kabasellah, Goerge

Ojijo, Prince Jully, D. O. Misiani, Sam Chege and David kamau. 21

By 1958, Congolese Lingala music based on rumba was making use of electric

guitars, which were considered vital in dance bands." Kenyan popular music also

adopted the use of electric guitars into benga music. The 1970s marked massive

,. Roberts, p. 252.

15 Bergman, p. 15. 1. Charles N. Orawo, Miel: the Luo dance, Kisumu: Lake Publishers and Enterprises, 2002, pp 12-13;

Washington A. Omondi, Thum: traditional lyre music of the Luo of Kenya, unpublished PhD dissertation, London: University of London, 1980, pp. 150-151, 372-373.

" Roberts, p. 255. ,. Omondi, pp. 76-77. 19 Ronnie Graham, The world of African music: stern's guide to contemporary African music, Vol. 2,

London: Pluto Press, 1992, p, 149. 20 Roberts, p. 243. 21 "96.4 Nation FM: Collela Mazee," available from

<http://www.nationaudio.com/96-4NATION/feature7.html> accessed 28 July 2004; Douglas B. Paterson, "Trends in Kenyan Popular music: the best kept secret in Africa," available from <http://www.members.aol.com/dpaterson/trends.htm> accessed 28 July 2004.

" Bergman , p. 48.

112

importation of Western and Congolese popular music in Kenya.23 Consequently, the

popularity of Kiswahili music began to suffer in favour of the foreign music that was

often heard on radio. As a result the president of Kenya at the time, Daniel Arap Moi,

appointed a National Music Commission to devise ways of enhancing local Kenyan

music.24 Consequently, amongst many other recommendations, the Commission

recommended that the only local radio station at the time, Voice of Kenya (VoK),

should limit the transmission of non-Kenyan music to 20 per cent of the total air

time.25 The government of Kenya thus banned the broadcasting of Congolese music

on the Voice of Kenya to protect local music from such foreign domination and

actively promote it,26 The government also turned down the renewal of work permits

of some Congolese musicians who lived in Kenya. The result was that the newly

electrified benga music thrived in the market throughout the 1970s.27 Gabriel Omolo,

whose records received the Golden Disc award for selling tens of thousands of

copies at the time,28 flourished in this style.

Another style of popular music known as the twist developed rapidly during the

1970s.29 In fact, Daudi Kabaka considered himself as the 'King of twist.' Others30 refer

to him as the 'King of twist' to this day, although he is already dead. Among the

Kenyan popular musicians who flourished in the twist style are Daudi M. Kabaka and

Paul Mazera, who later became an URTNA award winner, David Amunga, Fundi

Konde and Fadhili Williams. Omutibo was yet another style that flourished in the

same period. The leading musicians of this style include George Mukabi, George

Nzenze, Fanuel Amimo and Peter Akwabi.

23 Ewens, p. 169. 24 Maim and Wallis, p. 95. 25 Presidential National Music Commission Kenya, Report of the presidential national music

commission, Nairobi: Government Printers, 1984, p. 89. 26 Ewens, p. 168-169. 27 Ibid. 28 Okumu, 1998, p. 124. 29 Ewens, p. 159. 30 Otieno Otieno, 'His music still popular at fun spots', in East African Standard Newspaper, 20

December 2003, p. 12; Emmanuel Mwendwa, 'He twisted the hearts out of dance lovers, in East African Standard Newspaper, 20 December, 2003, pp. 12-13.

113

Since many of the Congolese musicians were still living in the country, they formed

bands with other Kenyan musicians. 31 Congolese musicians led most of these bands.

Some of the outstanding ones include Les Mange/epa and Orchestre Virunga. 32 Such

groups had a wide audience and their performance in any club filled the dance floor

with Kenyan fans. Many Congolese popular musicians also toured Kenya many

times, thereby increasing their influence on Kenyans. Such musicians include

Francois Luambo Makiadi, popularly known as Franco, with his OK Jazz bancf3 and

Tabu ley Rochereau and his Afrisa band. Kenyan popular bands also began to

enlarge their bands, earning them a good reputation in music. The Maroon

Commandos, Morogoro Jazz Band, Victoria Jazz, and Kilimambogo Brothers34 are a

few examples. The better the bands could imitate the Congolese pop band

musicians, the more popular they became. These bands mainly sung in Kiswahili and

became popularly known as Kiswahili rumba. 35 However, local non-Congolese pop

music was left to a less elite category of fans.

Due to the popularity of Congolese music in Kenya, many Kenyans, especially in the

music business industry, bought Congolese pop music that was brought into the

country through audio and videotapes. Since the market was 'booming', pirated

music from Zaire found its way into Kenya and Nairobi in particular. Collins indicates

that:

Pirating is another problem in the music business, and pirating cassette production has almost become a cottage industry in East Africa. It has cut deeply into the profits of record companies, both forei~n and local. It has become so bad that the Kenyan government has tried to outlaw pirating. 6

The practice continues even in the 21 51 century. It is through these videotapes that

many local musicians are able to imitate the Congolese music dance styles,

dramatisations and video-recording ideas.

31 The same seems to be the practice even in other East African countries (Stephen Harvey Martin, Music in urban East Africa: a study of the development of urban Jazz in Dar es Salaam, Washington: University of Washington, 1980, pp. 58-67).

32 Ewens, p. 160. 33 Jazz in this case refers to a 'pop group'. Bergman, p. 49, gives this definition. 34 Ewens, p. 166. 35 Paterson, "Trends in Kenyan Popular music: the best kept secret in Africa," available from

<http://www.members.aol.com/dpaterson/trends.htm> accessed 28 July 2004. 36 Collins, 1992, p. 250.

114

I ,

I

I

In the 21 st century Congolese music is played often on Kenyan radio and television

stations and channels. Kenyan musicians continue to borrow from Congolese dance

music. The music is performed in clubs, dance halls, and other ceremonies such as

weddings, evening parties, and fundraising occasions. It has been commercialised

and is currently one of the most popular music genres in Kenya. The churches and

Christian musicians in Kenya have also been influenced greatly by this music,

including Maximum Miracle Melodies, as will be seen in Chapter Five.

1.2 Congolese popular music: rumba

This section devotes itself to a brief account of the historical development of Zairian

popular music, also known as Congolese or Congo-Zairian Music with specific

reference to rumba. It also discusses the spread of rumba in Kenya and other parts

of Africa. The analysis of the Congolese performing arts is based on Koffi Olomide's

video clips of his performances in the video Loi, as mentioned earlier.

Congolese pop dance music has become very popular in sub-Saharan Africa over

the years.37 According to Ewens:

Kinshasa, the capital city of Zaire, is the undisputed music center of Africa [ ... J And what is first heard here will later be packing dance floors in Europe, America and even Japan as well as the rest of Africa". 38

Congolese music, also referred to as rumba, has become very popular in Kenya. It is

a fusion of African and foreign musical elements that targets interethnic audiences.

Rumba became popular around 1940 through an accordionist, Feruzi,39 and the term

became a generic name for popular dance music. It became a fusion of Afro­

Caribbean, Latin, Cuban and a variety of traditional musical styles of ethnic groups in

the Congo.40 Over the years several popular musicians have helped to develop this

genre, which in later years expanded to embody several kinds of music and new

dance styles such as boucher, kiri kiri, rock and roll and soukous.41 The guitar was

and still is central to this music. It is referred to by several names:

37 Bob Whitman White, Popular culture, mastery and politics of dance music in Congo-Kinshasa: modernity's spiral, unpublished PhD. dissertation, [n.p.], McGill University, 1998, p. xii

38 Ewens, p. 126. 39 Ewens, p. 129. 40 Roberts, p. 245; Gary Stewart, Rumba on the river: a history of the popular music of the two

Congas, London: Verso, 2000, pp. 21-22. 41 Bergman, p. 50.

115

It has [been] given many names in the course of the years: African jazz, Congo jazz, Congo music, musique zairoise, rumba, Zaire rumba, and soucous. Soucous was actually one of the many dance styles that succeeded each other within this musical style.

42

The musicians whose music has sold well and spread across East, West and Central

Africa are known as the founders of specific new styles incorporated in the rumba.

For example, Joseph Kabaseke or Kalle was considered the father of Congolese

popular music and Franco was the godfather. Pepe Kalle is known as the 'elephant'

of Congolese music and founder of Kwasa Kwasa dance; Bozi Boziana as the

founder of the original and famous Zaiko Langa Langa band that was the pace-setter

of many rumba styles; and Koffi Olomide as the golden star, or Tcha Tcho.43

The early rumba bands had large orchestral sections. Typical instruments included

electric guitars (rhythm, lead and bass), pop drum-set, cymbals, trumpets, tubas,

horns and saxophones. Rumba bands had a large group of instrumentalists and

singers and played identical music. The lead vocalist's timbre and variations on the

guitar that were unique to each group differentiated them from each other. The music

business consequently proved to be a lucrative one, attracting a great number of

musicians.

Due to the civil wars in this country, many people left Zaire and the country suffered

economically. However, music seemed to be and still is the major business that

earns musicians much money and a 'better' life. Among the prolific musicians that

flourished during this period were Sam Mangwana, Dizzy Mandjeku, Ndombe

Opteum, Tabu Ley, Mbilia Bel, Papa Wemba and Franco.44

Due to the breakaways, many new bands were formed that had similar musical styles

and techniques. Subsequently there was and continues to be competition amongst

musicians. This practice has resulted in eager borrowing of styles for the survival of

bands, publicity, marketing, and fashion. The musicians keep adding new practices,

dances, styles, etc. to their performances in order to be ahead of the others. Such

ambition and creativity has caused tremendous development of rumba over the

years. For their records to sell well, the musicians strive for uniqueness in order to

42 Wolfgang Bender, Sweet mother: modern African music, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991, p. 42.

43 Ewens, pp. 132-144. 44 Ibid., p. 135.

116

contribute in the music scene. Such uniqueness includes ways of dressing, new

dance movements and stage choreography. The developments have thus been led

predominantly by commercialisation.

Dance styles and variations became an important part of the whole performance and

popularisation of orchestral bands. 45 Women were and still are mainly used as

dancers who took their names from their artists or bands, for example, Francolets

were Franco's dancers, Rocherettes were Tabu Ley Rochereau's dancers, etc. Male

musicians dominated most of the orchestral bands. In later years there were women

who took up vocal sections and even solos. They include Mbilia Bel, Tshala Mwana,

M'pongo Love and Deessee Mukanti (also known as little goddess).46

The dances that these musicians have performed in rumba music have evolved to

include a variety such as Bounchers, Kiri Kiri, Cavacha, Kwasakwasa, Mayebo,

Madiaba, Ndombolo and Kirwanzenza. 47 At the time of writing this dissertation,

kirwanzenza was the latest dance style. All these dance movements are often

referred to as soukous dance styles (see footnote 40).

As the civil war intensified in Congo-Zaire, many musicians fled the country and

those who remained could not afford to buy many instruments. The brass

instruments were especially expensive and almost unaffordable. Therefore, a new

wave of rumba emerged which excluded the brass section. This new music that was

still regarded as a new wave of rumba in the Congo, became known as soUkOUS4B in

the west. According to Bergman,49 soukous means 'having a good time.' Soukous

includes a sebene section from the beginning as opposed to the previous rumba that

had its sebene in the second section of the music, while the first was a slow rumba

section. Soukous also makes use of a small band instead of a large orchestra. The

musicians developed their own characteristics that were unique to their bands, which

are considered as guitar-based. The main rhythm and excitement of the music lies in

45 It should be noted that the popular bands use the word orchestra for their groups/bands. 46 Collins, 1992, p. 184-185; Bergman, p. 51. 47 Bergman, p. 50; Interviews by the researcher with Congolese musicians, Nene and Dido Nday, 7

February 2002. 48 Ewens, p. 141. 49 Bergman, p. 46.

117

the guitars and the interlocking of their performance. Dancers are energised by the

guitar interplay.

Many of the musicians or bands like touring the West to record and market their

music as well as to acquire new fashions. Today the clothing fashion craze50 in

Congo-Zaire is linked with music. These fashions are also displayed in their

performances and video clips. Currently they record their music on videotape, which

unfortunately has encouraged piracy of their music. Video-recording has also led a

wide variety of bands and music groups in Kenya to imitate dance movements,

dramatisations and costumes of the Congolese pop musicians.

1.3 Congolese performing arts: Loi

This section discusses the performing arts of Koffi Olomide with specific reference to

his video Loi. Koffi Olomide is a Congolese popular musician, who is popular not only

in Kenya but also in sub-Saharan Africa (see footnote 1 of this chapter). He has also

won several awards such as artistic merit in 1987 and best composer in 1987 given

to him by Zaire's Commissioner of arts and culture and Kinshasa music writers

respectively51.He has a full performing arts group composed of instrumentalists,

female and male dancers (see accompanying VCD for a display of the dancers),

singers and Koffi as the lead singer. This section analyses his song, Loi, in terms of

text, rhythm and melody, form and instrumentation, dance and dramatisations of the

video performances.

1.3.1 Song

(a) Text and message

The song is sung in both Lingala and French.52 The title of the song, Loi, means law.

It is descriptive of the law or regulations required when performing Congolese

popular dances. The singers mention the names of the dance movements as the

dancers perform them accordingly.

50

51 Ibid. p. 53. Stewart, p. 348. 52 A transcription of the text and its English translation appears in Appendix A.

118

A variety of themes related to day-to-day activities and issues that affect the lives of

the urban Congolese are expressed, for example, lying, truth, money, fashion and

beauty. The text of the song refers to a variety of people, issues and objects. The

people referred to include Shamukwale, dancers, 'prophet of dressing' and 'the great

one' among others. Sometimes these names are just mentioned without having any

relation to the theme. The lead singer also refers to his god whom he does not

describe or name.

The texts have allusive messages that can only be understood by the people the

singer is referring to, for example:

Prophet of dressing there is an answer. There is a solution this way. They had a gun but they could not kill me. I am the farm owner and my name is Liyunzi.

These statements are spoken as word interpolations by the bandleader, Koffi

Olomide are improvised texts meant for a selected group of people. While an

outsider may find the word interpolations incomprehensible, they make sense to

specific people in the audience and the performers. 53 The improvised texts are

therefore not just meant for the singers, dancers and the general audience, but also

for specific people that the singers are targeting. This is a common practice in

soukous music lyrics, where musicians 'gossip' or 'make fun' of others. Sometimes

they sing about their enemies or competitors. When addressing the dancers, the

texts mainly direct them on what to do or how to dance. For example, tout Ie monde

position (everybody, take up your positions), alerts the dancers to get ready for the

sebene dance section.

The word interpolations reveal the singer's feelings and contemplation in the form of

a soli'-oquy. In the song La;, the band leader says, "They had a gun but they could not

kill me." He does not reveal who these people were. While the entire song is about

the 'law of dance', which is meant to expose the various dance movements of

53 Interviews with Mr. and Mrs. Nday Dido, 6 February 2002 and Prof. Adeyepo Yapo, revealed that usually the Congolese musicians speak to their friends and enemies through their singing. Certain texts are meant to address individuals but are spoken as word-interpolations or as /es cries. The text may not have any co-ordination with the main theme of the song but they pass a message. In such cases, those musicians addressed in the music will respond through their own compositions Irecordings in a new album that they release.

119

soukous, the singer is also talking about his enemies, giving at least two dimensions

to the meaning of the text. The word interpolations are thus short phrases interjected

occasionally that mayor may not have direct relationship with the message of the

whole song.

The text of the song also refers to listeners, dancers, and the singer's god, which

symbolises the commercialisation of this kind of music. The musicians ask the female

dancers to perform the various dances referred to in the song. As the name

suggests, Loi, the song is about the law or regulations required when performing the

dances. In other songs on the same album such as Micko and Motomolo the same

'law' is followed in the dance performances. When the names of the dances are

mentioned, the dancers perform the given dances.

There is use of images, descriptions, and metaphors to express ideas. For example,

"lies come via a lift and truth comes by stairs." This indicates the speed at which lies

and truth come. In the song, Micko, the singer sings 'Micko, I have water in my eyes',

indicating that the singer has been crying for Micko, his lover. Water here symbolises

tears. The use of images, descriptions, and metaphors are also common features of

not only Congolese pop music, but also African indigenous music as discussed in

Chapter Three.

Some of the words used are culture-specific, for example, buka, which literally means

'break'. However, this word used by musicians is an encouragement to dancers and

listeners to dance and/or intensify their movements or involvement. 54

There are certain words in the song that shed light on the Congolese musicians' life

styles and surroundings. For example 55

Prophet of dressing (tashion-craze) Electric stairs (modern urban Africa) Money and riches (craving for riches amongst popular musicians)

54 I nterviews with Congolese musicians living in Kenya, Mr. and Mrs. Nday Dido, 6 February 2002 (see chapter six for more details about these musicians and the accompanying VCD, "Mr and Mrs Dido")

55 These observations are also common to other Congolese musicians as indicated by Ewens, p. 148.

120

The text is performed in several ways: through word interpolations, speech-melody

and sung melodies. As seen in Chapter Three, word interpolations, speech-melody56,

and the responsorial style are typical African music traits. The pop musicians thus

draw on their African music repertoire in their compositions. The speech-melody

section and word interpolations are highly improvised. The texts in these sections are

meant to encourage dancers to intensify their movements, or to dance. Such words

include buka buka, bingeli, etc. They are improvised words that must be carefully

selected and timed.

(b) Melody and rhythm

A lead singer and/or chorus-response usually sing the melodies. Although the

atalakus57 execute les cries, sometimes these les cries take melodic forms or

contours. The melody and sometimes sections of it are imitated or doubled by lead

and bass guitars. As in most soukous music, men are the main singers. They sing in

high tessitura and falsetto.

The lead guitars have their own repetitive melodies that are different for each section.

There is often an interchange of melodic sections between the lead guitars (high

tessitura and medium) and rhythm guitar. When the bass guitar plays the melody, it

often doubles the melodic line. However, the melodies are not generally played in full

when performed by the guitars. A few rhythmic and melodic motives are played which

identify the melody. Sometimes these short phrases are played repeatedly, but

sporadically as improvisation. They are executed in such a way that rhythmic

interlock can easily propel dance. It has to be danceable because soukous is 'dance

music'.

There is an interesting interplay of melodies as they shift from one guitar to another

then to the voice. The chorus-response section has harmony in parallelism

and/polarity. Sometimes the chorus sings in unison, then briefly in harmony for two

56 Here the word speech-melody means words that are half-spoken and half sung. The tone of the speech is important in determining the melodic line.

57 The Congolese refer to les cries as shouts or cries. Although they may sound like sung melodies to the listener, the Congolese do not regard them as songs. Men in high tessitura voice (falsetto) usually execute them. One who sings such a section is referred to as ata/aku. Interviews with Mr. and Mrs. Nday, 6 February 2002, Adepo Yapo, 30 August 2003. Okumu, p. 46, refers to les cries as animation. He asserts that Kenyans call them 'pandisa'.

121

bars before going back to unison singing . Although the harmony is often in

parallelism, the percussive accompaniments and guitar melodies and rhythms give

the music rich texture. The two songs make use of at least three atalakus, who

perform solo sections interchangeably thus adding to the rich texture and varied

timbre of the music.

In Loi the response section has very short phrases that last less than a bar. Whereas

in the song Micko, the chorus-response has long melodic phrases repeated

throughout the first section. This song has high text" that expounds on various

themes.

The rhythms utilised are usually complicated and organised in triplets (see Figures

4.1 and 4.3). For each of the sections, whether slow rumba or sebene, rhythmic and

melodic patterns are repetitious. The chords employed for these melodies are

primary chords, I IV and V.

Fig. 4.1 Bingeli

Bingeli

E ta - la bi - nge -li bi - nge - Ii bi - nge - li e - 1

,~ ,--3---, r-;-3--,

J J 7 J, j J J ) L J J J I~ • '-------"

nge - Ii bi - nge - Ii bi - nge - Ii Ie iio

Koffi Olomide ,3, r-3~

DJ}JJJI e-). Ela-Ja-bi-

j I • J' II Ie - Ii

In Loi the song begins in B Major then modulates to C Major on the first sebene

section. Chord V of the new key is played as a pivot chord. The lead guitar then picks

up a new melody in the new key that marks the beginning of the sebene section.

Despite the fact that the song modulates, only primary chords are used in

58 The term 'high text' refers to music with different many words and phrases as opposed to 'low text' with very few repetitious words

122

accompaniment. This is a common practice in African popular music. 59 In Micko the

song begins with moderate sebene in the key of E Major then modulates to F Major

in the second sebene. However, except for the key, the melody remains the same as

seen in Fig. 4.2. The bass guitar transits to the new key by use of a descending F

Major scale. In both keys the primary chords are still the predominant ones utilised.

(Listen to music on accompanying VCD, "Dramatisation of Congolese pop").

Fig. 4.2 Micko

Micko J=99 Koffi Olomide

'~HH2 J J IFJ J J J J J 1 J. j J tJ

IJ II

(c) Form and instrumentation

The instrumental section plays a major role in shaping the form of the song and these

two aspects are discussed here. The instruments in use include bass guitar, lead

guitars (with both high and medium tessitura), rhythm guitars, tumba drums, pop

drum-set and keyboards. The song opens with a moderately fast section, then it

moves to a sebene section that is divided into two smaller parts, implying that the

instrumentation changes when the form of the song changes.

The rumba section is the slowest in comparison to the others. It has a thinner texture,

with a timbre with less rhythmic excitement. This section has entries of guitar, word

interpolations and chorus. The section begins with an a Capella chorus section (See

Fig. 4.3 for the notation and Appendix A for the full text), followed by drums, lead

guitar and shouts from chorus then word interpolations and finally les cries. Micko

starts with drum prelude, then word interpolations, followed by lead guitar and finally

the male chorus section. The dance movements in this section are also slower and

take the pace of the instrumentation tempo.

59 Okumu, p. 104.

123

A short transition leads to the sebene section. The sebene is characterised by

complex polyrhythmic and cross-rhythmic patterns played by the electric guitars.

There is interchange of vocal and instrumental section; different melodic phrases

played by high and medium tessitura lead guitars as well as rhythm and bass guitars.

Fig. 4.3 [Tj/Ningisile

Tingisile )=96

Koffi Olomide

There is variation of number of instruments at a given time; many vocables , word

interpolations and les cries; responsorial singing; exchange of vocal solos; shouts;

repetitive melodic phrases by lead guitars, voice and bass guitar, and an exciting

rhythmic build-up that leads to the climax.

The number of sebene sections varies from one song to another. In both Lai and

Micko there are four distinct sections. The sebene sections are distinct from each

other in various ways:

• Number of instruments used at any given time;

• Exchange of solos and type of word interpolations;

• Type of melodies played or sung;

• Tessitura of lead guitars;

124

I III

• Techniques of instrumental playing;

• Vocal sections; e.g. responsorial, chorus only, harmony etc.;

• Rhythmic and melodic motifs executed in instrumental interludes.

Each sebene section or part has its own melodic pattern, guitar-playing technique,

and interchange of parts and rhythmic motifs recurring throughout the section.

1.3.2 Dance

It is obvious that since soukous is considered as dance music, it is accompanied by

dancing. In the Loi and Micka video-clips both male and female dancers perform the

dances. Their styles are varied and not always similar. Female dancers perform a

greater variety of dance movements and are more actively involved in all the dances.

Their costumes are also different from those of the male dancers.

Different costumes are used for each song. The female dancers are always in tight

fitting trousers of various colours such as black and blue in Lai and Micko

respectively. The type of texture of the trouser fabric and its tight-fitting nature

enhance or highlight the hip movements prevalent in their dances. They wear brief

tops ('midriffs') that match their trousers in colour and expose their tummy and belly

buttons. All of them wear the same costumes. They have curly kit on their hair, which

is dyed tan, a hairstyle that was fashionable in Africa at the time of recording the

video. They dance bare-foot.

The men are always in trousers of various specific colours for each dance such as

orange, blue, black, etc. Unlike the women's trousers, the men's are loose and/or

fitted but not tight. The texture of the costumes is apparently much heavier. They

wear shirts and caps that match their trousers. The men wear sneakers at all times;

they do not dance bare feet (See accompanying VCD for these costumes under the

title Micko. Also see Plates 7 to 9 in Appendix C).

The singer soloist, Koffi Olomide, is always in flashy suits, signifying the 'prophet of

dressing' and the fashion craze of Congolese musicians with colours that match

those of the male dancers. Unlike the dancers, he sometimes wears a tie and his

dance movements often differ from those of the rest of the dance group.

125

All the performances of the dances are staged on an outside veranda, balcony or

enclosed veranda, by the swimming pool, garden square or inside a house. The

various scenarios are made possible by modern video-editing technology. This

specific performance is not performed for an audience but for the camera. However,

the dance group and Koffi Olomide also perform in concerts, public places, etc. 50

(a) Choreographic pattern formations

The dance pattern formations or choreography performed are far fewer than the

dance movements. The figures presented in Table 4.1 are drawn from the video

performances of Micko and Loi.

Table 4: 1 Number of Choreographic Pattern formations & Dance Movements

Song Choreographic Dance patterns movements

Loi 4 25

Micko 3 32

The following are the choreographic pattern formations utilised in the two songs:

Fig. 4.4 Cluster: dancers clump together in one area

Fig. 4.5

••• '.' .... •••• Two horizontal lines

60 Ewens, p. 144.

126

Fig. 4.6

Fig. 4.7

Fig.4.8

Fig. 4.9

Fig. 4.10

The run (Haphazard running across the stage)

--~ -~--~

V-shape: dancers form the letter V in their pattern

One single line

Circle

........ . ' . . ...

'. .' '" '" ..... .

Free position

~6~ .' "~O[> ••••••• et> <\ \l

(b) Dance movements

A variety of dance movements are utilised in the two analysed performances. This

section describes only the Congolese dances that have been adapted by the

Maximum Miracle Melodies. The dance notations appear beneath the descriptions of

the movements and short video clips on the included VCO illustrate the various

movements. The following are their descriptions.

127

I. Nzomo

This dance involves forward-back contractions of the pelvis while lifting up

their right legs and arms, and is performed only by female dancers.

Fig.4.11 Nzomo

----- ~Af' <P K A free ° °

TI

... - ~ ~~}II f t- I t + I f f f

ii. The Wriggle

Only performed by female dancers, the dancers wriggle their pelvis in a

circular motion, shifting their body weight to the left and right leg alternately.

All the dances involve pelvic movements in various forms (see also nzomo

and micko on accompanying VCD for variations of pelvic movements). This

dance movement is usually performed even in conjunction with other

movements. The researcher has labelled this dance as 'the wriggle' to indicate

the spedflc emphasis of the dance movements. The Congolese musicians

label this as soukous music because the soukous music usually incorporates

hip movements. However, the researcher has given it this name to distinguish

it from other soukous dance movements, which are varied.

Fig. 4.12 'Wriggle'

I I

T t -: ~ ~ X~ ] ;~ 14:+ +::i:;

-

128

• • I ,..

iii. Ndombolo

The men perform this dance movement. The dancers crouch and then make a

slow, almost mechanical walk with body weight shifting from left to right. They

take one step to the front then back.

4.13 Ndombolo

I/W + + 0 0

11 ; ~- ~ t ~ tx x<t>

n + + 00 - ; .. ~

• ei I • --.-.-0

iv. Variation of right stomp

The researcher could not find a name that the Congolese use for this dance

movement. Therefore, the name has been adopted from the Luhya isukuti

dance that was used for Chapter Three.

Fig. 4.14 Variation of traditional right stomp [ohangla]

v.

+ +

rl nn

• IJ "" -,. A-

II

Binge/i

The dancers twist the right leg on the spot. Both arms move to the right and

left in opposite directions so that they cross at the centre-front of the body.

They combine these movements with 'the wriggle' above.

129

Fig. 4.15 Bingeli

, + + + + ,

I

f i ~~ T I

;0; ;0; ..±J,....L.L I

It t • 1+ I • It t + It -It- ~" ,

~' ~' ~' ~' ~' ~' f} ,

~' ,

.--

II x~

vi. Yumbani

The right arm is stretched outward to the front with a fist. The torso is bent

slightly to the front. The left leg is twisted on its toes as the dancers turn

round. At every twist, the right leg lightly stamps on the ground as the dancer

moves in a circle. After a 3600 turn, they clap their hands and shift to another

leg as they turn round in the opposite direction.

Fig. 4.16 Yumbani

+ " " ( , + ,

"'j ~ " ,+ " t + f7 Y~~+ __ +~I __ ~tV~+ ____ ~ ____________ ~~ ________________ __

. + t

~' ,

vii. Micko

This movement is only found in the video-clip of Micko. The dancers perform

this movement when they are singing about Micko. Since no specific name is

given to this movement, so researcher adopted the name Micko for it. Just like

in nzomo, the dancers move their pelvis in forward and backward motions, but

this time the movement is performed while the dancers are slanting the whole

torso to the left then right alternately. Their arm movements are also different

(See accompanying VCO).

130

III

Fig. 4.17 Micko

1.3.3 Dramatisation

All the songs have dramatisations. The actors are mainly the dancers, the chorus

singers, and the lead singer, Koffi Olomide. The actions incorporated interpret the

messages of the song. The dramatisations of the song Loi are discussed briefly.

Koffi Olornide is the main actor in this song performance. He tries to enact the

message of his own word interpolations. He is shown in different venues mainly just

posing in different positions with minimal actions. At the beginning of the song, he

stands at the balcony with the female dancers and looks down at the male dancers.

These dancers lift up their hands towards him as they look up, thereby demonstrating

the message of the song: "Dance oh women come and bring money. Shamukwale,

come and bring money." The dancers beckon unto the women to come down and

dance and for Koffi to bring the money. In turn , Koffi makes gestures to them as

though throwing the money towards them.

As the music goes on, the dancers perfonm dance movements mentioned by the

ata/akus such as yumbani, binge/i, ndomb%, etc. The dancers are also asked to get

ready to dance, so they run across the stage haphazardly and then they pose to

131

show that they are ready for action as soon as they hear the appropriate music

signal.

It is evident from the above discussions that a number of factors guide the dancers

and actors in their performances. These include song texts, music instruments,

improvisations, melodic and rhythmic motifs and commercialisation. All these

determine the dance movements, gestures, posture and stance to be utilised,61 when

to change them and the intensity of the movements. Most of these dance movements

combine traditional music dance styles and movements found in Congo with

creativity of the artists and styles imitated from other Congolese pop groups.

Many of the books written on Congolese pop music such as those by Ewens,

Bergman and Okumu62 do not give the meanings of the dance styles and

movements. Some of these authors describe the dance as having "sexual innuendo."

According to the Congolese popular band musicians interviewed, none of them knew

the meaning of the dance movements, gestures, components or even patterns. They

regarded them as movements that express the joy of their music. However, one

research participant, Dr Dikaniaki,63 who is a Congolese, suggested that the dance

movements not only have sexual innuendoes but also spiritual implications. He

emphasised that witchdoctors from the Congo teach dances to some Congolese pop

dance groups. The dances are meant to be as 'sexy' as possible. The witchdoctors

perform their rituals on the pop stars and the dancers so that the artists can gain

fame or popularity among the listeners. It is believed that such musicians' albums are

sold in huge quantities. This is mear:lt to be a secret between these indigenous

witchdoctors and the pop stars. Since competitive popular bands imitate the styles of

these dancers, it is not easy to tell which of these popular stars consulted the

witchdoctors. Since they take an oath never to reveal this secret, not many of them

agree to reveal the secrets of what was done behind the scenes. Dikaniaki received

61 Most pop music videos are intended for promotion of artists and their dance styles. Preston-Dunlop quotes Jayne Dowdeswell who defines pop music video as "video made of pop groups in which dance usually plays a part, as either loose improvised rhythmical accompaniment to the music or as choreographed dance material, intended, to promote the song and the group. From Valerie Preston-Dunlop (compiler), Dance words, [n.p.l. Harwood Academic Publishers, 1995, p. 33.

62 Ewens, 1991; Bergman, 1985; Okumu, 1998. 63 Interviews with the pastor of a leading Pentecostal church in Democratic Republic of Congo, Dr.

Dikaniaki, 5 May 2002. Dr. Dikaniaki is a Congolese who has been involved in converting a number of witchdoctors in Congo to Christianity.

132

this information from one of the ex-witchdoctors who converted to Christianity. This

area seems to be a spiritual mystery that probably other researchers can take up as

a topic for further research.

Dikaniaki indicated that dance movements may also symbolise some of the dancers'

intentions; in Yumbani (see accompanying VCD), for example, a hand gesture is

used by the dancers with their arms stretched out horizontally towards an

audience/camera, making a fist with their hands. This movement symbolises the

capturing of the mind of the viewers, drawing them towards the artists' performance

and music. Therefore the viewersl'fans' will flock into the artists' concerts and buy

their albums. The artists will consequently become rich and famous.

Dikaniaki also mentioned a style where the dancers make a fist with their left hand

and then tap it with their open right hand. This symbolises the sexual act per se. It is

possible that many of the groups that imitate this gesture are not aware of the

meaning and implications of the signs.

1.4 Educational content in Congolese performing arts: Koffi Olomide's dance group

This section draws on the discussions above and observations of the video-clips of

Koffi Olornide's perfroming arts. It specifically examines Koffi Olornide's performing

arts since MMM has adapted his performances. As mentioned earlier, Mr. Olomide is

a KORA award winner of Congolese popular music and is well-known for his soukous

music and dance. The following are some educational contents found in his musical

performances based on the songs "Lor' and "Micko."

The lyrics of the songs educate on life issues or lessons. For example, the words,

"Lies come via a lift and truth comes by stairs," in Loi, imply that lies spread faster

than truth. If a lie is spoken, by the time people get to know the truth of the matter, it

will be too late. It will also be harder to convince people of the truth.

The performing arts also educate the audience on the various dance movements of

soukous. They portray the new or latest dance movements in this genre. They reveal

the development of popular music in Africa and Democratic Republic of Congo in

particular. They expose the life styles of musicians as well as contemporary issues

133

facing central Africa. For example, flashy cars, expensive furniture, clothing fashion­

craze, love of money etc. common among Congolese musicians.

They provide music education to those that perform these kinds of music and others

who listen to and imitate the music performance. Such music educational matters

include guitar interlocking styles, new dance styles, movements, and music

innovation creativity.

Koffi Olomide's performing arts have influenced MIVIM in areas like dance

movements, dramatisations, and video recording and editing techniques.

Consequently, the MMM have helped to shape the music scene in Kenyan churches

with the inclusion of Congolese performing arts.

134

I • .. .. -

Chapter Five

Christian dance groups in the United States of America: a

case study

Introduction

The Maximum Miracle Melodies have been strongly influenced by the video

recordings of Kirk Franklin and his performing group.1 The video clip that has been

chosen for analysis and used as illustration of the dance movements and stage

choreography that the MMM has adopted is Revolution. The analysis will be

preceded by a very brief historical overview of the development of Christian music

amongst African-Americans in the United States of America.

1. Historical background

Basic to the American Musical heritage are the folk traditions of the British Isles, brought to this land [USA.] by English-speaking settlers.2

Among these settlers were colonists who greatly influenced the development of

American music with their joyful singing of hymns and psalms. They took their sacred

music seriously and tried to defend it as their heritage. They also taught the same

hymns to Africans whom they had taken from West Africa as their slaves. 3

Although the British tried to evangelise the Africans in the USA, thereby forcing them

to discard their traditional religion, they did not allow them to worship together with

the white population, expecting them to have separate worship services.

In trying to hold their services as the Europeans taught them, the African slaves took

the European songs and hymns and changed them to fit into their socio-cultural

1 Kirk Franklin is an American contemporary Christian artist whose video-clips of performing arts often feature on Kenyan television programmes; his video-clip chosen for the analysis of the North American performing arts in this study is Revolution, track 1 in The Nu Nation tour, produced by Gospo Centric Records, 45 min., VHS, videocassette, 1999.

2 Tom Manoff, Music: a living language, New York: W.W, Norton & Company, 1982, p. 375. 3 Ibid.

135

environment. 4 According to Manoff, to the African-American community, "Music is to

worship as breathing is to life." Music thus played a very important role in their

worship as it originated in their social circumstances. Through music they voiced their

daily oppression, suppression, troubles and discouragement.

This early African-American musical expression led to the inception and development

of religious singing known as African-American spirituals. 5 Although African­

Americans were the composers of these spirituals, they were illiterate and 'untrained'

musicians (from a Western perspective). The texts they used referred mainly to their

sorrows, afflictions, freedom and hope for a better future. As the African-Americans

became more literate, they adopted many hymns from the European Protestant slave

owners, but sang the hymns in African folk style.

European hymns and songs were also borrowed, but the singing style was unique

and was characterised by shouts, wails, grunts, slides, bends, moans, and use of

polyrhythms. They strongly assimilated African music characteristics and other music

practices in their singing. Maynard-Reid states that:

It [African-American worship] is informed by Judeo-Christian religious content, Western­European and American interpretations of Judeo-Christianity, and traditional African primal world views. 6

This new style of singing greatly transformed popular music in America, including in

the theatrical performing arts and the movies, as well as on radio and television.? It

gave rise to other music genres such as blues, jazz, soul, ragtime and rap, among

others. Titon points out that:

4

Spirituals, the blues, jazz - to Europeans these unusual sounds are considered America's greatest (some would say her only) contribution to the international musical world. 8

Ibid, pp. 69-71. 5 David P. Press, A multicultural portrait of America's music, New York: Marshall Cavendish, 1994, p.

18. 6 P. U. Maynard-Reid, Diverse worship: African-American, Caribbean & Hispanic perspectives,

Illinois: InterVarsity Press, 2000, p. 56. ? Murray Webster Forman, The 'hood comes first': race, space, and place in rap music and hip hop,

1978-1996, unpublished PhD dissertation, [no p.]. McGill University, 1997, p.4; Andrew Wilson­Dickson, p. 203.

8 J. T. Titon (ed), Worlds of music: an introduction to the music ofthe world's peoples, second edition, New York: Schirmer Books, 1992, p. 106.

136

I • .. •

Willoughby emphasises the fact that 'black gospel music' is the result of incorporating

ragtime, blues and jazz into religious music:

It became a style that comfortably merged sacred and secular influences. 9

Gospel music was created out of African-American social lives during the Great

Awakening period of the 19th century.10 Black gospel music in the United States of

America acted as a major inspiration for rap and many forms of hip-hop.11 This music

emphasises the day-to-day life of African-American Christians, their hopes, joys and

other experiences. African-American gospel music is highly syncopated and

improvisatory in nature, reflecting its African roots. Other West-African music

characteristics utilised incorporate spontaneous word interpolations, falsetto voice,

shouts and repetitions of musical phrases, texts and the instruments chosen. The

person who called this music genre 'gospel' was Thomas A. Dobey, who was a blues

and jazz musician. 12 The period between 1930 and 1969 is known as the 'golden age'

of gospel.

In the 1960s gospel music gave rise to Christian contemporary music (CCM).13 Saenz

found that Christian contemporary music is a culmination of traditional gospel, rap,

pop, heavy metal rock and alternative rock. American evangelicals introduced and

propagated Christian contemporary music for the purpose of evangelisation among

the youth. 14

In 1970 a new generation of black musicians began what was known as

contemporary gospel music. 15 These artists, who were predominantly from the

Pentecostal movement,16 moved their worship music from church buildings or

sanctuaries to concert halls. Their music instruments included strings, brass

9 David Willoughby, The world of music, In. p.]: Wm. C Brown Publishers, 1990, p. 55. 10 Ibid., p. 54. 11 Press, p. 74. 12 Maynard-Reid, p. 82. 13 Luis Saenz, Sing to the Lord a new song: an examination of contemporary Christian music,

unpublished MA thesis, Texas: The University of Texas at EI Paso, 1995, p. 4. 14 William David Romanowski, Rock 'n' religion: a sociocultural analysis ofthe contemporary Christian

music industry (music industry, popular music), unpublished PhD dissertation, In. p.], Ohio: Bowling Green State University, 1990, p. i.

15 Maynard-Reid, p. 83. 16 Pentecostal here refers to "a religious group emphasizing divine gifts, especially healing, and often

fundamentalists" Julia Elliot, The Oxford Paperback Dictionary and Thesaurus, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997, p. 549.

137

instruments, synthesisers and other electronic instruments such as guitars. Similar to

the reaction to rap music,17 this practice led to conflicts between church members and

denominations, because more conservative Christians regarded this music as mere

entertainment rooted in African-American secular musical forms and idioms. 18

Despite this conflict, Maynard-Reid reports that:

Gospel music is evolving, however. Christian hip-hop is its newest form. It began about 1989 in the concert hall (like contemporary gospel) rather than in the liturgical setting. However, it is finding its way into the black churches as youth are finding worship more meaningful when it draws on sounds and idioms that speak to them.19

Wilson-Dickson20 also indicates that gospel music has become a lucrative business.

Manoff1 cites a number of underlying basic features found in African-American music

regardless of the genre. These include:

• Complex rhythm structures;

• Responsorial form;

• Heightened speech-melody;

• Heightened dramatic impulse;

• Repetition of motifs;

• Strong rhythmic bond between audience and performers that propel dance/movement;

• European-American sacred folk harmony;

• Ostinato rhythms.

In the 1980s the music video format became popular through the Music Television

(MTV) channel in America. 22 Generally, recorded music became popular, widespread

and easily accessible during the 20th century.23 Christian musicians also began to

17 Kwaku Person-Lynn, "Rap music: Afrikan music renaissance in America", in Djedje, Jacqueline Cogdell and Carter, William G. (eds), African musicology: curren.t trends, a festschrift presented to Kwabena Nketia, Los Angeles: Crossroads Press, 1989, p. 107.

18 Maynard-Reid, p. 85. 19 Ibid., p. 85. 20 Wilson-Dickson, p. 205. 21 Manoff, pp. 393-398. 22 Jack E. Banks, The historical development of the video music industry: a political economic

analysis (music video, popular culture), unpublished PhD dissertation, Oregon: University of Oregon, 1991, p. i; Roger Kamien, Music an appreciation, fifth edition, New York: McGraw-Hili, 1992, p. 607.

23 Beth Mehocic, "Learning to dance with live music", in Dance Teacher Now, Vol. 19, number 6 July­August 1997, p. 56.

138

I • •

make music videos. De Bruyn,24 who has done research on a number of Christian

music videos from United States of America, concludes that Christian music videos

serve to convey Christian messages and as an advertising vehicle.

Currently, in the 21 st century, many of the African-American Christian gospel artists

record live performances of their concerts on videotapes, digital videos (OVDs) and

video compact discs (VCDs). These videos are marketed, globalising rap and hip­

hop music and cultural practices that are prevalent among North American gospel

artists today.2s Christians from various parts of the world have subsequently imitated

the performances and incorporated them into their church worship. This kind of

performance has evidently influenced the Maximum Miracle Melodies group in

Kenya. These dancers borrow and adopt the performing arts from these videotapes

and utilise them in their church worship, as will be discussed in Chapter Six.

The following section will analyse the video-concert performances of Kirk Franklin's

music, Nu-Nation Tour. This video has played a major role in Maximum Miracle

Melodies' performing arts. The song from this video-clip that largely exhibits what the

Maximum Miracle Melodies group has adopted will be analysed: Revolution. 26

2. Performing arts in the contemporary Christian church: Revolution27

This section analyses music, dance, and dramatisations of Kirk Franklin's Revolution.

The elements analysed include text, form, rhythm and instrumentation, dance and

dramatic actions. It concludes by giving a summary of the educational content in

these performing arts.

24 Jacob Phillipus de Bruyn, A missiological evaluation of a number of music videos, unpublished DTh dissertation, Pretoria: University of Pretoria, 1997, p. i.

25 Ian Condry, Japanese rap music: an ethnography of globalization in popular culture, unpublished PhD dissertation, Yale: Yale University, 1999, pp. 1-2; Vamsee Juluri, Becoming a global audience: music television in India, unpublished PhD dissertation, Massachusetts: University of Massachusetts, 1999, pp. vii-viii; Halifu Osumare, African aesthetics American culture: hip hop in the global era, unpublished PhD dissertation, Hawaii: University of Hawaii:, 1999, p. vi.

25 Kirk Franklin, Revolution, track 1 in The nu nation tour, produced by Gospo Centric Records, 45 min., VHS, videocassette, 1999.

27 The text of this song is extracted from the printed copy on the cover case of the audiotape by Kirk Franklin and Rodney Jerkins, The nu nation tour, produced by Gospo Centric Records, 45 min., VHS, videocassette, 1999.

139

2.1 Texf8

As the title suggests, the main theme of the song is the call for revolution. The text

refers to the daily life experiences of many of the people living in the USA, especially,

among the African-Americans. Topics that are addressed are murder, absentee

fathers, religiousness in the church, racism, fascism, pollution, lies among politicians,

crime, etc. 29 The singers indicate that they need a total revolution against this kind of

life to have a brighter future. Hence, at the beginning of the music the lead singer

urges the audience to get up on their feet and to dance if they truly want a revolution,

clearly not sharing the viewpoint of some church leaders that dance should be

discouraged within church contexts.

The song also expresses some of the theology that the musIcians believe, for

example:

• Jesus is the true Son of God (John 20: 31 );30

• They believe in the Trinity (Matthew 28: 19);

• Jesus Christ is the first and the last (Revelation 22: 13);

• The Spirit of God moves within them as they perform. They believe that they are vessels that God uses to pass His message to the audience (2 Timothy 2: 20-21).

The singers seem to have complete confidence in their God. Even though they are

judged, shaken and silenced when they perform their music, they are not worried

because they have Christ on their side, as depicted in Romans 8: 31.

The language of the song is English. However, there is also slang used that IS

common in African-American hip-hop music. For example:

Potnah (meaning partner or close friend) Yes its comin (meaning Yes it is coming) Don't be caught slippin brotha (i.e. don't be caught sleeping brother)

28 The texts of the audio and video examples differ because the text on the video-clip is intended for a live concert performance, where the audience can watch the drama and dance in order to understand the message. The aUdiotape-text has more words incorporated with some explanation for the drama part, so that the listener can understand the full message even without observing the dance drama. Both texts are used for the purposes of analysis. Full transcriptions of the text appear in Appendix A.

29 Press, p. 74 and Willoughby, p. 58 have also observed that such crimes are prevalent among the African Americans in the USA, and they are depicted in most of their music.

30 All the references in the bulleted section were taken from The Holy Bible, AV.

140

I .. .. • I • • .. •

..

The language of rap artists in general (secular and sacred) sometimes uses the

'harsh language of the streets', especially in gangster rap.31 Warner points out that:

Through rhetoric strategies of metaphors, similes, contextual figurative logic, rappers engage in ritual and myth-building to develop narratives."

The text reflects who they are and the type of people they are addressing. According

to Press," rap music is an African-American creation. The rappers therefore use a

language that they understand and use on a day-to-day basis. Low"" argues that the

popular youth cultures drive and reflect societal cultural and technological change.

The language the youth use in their music, lyrics and style reflects the changes they

go through, utilising popular culture. This is true of the African-American rap and hip­

hop music that Revolution represents. Walkers indicates that:

[Afrocentric analysis of hip-hop music] recognises hip-hop as not simply music, but as a collection of African-centred philosophical attitudes, experiences and values that inspire art, movement, fashion, music and the totality of African life.

According to Rose,3. African American life experiences and values are complex and

dynamic; thus the artists reflect them in their lyrics and dance performances. Such

performances frequently change to depict the new life styles and philosophical

underpinnings of African-Americans. Even the spellings they use reflect who they

are, for example: 37

Mo for 'more' Talkin' for 'talking' Brotha for 'brother

They also use coded language that an "outsider" may not understand. For example:

That won't pass so don't be caught slippin brotha. Don't be trippin brotha cause when I see Him I'm getting caught up.

31 Ede Jr. Warner, Searching for a pragmatic aesthetic: the rhetorical strategies of gangster rappers­Myths, rituals, and dramas of an outlaw music (2 Pac, Ice Cube, Snoop Doggy oogg, Or. Ore), unpublished PhD dissertation, [no p.]. Wayne State University, 1998, p. i.

32 Ede Jr Warner, Searching for a pragmatic aesthetic: the rhetorical strategies of gangstar rappers. Myths, rituals and dramas of an outlaw music (2Pac, Ice Cube, Snoop Doggy oogg, Or. Ore), unpublished PhD dissertation, [no p. ], Wayne State University, 1998, p. i.

" Press, p. 74. 34 Bronwen Elisabeth Low, Spoken word: exploring the language and poetics of hip hop popular,

unpublished PhD dissertation, [no p.], York University, 2001, pp. iv-12. 35 Tshombe R. Walker, The hip hop worldview: an Afrocentric analysis, unpublished PhD dissertation,

[no p.]. Temple University, 1998, p. V.

3. Patricia Lorraine Rose, Black noise: rap music and black cultural resistance in contemporary American popular culture, unpublished PhD dissertation, [no p.], Brown University, 1993, pp. i-ii.

37 Please refer to Howard W. Odum and Guy B. Johnson, The Negro and his songs, Westport: Negro University Press, 1976, pp. 269-296, for more examples on spellings and full meaning of such texts.

141

We move too much. We do too much. And if you step against us then you loose too much.

The first statement above means that Jesus Christ is coming back for "His own" and

no one should therefore be caught unawares. This caution is based on the following

words of Jesus Christ:

Watch therefore, for ye know neither the day nor the hour wherein the Son of man [Jesus Christ] cometh. 38

The second statement means that young people among African-Americans are

actively involved in the church or community. If the church stops them from being

involved in the Christian music of their taste, the church will also lose. It is implied

that the families will also lose because of the crime that will prevail. The text in this

case leaves room for the audience's interpretation.

The text of the song is spoken as word interpolations, rapped in speech-melody style

or sung The words are spoken so fast in rap-style that it is not very easy to hear and

understand what is rapped. The music in general therefore has very limited melodies.

The group leader, Kirk Franklin, speaks the word interpolations. He addresses the

singers, dancers and audience. His words include:

What are you saying? I can't hear you. Let's dance. Clap your hands.

These words illustrate the communication between the leader and the singers,

dancers and/or audience. Sometimes onomatopoeic sounds are used. For example,

the Ki-Ki - Ki-Ki sound is used to imitate record-scratching tones. Record­

scratching/spinning is one of the characteristics of rap and hip-hop music.>9

38 The Holy Bible, Matthew 25:13, AV. 39 W Low, p. 11; alker, p. 3; Condry, p. 1.

142

• • .­iii

2.2. Form

The form schemes used in Revolution are responsoria l, verse and refrain as well as

prelude and song.

2.2.1 Responsorial

Responsorial form is a typically African music trait discussed in Chapter Three. The

responsorial part in this song comes mainly in the refrain section. The lead singer

asks, "Do you want a revolution?" in speech-melody and the chorus responds with a

short answer "Uuuh" in agreement with the song leader. The women sing the chorus

section in unison. This is repeated throughout the refrain section every time the

refrain is sung.

2.2.2 Verse and refrain

The song makes use of one of the hymnal forms : Verse and Refrain 4 0 However, the

execution of this form in Revolution differs from the norm. The verse is in rap style

with both men and women taking part in this section , alternating from time to time.

For verse 3, which is only found in the audiotape version, two solos rap the whole

verse interchangeably. The refrain section is in responsorial form as discussed in the

above section.

2.2.3 Prelude and song

The music begins with a thinly textured prelude, which is full of action/drama that sets

the mood and theme of the music. There is no dancing but action and incidental

music only. This section then leads to the main song .

The song section incorporates singing, dancing, some dramatic actions, consistent

and regulative instrumental accompaniment and rap.

'0 James Rawlings Sydnor, Hymns and their uses, Illinois: Agape, 1982, pp. 23-45.

143

2.3 Rhythm and instrumentation

The rhythmic drum pattern gives the music its driving force and is performed for the

entire duration of Revolution. The rhythm of the rap section differs from what is

performed in the instrumental section, creating polyrhythms.

The rhythmic patterns are repetitive. For example, the same melody and rhythmic

pattern are repeated throughout all the refrain sections. The rap rhythms are irregular

and the emphasis of the music is more on the rhythm than melody. This is typical of

rap music. Most of this music is in rap style, which is common in hip-hop music41

The music instruments utilised include bass guitars, pop drums, brass instruments,

synthesiser and strings. The prelude section has very thin texture. The music

performed has an accompanying function: synthesised sounds accentuate actions.

The strings playa sombre and lethargic melody and the bass guitar and keyboard

melody feature only after the prelude. When the main section of the music begins, its

character changes completely, becoming more rhythmic and faster in tempo (refer to

accompanying VCD, under the title; "Dramatisation of Revolution"). The drum rhythm

in this particular section lasting to the end is repetitive, except for the drum-rolls that

act as transitions. The pre-set drum rhythms of the keyboard synthesiser are used.

The instruments are used for special effects as well. For example, in the prelude the

brass instruments are played in crescendo to create suspense. This is a common

practice used in the video/motion picture because incidental and electronic music are

frequently used in 20th and 21 st-century music42

2.4. Dance

There are both young male and female dancers, nine each. This kind of gospel music

is popular among the youth as the song suggests. The costumes the dancers wear

are baggy, shiny tracksuits and not conventional choral robes and suits worn by

church musicians. The dancers' choice of dress also depicts the kind of revolution

41 Person-Lynn, p. 103-105. " Kamien, pp. 524-531.

144

the performers want in the church. Cutler asserts that the hip-hop trend has

generated multi-million dollar clothing and music sales. 43 According to her:

Characteristically, hip hoppers display their affiliation through a stylistic complex that involves clothing, hairstyle, forms ofwalking,44 gesturing, language, and by participating in activities like rapping, Djing and break dancing.

Person-Lynn45 expresses the same view when explaining that rap music:

has not only captured the imagination and expressions of the youth, it has created its own culture, known by the youth as hip hop. Hip-hop has its own vocabulary, code of dress, walk, social, stance, and just about anything that would involve a legitimate subculture. The film, record, clothes industry, professional athletes and even advertisers who produce commercials for radio and television have capitalized on this popular youth art form.

The dancers perform the following four main choreographic patterns on three main

areas of the stage: the balcony, raised mid-stage and front stage.

Fig. 5.1 Circle

Fig. 5.2 One horizontal line

/

Fig. 5.3 Two horizontal lines

j ~

"" Fig. 5.4 One broken horizontal line

/

43 Cecilia Anne Cutler, Crossing over: white youth, hip hop and African American English, unpublished PhD dissertation, New York New York University, 2002, p. i.

44 Please refer to Fig. 5.11 for the dance notation of 'cool walk'. 45 Kwaku Person-Lynn, p. 101.

145

Within the choreographic pattern formations, the dancers use a variety of dance

movements. Only the movements adopted by the Maximum Miracle Melodies (9 out

of 29) are discussed below (Refer to the accompanying VCD for the visual

examples)'6

• Stomp: This involves the stamping of the feet emphatically in various directions.

Fig. 5.5 Stomp

n l I • •

;; l =1

~ xiii -'I - u

n ~x " "

'D .-D

• 'Glory': The dancers lift up their hands in slanting position as they face upwards on the right-hand side. The various limb and head movements are carried out in sequence as shown in the notation.

Fig. 5.6 Glory

v v v

• 'Spot-march': The dancers use automated and emphatic marching on the spot.

Fig. 5.7 Spot-march

TY 'I

• ." • '" 1

' i + +

.- '0110' t 'ouo'

• 'Grab'n turn': The dancers stretch out their hands and grab an 'imaginary' door knob then they turn it around with their curved hands. They mime these actions.

46 The dancer Eduard Greyling, a lecturer at the Dance School of the University of Cape Town, assisted the researcher with the choice of names for some of the dances.

146

Fig. 5.8 Grab 'n turn

'r V

T? r------II~ _____ _______________

m :. - ,

• 'Instantaneous bow': The dancers drop down instantaneously and emphatically on their knees and hands with the faces buried in the ground. This is opposed to the conventional solemn bowing in prayer.

Fig. 5.9 Instantaneous bow

nn

T

• 'Arm jerk': The dancers skip up and down as they move forward and jerk one arm as they clap their hands.

Fig. 5.10 Arm jerk v

cOJ'

• 'Cool walk': The dancers walk across the stage with one hand clinging onto the body and the other stretched forward and back as they bounce while moving forward.

Fig. 5.11 'Cool walk'

, all all , 112 t J ~x , ,

OD D

• 'Knee shake': The dancers do fast knee shake with both knees simultaneously and with the feet wide a part (see notation for direction of knee shake).

147

Fig. 5.12 Knee shake

• Fall : The dancers fall to the ground on their side instantaneously, and then they fling their legs and arms in the air.

Fig . 5.13 Fall

,

HI I ; ~ I I +

f

The following factors guide the choice of dance movements incorporated in the

performance:

• Accentuation of instrumental beats: dancers listen to the accents in order to emphasise their movements;

• Word interpolations: some of the words uttered by the song leader are directives to the dancers. The dancers change movements on words such as move, let's dance, go, etc ;

• Instrumental incidental sections such as record scratching, bells, etc.;

• Melodic phrases: some melodic phrases guide the dancers on the movements to employ. For example, when the chorus sings 'ooh', the dancers lift up their hands, using different movements every time this section is repeated. These movements last as long as the phrase(s).

2.5 Dramatic actions

The drama enacted depicts the theme of revolution, beginning with some background

noise of conversations, shrills, shouts, etc. Amidst this noise a clear statement from

an accuser of Kirk Franklin in the crowd is heard:

You are not a Christian artist; you are really a secular artist posing as a Christian artist.

This already indicates to the listener that Kirk Franklin is being accused of bringing

secular music to the church, an accusation made by many churches against African­

American gospel music, as pointed out earlier.

148 I

The above statement causes uproar by the crowd. The judge orders the people to

maintain order in court. It is then that we hear the charges made against Kirk

Franklin, accusing him of spreading the gospel to the world, making the gospel

secular and tearing down the religious walls of the church. These are allegations that

may seem ironic to the Christian, as the accused is blamed of the very things he is

supposed to do. 47

Although these words occur on the audiotape, they are only implied and enacted in

the video. The video drama begins by Kirk locked up in a dark jail. He emerges via a

lift from the basement to the ground floor, which is the stage, and walks out of "jail".

The dancers enter by marching militaristically like soldiers, ready to take him back to

jail. He then stands in the centre as though on trial.

Banging-like sounds are produced on the electronic instruments to demonstrate the

banging of jail doors and gates. As this is done, the dancers demonstrate the actions

such as moving from one jail room to another and then to court, falling on fours

symbolising submission (see accompanying VCD, 'instantaneous bow') and bowing

to God, and lifting up hands to God showing 'Glory to God' (see VCD 'glory'). When

the first voice (see transcription of song) utters, "For your glory Father," the dancers

lift up their hands to God, implying that although the accused is 'falsely' blamed by

the church; he did these things for God's glory. Most of the actions of the

dancers/actors are emphatic and automatic.

Several actions, dances, scenarios, and musical details on the video depict

revolution, as illustrated in the following examples:

• Use of 20th-century incidental music48 that accompanies dance and drama;

• The music is characterised by loud rock 'beats', emphasising the metre of the work. Rock music has been categorised by many Christians as rebellious;49

47 Matthew 28: 30 AV.; Jesus Christ was also against the religious leaders of his time, Pharisees and Saducees, whom he described as 'hypocrites' (Matthew 7: 5) and a 'brood of vipers' (Matthew 12: 34).

48 Kamien, pp. 435-531. 49 M. B. Schlink, Rock music: where from? Where to [n.p.], Evangelical Sisterhood of Mary, 1990, p.

1-15.

149

• Use of incense-like smoke to indicate the arrival of Kirk Franklin, a practice common in Western secular musicians' shows or concerts;50

• Mechanical as well as vigorous and emphatic dance movements are used as opposed to the usually slow and non-emphatic dances performed in non­Pentecostal churches;

• Use of tracksuits , T-shirts and shiny leather outfits as costumes. This is different from the usual choir robes or formal wear adopted by musicians.

• They use entertainment dances including hip-hop and gym-like movements. Apart from a few movements, most of the dances are not interpretative. They have been incorporated to demonstrate that a revolution must take place in Church music worship . Among African-Americans, many artists show their dissatisfaction with their lifestyles and norm through their music.5I

• Use of discotheque and secular popular concert-lights52 The differently coloured lights keep flashing and changing. This is opposed to the use of theatrical lighting that is used for actors and to create a mood or preferred setting.

3, Educational contents in North-American performing arts: Kirk Franklin

This section draws on the discussions above and observations of the video-clips of

Kirk Franklin. The following are some educational contents that North American

performing arts as performed by Kirk Franklin portray.

The lyrics of the song educate viewers and listeners on biblical teachings, as well as

life issues affecting African-Americans. They expose the life styles of contemporary

issues facing African Americans and their churches. Their dance performances and

dramatic actions also educate viewers on the change that is needed among the

African Americans.

The arts educate the audience on the various hip-hop dance movements. They also

portray the new or latest dance movements in this genre thus Illustrating the

development of Christian Contemporary music in North America.

The performing arts also provide music education to those that perform these kinds

of music and others who listen to and imitate the music performance. Such music

so Stanley Sadie (ed) . The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians, Vol. 15, London: Macmillan Publishers, 1980, p 120.

51 Frank Kofsky. Black nationalism and the revolution in music, New York: Pathfinder Press, 1970, p. 120.

52 Ibid., Schlink, p. 15.

150

educational matters include dance innovations, performing arts creativity and

standard expectation in the church and music ministration in church services.

The Christian Contemporary scene is also developing and changing fast. Other

churches adapt the Christian artists' international exposure that aids in setting a

given standard across the globe and Kenya in particular. The MMM in particular learn

non-formally from the videotapes thereby helping to shape the music scene in the

churches in Kenya.

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Chapter Six

The role of the performing arts in the Christian church: a case study

of the Nairobi dance group Maximum Miracle Melodies

Introduction

This chapter examines the performing arts of the Christian dance group Maximum

Miracle Melodies (MMM) , the main focus group of this study. It discusses the

historical background of this dance group, the roles that their performing arts play,

factors that influence their choice of performing arts, the dance movements they

utilise and specific educational content exemplified in their performing arts.

1, Historical background and structure of Maximum Miracle Centre

Ministries

The Maximum Miracle Melodies dance group is associated with the Maximum

Miracle Centre Ministries (MMCM)' and derive their name from MMCM.' Pastor Pius

Muiru started this ministry in 1994 as a street preacher and would hold lunch hour

open-air meetings at Jivanjee Gardens in Nairobi city centre. 3 He later held open-air

crusades in various estates in the city where he gained large following, necessitating

regular meetings of the growing congregation for church services. The Kariokor

Methodist Church was a preferred and available site for the congregation to meet for

daily evening services'

The abbreviation MMCM will be used to denote Maximum Miracle Centre Ministries throughout the chapter.

, Interviews with the main leader of MMM, Lucy Muiru, 18 January 2002, Andrew Muiru, 19 January 2002.

3 Interview with the church administrator, Ken Bakuli, 12 January 2002 . 4 Ibid.

152

As the church expanded, the Nairobi city centre became the most convenient site for

the MMCM and they relocated to Casino and then Odeon Cinema in 1996.5 The

congregation still meets in these halls for daily services, which are conducted to

provide a variety of people with the opportunity of attending at least one of the

services. At the beginning of the 21 st century the MMCM acquired its own premises

at Ruaraka Maximum Miracle Worship Centre in Nairobi, where three worship

services are held every Sunday alongside the daily services in town.

Currently MMCM has several branches in Nairobi, Nakuru and Mombasa. These

congregations follow the same programmes and procedures as the Ruaraka branch

in Nairobi, which is now considered as the 'Mother church' of the MMCM. This is also

where the founder of the Ministries, Pastor Pius Muiru, preaches most of the time. 6

The Ministry in Nairobi has a total of 75 full-time workers and 50 part-time workers

ranging from secretaries, receptionists, musicians, security workers, television crew,

electricians, drivers, church co-ordinator, pastors, publication staff and cleaners. The

Pastor and his wife are the main directors of the ministry. All the full-time workers that

were interviewed are 'born-again-Christians'.7 According to the co-ordinator and tile

co-founder, Mrs Lucy Muiru, this is the first qualification the ministry looks for before

employing an individual.

5 The MMCM hire these cinema halls for their services. They still meet in these cinema halls for their worship services every morning and lunchtime from Monday to Friday at 6h30 - 8h30. The lunchtime meetings are from 12h45 - 13h45. On Saturdays, they meet from 10hOO - 14hOO. They have their weekday evening services everyday at the Embassy Cinema hall between 17hOO and 20hOO. They also hold overnight prayers every Friday at Cameo Cinema. These services are advertised in all editions of the monthly Magazine Maximum Miracle Times.

6 Interview with Ken Bakuli, 16 February 2002. 7 According to Mrs Muiru, 18 January 2003, a born-again Christian is one who is 'saved'. The

ministry's definition of salvation is based on, The Holy Bible, Romans 10: 9-10 and Ephesians 2: 8-9 among others. This information is also found in their website and is defined as follows: "On the cross Jesus Christ became sin and sickness, providing both salvation and healing for all mankind. This salvation comes by believing in your heart. That God raised Jesus from the dead and confessing with your mouth, Jesus as Lord. The inward evidence, to the believer, is the direct witness of the Spirit. The outward evidence to all men is a life of true holiness and love. Salvation is by faith in Jesus Christ and not by human works, however, our works are evidence of faith and will determine our rewards in eternity." (Pius and Lucy Muiru, 'About Us," p. 1, Maximum Miracle Center, available from <http://www.mmcmin.org/about_us.html'> accessed, 19 March 2004).

153

In addition, SUb-ministries are functional in MMCM such as intercessory ministries, a

marriage committee, children's ministries, youth ministry and music ministries'. A

ministry leader, the church co-ordinator, and the pastor's wife spearhead these

ministries. The church co-ordinator facilitates their main activities in various premises

in the city centre of Nairobi as well as their Ruaraka cite. He also assists with the co­

ordination and administration of all the workers and activities of the church.

The MMCM is evangelical in nature, taking the form of worship services, open-air

crusades and evangelism through electronic and print media. All services and

crusade meetings are videotaped and edited to form a 30-minute programme Kuna

Nuru Gizani. Additional clips are often included during the editing process. The

Kenya Broadcasting Corporation (KBC) and Family TV air Kuna Nuru Gizani. The

former is a national television broadcasting corporation that exposes the programme

to many people across the country. The latter is a Christian television channel, where

MMCM begun airing their programmes since the end of 2002. The channel is only

available to viewers in Nairobi and its immediate environs 9 The same programmes

are also aired on the Kenya Broadcasting Corporation radio station every Saturday

evening at 20hOO, prime time, ensuring access to an audience who do not own

television sets. These programmes have increased the popularity of MMM across the

country'"

The MMCM has a 32-page magazine entitled Maximum Miracle Times, which is

circulated throughout the country." It is also sold at open-air crusades and shops

situated within the city centre of Nairobi. The magazine usually consists of

,

9

The intercessory ministry is involved in making intercessory prayers for the MMCM congregations, the country and world. The marriage committee is responsible for organising weddings that take place in MMCM. The children's ministry is respcnsible over the affairs of the children in Sunday school. The youth ministry is mainly geared to help the youth spiritually and the music ministry is responsible for ali the music that is performed in MMCM and its activities. Interviews with Ken Bakuli, 16 February 2002. Ken Slingerland, "About us," p. 1, Family Media, available from<http://www.familykenya.com/about.htm>. accessed 29 September 2003.

10 Interviews with Ken Bakuli and Maximum Miracle Times editors, Elizabeth Mwangi and Joan Mwai, 16 February 2002.

11 Interviews with Elizabeth Mwangi, Joan Mwai and the salesman of Maximum Miracle Times, Paul Makoma 16 February 2002. The magazines are on sale from vendors in various parts of the country. The magazine often publishes testimonies of people's personal victories because of their contact with MMCM, stories about the ministry and biblical teachings, a music column, sermons and pictures of individuals and meetings. The writers get information for their magazine by attending meetings (lunch hour and Sunday services, crusades, and conferences).

154

testimonies, advertisements of meetings, crusades, other activities as well as

television and radio programmes. Four to six of the pages of testimonies are in

Kiswahili with the rest of the articles in English. Kiswahili is included to cater for non­

English-speaking groups in Kenya and to maintain the language in which the

testimonies were given. 12 Through this magazine MMCM reaches the large number of

people who attend the meetings and gatherings from various parts of the country,

many of whom seek healing.13 MMCM holds crusades throughout the country, towns,

and villages. Samita 14 affirms that the Christian crusades in Kenya are very popular

partly because they help to meet the cognitive and affective needs of attendees.

The MMCM has a wide variety of performing artists consisting of the worship team

(usually led by a song leader), 2 choral groups (Holy Spirit Choir and Mass Choir), 3

dance groups (Glorious Kids, Glorious Teens and Maximum Miracle Melodies) and

instrumentalists. Apart from these groups, solo singers and small singing groups also

perform. The congregation takes part in the singing of choruses in Kiswahili, English

and other languages such as Lingala and Kikuyu. A typical worship service

prograrnme15 contains the following components, allowing all performing groups to

perform in one service:

• Congregational worship music led by the worship team;

• Music performances by the above-mentioned groups (usually a song or dance each);

• Welcoming of visitors;

• Prayers;

• Congregational worship music led by the worship team;

• Announcements;

• Preaching;

• Testimonies.

12 Interview with Lucy Muiru, 22 July 2003. 13 Pastor Pius Muiru is said to have healing and miraculous powers. Therefore, many people with social problems and different kinds of infirmities and diseases attend his crusades and meetings for miraculous healing and solving of problems. Consequently, his crusades and meetings draw people from a variety of denominations, ethnic groups, towns and nationalities who may not necessarily be members of his congregation.

14 Zacharia Wanakacha Sam ita, Christian crusades in Nairobi: an analysis of social-religious factors underlying their upsurge, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia: OSSREA, 1998, pp. 25-30. 15 The researcher noted this programme on all the visits to their worship services.

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All the groups perform at a variety of occasions and performance venues. They

include open-air crusades", worship services, weddings, television , radio broadcast

(Kuna Nuru Gizanl) , concerts, overnight prayers and special occasions such as New

Years Eve celebrations, among others .

2. The founding of Maximum Miracle Melodies

The Maximum Miracle Melodies group was founded by Harold Nyavanga" in 1996

and has been headed by Andrew Muiru, the son of the founders of MMCM, since its

inception. The MMM begun as a development of the Glorious Kids group ministry.

Glorious Kids is a dance group for the Sunday school children of the MMCM between

the ages of 5 to 12 and became very popular at the MMCM. The main purpose of the

group in 1994 was to use the performing arts to (a) educate the chi ldren on Christian

biblical teachings through the relevant songs, (b) help children develop and improve

language use suitable for Christians and (c) encourage other children to attend

Sunday schooL" When asked how the performance of the group benefited the

congregation, Mr Nyavanga responded as follows:

Many parents appreciate their children as they perform . They become proud of them. They also become more committed to church attendance because they have to bring their children to Sunday school.

When asked what qualities he hoped the dancers would achieve he said:

[ ... ] to develop a sense of participation and to stir up talent and to discover them. We also hoped that the children would retain the message in the songs. Another thing is that the children glorify God using their gifts [ .... ] They pass a message across through their performance and bless people too.

However, as the children grew older and became teenagers, they felt uncomfortable

performing with children in the group who were younger than they were .

Consequently, a young teenage group was born, resulting in the formation of MMM.

This group was composed of the best dancers in Glorious Kids, new members

interested in joining and those who grew up together with Andrew Muiru, who

,. Open-air crusades are Christian rallies with an evangelical nature that are held outside in an open field

17 Interview with Harold Nyavanga, 19 January 2002.

18 This group started the same year that the MMCM was founded, 1994. Interviews with founder of the team , Harold Nyavanga, 19 January 2002.

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•

became the leader of this group in 1996. The church anticipated that the teenagers

would continue performing until age 15, leaving the group and making room for the

upcoming teenagers. However, the current MMM gained such popularity that the

older members did not want to leave the group. The younger teenagers that could

not associate with the Glorious Kids or the senior MMM members felt left out. The

Glorious Teens dance group was subsequently formed in order to fill this gap.

This study focuses on MMM, because this group is often aired on television, attends

MMCM crusades more often than other dance groups, and is more actively involved

in the church than the other groups. According to Mrs Lucy Muiru, the co-founder of

MMCM, and Ken Bakuli, the co-ordinator, MMM is apparently the most popular of the

groups in MMCM and Nairobi. The group ministers to all age groups. Other MMCM

congregations in Nakuru and Mombasa have also started dance groups in their

churches and they call them Melodies.2o Currently, the main MMM dance group in

Ruaraka, Nairobi, has 26 members of whom only 12 are active. 21 The members are

between the ages of 13-23 (see Table 6:2 in Appendix 0), with only one 5-year-old.

3. Reasons for the inclusion of the performing arts in the MMCM activities

The first objective of the study was to determine why the performing arts exist in

MMCM. As indicated before, it is the researcher's belief that a case study of the

dance group MMM could provide some key answers to this question. The leaders of

the MMCM as well as the leaders and dancers of the MMM were interviewed to find

out why they allow the performing arts in their church services. The Maximum Miracle

19 The MMCM normally begin their Sunday worship service where children and adults meet together in one venue. After all the music teams have presented an item each, the children are released to go to a separate class, where they are taught biblical stories and informed about the doctrines of the MMCM. The children are usually grouped according to their ages and are assigned specific teachers. These classes are referred to as 'Sunday school'.

20 Lucy Muiru, "From our branches," in Maximum Miracle Times, Vol. 3, November 2001, pp. 14-15. 21 Interview with Andrew Muiru, 19 January 2002. 22 The main church leaders who were interviewed are the church co-ordinator and co-founder of the

MMCM ministries. The two have been with the ministry since its inception and are aware of all the activities and programmes of the church since they are involved in all the planning. Their observations and comments were verified with the staff and musicians of MMCM as seen in Appendix F. Other leaders interviewed include all the dance group leaders. These are the people who are involved with the planning and execution of the activities of the dance groups. The Sunday school leaders and teachers were also interviewed in order to find out how the Glorious Kids and Maximum Miracle Teens dance groups operate and the reasons for their existence. All the dancers of MMM were interviewed.

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Times magazine and the ministry website" were also consulted for verification of

information obtained through interviews.

As indicated in Chapter Two, the inclusion of the practice of the performing arts in

Christian churches in Nairobi worship is a recent phenomenon in the church in

Kenya. The reasons for its existence in MMCM are that it is biblically supported, it

offers ways to serve God, it is an important role player in evangelism, it is presented

during worship services for worship purposes, it is used for moral, social and

scriptural education, it attracts the young people, it is used as an entertainment tool,

and it is used to promote musical artists."

All the leaders and dancers interviewed about the existence of the arts stated that "it

is scriptural to dance." Some referred to biblical passages such as Psalm 150:4:25

Praise him with the timbrel and dance: praise him with stringed instruments and organs.

A number of verses" in the Bible refer to the word 'dance', urging God's people to

dance to their God illustrating that dance is an integral part of Christian worship.

The pastors and church leaders of MMCM encourage and support dance as part of

worship.'7 This support, as discovered by Musumba," is crucial for performance

practices not only to continue, but also to flourish in the church community.

Even though the acculturated musicians are liable to bring change in music, the church leaders and especially the pastors, have more power. They [church leaders/pastorsl can either incorporate or refute change completely.

23 Available from <hhtp://www.mmcmin.org>lastaccessed 19 March 2004. " These roles emerged from the interviews conducted. 25 Psalm 150: 4, AV. 26 Examples include Ecclesiastes 3:4, Psalm 30:11, Psalm 149:3, and Mathews 11:17 AV. According

to Boschman who has done extensive biblical research on music, there are 23 verses in the Holy Bible that refer to dance, dances, or dancing (Boschman, pp. 79-101).

27 Interview with Lucy Muiru, 8 January 2002 and 22 July 2003, revealed that the pastors of MMCM are fully supportive of the MMM in their performances. They also finance needs such as transportation, costumes, etc. During the researcher's second visit to the field, January 2003- 2003, the senior pastor of this church, Pius Muiru, had released two CDs and accompanying videotapes:, Pastor Pius Muiru, Lango [door], produced and directed by the Maximum Miracle Centre, 1 hour, VHS, videocassette, 2003; and Pastor Pius Muiru, Fuatilia [follow], produced and directed by Maximum Miracle Centre, 1 hour, VHS, videocassette, 2003. In the video performance, the MMM are also involved in the dance and dramatisations. The MMCM advertise these tapes on television, in their magazines, at crusades and in services too. The MMM also perform the same dances in crusades and services.

28 Musumba, p. 209.

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The researcher interviewed a few church leaders and music directors of the Nairobi

Baptist Church, Lutheran Church, Seventh Day Adventist, and New Hope Church

denominations.29 The three major areas covered in the interviews were (a) the

interviewee's opinion on Christian dance groups as well as their denominational

stand, (b) their advice on the genre, and (c) their advice to the congregations In

Kenya. Table 6.1 illustrates some of the comments they made about the genre.

From the responses of the above leaders, it is evident that not all the denominational

leaders allow Christian dance group performances in their churches. However, even

those who allow it feel that careful selection of dance styles and movements ought to

be done prior to the performance, implying that there are some dance

styles/movements that may not be acceptable for use in church activities.

29 The people interviewed were mainly leaders in the various denominations. Much as they represented their own views. they indicated that their denominations have more or less the same views. The leaders included a music director. pastors. dean of the church youth ministry and a bishop. This sampling represents the leadership views of various leading denominations in Nairobi. The people interviewed included Sarah Oyungu (Nairobi Baptist Church music director). Rev. Peter Ndung'u (Evangelical Lutheran Church in Kenya), Rev. Peter Macharia (Anglican Church of Kenya). Pastor Paul Mwasia (Seventh Day Adventist). and Bishop Munala (New Hope Church).

30 The interviewees gave permission for their names to be used in this work.

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Table 6.1: Church leaders' opinion and advice on Christian dance groups

Name and church Opinion on Christian dance groups Advice on the genre Advice to Christian congregations

Sarah Oyungu (Music • Dance is part of worship and a human • Worship dance should be holistic and • Congregations should incorporate I Director, Nairobi Baptist expression. should incorporate body, mind, and soul. them into their worship services.

Church) • Dance should be relevant to the target

audience.

• Dances should be implemented carefully when introduced in a congregation.

Rev. Peter Ndung'u • Dances are good and effective for • Dancers should be guided so that they do • Churches should accept the practice (Evangelical Lutheran crusades and concerts. not "go to extremes." since it is biblical. Church in kenya) • It is a good form of entertainment. • Care should be taken in the manner of

performance.

• Balance in styles of performance to suit everyone in the congregation.

Rev. Peter Macharia • It can be used in church services as • The dancers should imitate the Word and • The church should teach on the genre (Anglican Church of praise and worship to God. not secular dance styles like ndombolo and so that musicians can understand the Kenya) • Although some dances have been Kanda Bongoman's styles. 31 reason for its existence.

brought into the church worship, they • There should be a difference between • Christians should not be attracted to are not "Christian." secular and Christian dances. the world but should attract the world

instead.

Pastor Paul Mwasia • The dance groups and their • Worship should express reverence to God. • Congregations should not introduce (Seventh Day Adventist) performances are not glorifying to God. • Music should draw people to God and not to such dance groups in church at all.

• The dance performances draw attention the people who perform it. to the performers and not to God, who is to be worshipped.

• The performers copy dance styles of the world such as ndombolo.

Bishop Otieno Munala • Dance is acceptable so long as it is • Dancers must approach God knowing that • know why they are introducing the (New Hope Church) used to glorify the Lord. he is sovereign. genre in their congregations.

• The motive of the dancers is important. • The dancers' lifestyle must also tally with • Do not be quick to borrow dance styles

• Some dancers claim to be performing the message of the gospel. of the world just because you want to

for the Lord but their lifestyles are • Dancers should consider the impact their keep "in step" with the fashion of the

questionable. performance will have on the congregations. day.

• No disco/secular pop styles in worship.

31 Refer to Chapter Four for information on ndombolo and Kanda Bongoman.

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The MMCM believe that the MMM serve God by taking part in the performing arts.

They believe that, through the arts, the youth become more actively involved in the

church ministry.32 Harold Nyavanga also supports the idea33 and states that:

[t]he contemporary Christian music they [MMM] use, plus the dances, sets a place for the youth to feel part of the church. The ushers and the elders in church are grown­ups. When the youth see the melodies [IVlMM] perform in church, they know that they too have a place in church and that they too can get involved.

34

At certain occasions the dancers use the genre to attract the youth and use this

opportunity to preach the message of the gospel, thereby showing more involvement

in church ministry. Andrew Muiru had the following remarks about the Christian youth

of MMM group in an open-air crusade:

Well, if you thought that the youth who are committed to the work of the Lord only sing and dance then you are wrong. You may tend to wonder kwam35 is there anything else that they can do apart from singing and dancing? Yes ... I know you thought that the youth perceive sermons as very boring and the only reason that they go to church is to sing, entertaining the congregation with their 21 sl century dancing styles, or to meet with their friends ... fullstop. After all isn't this the age in a person's life where you have to 'enjoy life to the maximum.,36

The performing arts of the MMM are also considered as powerful evangelistic

media.37 In the Maximum Miracle Times the MMM are usually portrayed as a dance

team that 'wins souls for Jesus'38 through their performing arts. The team chooses

dancers not only because they are members of MMCM and that they have the ability

to perform, but also because of their faith in Jesus Christ,39

32 Interview with Ken Bakuli, 12 January 2002. 33 Harold Nyavanga, the founder of Glorious Kids, Glorious Teens and MMM, has also been

instrumental in training other dance groups in various Maximum Miracle Centre Ministries' branches such as Mombasa, Chandaria, Kayole and Ruaraka. The dance groups in these branches also use the name "Melodies." Interview with Harold, 19 January 2002; Maximum Miracle Times, vol. 5 January 2002, p. 18; Lucy Muiru and Monicah Githiri (eds), "Maximum Melodies Mombasa holds crusade," Maximum Miracle Times, Vol. 4, December 2001, p.19.

34 Muiru and Githiri, Maximum Miracle Times, December 2001, p. 19. 35 Kwani is slang in Kiswahili that literally means 'why?' The full word is meant to be Kwa nini. (No

editor, A Standard English-Swahili Dictionary, Nairobi: Oxford University Press, 1992, p. 624). 36 Joan Mwai, "Destroy all other gods ... For they are nothing before God," Maximum Miracle Times,

Vol. 9, May 2002, pp. 19-20. 37 Interview with Lucy Muiru, 22 July 2003, Ken Bakuli, 12 January 2002, Andrew Muiru, 19 January

2002 and Harold Nyavanga, 19 January 2002. Maximum Miracle Centre Ministries holds evangelism in high esteem. They hold crusades every month across Kenya for evangelistic purposes. They also believe in salvation as God-given through Jesus Christ as they put it in their Statement of Faith (see footnote 7).

39 Through interviews with all dancers, Andrew Muiru on 19 January 2002 and Lucy Muiru on 22 July 2003, the researcher discovered that they all professed to be 'saved'. Lucy Muiru declared that all the church workers are saved; a qualification that they hold in high esteem.

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• • I

Dance groups in the United States of America that seemingly influence MMM, as

shall be discussed later, also profess to use their arts for Christian evangelism.

Romanowski indicated that:

.. . a popular music enterprise [Contemporary Christian Music -CCM] established by American evangelicals on the premise that contemporary forms of music were viable means for the evangelisation of spiritually lost youth . The CCM industry emerged as a subcultural phenomenon within the context of the larger recording industry and American culture.4o

Christian Contemporary Music later developed video recordings which greatly

influenced the MMM. Scholars such as Gow, Saenz and de Bruyn41 pointed out that,

besides serving an advertising purpose, these videos also evangelise the youth

because they convey a Christian message.

The MMM perform in crusades, weddings, concerts, worship services and at

occasions to which they are invited such as weddings and private birthday parties of

the MMCM members. In crusades and worship services, they perform before the

preaching of a sermon. Their performance accordingly aids in preparing the hearts of

the congregation for the sermon.42

Performing in crusades has increased the popularity of the MMM across the country.

The MMCM hold crusades all over the country and the MMM usually perform their

40 William.D. Romanowski , Rock 'n religion: a sociocultural analysis of the contemporary Christian music industry (Music industry, popular music), unpublished PhD dissertation, Ohio: Bowling State University, 1990, p. i.

41 Joe Gow, "Saving souls and $elling CDs: the mainstreaming of Christian music videos, " Journal of Popular Film & Television, Winter 1998, pp. 183-188; Luis A. Saenz, Sing to the Lord a new song: an examination of contemporary Christian music, Texas: University of Texas, 1995; Jacob P. Johannes de Bruyn, A missiological evaluation of a number of music videos, unpublished PhD. dissertation, Pretoria: University of Pretoria, 1997, p. i.

42 Interviews with Andrew Muiru , 19 January 2002 and Ken Bakuli, 12 January 2002. The researcher observed that in every worsh ip service, all the music teams of MMCM perform a song or a dance before the sermon is given . Lucy Muiru, 8 January 2002, reiterated that their church is a musical ministry, "We love singing and praising God. All our groups perform music before preaching. This is very uplifting for the congregation . It lifts our hearts to God."

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arts in these crusades. Kelvin Waweru," the current dance group leader of the

Glorious Teens and Glorious Kids, testified that he was attracted to the performing

arts of the MMM and Glorious kids in crusades and television broadcasts.

Usually new music and music forms performed in Christian open-air crusades and

gatherings are copied by the audience and implemented in various congregations as

discussed in Chapter Two. According to Musumba,44 such interdenominational

Christian gatherings are fertile grounds for borrowing new musIc styles. The

researcher noted that the genre has become very popular in many churches in

Nairobi regardless of denomination.45 Each dance group has its own kind of music

dance style. A visit to the Nairobi Pentecostal church in Westlands" revealed that the

Asians in this congregation who have converted to Christianity have started to

43 An interview with Kelvin Waweru on 23 April 2002 revealed that he was attracted to the dance group when he was in primary school, attending a crusade organised by MMCM. That is when he desired to join this church and become one of the dancers. Kelvin also confessed, "I also watched them perform on television and I also wanted to join the team so that I can be seen on tele [television]." The researcher attended practice sessions of Glorious Kids and Glorious Teens and interviewed the dancers to verify information received from the MMM members and their leaders. Since the MMM members were not always available for interviews and even practice sessions due to their busy schedules, interviews with the former two groups shed light and insight on areas that the researcher needed more information on. Interviews with Ken Bakuli, 12 January 2002, Glorious Teens, 23 March 2003, and Peter Mutua, 19 February 2002, confirmed that some of the children join the dance team so that they can get some publicity through mass media.

44 Musumba, p. 208. 45 During the first visit to the field between December 2001 and June 2002, the researcher noted that

the MMM was the main Christian dance group aired on television and that performed in open-air crusades. However, during the second visit between January and August 2003, the researcher noted that more television channels in Kenya air a variety of Christian dance groups. They include Kenya Broadcasting Corporation, Kenya Television Network, Stella Television, and Metro FM Television. Other Christian dance groups have been established and perform in crusades, concerts, and church services. The researcher attended various churches to verify the existence of dance groups including the Nairobi Baptist Church, the Nairobi Pentecostal Church, the New Hope Church, the Loresho Presbyterian Church and the Kariokor Lutheran Church. All the churches have dance groups mainly performed by the youth in their youth services.

46 This church was initiated with the aim of reaching out to the Asian community in Westlands-Nairobi (conversations with the Pastor of the church, Prof. Emil Chandran, 10 May 2002). The researcher attended one of their annual concerts in May 2002, and noted that the church had only one dance group composed of three dancers. An interview with the trainer of the group, Annie Clement, 17 May 2002, indicated that the performing arts were a new Concept that she was trying in her church in Kenya. The songs were in Gujirati and the dance styles heavily borrowed from Indian classical dances. Annie affirms that the styles are very much related to secular Hindu dances. The dance styles she uses have generally accepted and known meanings in I ndian classical music. She chose to use movements and dramatisations that interpret the message of the songs. Prof. Chandran admitted that this is the first time that the Asian Christian committee is incorporating the genre in their service.

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include the performing arts in their church services, using Indian Christian Music and

Indian dance styles. This practice never existed before in this church.

The MMCM allow the MMM to use the performing arts in the hope that other young

people will be attracted to church worship.48 Mrs Lucy Muiru thinks that, since this

genre is popular among the youth, regardless of their faith, the performing arts will

enable the youth to identify with it and thus be drawn to their services, meetings,

crusades and the church in general.49

Mbasu also confirms that other Kenyan youth Christian artists use the genre in their

performances. For example, he describes DJ Moz, who is a renowned gospel singer

in Kenya, as follows:

Moz has been spinning funky gospel-based jams for about a year now, appealing to young people to seeking divine inspiration through music they can actually stomp to, like Kirk Franklin, Gospel Gangsters and Pigeon John. His aspiration is to reach out and let the youth know the love of God through Christ. He also teams up with the dance group, Ollivar, for lively gigs. 50

.

Since the performing arts include dance and dramatisations, the entertainment

element is almost inevitable. Just like African indigenous music and African popular

music, the MMM performing arts also entertain the congregation and/or its television

viewers. From the interviews carried out with the leaders of the genre and MMCM,

only two leaders used the word 'entertainment'. The rest of the leaders as well as the

dancers used the word 'fun' or 'enjoyment' to describe their feelings when taking part

in performing arts.

Whatever other roles the performing arts play, the MMM evidently thoroughly enjoy

the process, while also being hopeful that the congregation is also entertained. 51 The

47 Conversations with the Pastor of Nairobi Pentecostal Church, Westlands, Prof. Emil Chandran, 10 May 2002.

48 Interview with Mrs Lucy Muiru, 22 July 2003. 49 The researcher also attended a youth crusade organised by MMM. This crusade attracted a large

crowd of youth in Githurai, Kenya on 19 January 2002. Besides the MMM, other Christian dance groups also performed including 'Abundant Life Teens group', 'Kahawa West Deliverance Church Teens Group', and 'The X-Spites'. This is an indication that other churches also allow their youth to carry out the performing arts.

50 Moses Mbasu, "Gospel buzz, young and vibrant, exude confidence: Milele", in PHAT Magazine, February-April 2001, p. 38.

51 The researcher attended several worship services of Maximum Miracle Centre Ministries, crusades, and concerts. Each time the MMM performed, the congregation applauded with jubilation - a response that portrays satisfaction or affirmation.

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congregants affirm that MMM have been successful in their attempts, using words

such as 'we were blessed' rather than 'we have been entertained.'''

At times the original artists of the chosen song that the MMM choreograph for their

own performances request to perform with the group. Emachichi, who is considered

by 8ahry et a/53 as 'the most successful gospel singer in Kenya', has become very

popular in MMCM and Kenya 5' According to Mukoma:"

He thrilled the crowds at KICC [Kenyatta International Conference Centre] Plenary Hall at the Music Extravaganza on December 1, 2001 with his popular 'Amenisamehe.' 'We also take this song as the Maximum Miracle Centre anthem.'

Other artists such as Esther Wahome, Roughtone, Shammar group and John Kamau

have performed with the MMM in crusades and concerts. When these artists perform

their music with the MMM dancers, they also sell their tapes or CDs at the same

meetings. Not only did these meetings provide marketing strategies to the artists but

they also proved to be very lucrative. 56

4. Factors influencing dancers' choice of music, dance, and drama

The second objective was to find out what guides the performers when selecting

music, dance and drama for performance. This section divides the analysis of the

observations into two five areas, namely musical factors, spiritual factors, electronic

media factors, formal schooling factors and MMCM musicians.

52 Interview with Andrew, 5 February 2002. He gave examples of statements that the congregation gives such as 'You are a blessing,' 'Continue the good work'.

53 Kelly Jo Bahry et al., "Emachichi going pan-African and beyond," in Fiona D. J. Pearson and Moses Mbasu (eds), PHAT Magazine, No. 008 February-April 2002, p. 21.

54 Andrew Muiru observed that Emachichi saw MMM perform on television as they performed their choreographed dances to on of his songs. He then decided to record the whole album on video with the MMM. This video is aired often on television in the Kuna Nuru Gizani programme. It is also on sale in various Christian music stores in Kenya. According to Andrew Muiru, part of the proceeds of video sales goes to MMCM.

55 Paul Mukoma, "News Pictorial" Maximum Miracle Times, Vol. 5, January 2002, p.16. 56 During One of the recording sessions of a Christian programme called Joy Bringers, musicians

indicated to the researcher that performing with the MMM was a good way of marketing their CDs. Joy Bringers is a Christian programme aired weekly on Kenya Broadcasting Corporation (KBC) television. It encompasses biblical teachings and music performances by Christian artists. The researcher attended some of the recording sessions on 17 December 2001, 14 January 2002, 28 January 2002, and 4 February 2002.

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I

4.1 Musical factors

The MMM members never sing as they dance, but mime to pre-recorded music of

Christian musical artists. This group does not compose, sing or record its own music.

A number of factors guide the dancers' choice of music for performance, including

text and message, popular demand, target audience, leadership, meter, rhythm and

tempo, and requests by musical artists. The following discussion is based on an

analysis of six songs that have been recorded during fieldwork. Transcriptions of the

texts appear in Appendix A.

Text and its message is a very important aspect of the MMM dance performance and

songs that have messages embedded in the Christian faith are chosen. It is obvious

that the text has been the essential emphasis of church music all over the world from

time immemorial, as Gow, Jennings, Nicholson and Archbishops' Committee57

indicate. These authors feel that text is what mainly distinguishes Christian music

from secular. The text should therefore be regarded as being of the utmost

importance.

Imba haleluya (sing halleluiah) 58 is a medley of six short choruses with repetitive text.

All the choruses are sung in the Kiswahili language, except for one that is in Lingala.

Apart from the Lingala chorus, all the choruses are in responsorial 59 form. The

response section often has less text than the soloist's does. For example, in the first

chorus, the response section has only two words: Imba haleluya. In the third chorus,

the response text is short and repetitive, but the soloist keeps changing his/her text to

expand on the subject of the song through improvisation. Improvisation on a standard

pattern is a typical African music trait as explained in Chapter Three.

57 Gow, p. 184; Bernadine Jennings, "Peoples of the Book ... Torah in Motion-Creating Dance Midrash" in Attitude: the dance magazine, Summer 1999, p. 80; Sidney Nicholson, p ii; Archbishops' Committee, Music in church: report of the archbishops' committee, Westminster: The Church Information Board, 1951, p. 4.

58 Emachichi, 'Imba haleluya,' track no. 3 in Amenisamehe, produced by Emachichi Productions, 1 hour, VHS, videocassette, 2000.

59 This study adopts the definition of responsorial singing given in The Havard Dictionary of Music "[ ... ) the performance of a chant by one or more soloists (cantor, cantors) in alternation with the choir (schola) as opposed to performance by two alternating half-choruses, known as antiphonal singing." From Willi Apel, (ed), Havard Dictionary of Music, second edition, revised and enlarged, London: Heinemann Educational Books, 1970, p. 727. The two groups in this case are the singer soloist and the chorus-response group.

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The first chorus urges the listeners to praise Jesus Christ. The soloist's text gives

reasons for praising Jesus, using words such as 'he is worthy, merciful, gracious,

able, strong and loving."' All these phrases describe various attributes of God found

in the Holy Bible.

The second chorus is a prayer to God, asking Him for guidance. In the chorus

acknowledgement is given to the fact that God knows all humans' problems, needs

and sufferings. Although not quoting specific passages from the Bible directly, the

soloist's text unfolds the issues in his life that God knows about. The text indirectly

refers to the following passages from the Bible:

Would not God have discovered it, since he knows the secrets of the heart?61

The Lord knows the thoughts of man; he knows that they are futile."

Do not be like them, for your Father [God] knows what you need before you ask him·3

The third chorus portrays the eternal nature of God and the word 'everlasting' is

repeated in the response section through the entire chorus. The soloist's section

illustrates one of the doctrines of the Christian faith: 'He is mine and the saviour is

Jesus'. This statement demonstrates that followers of Christ personalise their God.

The fourth chorus addresses God directly. The Christians praise God jointly:

'Halleluiah we praise you'. This implies that besides worshipping God as individuals,

they can also worship Him jointly as the 'body of Christ'.54

Now ye are the body of Christ, and members in particular.

The chorus also reveals other names that their God is referred to such as, Saviour

and Messiah.

60 These words are found in various Scriptures such as Nehemiah 9:31, Isaiah 30:18, Daniel 3:17, Proverbs 18: 1 0 and John 3: 16 respectively.

61 Psalm 44:21, AV. 62 Psalm 94:11, AV. 63 Matthew 6:8, AV. 64 1 Corinthians 12:27, AV.

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The last chorus also addresses God. The Christians quote sections from the Holy

Bible, for example, 'What shall separate me from your love?'66

Who shall separate us from the love of Christ? Shall trouble or hardship or persecution or famine or nakedness or danger or sword?

However, the singers add their own text that depicts their circumstances in their

context. While the chorus section sing the above verse, the soloist keeps alternating

his texts with words like 'hunger', 'poverty', 'famine' and 'friends' - all very realistic

concepts that people can identify with in Kenya. Similar to indigenous Kenyan music

and African popular music, topical issues are addressed via music. These words

guide the performers in choosing dance movements, as shall be seen later.

Rafiki Pesa67 (Money, my friend) is a 'high-text' story-song sung in Kiswahili; each

verse unfolds and develops the story. The first verse introduces the audience to the

theme of the song, i.e. money. The refrain explains the various common Kenyan life­

styles that money could buy such as a house, car, dresses, suits, women and beer.

Reference is made to Florida,69 which is not the state in the United States of America

but a club in Nairobi.

Verse two gives the details of how the singer suffered, but his friend, 'money', could

only offer to buy him a coffin, revealing the truth that 'money' only pretended to be a

friend. The composer of the song, Shari Martin, uses personification to explain the

relationship between money and humans. The story of the relationship between

'money' and the singer is sung, and word interpolations are used to address the

audience. Some of the practices of the present day are also exemplified in the song.

For example, the singer explains that money will buy a person a coffin and a white

cloth. When Christians die in Kenya today, the body is kept in a coffin covered with a

white cloth symbolising that they are ready for burial. This is unlike the Isukha

65 Note that although the biblical text shows 'who' the Kiswahili song uses kitu gani, which means 'what.'

66 Ibid, Romans 8: 35, AV. 67 Shari Martin, Rafiki Pesa, produced by Wamaitu Productions, 45 min., audiocassette, 1999. 68 High text refers to songs with many words as opposed to short repetitive text of the indigenous

Kenyan music (low text). 69 Florida 2000 is a nightclub in Nairobi that young people frequently visit. According to Katy Salmon,

Florida is full of action and is considered as one of the 'most happening clubs' in Nairobi', (Katy Salmon, "Jam Time! Florida 2000 Nightclub, Nairobi" in PHA T Magazine, No. 001, September 1999, p. 14).

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indigenous setting, where coffins were not used and white cloths did not have a

symbolic religious meaning in funeral settings.

The singer also uses the 'flashback' technique to tell his story of the way he lived

before and after death. He further describes how many people live, not knowing that

'money' is deceiving them and announces that condemnation (fire)70 awaits them if

they do not believe in Jesus Christ for their salvation. The behaviour of people who

are friends with money is also described: they drink excessively, smoke 'bang'

(drugs), have unkempt hair and are lovers of pleasure. According to the text the end

result is death:

Wakati urafiki wako (When your friendship) Na bwana pesa unapoisha, mambo mawili (with Mr Money is over, there are two things) Anakufanyia: anakununulia kitambaa cheupe na (he does for you: he buys you a white cloth and) Coffin ya kukuingiza ndani. (a coffin to put your body in.)

The message of this text refers to 2 Timothy 3: 1-5:

However, mark this: There will be terrible times in the last days. People will be lovers of money, boastful, proud, abusive, disobedient to their parents, ungrateful, unholy, without love, unforgiving, slanderous, without self control, brutal, not lovers of the good, treacherous, rash, conceited, lovers of pleasure rather than lovers of God - having a form of godliness but denying its power. Have nothing to do with them."

The song ends with the advice not to value money and the worldly pleasures, but to

rather find salvation in Jesus as he is [the beginning and] the end."

Hakika Mungu yu mwema73 (God is so good) is sung in Kiswahili to praise God. It

unfolds the reasons for praising, exalting and worshipping God and thus calling him a

good God. To explain these reasons the singer gives biblical references. For

example, he sings 'God is good [because] he has given his son to die instead of us.'

These words are found in the following verse:

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For God so loved the world that he flave his one and only son, that whoever believes in him shall not perish but have eternal life.

Matthew 5:22, Mark 9:43 and Revelations 20:14-15 AV, provide the seed beliefs of Christians about life after death. They believe that there is hell and heaven; the righteous (saved) will live in heaven but sinners (unsaved) will face eternal damnation.

" 2 Timothy 3:1-5, AV. " Revelations 21 :6, AV. 73 John Kamau, Hakika Mungu yu mwema, [n.p.]. 45 min., audiocassette, 2001. 74 John 3:16, AV.

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•

This idea is reflected in several lines as the song unfolds. In addition to the above

verse, the singer intersperses other verses from the Old and New Testaments to

explain why their God is good. For example, 'by the stripes of Messiah, by the

persecution of this Jesus, today this day I can be saved'. These words are found in

the following verse:

But he was pierced for our transgressions, he was crushed for our iniquities; the punishment that brought us peace was upon him, and by his wounds we are healed. 75

Kenyans may understand some of the words used much more easily than other

people. For example, the words shuka (get down) or tushuke (let's get down) lose

their distinctive meaning when translated. However, those who understand Kiswahili

know that when the words are used in music, they mean that one needs to intensify

one's dance and 'literally' dance while getting/crouching down. They have their

equivalent in the Congolese word buka, which was discussed in Chapter Four.

Several characteristics of African music are used such as responsorial singing,

repetition of text and other music elements, word interpolations and exchange· of

soloists.

Napesi 76 is sung in Lingala as a dedication to God. The Christian acknowledges

his/her God as the only Lord of his/her life and fully surrenders him/herself to his God

in order to be used by Him. S/he believes that God is omnipresent, the healer, and

provider. The 'worldly' [unsaved listeners] are warned to be careful of what they do

because of God's omnipresence.

Do not love the world or anything in the world. If anyone loves the world, the love of the Father is not in him. For everything in the world - the cravings of sinful man, the lust of his eyes and the boasting of what he has and does - comes not from the Father but from the world. The world and its desires pass away, but the man who does the will of God lives forever."

The singer gives a biblical example of a man called Jonah," who thought that he was

hiding from God, but even in his hiding place he was seen by God. The singers then

persuade the 'worldly' men to give their hearts to Jesus the Messiah who will heal

them. The worldly man is perceived to have a sick heart that only God can heal.

75 Isaiah 53'5 AV 76 Makoma, ':Napesi," in Nzambe na Bomoyi, produced by Westcoast Music, 1 hour, VHS,

videocassette, 2000. 77 1 John 2:15-16, AV. ,. Jonah 1:1-4:11, AV.

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Just like North American Christian Contemporary Music and hip-hoppers, this song

makes use of rap. A male soloist raps in Lingala, which is a contextualisation of rap

style. Rap music has become very popular even among Christian artists in Kenya.

Gospel musicians such as Moz, Henrie Mutuku (a KORA award winner of female

vocalist of the year 2002) and Roughtone79 have popularised this music style in

Kenya. The rap style has also gained popularity in other non-Western parts of the

world such as Japan, India, Tanzania and Uganda.ao

The song has borrowed heavily not just from North American music styles and

culture, but also from Kenyan indigenous music. Some of the indigenous music

characteristics that can be traced in the song are responsorial singing, exchange of

soloists and repetition of text and other music elements.

Apart from focusing on the content of the text and message of songs, the MMM

group also selects songs according to their popularity, which is determined by:

• Listening to Christian music programmes on radio and television; there are some Kenyan television programmes such as Joy Bringers, In His Presence, and A Moment with God that air the latest releases by Christian musicians. Radio stations such as Wake up call, give the top ten Christian songs of the week andlor month;

• Newspaper and magazine exposure of Christian artists;

• Exposure to the MMCM worship team who teach popular choruses and lead the whole congregation in singing/worship. An example is Bwana wa Mabwana;81

• Songs that are popular among the group members. The MMM claim that the songs such as Na Pes; inspire them;

• Artists' requests to the MMM to choreograph some of their music.

According to Andrew Muiru and Kelvin Waweru, the group leaders of MMM and

Glorious Teens respectively, the dancers consider the audience when selecting

7.

aD

Mbasu, "Mllele: young and vibrant, exude confidence", in PHAT Magazine, February-April, 2001 , p.38: Paul Makoma. "Highlights on Music Extravaganza" Maximum Miracle Times, Vol. 14. September 2002, p.17. Condry, pp. 1-2: Juluri. pp. vii-viii: Sebidde Kiryoya, "Old and new groups rhyming for Uganda's hip-hop throne" in PHAT Magazine,No. 008, February - April, 2002, p.8.; Katie Salmon, "The Nyerere of rap: Mr. II" in PHA T Magazine, No. 003 November 200-January 2001, p.24.

81 Pastor George Okudi, "Bwana wa mabwana'" in Jesus is a Mighty God, n.p., audiotape, 1997. The congregation at Githurai Youth Crusade performed this song, 5 February 2002, Sunday morning worship service held at Ruaraka MMCM on 13 January 2002 and on numerous lunch hOur meetings.

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songs for performances. The reason for this is that the dancers strongly feel that the

audience needs to be 'blessed' by their performance. Most of their songs are in the

Kiswahili language, since the MMCM services and crusades are usually conducted in

this language.82 Out of the numerous songs collected from the field, only four were

not in Kiswahili.

Andrew Muiru furthermore pointed out that they need a variety of song types in their

repertoire and therefore they choose music with various beats:

We can choose songs in reggae beats, jam-like beats, Congolese rhythms, or rap. It just, you know, it depends on what we want ... We mostly like beats that are upbeat you know. They make us feel like dancing.83

To determine the principles that guide the MMM's choice of dance and drama, all the

videotapes recorded in the field on dance and drama were viewed to establish a

pattern of choice. The dancers were interviewed for verification. The researcher

attended their practice sessions to study the process and procedures used to

determine the type of dance or dramatisation used. All the dancers interviewed

unanimously agreed that the beats of the music determine the dance styles they

choose.

GOW,84 in discussing the Z-music television channel that broadcasts Contemporary

Christian Music videos in the United States of America, mentions three different

categories used by the producers of these videos:

• 'Unequivocally' Religious: the religious lyrics and the action or movements of

performers are synchronised;

• 'Moderately' religious: the actions do not relate to the religious lyrics;

82 All the services, crusades, and meetings held by MMCM that the researcher attended were conducted in Kiswahili. Their radio and television programme: Kuna Nuru Gizani, is also in Kiswahili. It is only in 2003, during the second visit to the field, that the researcher discovered that an English version of the television programme exists on a different channel, the Family TV channel, aired in Nairobi and its environs.

83 Interview with Andrew Muiru, 5 February 2002. 84 Gow, pp. 183-188.

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• 'Ambiguously' religious: the visuals are not necessarily Christian and do not tally

with the text. The text is also open to interpretation and may not evidently refer to

God.

In this study, the following five categories emerged from the analyses of the video

material:

• Interpretative movements: movements and facial expressions interpret and

communicate the liturgy or religious lyrics of the songs based on the text and

message of the song, for example /mba Ha/e/uya;

• Interpretative dramatisations of story songs: dramatic movements are guided by

the message of the song and performed on an makeshift stage using calculated

movements to coincide with the text at a given time, for example Rafiki Pesa;

• Non-interpretative movements: the dance movements used do not interpret the

biblical text or message and are not chosen with the text in mind, but for reasons

of creativity and enjoyment. The dancers may choose the movements because of

their popularity or to contribute to the repertoire of dance movements based on

their experiences'6 Bwana wa Mabwana is an example of non-interpretative

movement;

• Copying of popular artists' styles: the songs are not in English or Kiswahili and a

bulk of the audience may not necessarily understand the song. The dance styles

are also not necessarily interpretative. Since the audience does not understand

the song, it is also not easy for them to understand the movements.

85 Visuals here include dance movements and dramatisations. 86 During practice times the leaders give the dancers an opportunity to contribute ideas about

movements that can be executed in a given song. The researcher discovered that some of the styles they use were learnt through their experiences. Table 6.4 in Appendix 0, shows the members who teach styles and the type of styles they teach.

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Communication in this case is therefore not contextualised as can be seen in, for

example Napesi;B7

• 'Ungodly' ambiguous styles:BB styles that would be considered seductive and 'too

worldly', involving hip or pelvic movements that are lustful. B9 They also include

dance movements that may not portray known meanings to both the dancers and

the audience. The difference between this category and non-interpretative

category is that the latter has movements that may not necessarily be offensive to

the audience, although they may not be interpretative. The majority of the dance

movements in this category are adapted from Congolese pop music dance styles

discussed in Chapter Four. The movements in this category are chosen for

entertainment and have no association with the liturgical text. The dances can

also be considered ambiguous, as the lyrics are in a language that the audience

and dancers can understand, but the dance movements do not depict the liturgy

nor communicate it to the audience.

B7 This song is in the Lingala language, which is the lingua franca of the Democratic Republic of Congo (Congo). When the researcher asked MMM the meaning of this song, none of them could interpret. They enjoy the melody and the 'beats' of the song. According to Andrew Muiru, the group that sung this song, Makoma,B7 has inspired him and his team the most. They love the rhythms and 'beats', the costumes, melodies and dance styles of this group. In this case, it is not the lyrics of the song that guides the choice of dance styles/movements. MMM has copied the exact movements that the Makoma use for the song. Analyses of the MMM performance reveals that they have not only copied Makoma's dance movements but also their way of dressing with a few differences as seen in Table 6.3 in Appendix D. The information in this table is important because it shows the power of media on the young people.

BB The term 'ungodly' indicates that some dance styles or movements are considered as 'extreme' and not appropriate by Christians and even non-Christians for use in the church. The comments in footnote 97 support this statement.

B9 The following comments made by different people indicate the extreme nature of such dances. "Some say that I teach the boys and girls ndombofo and in a sense I spoil them and mislead them." Interview with Andrew Muiru, 15 February 2002. In Kenya Congolese dance styles, which involve pelvic movements, are nicknamed ndombofo. However, the real ndombofo dance as practised by the Congolese is discussed in chapter four. "Aa .. hawa nao wamezidi. Wamezidf' (Oh, these ones have gone too far. They've gone too far) The researcher overheard these comments from the audience in Githurai crusade held on 19 January 2001, when the MMM were performing Congolese styles together with John Kamau, the composer of the song that they were dancing to: Hakika Mungu yu Mwema. Some of the members of the audience standing next to the researcher were not happy with the performers. "No, no, no. They've gone too far." Mr. George Mwiruki, lecturer at Kenyatta University, made this comment when he saw a video in which the MMM perform secular Congolese pop styles on 28 July 2003. He acted as verifier for the fact that some dance styles were derived from indigenous isukuti Luhya music.

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To copy styles the MMM use what Green90 calls 'purposive listening', which she

describes as

The most systematic, conscious and goal-oriented approaches to learning through listening and copying ...

During the preparation phase the MMM listen attentively to the music and memorise

words to mime while they dance. The dance styles are mastered through repetitive

viewing of the relevant videotapes. Andrew Muiru sometimes uses what Green91 calls

peer-directed learning, where the dancers learn from each other. 92 Their goal is

usually to dance as close to the artists as possible. Where need-be, they incorporate

their own creativity.

4.2 Spiritual factors

Besides the language common to the audience, Andrew Muiru and Kelvin Waweru

indicated that the status (mood and spiritual atmosphere) of the audience is also

considered in selecting songs. In one of the interviews with Andrew Muiru he

remarked:

... in fact when I go to church in the morning and I realise that the groups that have just performed before us had something in common ... like their dances are full of vigour or a particular message. Then I will change the song for our performance. I would just talk to the other dancers and our DJ93 and we'll change .... 1 can choose a song which has vigorous dances and almost the same message as the others.94

90 Lucy Green, How popular musicians learn: a way ahead for music education, Aldershot: Ashgate, 2001, p. 61 .

91 Ibid., p. 76. 92 An interview with Andrew, 5 February 2002, revealed that he recruited the two small children in

MMM, Valentine Muthoni-5 years, and Ambrose Mburu-12 years in 2002, because they are very good dancers in MMM. They get their steps faster than the more mature dancers. Andrew therefore uses these two to train the other dancers. The two are in primary school and seem to have more free time than the other dancers. They are also committed to practice times than the older ones. Before most of the other team members arrive at the practice venue, Power House-Nairobi, Andrew Muiru sometimes tries a few styles with them (23 march 2003--practice session) .

93 The MMM group has a disc jockey. The difference between hip-hop or rappers' DJ and that of MMM is that MMM's only operates the CD/tape recorder. He carries the equipment for use in a given service or meeting and ensures that the music to be used is readily available for a performance.

94 Interview with Andrew, 5 February 2002. When asked why he had to change abruptly, he responded that it is good to reinforce a message to the congregation. He also added that they have to practice a variety of dances during the practice time. So they choose from their repertoire when they need to change a song .

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When Andrew Muiru was asked how he chooses music for performance, one of his

answers was 'through prayer, seeking confirmation from God about the songs to

perform.' He believes that through prayer, the Spirit of God will lead him to choose

the right song to perform.95 This implies that their choice of song is also spiritually

influenced.

The MMM being a Christian dance group has definitely been influenced spiritually.

The pastors, who are their spiritual leaders, have played a major role in rejecting or

accepting certain practices. As seen in section 3, the pastors give them good

support, thereby propelling the existence and execution of the performing arts.

However, there are instances where the pastors have rejected the use of trousers by

the girls. This led to the departure of some key dancers.96

As seen earlier, today the girls wear trousers in their performances. All the girls

interviewed felt that wearing trousers in performances makes them more flexible and

free in executing their dance movements. Sometimes the girls have very vigorous

movements (See accompanying VCD, Zambe 2 and kick).

Some parents also object on the use of certain dance movements as 'unspiritual or

ungodly.' They also object to the long hours of practice for their children. Therefore

parents have no longer allowed their children to perform with MMM.97 Ken Bakuli and

Andrew Muiru noted that some girls and boys leave the group because their parents

move from the area where MMCM functions, thereby creating a distance problem.

These parents change churches/denominations and their children leave with them. In

addition, there are parents who leave MMCM for spiritual reasons and their children

follow them. Such actions among the children demonstrate the power that the

parents have over their children, especially concerning spiritual matters.

95 Andrew indicated that he gets to know that God is leading him to choose a given song when another member of the group confirms that he was also thinking of the same song OR when the majority of the members agree with enthusiasm, or when the pastor preaches a message that is consistent with the song they had just danced to (Interview with Andrew Muiru, 5 February 2002).

96 Interview with Andrew Muiru, 15 February 2002. When the researcher asked Andrew about whether they have had any dropouts, he gave this answer as one of the reasons.

97 Interview with Andrew Muiru, 15 February 2002. Peter Mutua, 19 January 2002, Harold Nyavanga, 19 January 2002, and Ken Bakuli, 12 January 2002, reiterated the same sentiments.

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4.3 Electronic media factors

The mass media help to shape the taste of the audience. Television, radio and music I videos have influenced the MMCM. All the MMM members watch selected television

programmes98 such as Shake99 and Channel 0100 to learn dance styles and integrate

them into their own performances. 101 These two programmes seem to be popular

among the youth in Kenya. Figures 6.2, 6.3 and 6.4 show the viewership of these

programmes.

All the MMM members mentioned that they enjoy watching Family TV.102 Most of the

programmes they enjoy watching are aired on this channel. The mission statement

and purpose of Family TV is:

As a Christian broadcast house, Family Media was formed for the purpose of advancing the message of Jesus Christ by providing quality wholesome Christian entertainment in conformity with God's Word. 103

Family Media indicates that it plays:

a wide variety of CCM to suit all tastes, previously unheard of in Kenya, hence starring up a "radio revolution" in aUdiences. 104

The Christian Contemporary Music played on Family Radio is also played on Family

TV with the video-clips of the artists. Some of these videotapes have performing arts

that have influenced MMM - especially some from North America such as Carman,

98 The researcher asked all the members for their favourite television programmes. All of them had at least 2-3 music programmes. Their favourite programmes also included gospel-teaching programmes such as 'John Hagee'-a famous television evangelist from the United States of America

99 This is a Christian Contemporary Music programme aired on Family TV. 100 Incorporates Congolese pop music and dance, hip-hop and Music television (MTV). 101 The researcher had to watch these programmes to find out any similarities and differences in the

performing arts of the television artists and MMM. 102 On several visits to the MMCM offices, the researcher noted that the television at their reception

area was always switched to Family TV too. 103 Leo Slingerland, 'Mission statement," p. 1, Family Media, available from

<http://www.familykenya.com/statement.htm> accessed 29 September 2003. Family Media runs both Family Radio and Family TV. The two stations run 24 hours per day.

104 Leo Slingerland, "About us," Family Media, available from <http://www.familykenya.com/about.htm> accessed 29 September 2003.

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Kirk Franklin and other American rap artists. 105 David Pragassa 106 declares that

Family Media plays all kinds of music as long as they are Christian. The most

important thing they look for in a song performance is the message contained in it

and the quality of the music. He insists that the music must be of good quality.

Hence, the selection criteria for television videos for their programmes are not based

on the dance or dramatisation but on the text. 107

Channel 0, a secular television music channel (MTV), broadcasts videos from

America and videos by African popular artists, especially from the Congo. It is a

programme that usually comes on air every day, mainly on two television channels in

Kenya, namely Kenya Television Networks (KTN) and Stella Television (STY). Some

MMM individuals watch these programmes in order to perfect their Congolese

styles. lOB Most of the time individuals watch the videotapes and practice on their own

before meeting together for rehearsals. At other times they view tapes as a group or

in small groups of two or three in their own free time.

The leader of the MMM, Andrew Muiru, indicated that he chooses most of the songs

for performances, thus influencing the group by his own music preferences that

include artists such as Makoma, WOW and Carman. 109 He also encourages his team

to study these programmes and videotapes in order to learn and get new ideas on

the performing arts. All the dancers interviewed indicated that they watch the Shake

105 MMM assert that these artists have inspired them. The researcher also watched these programmes to discover the similarities and differences displayed by the IVIMM and artists they admire.

106 Interview with David G. Pragassa, 26 June 2002, 2.00 p.m. David Pragassa is in charge of music section at Family Media. The researcher carried out this interview in order to establish why and how Family Media selects music and videos for airing. This is because this channel has influenced MMM.

107 The researcher discovered that most of their programmes are not local. They get them from Trinity Broadcasting Network (TBN), which is American-based. Therefore, the Christian Contemporary Music performing arts that are played in America are also aired on Family TV. Consequently, they have influenced MMM and other performing arts in Kenya. Mr Pragassa further explained that local artists usually give their music videos to the Family Media for airing. Programmes such as "Light in Darkness" (Kuna Nuru Gizam) by MMCM pay for the airtime. Paying for airtime is very expensive and thus very few local artists can afford it. This leaves room for American videos to dominate.

lOB The researcher watched several series of these programmes to identify styles, costumes, and action common to both Congolese and MMM dances. It was through viewing the programmes that more questions were generated for the research.

109 These are groups and individuals with hip-hop influence. Makoma is a group from Congo but its music has North American hip-hop culture influence in terms of rhythm, dance styles, and costumes. WOW videocassettes are collection of Billboard gospel artists' songs of a given year in USA. Carman is a Contemporary Christian Music artist that also incorporates hip-hop music characteristics in his video recordings. All these videotapes are often aired on television in Kenya.

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programme, which is one of Andrew Muiru's favourites. 110 Fig. 6.3 reveals that people

between the ages of 18-24 in Nairobi view this programme. The majority of the MMM

dancers fall within the age bracket, as can be seen in Table 6:2 in Appendix D.

Although the dancers enjoy watching the Shake programme, they enjoy Congolese

dance styles the most and perform these dances with joy and zeal. Despite the fact

that many dancers are not from the Luhya ethnic group, the African dance styles they

incorporate are mainly from Luhya community.

Radio music programmes have played a major role in as far as aiding the MMM to

get to know the latest releases and popular Christian music which the MMM select for

their dance choreography is concerned.

4.4 Formal schooling factors

The primary and secondary schools have proved to be centres of acquisition of

music skills, knowledge, dance, choreography and a variety of music cultures. All the

MMM members, except Valentine Muthoni, have had formal music training at primary

school level, where they acquired and developed their music interest and talent.

However, Andrew Muiru, the leader, is the only one who studied music formally in

secondary school and developed a keen interest in dance during this period. He used

to play in the school band and perform neo-traditional dances as a requirement for

his education and indicates that these activities have greatly shaped his music taste,

skills and talents. 111

Four MMM members have been actively involved in the Kenya Music Festivals and

teach dance styles such as lipala, amabeka, and khumkongo that they have learnt

through these festivals to the MMM members. (See dance notations in Chapter

Three and accompanying VCD for the demonstrations.)

110 This programme is aired on Family TV channel every Saturday. Customarily it features North American Christian Contemporary Music artists.

111 Interview with Andrew Muiru, 5 February 2002.

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Apart from performing the neo-traditional dances with the school dance groups and

MMM, these dancers agreed that they have not performed those dances anywhere

else. In fact, it is through MMM that their church gets a taste of neo- traditional

dances.

Dominic Maungu is a member of an acrobatics club in school as seen in Table 6:3.

He learns the movements in school and creatively teaches the same movements to

MMM. He loves working out with gymnastic movements that he learnt from the

acrobatic club, and feels free to use them in the dance performances of MMM when

given an opportunity. The song Bwana wa Mabwana has many acrobatic movements

that he taught (see accompanying VCD, 'Gym').

Some of the members who teach salsa, Congolese pop dance styles and Christian

Contemporary Music belong to music clubs in their schools. In these clubs they

perform a variety of styles, including the above. In turn, the MMM members in these

clubs teach those styles to the team.

The MMM has organised and attended several concerts. The one that is most

popular among them is the JITH (Jesus in The House) concert. It is normally held

every December in MMCM. In such concerts dance groups and artists from various

churches and denominations attend and perform. MMM members and Glorious

Teens affirmed that they all learn some dance styles from the visiting dance groups.

The groups that are invited to the concerts do not usually use the same songs and

even dances as MMM. The majority of those who attend are heavily influenced from

North America and not by Congolese music. Such groups include Shammah, X­

Spites and Abundant Life Teen group.

4.5 Maximum Miracle Centre Ministries' musicians

The musicians in the MMCM have influenced MMM in as far as Congolese music is

concerned. They include instrumentalists, worship team and music recorded artists.

The instrumentalists usually play Congolese styles in their performances similar to

those discussed in Chapter Four. Their music is usually guitar based and the lead

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guitar is vital in determining the various sections like sebene and slow rumba, climax,

etc. The keyboard player, John Nyika 112 made the following statement:

It is difficult to blend with guitarists 'coz they are used to Congolese styles but I am not. In accompaniment guitar and drums are considered as the key instruments and not keyboard [ .... ] At first Congolese style was difficult for me. Their dance was not yet acceptable by many. We are all from different backgrounds and therefore we do not like the same kind of music [oooo] So playing together was very difficult for us at first. But now we are trying to get along well in blending our accompaniment.

This shows that even those instrumentalists who are not used to Congolese styles

have to learn and synchronise with guitarists. Congolese styles are very popular in

this church. The guitarists do not seem to have a problem with the styles. For

example, Gideon Makala, Justus Mulema and Kamonga Dido113 all enjoy and prefer

rumba music and they have been playing Congolese styles for many years.

Since the MMM members have heard Congolese music style played in MMCM, they

have grown to love it. Therefore, they look for songs with Congolese music to

choreograph.

The worship team in MMCM leads the congregation in worship during every meeting

and service. The church instrumentalists who incorporate Congolese rumba styles as

seen above usually accompany them. The dance movements that they perform are

also Congolese. Such movements include ndomb%, binge/i and yumbani.114 (See

accompanying VCD, 'crusade music'.)

There are a number of individual recorded artists who have also influenced the

MMM. Some of these artists have already been discussed. Others such as Nene and

112 Interview with John Nyika, 14 February 2002. Mr. Nyika is the keyboardist of MMCM. 113 Interviews with Gideon Makala (lead guitarist), 14 February 2002; Justus Mulema (rhythm and lead

guitarist), 14 February 2002; and Kamonga Dido (lead, rhythm and bass guitarist), 19 February 2002, Justus Mulema had played in secular pop bands in Kenya before becoming a Christian. One of the bands he played for was Maroon Commandores, which was one of Kenya's leading pop bands in the 70s (see chapter four). He learnt how to play Congolese pop guitar styles in this band. Mr Dido is a Congolese musician and was playing for secular bands for many years in Zaire including MUVA Musica, B. MOUUA Mussica du Congo, and Saka Saka bands. He learnt his Congolese guitar styles from these bands and is now implementing the same styles in MMCM.

114 These dance movements are discussed in Chapter Four. The researcher noticed that in all the worship services, lunch hour meetings and crusades of MMCM the worship team use these dance movements. The MMM group has also incorporated these movements in their dance repertoire.

181

Nday Dido produced the Christian music videotape: Dunia Hii ni Mbaya l15 (This world

is terrible). In this videotape the Didos perform Congolese dance movements with a

group of dancers. These dances are just the same as those executed by MMM (see

accompanying VCD, 'yumbani variation' and 'variation of wriggle'). Besides recording

the tape, the Didos also perform the same songs and dance movements in MMCM

worship services and concerts thereby influencing the MMMl16 (see accompanying

VCD for an example, 'Mr and Mrs Dido').

Mr Kamau has also produced an album entitled Hakika Mungu yu Mwema discussed

in section 3.1. This cassette is popular among the MMM members. These members

dance to the song Hakika Mungu yu Mwema from the album. Andrew Muiru asserts

that John Kamau taught them the dance movements, which are typically found in

Congolese pop styles. Their performance for this song is categorised under the

'Extreme' section. Mr Kamau himself asserts:

Moses, my friend from Nakuru, is the one who taught me the dances. Before I got saved, I used to watch Lingala pop music videotapes like Koffi Olomide's, Kanda Bongoman, Extra Musica, etc. When I got saved I decided to use the same styles to dance for the Lord. Sometimes I can dance even the deep Lingala styles Ute ya ndam) [extreme]. But in this church [MMCM] you know people are not used to my type of dance. They have accepted it but they are still adjusting. A number of them are still struggling. But I believe that when we introduce the dance styles slowly by slowly, they will be able to accept even the deep stuff [Oo' .]1 am not yet dancing as much as I know.117

5. The significance of dance and drama movements and their relationship

to music118

This section discusses a selection of songs that depict the various categories of

songs and dances/dramatisations that the MMM have. The researcher viewed an

enormous number of performances and selected the following specific songs and

their performances under the categories given. The categorisation was based on the

type of performances. A song for each category is illustrated and the full text is given

in Appendix A. The accompanying VCD illustrates each of the movements discussed.

115 Mr and Mrs Nday Dido, Dunia Hii ni Mbaya, [n.p.]. 1 hour, VHS, videocassette, 2000. 116 Interviews with Mrs Dido, 19 February 2002, revealed that Mr and Mrs Dido perform in every JITH

concert. 117 Interview with John Kamau, 19 February 2002. Mr Kamau also teaches the same dance

movements to the MMM. He performs with MMM in crusades and worship services. 118 All the dance movements discussed in this section are found in the accompanying VCD.

182

The dancers perform vigorous movements to the song /mba ha/e/uya (Sing

halleluiah) that vary according to the text and have an interpretative function. The text

is thus important in determining these movements. The following are interpretative

movements that they utilise in this song. The names of the dance movements are

derived from the texts that the actions represent. The names of the dances in this

section are chosen according to the text that they are associated with.

• Ha/e/uya: The chorus-response section of the /mba ha/e/uya, which is repeated

throughout is demonstrated by quick lifting up of the right hand.119 In this case

they use gestures that represent what Christians in Kenya commonly know and

combine it with their own creativity.

Fig. 6.1 Ha/e/uya

x<J>

In yet another section of the song (Wa mile/e), the dancers lift up their right hands

and swing them sideways as they mime the words. The left hand is held akimbo

as they move sideways (See accompanying VCD with dance movement titled

'ha/e/uya variation).

Fig. 6.2 Ha/e/uya variation

-.,.

TY ~ t'

~ I

I .1 I~ •

I ill + + + / t x4> I I • n

" - - • -ri'i1 " "

119 This gesture is common in Christian circles in Kenya. At the MMCM, when an individual stands up to greet the congregation, he lifts up his hand and utters "Praise the Lord" and the congregation responds, "Amen". They either lift up one hand or both hands. The Christian bible also urges believers to lift up their hands in prayer to their God (1 Timothy 2:8, AV.).

183

• Niongoze Bwana (Guide me Lord): Both arms are stretched out on the left-hand

side pointing heavenward. 120 This action is done when the following words are

sung: Niongoze Bwana, niongoze kwa kila jambo (Guide me Lord, guide me in

everything). When the soloist is singing his part, the dancers' arms are relaxed on

the side and are only lifted when the chorus sings.

Fig. 6.3 Niongoze

BlIO",..,_ l.,

, , I

'=' ~ ~ T? I x <Ii

-- -f'i'il

,

• Kitu gani? (What?): The dancers use appropriate gestures to represent the texts,

kitu gani kitanitenganisha na upendo wako (What will separate me from your

[God's] love). When the word 'what' is sung, the dancers demonstrate it with an

open-arm gesture, which, to the Luhya, is a quizzical sign. The Luhya also use

the sign when they want to inquire about something. Even if words are not used,

one would understand the gesture. This gesture is also commonly used in Nairobi

in conversations. It is almost like tacit knowledge that when the words 'separate

me', are sung, the dancers use a gesture that, according to Andrew Muiru,

symbolises total refusal. It is often used even in everyday conversations in

Nairobi.

When singing the word 'love', the dancers place both hands on their chest. This

symbolises that love comes from the heart. They use this gesture to show the

love of God.

While singing the word 'You', the dancers raise up both hands and point

heavenward. They indicate that God is in heaven and they are addressing him by

pointing at him. Fig. 6.4 shows the actions that are executed when singing

specific words.

120 Gesture showing that they are calling on God who resides in heaven (Isaiah 66: 1; Matthew 6:9, AV.) but His Spirit dwells on earth among His people (Luke 11:13; John 16:13; 1 Corinthians 3:16, AV.).

184

Fig. 6.4 Kitu gani?

nalJj>e1ldo

Kitu gaDi kitanilengonisha 1",0 ...... 1 I,

nl ''''''' t.. t + ,J ::: == •

r.il

• Basic position: Throughout the song, when the dancers are not miming the text of

the song, they keep a steady basic position. The movements they utilise here

keep a steady pulse, which is consistent with the basic pulse of the song. The feet

are generally apart with slight movements to the left or right. When the soloist is

singing the dancers keep on using this movement. When the chorus-response

section comes in, the dancers mime the text as they interpret the message with

their actions.

Fig. 6.5 Basic position

n 5\ ~~, I~'" ~~ ======~~~:x==::ix(j)~=3 ~ ,

• Sebene section dance movements: During the sebene section of this song, the

singer soloist sings the Lingala text. The instrumental accompaniment in this

section acts as a climax for the song. The lead guitar plays in high tessitura just

like in Congolese soukous music discussed in Chapter Four. The interlocking of

rhythms of the guitar based instrumental section guides their performance. The

dance movements performed in this section vary and they keep changing in every

sebene section. The movements include the following, haleluya, zambe 1, zambe

2 and zambe 4.

Fig. 6.6 Zambe 1

""" + + .

nl ~ l!f ~! ~X xii> n "

.",D" D' ,

""

185

Fig.6.7 Zambe 2

, ~~,.,

TYrl ~+~~~r+c;:! --------------~§:;--~~~+~~==~f~~~:t~~~~~~X~$~~ .... - .... ~=+- a: 0 .... 0 I -

Ifil

Fig. 6.8 Zambe 3

Ty l r-----; + '-__ tJ ... ----..~>-~-~ -::-----=--!-::=!-~-: -'-.r-l---'-rl--+ '~I~~i ... -V-----'-... -r'-r-"~I},....:.-.;+ ~~X ----AX4l~1 v v

Fig. 6.9 Zambe 4

~~I'~~(~;~t~~~~:~~t~---~'m~r~~X4l---~ , ,

The dancers come up with their own creative dance movements. They also

combine isukuti dance styles creatively such as khumkongo. However, they

execute this style in a slower tempo, because of the slow tempo of the song,

unlike the isukuti dance songs that are much faster.

The costumes they wear include: 121

Girls: Red buggy tops with dotted brown design across the front. Their blouses are untucked.

• Blue long skirts that reach the ankles. Only the small girl, Valentine, has black trousers

• Black shoes;

• Combed hair and some tie the hair at the centre with a band;

121 It is fashionable to the youth in Kenya to wear such kinds of costumes. From Consumer insight Kenya, Ho/a, Nairobi: Consumer Insight Publications, 2001, pp. 25-35. Consumer Insights is an organisation in Kenya that carries out research for organisations and companies. This specific documentation was based on research among youth (teenagers) in major towns in Kenya including Nairobi (see Plate 13 in Appendix C).

186

• Only the little girl has braided hair;

• Neither jewellery nor makeup.

Boys: Same shirts, colour and design of shirts as the girls. They tuck in their shirts.

• Blue trousers that match the girls' skirts;

• Andrew has different costumes from the other men. He has red trousers and plain blue shirt;

• They wear black shoes.

Solo (lead singer-Emachichi)

• He is in a blue suit, beige shirt and blue tie with beige dots/designs;.

• His suit colour matches that of the MMM;

• He does not dance like the MMM. He mainly sings while standing or with slight side way movements. As in Congolese music videotapes like those of Koffi Olomide, he is in a different costume from the dancers. His dance I movements too are different with minimal movements.

Scenery: There are neither instrumentalists nor singers shown on video.

• It is an open area with green plantations, banana plantations, flowers and other plants around the area;

• They have only one choreographic pattern formation (two horizontal lines as the Congolese dancers discussed in Chapter Four). They use this pattern throughout their performance. What they change are only the dance movements;

• The site is not necessarily dramatic or part of the textual representation. They chose a convenient site to shoot the video. 122

These scenarios and kind of video shooting is similar to Koffi Olomide's discussed in

the previous chapter.

Rafiki pesa (My friend, money) begins with an instrumental prelude. The main actor is

Andrew Muiru.123 Money is his great friend. As the opening phrase begins 'I had a

friend, Money', he walks on stage and meets with Mr Money. In this context money is

122 Interview with the video crew manager, Paul Mukoma, 15 February 2002. Mr Mukoma organised the recording and shooting of the videotape. He said he needed a place that is beautiful and quiet. The whole performance therefore was done specifically for video.

123 The full dramatisation of the song is demonstrated in the accompanying veo under the title, "Rafiki Pesa."

187

personified. They both face the audience and act. In each verse, whatever the soloist

sings will be enacted by the MMM members, Andrew and Money.

There is one MMM member on stage who mimes the words of the solo singer

throughout. He acts the part of Mr Money, pointing to the items that the singer is

singing about. He points at real items, since the play is acted in an open space.

When he sings about clothes, Mr Money rushes backstage and comes back with

clothes for Andrew Muiru to wear. When he sings about women, he rushes back

stage and comes back with two women. At this time there is an instrumental interlude

and the actors take time to act as though they are in a bar. Money serves them with

beer until they get drunk.

When verse two begins with the phrase "One day I contracted a very bad disease",

the two girls leave the stage indicating that they want nothing to do with the singer.

He then falls down due to weakness brought about by the disease. Mr Money then

runs off the stage with the two girls. A female doctor comes to check on the singer,

but she shakes her head to indicate that the disease is not treatable. The singer

holds him and takes him back to his house. 124

While at home the singer gets severely sick and begins vomiting. Mr Money then

comes in and mimes his word-interpolation section as he laughs at Andrew Muiru.

Andrew Muiru then lies down flat on the stage indicating that he is dead. Then Money

runs off the stage.

When the singer sings "When I died my children suffered ... " some MMM girls

dressed like old women come on stage with Mr Muiru's children and they begin to

mistreat them by beating them and dragging them mercilessly on stage.

As he sings about drunkards, some MMM boys wobbles on stage, signifying that they

are drunk. Soon after, one boy comes dressed roughly, with a torn shirt, barefoot,

unkempt hair, and a cap. He holds a small pipe filled with ashes then he puts it in his

mouth and begins to blow through it. When the ash comes out on one end, it gives

124 Andrew's house is situated in a different part of the stage. It is an imaginary one.

188

the impression that he is smoking 'bang.' He does this to the words, "They smoked

bang."

In the next scene, a boy comes on stage dressed in a big coat, trousers and a T-shirt

filled with clothes to indicate that he has a big tummy. Mr Money goes to him and he

touches his stomach to indicate that he is a rich man. He does this to the words "The

rich drank [beer]." The rich man throws some papers (meant to be money) around the

stage to display how rich he is. Finally all the men who have been acting form a

single line on stage, mime, and dance to the last words of the song "Jesus is the

end."

Although the music has high text125 that is different for each verse, the melody is

simple and repetitive (see Fig. 6.1 in Appendix C). The instrumental interlude only

helps to separate this repetitive melody. The MMM actors/actresses use the

instrumental interludes to act out their parts.

Scenery:

• The stage is used for acting only since it is an open-air crusade;

• Props such as bottles, notes, and pipe are used;

• The dancers wear costumes to depict characters such as a rich man, drunkards, elderly women etc.;

• There is no dancing involved until the last section of the song.

The performance of Hakika Mungu yu mwema (God is so good) is situated in an

open-air crusade. The performance is thus live and done on a raised platform. The

MMM have a large crowd as an audience. With the exception of the little girl,

Valentine,126 only the male MMM dancers perform the dance. The dancers use

Congolese pop style movements in their performance. It is in three parts, slow

rumba, first sebene and then second sebene. The following are some of the dance

movements executed in this song.

125 The term high-text is used here to denote songs with many words as opposed to most Christian choruses that use very few words (low-text) that are by nature short and repetitive.

126 According to Andrew Muiru, the MMM group did not have enough time to rehearse with the girls as a team.

189

• Mwana wake (His son): The dancers have a slow dance movement that goes with

the slow rumba tempo. Their feet movement keeps the basic pulse of the song as

in basic position movement discussed earlier. When the refrain section is

performed, the dancers mime the words and interpret the message of the song

through their actions. This is the only section in the whole song that the dancers

interpret the message of the song. The only words they interpret are Mwana wake

(His child) and yetu (Ours). They lift up one hand and point heavenward as

though to indicate where God is then they point at their chests to illustrate that

they are God's children.

Fig. 6.10 Mwana wake

W~2 yetu

! 't ~

TY t,..."t

n (I 1'1 (I

• Triplet stomp: This movement is performed in the transition between the first and

the second sebene sections. The dancers generate their movements from an

accented rhythmic pattern. The movements do not have any meaning, but they

give the dancers marked steps that lead them to the next section, a practice

common in Congolese pop. The dance movements emphasise the leg

movements as seen in dance notation.

Fig. 6.11 Triplet stomp

'\ / FIN , I

~ TY I -Of- t + +! t t :~ t t H - ,

,

TY' ~3 i t t t t ,

190

• Soukous dance movements: The music in the sebene sections changes rhythm,

style and tempo. It is faster. The vocals part is in responsorial form and the text,

melody and dance movements are highly repetitive. The drums are the main

instruments in this section and they give a more danceable rhythm/swing. Their

dances do not interpret the message of the song.

The second sebene section has faster beats than the first sebene section. An

instrumental interlude acts as the climax of the song. The dancers are meant to

intensify their dance movements like in Congolese pop music. The /es cries parts

are common too. The main instruments that stand out are guitars. The lead guitar

plays in high tessitura, while the rhythm and bass guitars support it. The

interlocking of guitar rhythms, like in Congolese pop, gives the music a swing that

acts as a dance propellant.

In this section, the dancers use a variety of soukous movements, as exemplified

in 'variation of yumbani', 'Katika position' (a variation of the buka movement

described in Chapter Four), binge/i, ndomb% and variation of 'wriggle.'

Fig. 6.12 Variation of yumbani

'I

?I :.+ ~ + ,

I I ~3 II , Il

Fig. 6.13 Katika position

, + + + + ,

? I "::7 ~ ! ! foP' I 'IX Ml' I ~I ¥X x4>

, ,

191

Fig. 6.14 Variation of 'wriggle'

- - - - f" K i' -4> II 4> II II 0 0 0 0

Y~~"- :: ~ I

! b- '1.,:+ ~ ! b-" • ~I - " ! b- w'5 - " I b' ~ ! ! ! , 1; ,

They also use pelvic movements that are common in Congolese music . The

MMM learnt the execution of these specific movements in the given section from

John Kamau , the artist of the song. 127 These dance movements are directly

imported from the Congolese performing arts and do not interpret the message of

the song at all . They also incorporate other movements in conjunction with the

soukous ones such as 'high ten'. The les cries guide the dancers in their

performance just like in Congolese pop. For example, when the ata/aku sings

mikono juu (hands up) the dancers perform the 'high ten ' movement.

Fig . 6.15 High ten

• . , 'fw

II

They also use clapping which is common in most Kenyan indigenous dances, but

they add soukous dance movements in the process. For example, in the section

where they sing Yesu ni Bwana (Jesus is Lord), the Singers use rhythm patterns

played by the keyboard and drums (see accompanying VCD titled, "High ten").

127 Interview with Andrew Muiru, 15 February 2002. After this interview, John Kamau was also interviewed to find out how he learnt his dance styles/movements. He confirmed that he learnt the dance styles from the friends he had before he was saved and by watching Congolese secular pop music dance videos and programmes on television .

192

The dancers are dressed in their red T-shirts and black trousers. The artist of the

song, John Kamau, and two of the back up singers join in the dance during the

sebene section.

Bwana wa mabwana (Lord of lords) uses characteristics common in Kenyan

Christian choruses such as repetition of music elements, responsorial singing, low

text and ululation.'2. It also combines a series of short choruses and various dance

movements from Congolese pop styles, isukuti indigenous dances and creativity of

the MMM. All the dancers perform the same dance movements.

• Four point: A few of the dance movements are interpretative. For example , in the

'four point' movement, when the singers sing 'May the Lord of Lords be lifted up

today', the dancers lift up both hands. They lift them up twice on either side. Then

they also put them down as they squat on either side. The MMM have adapted

this dance movement from Koffi Olomide's video song Micka. The difference is

that the dancers in Mr Olomide's tape have a slower dance that goes with their

slow music tempo and that the MMM leave out the pelvic movements and the fists

of the hands. Instead, they jump up and down as they perform and then point

their hands in the various directions as indicated Fig. 6.16. The MMM perform the

same dance movements even when the soloist is Singing his part.

They perform the same dance movement on each side, i.e. front, left, back and

right before they change to a new movement. In this case what guides them is the

full cycle of a dance movement that is illustrated by a full turn on all the sides.

'28 Musumba, pp. 97-135. She discusses the various characteristics embodied in Kenyan choruses.

193

Fig. 6.16 Four-point

---------------;,:;t{ , + +

o v + + , ::

+ I I ~ I'

(, T? ~ + , • • '+. ~ 3 ~T:--------------------------~--------------------------~" " II

II .....

• Isukuti dance styles: The MMM also make use of some isukuti dance styles. They

include amabeka and lipala. The dance notations show how they have adapted

these isukuti dances and creatively modified them to suit their kind of

performance. (Compare the dances as performed by MMM and the neo-traditional

dance groups in accompanying VCD) The instrumental section guides the

dancers' performance. For example, the lead guitar plays a short melody before

they perform /ipala dance. When the /ipala dance begins, only the drums play. In

this case, the lipala dance goes on until the guitars re-enter. They dance /ipala

just as performed by the Luhya.

They perform diverse dances during both the instrumental section and when the

vocal part is performing. These dance styles do not interpret the song texts. 129

Fig. 6.17 Amabeka

Yr- --<

11 II

• • ! ~ .--

K

DO 'n '0 DO

129 An interview with Andrew Muiru, 22 July 2003, revealed that they chose these dance movements just to show their enjoyment of the music. He feels that the song is about praising God and so they choose dance styles in praise of God.

194

• The run: In this movement component, the dancers run in a line on stage and

below the stage during one of the instrumental interludes. The dance does not

have any meaning at all. They adopted this directly from Congolese pop dance

video, Loi.

Fig. 6.18 The run

g --' ...

<D "0

• 'Gym' : These dance movement components are imitations of the dance aerobics

often performed in gymnastic classes presented at local exercise venues such as

Bodywise Fitness Centre, Gym and Tone, and Body by Design in Nairobi. The

dance movements have no specific association with the lyrics of the song. The

MMM incorporated the movement for enjoyment (see accompanying VCD) .

Fig. 6.19 Gym

,

TY I ~0 ;5 ~ ( ----= =::>

)

~~~ ::: /- -- - ----

In Napesi (I give you) the MMM have tried to imitate the main artists of the video,

Makoma. The song begins with an instrumental section that is not exhibited on the

Makoma video .' :lO This section is highly rhythmic with no vocal singing. The dance

movements that the MMM execute in this section are similar to the hip-hop

movements of North America discussed in Chapter Four.

_____ . __ .. ___ .. __ 1~_ Andrew Milio! coofjrmedthat thiS prellJde sectLonJs. only- fOIlOd in the Makomas..1!:eru=saL-.CrL __ _ They decided to include it in their performance.

195

• Mechanical movements: The music has incidental sounds like record scratching,

a typewriter and foot tapping often found in rap music. The MMM use these

sounds to develop their own dance movements. For example, Andrew Muiru

moves forwards mechanically and emphatically and types an imaginary typewriter

when he hears the sound of a typewriter. This is not related to liturgy at all.

Likewise, when there are tap-dancing sounds in the music, the dancers execute

tap-dancing as well. They perform dance movements according to what the

sounds mean to them. Examples of the dances they execute in this section

include the following: 'variation of stomp', 'typewriter', and 'the count'.

Fig. 6.20 Variation of stomp

c,"' ...

~I .: i I

fJ'

Fig. 6.21 Typewriter

"-

11 rJ '=l

\'?

Fig. 6.22 The count

I •

D

IS if typing Yr-

• I

fJ'

II

... -

11~----------~!~--------------~!~---------------!~~---------------L/~ nn

+ ?~' ________________________________ -,~'--v----------u---~~----------~ i= !! s ____________ ~

196

• Hip-hop movements: The dance movements for the rest of the performallces are

directly adopted from Makoma tape. The MMM do not understand the text of the

song, nor the dance movements that are executed. They imitate all movements

'wholesale'. They only improvise dances where the videotape of the Makoma

does not indicate what the dancers are doing, such as when the soloist is singing

and not necessarily dancing.

The following are examples of the dances they perform in this section: variation of

knee shake, hip-hop loose walk, hip-hop kick, hip-hop jump and hip-hop arm

movement. The Makoma also adopted these dance movements from North

American hip-hop performing arts.

Fig. 6.23 Variation of knee shake

QII.-liItc .:tiaa <.

+

" ~ + "

y I .:. '~ II TT • , TT , ,

Fig. 6.24 Hip-hop loose walk

,

~X x<p

I DD

Fig. 6.25 Hip-hop kick

, <I>

11 :! g ~ _:1 ~ ~3 " -"- ,. - ,~->

Fig. 6.26 Hip-hop jump

AN

JI II

:=:::::='" -

197

6. Educational role of MMM performing arts

From the preceding discussions the following conclusions can be drawn about the

educational role of the NlMM performing arts:

The performing arts

• convey biblical, social and moral teachings;

• educate the youth on the importance of serving God;

• provide an opportunity for the MMM to learn music non-formally;

• foster leadership skills.

All the song texts that the MMM perform contain biblical, moral or social teachings.

The main lessons are learnt through this avenue. The interpretative dances that they

demonstrate interpret the messages in the songs. Besides telling a story about daily

living and biblical teachings, the drama that accompanies the story songs enact the

message using props and scenarios that are common in Kenya. In the process the

audience/congregation is also educated on the same issues.

Although the MMCM use the Maximum Miracle Melodies in their crusades to attract

other youth, the fact that they perceive it as service to God reminds the MMM that

their performance is a religious act. Such perception educates the dancers on the

importance of using their talents to serve God. It inculcates this virtue in their lives.

The responses they gave to the questions on the genre, as seen earlier, illustrate

how this virtue is placed in high esteem in their lives.

There are many musical and dramatic skills that the MMM develop as a result of

participating in the performing arts. They include:

• The MMM dancers learn by imitation. This activity develops strong listening and observation skills in them. They also use 21 st-century electronic media to imitate the performing arts;

• They develop creative and imaginative skills required in formulating movements;

198

• They learn to co-ordinate movements and music and in turn develop a strong sense of rhythm;

• They increase their memory capacity by leaming all the texts of the songs by heart in order to mime them as they perform. This is an important skill for musicians.

The MMM have a leader who in tum also trains them to become leaders. The leader

usually gives them challenges within the group such as teaching dance styles and

movements to the team. By so doing, the members use the experiences and

observations they acquire from schools (Kenya Music Festivals and clubs), MMCM

musicians, electronic media, and other music artists who perfonm in concerts to

creatively teach each other in the team. In the process they also develop a spirit of

teamwork.

199

Chapter Seven

The performing arts in Kenyan churches: a theoretical framework

Introduction

The previous chapters clearly reveal the disparity between music practices and

education within the indigenous setting and those that take place in the Christian

churches of Kenya. Not only has Kenya become multicultural in its population and

ways of living over the past decades, but the ways of educating people have also

changed markedly locally and globally.1 Kenyan Christians, who have accepted a

faith that differs from their indigenous religion, face the challenge of making

Christianity more relevant in their local social context.

Minette Mans,2 with reference to the term Ngoma, framed a philosophy of music

education where the holistic connections between music, dance, other arts, society

and 'life force' are emphasised and treated as 'an organic whole.' She highlighted

that, in indigenous Africa, the performing and other arts are interwoven into daily life,

celebrations and ordinary work. Mans indicates that:

In performance, the individual becomes part of community, but also part of the music, linking earth to heaven, past (via ancestors) and future (via children).3

Performing artists and church leaders should know that music, dance and drama are

also encouraged and used in the Bible,4 forming part of worship as a human

response to what God had done for the people. Schaeffer mentions several works of

art found in the Holy Bible such as temple, music, dance, drama, sculpture and

poetry. He implies that these artistic works are acceptable to God and therefore the

church6 should embrace them and teach about these biblical arts and stories through

1 C. C Okumu, "Music education in Africa: a media approach", in Caroline Van Niekerk (ed), p. 113. 2 Minette Mans, "Using Namibian music/dance traditions as a basis for reforming arts education" in

\

-;' International Joumal of Education and the Arls, Vol. 3, number 3, available from I'D <http://ijea.asu.edulv1 n3/>, accessed 24 March 2004. \3 Mans, p. 2.

4 Dance: Exodus 15:20, 2 Samuel 6:14-16, Psalm 149:3, and Psalm 150: 4-5; Drama: Ezekiel 4: 1-3; and Music 2 Chronicles 5: 11-14,2 Chronicles 20:20 - 22, Psalm 150: 1-6, AV.

5 Francis A. Schaeffer, Arl and the Bible, London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1979, pp. 27-30. 6 The church here denotes the "The community or whole bodies of Christ's faithful people

collectively." J. A. Simpson, (ed), The Oxford English Dictionary, second edition, Vol. III, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1989, p. 200.

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the performing arts. Music as a divine human expression is central to Christian

worship.

This study proposes that the educational processes embedded in indigenous Kenyan

music can be used in church activities for effective communication and educational

purposes. This proposition draws on the social theories that ethnomusicologists such

as Alan Merriam, John Chernoff, Kwabena Nketia and Meki Nzewi,' to name just a

few, have suggested. These scholars, as discussed in Chapter Three, have noted

that sub-Sabaran African indigenous music is organised as social events and plays a

crucial part in communication. Oehrle8 describes this kind of socialisation as "the

manner in which persons imbibe! the values implicit in their society."

"-According to Santrock and Barlett: psychology is the study of both behaviour and the

mind (cognitive processes such as thinking, memory, retention, and problem solving).

As such, this study also draws on theories of learning to develop an educational

model for the performing arts that incorporates the development of cognition, which

will be reflected in social behaviour.

As seen in Chapter Five, churches in Nairobi form acculturated communities

consisting of various cultural groups. The performing arts should also be

representative of these groups, exemplifying high standards of excellence. High

standards of music performance were also emphasised in the Western churches. For

example, during the medieval period:

The monasteries and the schools attached to cathedral churches were educational as well as religious institutions. The cathedral schools gave more attention to speculative studies, and, from the beginning of the thirteenth century, it was chiefly these schools that prepared students for the universities.'o

7 Alan P. Merriam, The anthropology of music, Chicago: Northwestern University Press, 1968, pp. 14-17; John Miller Chernoff, African rhythm and African sensibility: aesthetics and social action in African musical idioms. Chicago: The Chicago press, 1979, pp. 155-167; Kwabena Nketia, The music of Africa, London: Victor Gollancz, 1992, second edition p. 21; Meki Nzewi, "Acquiring knowledge of the musical arts in traditional society" in Herbst et al (eds), pp. 13-37.

8 Elizabeth Oehrle, "Towards a philosophy of education through musiclarts for Southern Africa," in Caroline Van Niekerk (ed), p. 107.

9 John W. Santrock and James C. Barlett, Development psychology: a life-cycle perspective, Dubuque: Wm. Brown, 1986, p. 38.

'0 Donald Jay Grout and Claude V. Palisca, A history of Western music, fifth edition, New York: W. W. Norton, J!-996, p.54.

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Such training developed out of the church's need for trained musicians. Both

Western and African cultures show that music has been a central part of their lives

and worship.

The findings of this study propose that the performing arts should form an intrinsic

part of church activities and be used for educational purposes in the church context

similar to the way that they were used in indigenous Kenyan societies. This aspect is

wanting in the church context. Nketia poses the following questions:

Why should African art forms be for ever condemned as unworthy or incapable of being recreated and made a fitting vehicle of worship in an African's own country? Why should the African be for ever ccndemned to worship only in the western idiom? Is western music less spectacular, less theatrical, less entertaining?"

As seen throughout the entire study., the performing arts are powerful media of

communication and education. The way they are used in church activities can either

be destructive or extremely useful to church members. The arts chosen for use in the

church must therefore be culture-specific and highly contextualised in order to be

meaningful to the listeners, viewers, and participants. According to Kato:

While the content of God's work should remain what it is, the expression of it in teaching, preaching, and singing should be made relevant Drama and story telling, for instance, should be considered more seriously in Africa. Any method that helps the advance of Christ's message should be employed."

1. Theoretical framework

This section formulates a new framework 13 that could act as a model" for educating

congregations and observers in churches in Kenya through the performing arts.

However, the suggested framework and model that emerged from fieldwork findings

and literature studies can also be adopted for use in other settings such as schools,

organisations and institutions in Africa. The framework rests on three pillars: the

members of the congregation who are in need of music and religious education, the

11 J. H. Kwabena Nketia, "The contribution of African culture to Christian worship," in Intemational review of missions, In. p.J, 1958, p. 266.

12 Byang Kato, Biblical Christianity in Africa, Achimota: African Christian Press, 1985, p. 24. 13 The term 'framework' can be defined as "a set of beliefs, ideas or rules that is used as the basis for

making judgements, decisions". A. S Hornby (ed), Oxford Advanced Learner's Dictionary of Currenr English, sixth edition, Oxford Oxford University Press, 2000, p. 510.

14 The term 'model' has various definitions, of which the two most appropriate to this study are as follows: "a simple description of a system, used for exampling how something works or calculating what might happen"; or "something such as a system that can be copied by other people" A. S. Hornby (ed), Oxford Advanced Learner's Dictionary of Current English, sixth edition edited by Sally Wehmeier. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000, p. 819.

202

subject matter that should be taught, and the ways in which the subject matter should

be handled. The three pillars are rooted in communication and cultural issues related

to the performing arts within the Christian religious context.

1.1 The members of the congregation

Because of the oral and visual nature of the performing arts the congregation

members, church leaders and even the performing artists have little knowledge of the

educational purpose of the arts. Oyer points out that oral traditions of music seem not

to count or be given due attention." It is therefore of the utmost importance to

educate all members of the congregation, including the leadership structures, about

the important and biblical role that the performing arts could and should play in

church activities. The framework thus proposes that education through the

performing arts must take place at various levels, as indicated in Fig. 7.1. The first is

that of the individual musicians and dancers who need to be educated in and about

the performing arts; second, the performing group as a whole; third, the church

leaders;" and fourth, the congregation at large. The congregation, which is the target

audience of the performing arts group, may want to give comments to the performing

artists. For these comments to be constructive, the leaders should educate the

congregation on the importance and purpose of the use of the arts in the church

worship.

" 16

Mary Oyer, "Black African and Western music: a comparison," Wajibu, Vol. 1, January-March, 1987, p. 7. The literary study and case study of MMM revealed the influence of the church leaders on the performing arts. Performing arts are only incorporated in church activities if the leaders allow it. Leaders playa major role in the spiritual, moral and social lives of the young people. Church leaders therefore need to be educated about the arts, their purpose, use and biblical basis. In turn, they will gain knowledge necessary to help the artists to grow socially, spiritually and morally. This kind of education is of a different level.

203

I

Fig. 7.1 Hierarchical order of the proposed educational levels

Congregation

Church leaders

Performing arts group

Individual group members

Biblical foundation

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1,2 Educational content

Educational content in this section is viewed from two different perspectives: the

music, dance and life skills that individual and group members of the congregation

need to acquire as well as the kinds of the music, dance and drama that should be

taught. The contents are discussed in terms of the church community as presented in

Fig. 7.9.

What each member of the congregation learns from and through the performing arts

varies at the different levels. Firstly, at the individual level, members of the performing

arts are meant to learn and grow musically," spiritually,1B morally,'9

intrapersonally,2°cognitively21 and affectively. 22

As seen in the previous chapter, morality is considered as a great virtue in Christian

life. This virtue can be developed first at the individual level, followed by the

performing group as a whole and then by the members of the congregations at large.

Morality seems to be an issue that has been given attention even in Western formal

school systems since the early twentieth century." Scholars such as Hirst, Hersh et

al., Straughan and Jarrett" have emphasised the importance of teaching children and

17

,. "Of [or pertaining] to music." Clarence L. Barnhart and Robert K. Barnhart (eds), The World Book Dictionary, Vol. 2, Chicago: World Book, 1992, p. 1371. Examples include sound, musical instruments, music performance, dance and music, etc. "Of or having something to do with the spirit or soul [ ... :] Of or having to do with the church [ ... ;] Sacred; religious." From Ibid., p. 2017.

19 "[T]he right or wrong of an action; doing right." Ibid., Vol. 1, Chicago: World Book, 1992, p. 1350. 20 Gardner defines intrapersonal intelligence as "a capacity to form an accurate veridical model of

oneself and to be able to use that model to operate effectively in life." Howard Gardner, Multiple intelligencies: the theory in practice, New York : Basic Books, 1993, p. 9.

21 Cognitive means "having to do with cognition," Cognition is also defined as "the act of knowing; perception; awareness." From Barnhart and Barnhart (eds), Vol. 1, p. 839. It may also involve "thinking, memory, attention , reasoning and problem-solving." Santrock and Barlett, p. 38.

22 "[M]otive to action." Barnhart and Barnhart, Vol. 1, p. 36. According to Hanna (1998), it means "physical activity of dance." From Judith Lynne Hanna, Dance and stress: resistance, reduction, and euphon'a, New York: AMS Press, 1998, p. 12. However, the physical activity may best be placed under kinesthesia.

23 J. Welton and F. G. Blandford, Pn'nciples and methods of moral training with special reference to school discipline, London : W. B. Clive, University Tutorial Press, 1909, p 3; A. K. White and A Macbeath, The moral self.' its nature and development, London: Edward Arnold and company, 1923, pp. 107-205.

24 Paul H. Hirst, Moral education in a secular society, second impression, London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1976, pp. 23-24 ; Richard H. Hersh et al., Models of moral education. an appraisal, New York: Longman, 1980, pp. 3-7; Roger Straughan, Can we teach children to be good? Basic issues in moral, personal and social education, new edition, Milton Keynes: Open University Press, 1988, pp. 23-26: James L. Jarrett, The teaChing of values: caring and appreciation, London and New York: Routledge, 1991, p. 223.

205

adolescents moral values, which culminates in character building. Gustafson argues

that religious moral training "can and ought to, like other moral nurture, aid in

developing autonomous, morally responsible persons."25

According to Hare,26 "all morality is not social morality - to think that it is, is a mistake

that has often been made by moral philosophers and by educationists." Hare thus

illustrates that there are forms of morality that should begin with the individual. In this

case, the individuals are the leaders and members of the performing arts group who

need to grasp moral, musical, spiritual, intrapersonal, cognitive and affective issues

as depicted in the Bible and related to church doctrines.

Secondly, the performing artists also need to be taught together as a team, thereby

learning to share and socialise. The skills they should acquire as a team include

interpersonal,27 social, kinaesthetic motoric,28 communication and evaluation skills, as

well as skills in the interpretation of songs and Bible verses. Gardner29 also

advocates for interpersonal, kinaesthetic and intrapersonal30 development. In his

theory he argues that "people have different cognitive strengths and contrasting

cognitive styles", which should be utilised and developed according to an individual's

abilities. He identifies seven intelligences, which he refers to as "multiple

intelligences." These intelligences work together to yield the desired results and to

solve problems. Gardner defines intelligence as:

The ability to solve ~roblems, or fashion products, that are valued in one or more cultural or community settings. 1

Chapter One discussed how the young people in the churches in Kenya expressed

the need for church leaders to organise activities for them that would aid in their

25 James M. Gustafson, "Education for moral responsibility" in Gustafson et al., Moral education: Five lectures, Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1970, p. 26.

26 R. M. Hare, Essays on religion and education, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1992, p. 129. 27 The term interpersonal literally means "between people," Julia Elliot (ed), Oxford Paperback

Dictionary and Thesaurus, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997, p.398. The artists need to learn how to relate to each other. See footnote 30.

26 See footnote 30. 29 Gardner, pp. 6-9. 30 Gardner defines these intelligencies as follows: interpersonal intelligence is "the ability to

understand other people: what motivates them, how they work, how to work co-operatively with them." He defines bodily kinesthetic intelligence as "the ability to solve problems or to fashion products using one's whole body, or parts of the body." From Gardner, p. 9.

31 Ibid., p. 6.

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spiritual and moral education. The performing arts are very appropriate means of

providing such education. Since the young people in indigenous Kenyan societies

underwent initiation ceremonies, they acquired necessary knowledge for adult living

and societal norms that were passed on from generation to generation.32 The

performing arts played a crucial role in indigenous Africa to transmit knowledge

through music, dance and drama and could still playa role to inculcate moral,

spiritual and social values as well as leadership skills in young members of the

Christian church. According to Munroe:33

The purpose for leadership is not the maintenance of followers, but the production of leaders [ .... J The leadership inspires others to discover, develop, and become themselves.

Thirdly, the church leaders should learn about the nature of the performing arts and

the educational implications of their usage. Knowledge of the performing arts will help

to expand the worldview of leaders on issues related to all members. Understanding

the social context, which includes the performing arts, of the young members of the

congregation will assist the leaders to provide relevant guidelines for these members.

Consequently, the young congregation members will benefit from teachings that the

church leaders will convey to them about and through the arts. Jesus Christ gave this

command to the church:

Go ye therefore and teach all nations, baptizing them in the name of the Father and of the Son and of the Holy Ghost: teaching them to observe all things whatsoever I have commanded you: and 10, I am with you always, even unto the end of the world. 34

This command concerns teaching others, which the leaders need to do. How can

they teach the youth who are in their churches without having adequate information

on a keyl central issue: performing arts?

In Chapter Six the views of some church leaders on the performing arts were

presented. While the majority of leaders interviewed indicated that the performing

arts have a role to play in the church community, some viewed the arts as secular

and therefore not fit for Christian worship. This debate is not new as to what is

32 James R. Sheffield, Education in Kenya: a historical study, New York: Teachers College Press, 1973, p. 2.

33 Myles Munroe, Becoming a leader, Lanham: Pneuma Life, 1993, p. 58. 34 Matthew 28:19-20, AV.

207

considered 'Christian' or 'secular', and what kind of music should be allowed in

church worship. For example, according to Lightwood: 35

The custom of arranging popular melodies of every description for sacred purposes has prevailed more or less at all periods of church history, and more especially at all times reform and revival, owing to the desire of those in authority to provide well-known tunes in order that people may not be prevented from joining in the singing.

Apel also confirms that the practice was noted as early as the beginning of the 9th

century with Gregorian chants. During this time the practice was referred to as

contrafactum, which Apel defines as:

A vocal composition in which the original text is replaced by a new one, particularly a secular text by a sacred one, or vice versa. 36

Other authors such as Douglas and Dickinson37 have noted that, during the great

church Reformation period in early 19th century, German Christians such as Heinrich

Isaak, Nicholas Decius and Martin Luther provided secular folksongs with sacred

texts and called them hymns. Those hymns became part of their Christian worship.

The fact, that from a historical viewpoint, the church has always borrowed music

styles, melodies and performances from the world (contextualisation), implies that

there is a thin line between the two music practices. The major difference has always

been in the text and its implied or direct meaning that has been used.

Nicholson38 also gives specific principles that church choirs were to follow for music

performance in the early 19th century. He recommends that the standard of church

choral music in England should measure up to the standards expected in the secular

choral music of the time. This implies that the church was struggling to keep up a

standard that the secular choristers had set for themselves. It also indicates that the

church still had to take cognisance of secular music performance practices and

gauge how these could be incorporated into religious practices. Because of

globalisation and exposure to high performance standards, congregations are

expecting the same level of expertise of their performance artists as those of secular

popular artists. In the Old Testament there were professional musicians such as

35 James T. Lightwood, Hymn-tunes and their story, London: [n.p], [n.d], pp. 345-346. 36 Apel, p. 203. 37 Winfred Douglas, Church music in history and practice: studies in the praise of God, London:

Charles Scribner's Sons, 1937, pp. 209-214; Edward Dickinson, Music in the history of the Western church, New York: Green Wood press, 1902, pp. 225-267.

38 Nicholson, p. ii.

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choristers and instrumentalists,39 who were trained for five years in temple music

ministry.40 The performing artists in the contemporary church should also receive

training of high quality using the various channels, technology and Christian music

educators available.

There is a great deal of material available on dance and/or the performing arts that

the performing artists can use to achieve excellence in their performances. For

example, the Bonasdancesite website gives the following guidelines for Christian

dances:

If you are using dance to present a message to a congregation, it is important that they can see every movement without hindrance or distraction. Dance is received visually, and attention to detail in this area is the equivalent of the preacher using the PA system to be heard properly.41

The website also highlights the aim of Christian dancers:

Our [Christian dancers] main aim is of glorify God through our expression and movement. We may bless and encourage others, and be blessed ourselves, but our primary purpose is to worship JESUS. 42

The preceding discussions demonstrate how secular and sacred music have been

intertwined for church music use. By learning about African cultures, urbanisation

and interpersonal communication skills, leaders can aid the performing artists in the

learning process as they consider contemporary issues that affect/influence young

people globally. Leaders need not be ignorant of the changing trends in society and

their impact on the society. Cole observes that:

[ ... J many people are trained to love different styles of music from birth. Each time they hear a piece of music, they are reminded of extraneous things besides music: their parents, homeland, even favorite foods. 43

Cole's statement signifies the power of association that leaders need to be aware of

and educate the congregation and performing artists accordingly. Usually the older

generation, due to their convictions imposed by the early European missionaries

about African music, considers African traditional dances or instruments suspect.

Educating such leaders and the congregation at large on African music and culture

39 2 Chronicles 7: 6; 2 Chronicles 5:1-14, AV. 40 C ole, p. 17. 41 [No authorJ, "Using dance in church," in Dance in Christian Worship, 2003, available from <http:

//www.bonasdancesite.homestead.com/usingdance.html>. accessed 24 March 2004. 42 Ibid. 43 Cole, p. 13.

209

while situating them in the Christian context will help neutralise negative

preconceived ideas about them.

Fourthly, the congregations need to be educated morally, spiritually, artistically and

cognitively in the interpretation of the performing arts and on how to evaluate them.

Moral, spiritual and artistic education mostly comes through the observation of

performances and listening to the text of the music at surface level. Note that all the

people in Fig. 7.1 are involved in the process of evaluation as demonstrated in Fig.

7.9 and thereafter explained. Bloom44 views evaluation as an important educational

process and ranks it highest in his taxonomy. At the evaluation level learners are

able to give value judgement from various perspectives on given materials and, in

this case, the performing arts. To do effective evaluation, the performing artists need

visual literacy. Mondela and Russell describe visual literacy as:

[T]he learned ability to interpret visual images accurately and to create such messages. 45

The artists in this case will need to think, learn and express themselves in terms of

images/dances/dramatisations.

1.3 The education process

Education is a process and there are several ways and means of cornmunicating

educational values. This section discusses these processes in light of the performing

arts under the headings 'Nature of processes', 'Implicit, associative, observational

and oral-kinaesthetic ways of learning', as well as 'Communication'.

This study suggests that the church in Kenya should reconsider educating its

members and performing artists through non-formal and informal means. Informal

education for the artists will involve their interaction with church leaders and

congregation members. Through such interactions, the leaders can inform the artists

about Christian living as they observe their moral behaviour.

44 Benjamin S. Bloom, Taxonomy of educational objectives: The classification of educational goals, London: Longmans, Green and company, 1956, p. 18.

45 R. Heinrich, M. Mondela, and J. Russell, Instructional media and the new technologies of instruction, New York: John Wiley and Sons, 1982, p. 62.

210

1.3.1 Nature of processes

The church community indicated in Fig. 7.1 needs to be educated by means of

educational processes that are suited to their needed level of understanding the

performing arts. These processes can be formal, non-formal and informal.

Grandstaff, Henry et al. and KinseY'· define non-formal education as "organized, out­

of-school education and training programs." They emphasise that these programmes

are deliberate and systematic, whereas informal education is defined by Grandstaff

and Jeffs et al'7 as "education that is not deliberate/regular or prescribed." The

authors illustrate that informal education takes place in social interactions between

family members, friends, etc. Formal education is education that is "very regular,

symmetrical, [and] orderly", usually taking place within schools and universities." It is

executed according to some set rules and an almost predictable order.

When missionaries introduced Christianity into Kenya, most of their education was

formal, even in church. Since the performing arts were not encouraged in church

ceremonies, many aspects that could have been learnt non-formally and informally

were left out of church activities.

1.3.2 Implicit, associative, observational and oral-kinaesthetic ways of

learning

Implicit learning can be defined as

[A]cquisition of knowledge about the underlying structure of a complex stimulus environment by a process which takes place naturally. simply and without conscious operations'·

4. Marvin Grandstaff. Alternatives in education: A summary view of research and analysis on the concept non-formal education. East Lansing: Institute for International Studies in Education. Michigan State University, 1974, p. 8; Fredrick H. Harbison, 'Three types of education." in Henry Ehlhers (ed). Crucial issues in education: an anthology. New York: H. Holt, 1977, p. 186; David C. Kinsey, Evaluation in non formal education: the need for practitioner evaluation. Amherst: University of Massachusetts, Centre for International Education, 1978, p. 2.

47 Grandstaff, p. 8; Tony Jeffs and Mark Smith. "Using informal education." in Tony Jeffs and Mark Smith (eds), Using informal education. Milton Keynes: Open University Press, 1990, p. 3.

4. Bamhart and Barnhart, Vol. 1, p. 839. 4. Nick Ellis, "Implicit and explicit language learning - an overview," in Nick Ellis (ed), Implicit and

explicit learning of languages, London: Academic Press, 1994, p. 1.

211

It takes place unconsciously, casually and incidentally.50 Such learning is also

common in indigenous Africa. Similarly to the way that the indigenous African

societies taught their children to be responsible members of society and live life

according to their cultural requirements, churches can also train the young people

formally and non-formally on how to live as responsible Christians according to

Christian teachings through the performing arts. According to Weeks:

To create choreography that can, like a sermon, take ancient words and make them resonate for believers today, it helps to have an intimate knowledge of scripture. [ ... j An understanding of various prayers and scriptural passages goes a long way toward putting clergy at ease.51

The Albert Bandura observational learning theory emphasises the process of

learning through observation or by example.52 According to Bandura:53

[Mjost human behavior is learned observationally through modeling: from observing others one forms an idea of how new behaviors are performed, and on later occasions this coded information serves as a guide for action.

It is clear that Bandura holds the view that observational learning exceeds mere

imitation. The learner acquires skills that will enable him/her to learn from the

teacher'S (model's) mistakes and successes. The learner acquires these skills

through observation, which normally takes place in a social setting. 54 In the process

the learner comes up with his/her own innovative, creative or new behaviours. In the

case of performing arts groups in church, for example, the dancers can imitate the

trainer'S movements, skills and/or performances. However, they can also be more

creative by introducing their own acquired styles or change the trainer's styles to suit

their context or taste. Four processes govern observational learning: attentional,

retentional, motor reproduction and motivational. 55

50 Bill Winter and Arthur S. Reber, "Implicit learning and the acquisition of natural languages," in Ellis (ed), p. 117.

51 Janet Weeks, "Religion in motion," Dance magazine, December 2001, Vol. 75, p. 60. 52 Barbara Engler, Personalities theories: an introduction, fourth edition, Boston: Houghton Mufflin

Company, 1995, p 226. 53 Albert Bandura, Social learning theory, Englewood: Prentice-Hall, 1977, p. 22. 54 Sharan B. Merriam and Rosemary S. Cafarrella, Learning in adulthood: a comprehensive guide,

San Francisco: Jossey-Bass publishers, 1990, p. 134. 55 The term 'attentional' means to "determine what is selectively observed in the profusion of

modeling influences to which one is exposed and what is extracted from such exposures". The term 'retention process' means "retention of activities that have been modeled at one time or another." The 'motor reproduction process' refers to the process of "converting symbolic representations into appropriate actions." 'Motivational process' refers to "adopting modeling behavior if it 'results in outcomes they value than if it has unrewarding or punishing effects." Bandura, pp. 24-28.

212

Minette Mans addresses the aspects of immediacy of music and dance that take

place in time and space, emphasising that the teaching and learning of the

performing arts take place in an oral-kinaesthetic way.

Sound, touch and action (not words) are direct sensory media through which music and dance are learnt in oral societies. 56

The teaching of the performing arts in indigenous societies takes place through

imitation in the form of Bandura's observational learning. Learning takes place orally

through listening to the music and kinaesthetically through movement. Mans

indicates that in indigenous societies the adult community provide models for

performance and social behaviour.

The performing arts provide opportunity for the social development of the young

people as they share their experiences with their peers and adults. At this age, young

people are usually looking for and trying to develop an identity that will provide a firm

foundation for their adult lives. Woolfolk57 states that:

An important aspect of dealing with undesirable or inappropriate behaviour is providing alternative behaviours for students.

The church should therefore view the young members of the congregation as people

who need to have a sense of identity or belonging58 and are looking forward to being

taught by the church for Christian living. In this case, the young members will be

involved in 'legitimate peripheral participation' also viewed as 'situated learning'. Lave

and Wenger describe legitimate peripheral participation as:

.. , drawling] attention to the point that learners inevitably participate in communities of practitioners and that the mastery of knowledge and skill requires newcomers to move toward full participation in the sociocultural practices of a community. [It] provides a way to speak about the relations between newcomers and old-timers, and about activities, identities, artifacts, and communities of knowledge and practice. 59

56 Mans, p. 10. 57 Ibid. p. 222. 58 David P. Ausubel, Educational psychology: a cognitive view, New York: Holt, Reinehart and

Winston, 1968, p. 421; W. D. Wall, Constructive education for adolescents, Harrap, London: UNESCO, 1977, p. 29; Tuntufye S. Mwamwenda, Educational psychology: an African perspective, second edition, Durban: Butterworth, 1995, p. 63.

59 Jean Lave and Etienne Wenger, Situated learning: legitimate peripheral participation, Cambridge: Cambridge UniverSity Press, 1991, p.29.

213

I

The newcomers in this case are the young members of the congregation who are

also the performing artists. As the young members participate in sociocultural

activities in the church, they will in the process become part of the community of

practice. The performing arts can therefore be used as an alternative way to help

shape the behaviour of young members of the congregation. 60

1.3.3 Communication

Although the performing arts are powerful means of educating people, attention to

specific aspects is needed to ensure successful communication between members of

the performing arts and their audience. Effective communication is necessary for the

intended meaning to be realized by a receiver from a sender/source. Wahlstrom51

argues that communication must be contextualised for understanding to take place.

When the sender of a message and the receiver share the same language, the

communication is contextualised and understanding is bound to take place. He thus

defines communication as follows:

Communication is the transmission of information with the intention of influencing an audience. It is a symbolic, purpose, two-way process that is highly contextualised. There are many models of communication, which serve as graphic representations of the interactions of the variables involved in the communication process. These include sender, receiver, message, medium, noise and feedback.52

Several models of communication by Hesselgrave, Johnson-laird, and Fiske53

indicate how messages are sent and received. These models adapt Shannon and

Weaver's, Gerbner's, lass Well's, Jackson's, Newcomb's, Westley and Maclean's,

and cybernetic models, among others. Each model draws on Aristotle's view of

communication with its three referral elements: the speaker, the speech and the

audience.

50 Refer to the following authors who have given apt examples of teachings lacking yet required for the training of behavior in a Kenyan (and to a large extent, African) context. Tokunboh Adeyemo, Salvation in African tradition, Nairobi: Evangel Publishing House 1979, pp. 104-105; Byang Kato, Biblical Christianity in Africa, pp. 24-31; Simon M. Mbevi, Dealing with idolatry, Nairobi: The Prayer Movement, 1999, pp. 6-8; Mae Alice Reggy-Mamo, Widows: the challenges and choices, Nairobi: SALAMTA, 1999, pp. 44-55.

61 Billie J. Wahlstrom, Perspectives on human communication, [n.p.]: W.M.C. Brown Publishers, 1992, pp. 13-14.

62 Ibid, p. 26. 63 David Hesselgrave, Communicating Christ croSS-CUlturally: an introduction to mIssIonary

communication, second edition, Michigan: Zondervan Publishing House, 1991; P. N. Johnson-Laird in Mellor, D.H. (ed), Ways of communicating, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990, pp. 1-13; John Fiske, Introduction to communication studies, second edition, London: Routledge, 1990, pp.6-36.

214

Fig. 7.2 Aristotle's communication theory64

L-__ sp_e_a_ke_r __ ~------~.IL ___ s_pe_e_c_h __ ~-----.~LI ___ a_u_d_ie_nc_e __ ~

It assumes that the speaker is the sender of a message; his/her speech is the

message and the audience is the receiver of the message. When the receptor gets

the message, s/he may need to respond to the sender. According to Fiske,55

Shannon and Weaver adapted and extended Aristotle's theory, providing the

following model from which communication studies has grown:

Fig. 7.3 Shannon and Weaver's communication model"

Information Transmitter Signal

source ~ I Noise received .1

Receiver I--.lL_D_e_s_tin_a_ti_on----.J signal

Hesselgrave67 has further developed a model from Shannon and Weaver that he

uses to demonstrate how Christian communication takes place cross-culturally.

Fig. 7.4 Hesselgrave's model of communication6'

encode dec de

Source Message Respondent

He explains the source as the sender of a message and is similar to Aristotle's

'speaker'. The sender encodes69 his/her message in some form of code like language

and other signals that formally exist in the source's mind. The message is what

Aristotle calls 'speech'. The message in this context refers to any form verbal or non-

B4 Adopted from Fiske, p. 5. 55 Fiske, p. 6. " Shannon and Weaver's communication model as adapted by Fiske, p. 7. 67 Hesselgrave, p. 51. ,6 Adapted from Hesselgrave, p. 41. '9 He refers to encoding as using the mind and body to pass the message across to the receiver.

215

verbal communication. The respondent, who is the 'receiver' of the message,

decodes70 the message received in order to give responses of his understanding.

In the context of Christian dance groups, this can be reconstructed as follows:

Fig. 7.5 Communication model for Christian dance groups

encode decode

Message ['Music'-this

includes all the music elements, dance and

drama]

The dance group encodes the message of the music according to how they

understand it through their dance and drama. Goldberg and Larson, Gudykunst et al.

and Hunning71 argue that a person's cultural background affects the way s/he

communicates. Gudykunst et al. 72 specifically argue that the way a person

communicates may "change the culture they share."

Likewise, dance groups' performance could also be perceived negatively by those

who do not share the same cultural experiences. According to Johnson-Laird:

[Clommunication is not simple. In fact, it is profoundly complicated, and the revelation of its hidden complexity is one of the great discoveries of the twentieth century. 73

He further indicates that communication:

calls for the communicator to construct an internal representation of the external world and then to carryout some symbolic behaviour that conveys the content of that representation. The recipient must first perceive the symbolic behaviour, i.e. construct its internal representation, and then from it recover a further internal representation of the state that it signifies. 74

70 He refers to decoding as the reversal of the process used by the source and turning "the code back into a message. n

71 Alvin A. Goldberg and Carl E. Larson, Group communication: discussion process and applications, New Jersey: Prentice-Hall, 1975; Gudykunst et al., Culture and interpersonal communication, London: Sage Publications, 1988, pp. 17-19; James H. Honning, Improving oral communication, New York: McGraw-Hili, 1966.

72 Gudykunst et ai, p. 17. 73 Johnson-Laird in Mellor, (ed), p. 1. 74 Ibid, p. 4.

216

The MMM's communication media become very complex, especially considering the

fact that they use a variety of media to communicate to audiences of amalgamated

cultures, denominations and age-groups. Fig. 7.6 shows the extended

communication process of the MMM.75 In the encoding and decoding processes the

original meaning of either or both the source and MMM may be distorted or

misunderstood and could be referred to as 'noise.'76 Hesselgrave and Fisken argue

that meaning is intimately related to context. What the dance styles mean to the

dance group may not necessarily be what they mean to church leaders and other

viewers/audience.

Fig. 7.6 MMM's complex communication model

Source [artist]

Encode

[music]

decode

Message [Music]

2nd respondent [audience]

Respondent [MIVIM]

encode

[dance/drama]

decode

Fig. 7.7 shows the kind of model that this study proposes. In the model the dance

group is the primary source; this group encodes their message through music, dance

and drama. The receivers of the message are the members of the congregation who

have to decode the message. Note that during encoding and decoding of the

75 Adapted from Hesselgrave, p. 41. 76 Noise is the altering of the signal "which may mean that the message arriving at the destination is

not the exact one sent from the information source." From Forrest G. Wisely, "Communication models," in David M. Moore and Francis M. Dwyer (eds), Visual literacy: a spectrum of visual learning, Englewood: Educational Technology Publications, 1994, p. 86.

77 Hesselgrave, p. 51; Fiske, p. 6.

217

I

messages, there should be no 'noise'. This may be an easier and less complicated

model since the primary source is the same group as opposed to Fig. 7.6 where

there are several sources of information that reach the audience.

The performing arts group does not have to consist of dancers and artists merely.

The churches need to organise 'live' singers in their performance to encourage the

development of skills of the artists and more participation from the young people. The

young people will also learn music education non-formally through the people that

they use as models. Since music is a human expression, the artists will exercise their

creative skills.

Fig. 7.7 Suggested communication model

Source

[musicians, dancers & singers]

5

Message [music, dance

& drama]

M

Feedback

Receiver [congregation]

R

Such practice will help them to organise more culture-specific dance styles, songs

and dramatic actions. Currently, the Christian dance groups in the MMCM perform to

pre-recorded music. However, these groups should try to incorporate live musicians

in their performances. In the indigenous Kenyan societal context, the music is live

218

and musicians are expected to perform a variety of roles, which in turn develops their

musicianship and societal norms. For example, Nzewi 78 observes that:

As it was perfected the philosophy and practice of holistic music education, which enable the competent composer to be, equally a competent performer and critical audience. Thus in African music education practice, the musician is invariably the dancer, is the actor, is the poet, is the healer, is the priest, is the politiCian, is the philosopher, is the ombudsman, is the policeman, is the educator, is the entertainer.

Giving opportunity for the dancers to make music by singing and playing musical

instruments will widen and sharpen their music skills. The experience of the dancers'

involvement in live music encourages interaction between instrumentalists, singers

and dancers. It also widens the opportunity for more young people to be involved in

church activities and the music-making process. Dancers will also be encouraged to

master the playing of musical instruments, singing and acting.

On several occasions the MMM group was let down by power failures and technical

problems (see accompanying VCD, track "Power letdown" for a relevant example).

However, if the group had also learnt how to perform the song and instrumental

accompaniment, the group could easily present the alternative. It is also important to

note that communication is culture-specific. Winwright and Scote9 mention several

signal systems used in human communication: spoken words, written words, sounds,

pictures, artefacts, numbers, kinetics, colour, touch, time, space and smell. These

signal systems can be interpreted culturally and biblically. For example, the Bible

displays purple as a royal colour. The cross is portrayed as a symbol of forgiveness

and as the way to God. Performers should be familiar with the symbols embedded in

biblical stories to creatively merge these ideas with their cultural meanings and

practices to make sense. Kato recommends:

Contextualisation [in Christian circles in Africa] can take place in liturgy, dress, language, church service, and any other form of expression of the Gospel truth.BO

If the performing arts are not contextualised, the results will be 'noise' to the listeners

(viewers), as stated earlier. The less 'noise' a performing group 'produces', the more

effective their communication will be. In music the style, language, performance and

7B Meki Nzewi, "Music education in Africa - mediating the imposition of Western music education with the imperatives of the indigenous African practice," in Caroline van Niekerk (ed), p. 20.

79 Scott; pp. 77-78; Gordon R. Winwright, Teach yourself body language, eighth impression, Great Britain: Hodder and Stoughton, 1990, pp. 5-125.

80 Kato, p. 24.

219

choice of instruments need to be considered. Kato, Miya and Scott emphasise the

use of indigenous musical instruments for the purpose of church worship in Africa. 81

The same applies to the text of the songs. They should be in a language that both

the audience and the dancers understand. If the song texts are foreign, some

translations should be done for the sake of understanding and meaningful

expression. In this case the performers need to take the needs of the congregation

into consideration.

Since the message of the songs is most important in Christian worship, the text

needs to be theologically sound and understandable to the listeners. Van de Laar

argues that:

Understanding that God is musical is one thing. Applying this musical practice in a way that is theologically and musically secure is another, and it is in this area that the church can easily be misled, albeit with the best of intentions. 82

The movements utilised should be meaningful to both the dancers and audience. If

the dance style chosen offends the congregation, then the performers should not

distress the congregation until proper education on the styles is communicated to the

audience. The choice of style must be carefully selected. SCO~3 thinks that if singers

use actions or movements in performance, these actions must be acceptable in that

specific culture. It is therefore the responsibility of the dancers and their leaders to

ensure that their choice of movements is appropriate.

Christian performing arts groups deal with a variety of cultural issues as stipulated in

Fig. 7.B. The term 'culture' has been de'flned in different ways by different authors

such as Mair, Ayisi, Oosten and Williams.84 These scholars indicated that it is

problematic to try to define the term 'culture' in a few sentences. This study adopts

Ayisi's definition as given earlier in Chapter One:

81 Kato, p. 24; Florence Miya, Building effective worship teams, Nairobi: Uzima press, 2002, pp. 63-

82 73; Scott, pp. 123-128. John William Van de Laar, A theological exploration of the role and use of music for worship in the Methodist Church of Southern Africa, unpublished MTh thesis, Pretoria: UNISA, 2000, p. 79.

83

84 Scott, p. 77. Lucy Mair, An introduction to social anthropology, Oxford: The Clarendon Press, 1965, pp. 7-8; Eric O. Ayisi, An introduction to the study of African culture, second edition, London: Heinemann, 1979, p. 4; Jarich Oosten, "Cultural anthropological approaches," in Frank Whaling (ed), Theory and method in religious studies: contemporary approaches to the study of religion, Berlin: Mouton de Gruynter, 1995, p. 357; Raymond Williams, Keywords: a vocabulary of culture, London: Fontana, 1988, pp. 87-93.

220

Culture consists of Ihe ways, mores and beliefs transmitted from generation to generation, it may be generally shared by some populalion or a grou!) of people - in other words, it should represent the colleclive conscience of a group of people·

s

This means that culture refers to ways "particular people order and shape their

world."·· From Fig. 7.8 a variety of cultural issues come into play such as the Old and

New Testament culture, the performing artists' smaller and larger culture, the media

culture and the receivers' culture. Engestrom87 has also noted that activity theory in

education has five principles88 one of which is 'multi-voicedness' of activity systems.

He comments that an activity system is a co-operation of multiple interests, traditions,

and viewpoints that interact as a network. Therefore, an individual in a cultural group

is influenced by the various activities that come into play in his day-today life.

No doubt, the mass .media have played an enormous role in shaping the taste of the

young people. Mass media have been adopted as their models for acquiring styles

and ideas. According to Sizer:8s

Technology in communication is likely to fiourish much more in informal education. [ ... ] What the future holds (and, to a large extent, it's here already) is an informal educational system of immense power and variety. The culture will teach unremittingly, and with great effectiveness.

The leaders need to watch television and music video tapes with the artists and

teach them how to screen and choose only what is beneficial for them and the

church. The artists can therefore develop discussions from such viewing and discuss

them in light of the gospel. Thus the 'ungodly' styles will be cha llenged and

eliminated/minimised.

Although certain trends common globally have been adopted in Christian circles in

Kenya, not all of them are beneficial for specific congregations. Liesch"" points out

that "[slome worship styles may be permissible but not appropriate." He argues that

>5 Ayisi, p. 4 .

. :. Oosten, p. 357. 87

Yrgo Engestrom, "Expansive learning at work: toward an activity theoretical reconceptualization," in

••

• 9

""

Joumalofeducation and work, Vol. 14, No.1, 2001, p. 136 . The five principles Ihat EngestrOm mentions are: a collective, artifact-mediated and object activity system; the multi-voicedness of activity system: hisloricity which represents activity systems shaped over a long period of time; contradictions as sources of change and development; and expansive transformations in activity systems (Ibid., pp. 136-137) . Theodore R. Sizer, "Education for an age of television," in Henry J. Comp Ehlers et al. (eds), Crucial issues in education, New York : Holt, Rinehart, Winston , 1977, p. 211. Barry Liesch, The new worship: straight talk on music and the church. Grand Rapids: Baker, 1996, p.245.

221

since music is a human invention, church music should be governed by the nature of

a given congregation. This implies that the performing arts should spring from the

people who make it and their culture. Hence, the people in that culture know best

what is appropriate and beneficial for them. Hanna also refers to the fact that dance

movements have been a concern of Christianity, which separates the sacred and

sexual. 91 This statement is also true of the churches in Kenya as seen in chapter six,

which do not appreciate the Congolese soukous dance movements that are seen to

have sexual innuendo.

Fig. 7.8 Culture model

Performing arts group's cultural experiences

t

Performing arts group's larger culture

The bible culture

Media and other music artists' culture

Respondent's/receiver's culture

91 Judith Lynne Hanna, Dance, sex and Gender: signs of identity, dominance, defiance, and desire, Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1988.

222

All of the above information is summarised in Fig. 7.9, which presents the culminating

framework as an ecosystem" for the performing arts within a Christian religious

context. At the top is the church community, which is rooted in biblical teachings. A

network of arrows runs from this heading, pointing to the groups that comprise a

church community, which include the individual performing artist, the collective

performing arts group, the church leaders and the whole congregation at large. Note

that all four groups comprise the congregation but they have been separated in this

diagram in order to illustrate the kind of education expected for each group.

The dotted arrows that emanate from the four church community groups indicate the

various interactions and responses (feedback) among the groups. Such interactions

may occur in formal and/or non-formal manner and thereby enhance growth in

various ways.

The boxes in the third level show the kind of educational growth experienced by each

of the groups as indicated by the continuous arrows. Much as each group

experiences some growth, their target audience is the congregation. However,

through their various interactions as shown by the dotted arrows, each group is able

to help each other in the kind of growth shown in the boxes.

The boxes on the fourth level show how the education of the four groups takes place.

Finally, the fifth level gives specific details of how the formal, non-formal and informal

education takes place and where this education originates.

92 "[A]I the plants and living creatures in a particular area considered in relation to their physical [spiritual and social] environment". A. S. Hornby, p. 400. In the context of the Christian performing arts, only living creatures in the form of human beings are being referred to.

223

Fig. 7.9 An ecosystem of the performing arts

Church community (Biblical

foundation)

------Individual

group members

[Church] leaders

u ____ ~ c~ngregation , \ \ ,

Musical, spiritual, moral,

intrapersonal, cognitive growth

, \ , I \

'----1- 1 I I I

-------------------------f-- --------

, ,

, , I

------- ----------"""

Interpersonal, social, & kinesthetic motoric

growth, interpretation of

performing arts and legitimate peripheral

pa rti ci pation

I I I I I I

Performing arts, interpersonal,

African culture & urbanization, educational purpose of

performing arts in church

I

--" ,,'

Moral, spiritual, artistic, cognitive

growth

I I I I I I I I , I I I I I I I

I I I

------------~--------------------___ J ___________________ J

Formal, informal and non­formal education

Informal, fonnal and non-formal

/ Implicit, associative, observational and oral­kinaesthetic learning through communication

224

Chapter Eight

Summary, conclusions and recommendations

Introduction

The primary research question for this study was:

What is the rote of the performing arts in the church in Nairobi as demonstrated by the Christian dance groups?

The core purpose was to investigate specifically the educational role of the performing

arts. To answer this question, a case study of the Maximum Miracle Melodies (MMM) from

the Maximum Miracle Centre Ministry in Nairobi was carried out. This group exemplifies

the acculturated nature of Christian dance groups in Kenya. The various performing arts

groups that have influenced the MMM were also examined and compared. Hence, the

study investigated the similarities and differences between the MMM and three other

culturally diverse groups in terms of the educational role that the performing arts play in

them. Apart from the MMM, the other groups included two neo-traditional dance groups in

Kenya, the Isukha Amalemba Matemde Ngwaro isukuti dance group and the Mukumu

Girls High School isukuti dance group; the dance group of the Congolese artist Kotti

Olomide; and Kirk Franklin's (North American hip-hop) performing arts groups. The task

was also to develop a theoretical framework illustrating ways of using the arts in church

services for educational purposes and to help the church members and artists to benefit

from the arts. This chapter presents a summary and conclusion of the findings of this study

and ends with recommendations for further research.

1. Indigenous performing arts and Christianity

The study has illustrated the indigenous life of the Isukha sub-ethnic group of the Luhya

society in relation to the philosophical underpinnings of their music as an important aspect

of their total lives. This is done with reference to other Kenyan indigenous groups that had

similar experiences as the Isukha. Chapter Three of this dissertation discusses the

indigenous lives of the Isukha.

In pre-colonial times the indigenous Isukha had their own way of life that was governed by

their indigenous knowledge systems unique to their cultural groups. The total way of life

225

was centralised and governed by their traditions. However, with the coming of the Western

Christian missionaries who brought Christianity to Kenya, the Isukha community, like other

Kenyan societies, was divided. The aim of the Western missionaries was to evangelise the

indigenolJs peoples and turn them into followers of the Christian faith. In the process,

becoming a Christian meant that they had to discard their traditions and in turn embrace

the Europeans' customs, ideologies, styles of dressing, formal education and interpretation

of life. These new practices caused the Christians among the Isukha sub-ethnic group of

the Luhya to discard their indigenous ways of life and the knowledge systems that

governed their lives.

Religion plays a major role in determining ways of behaviour and thinking.' Traditional

religion is part of the indigenous African way of life, which is lived and not simply

propagated as abstract doctrine. A child is brought up to think and behave according to

customary laws governed by their indigenous beliefs and religion. Likewise, Christianity is

also a religion and a way of life. The Bible, the Christian Holy Book, guides Christians'

behaviour, belief system and philosophical underpinnings.2 The teachings of the Holy Bible

are therefore taught to individuals when they accept the Christian faith as opposed to the

indigenous religions that have been transmitted from generation to generation orally. Since

Christianity is a religion that was foreign to indigenous Kenyans until the coming of the

Christian missionaries, whenever an indigenous Kenyan became a Christian, he/she learnt

the biblical teachings 'afresh' regardless of age and gender. Since the scriptures are

written down, the Kenyan Christians, after learning how to read and write, also studied and

interpreted the Holy Bible. As a result, many new denominations arose due to the

interpretations that the church leaders developed for themselves in the African context in

an attempt to contextualise Christianity. Such interpretations brought schisms and differing

views about life issues and practices within the Christian body, the performing arts being

one of them.

, Were, 1977, pp. 1-2; M. F. C. Bourdillon, Religion and SOCiety: a text for Africa, Gweru, Zimbabwe: Mambo Press, 1990, p. 366.

2 Myron Rush, Management: a biblical approach, Wheaton: Victor Books, 1983, p. 14.

226

As seen in Chapter Three, in the indigenous Isukha society the environment and

occupation helps to shape and interpret their beliefs, inform their oral narratives and

educate the society. The Isukha imitate sounds and animals in their narratives, songs,

dances and drama. The ideology of communalism that is reflected in their lifestyle and

performing arts is held in high esteem. Even the idea of worshipping their supreme god is

done communally and their god is not for an individual but a community, as seen In

chapter Three. They believe in one Supreme Being that has supernatural powers, IS

involved in the begetting of children and resides in nature and the sky.

As in many other cultural groups found in Africa, music forms an integral part of the

indigenous Isukha through all the stages of life and occasions. The performing arts of the

Isukha, known as isukuti, are depicted as the ones that the MMM group has adapted.

These arts are usually performed in funeral ceremonies. Chapter Three showed how these

arts reveal the cultural practices, belief system and educational procedures of the

indigenous Isukha. The three isukuti drums, isatsa, mama and mwana, are symbolic of the

nuclear family; father, mother and child. They reveal the impact of the belief system of the

Isukha on the family. The father guides the family as its head. The rhythmic patterns

played on the isukuti isatsa also aid the dancers in performance and guide them in

changes of style.

The performing arts are organised as social events and are therefore closely intertwined

with the social lives of the indigenous Isukha. To the indigenous Isukha all of life is

sacred/religious. The arts are thus organised also to accompany rituals. On the other

hand, Christianity makes a distinction between the sacred and the secular. The music that

the missionaries introduced to the indigenous Isukha was considered sacred and the

followers were not meant to be involved with any other kind of indigenous music. All other

kinds of music in the Isukha indigenous life were considered secular and unsuitable for the

Isukha Christian.

The Christians also believe in one Supreme Being, God, who is the giver of life and all

good things. He is also regarded as the only God who must be worshipped. The Christians

will face the wrath of their God if they worship any other gods. Worshipping both their

indigenous and their Christian God is considered unholy. Communalism in Christianity has

taken the shape of denominationalism and churches, which have become the new family

227

for the indigenous Christian. This also presents a challenge to the indigenous Christians

who have two families, their indigenous family and the church, which have conflicting

ideologies. This has left the African Christian with the dilemma of not knowing what to

choose for his/her day-to-day affairs. Christianity introduced two different worlds, secular

and sacred. In indigenous sub-Saharan African societies these two concepts are not

separated: all of life is religious. However, to the Christian life activities are split between

secular and sacred. The distinction between what is considered secular or sacred has

been a challenge to the church for many centuries, as seen in Chapters Two and Five.

The challenge to the indigenous Christian therefore is how to live as a faithful, committed

Christian who is also African by descent.

2. Colonialism, urbanisation and change

Colonialism is seen as a major contributing factor to this change. The British colonised

Kenya, thus imposing their own system of rule, formal education and way of life on the

indigenous Kenyans. The British collaborated with other colonistsJ who lived in Kenya such

as the Portuguese, Indians, Germans and Arabs to achieve their purposes. Consequently,

they developed towns that have a European outlook, where they engaged in ruling the

indigenous Kenyans with a centralised government. Mudimbe observes that:

It is possible to use three main keys to account for the modulations and methods representative of colonial organisation: the procedures of acquiring, distributing, and exploiting lands in colonies; the policies of domesticating natives; and the manner of managing ancient organizations and implementing new modes of production. Thus, three complementary hypotheses and actions emerge: the domination of physical space, the reformation of natives' minds, and the integration of local economic histories into the Western perspective. 4

The primary focus of this study is an urban city, Nairobi. Nairobi is portrayed as an African

city with a cosmopolitan outlook, an international business city, a tourist locality and a

melting pot of different nationalities, cultural and religious groups. This information is

presented in Chapter Two of this dissertation. As a result of urbanisation, many indigenous

Kenyans, including the Isukha, contributed to the process of acculturation. The

intermingling of the various cultural groups has in turn originated new ways of life, new

philosophies and new music practices.

J Mudimbe, p. 1, distinguishes between colonialists, i.e. "those exploiting a territory by dominating a local majority," and colonists, i.e. "those settling in a region."

4 Ibid., p. 2.

228

The introduction and development of various mass media have also contributed to change

of behaviour and worldview of the city dwellers. Such media include radio, television,

audiotapes, videotapes and compact discs (CDs). Nairobi has many television channels

and there is a general availability of videotapes and compact discs, which are imported

from a variety of countries across the world. These media thus expose the city dwellers to

performing arts viewed globally and in the process also promotes globalisation. Therefore,

some of what is found in other parts of the world on screen or on video will also be found

in Nairobi. The music artists and churches have also adopted some of the perfonming arts

practices found in these countries.

Popular music found in other countries such as the Democratic Republic of the Congo and

the United States of America is common in Kenya. Kenyan musicians have adopted these

popular styles and fused them with their own to form new syncretised styles. The major

influence on Kenyan popular music has been from the Democratic Republic of Congo.

Congolese musicians have formed popular bands in conjunction with Kenyan artists and in

the process influenced each other. Congolese popular bands have also performed in

Kenya, gaining increased popularity among the Kenyans. The mass media also frequently

broadcast Congolese music, shaping the musical taste of Kenyan listeners and viewers.

The result is that Congolese music has become very popular in Kenya among Christians

and non-Christians. The performing arts background of these popular music artists is

presented in Chapter Four.

Apart from Congolese influences, Christian musicians have also been influenced by North

American contemporary Christian music. Such influence has come from the mass media

that often broadcast this music on general and Christian radio and television stations,

participation in school music festivals, attendance and perfonmance at music festivals,

interdenominational Christian gatherings, exposure to Christian music video tapes from

Africa and the United States of America, and the existence of dance groups in churches.

Urbanisation therefore has resulted in significant changes in the activities of churches in

Nairobi. These changes include ideological and cultural changes as well as changes in the

performing arts, as discussed in Chapter Five.

229 I

3. The performing arts as education

Performing arts as executed in the churches in Kenya transmit educational values.

These educational values are transmitted through various forms such as non-formal,

associative and formal modes. The educational contents vary in indigenous, neo­

traditional, popular and North American societal settings. It was seen how the Maximum

Miracle Melodies group has purposefully adapted musical dance styles, drama, costumes

and performance ideas from the performing arts of indigenous Kenyans, North American

contemporary Christian dance groups and African popular performances.

The MMM use videotapes of North American and Congolese pop performing artists to

learn their dance styles and ideas on dramatisation. Popular and Christian contemporary

Kenyan music, which developed because of the interaction of indigenous Kenyans with the

West, changed the educational values and processes that the indigenous Africans

experienced before. The social, community role that the performing arts played were no

longer experienced through interaction as much as before. The music of the popular

musicians is recorded on phonogram records, audio- and videotapes, television

programmes and compact discs. The audience therefore does not have to know or be in

contact with the musicians. The communalism that was so vital in indigenous music

performance lost its meaning in this sense. The introduction of discotheques, clubs and

hotels provided different settings for the execution of popular music by Kenyan artists.

These gatherings were intended mainly for entertainment and not necessarily for

indigenous ceremonies, which are normally accompanied with community rituals and

drama. North American contemporary Christian performing arts that have influenced the

Maximum Miracle Melodies also embody most of the educational values found in popular

performing arts. The educational roles of the various socio-cultural groups are summarised

in Table 8.1.

230

Table 8.1

•

• • ..

:::I • 0

'" '" .S!' 'C

" •

• • • • • •

ii • '" 0 • ;e 'C IU ~ -, 0 0> • Z

•

•

" • IU ., .. • '': .c •

:E ~Gi ::!! .. u :E€;

:::I'C

" • IU u '': • .... ~ .. •

",.Q 'CE • ,- :. E" • 00> Om • '-'0 • =o:n 0" ~o

!:?.

" • ",'" ,_u • ~'i:Ci • c"'o f!E.J: Ll. c:t c.. • .lI::.r:..-~t:::r :i:o • ~

Summary of educational role and content of the performing arts in five different socia-cultural

settings

Educational messages (What) Education Target audience (Whom)

process (How)

Cultural beliefs, practices and socia-cultural musical • Formal, non- • The indigenous knowledge of the people through contextualised formal and community at large -performances informal contextualisalion of

Group solidarity Performing arts

Religious beliefs of the people • Individual performing arts participants

Musical roles: music creativity, kinesthetic, team performance, performance skills, making of their own instruments, co-ordination of music and movement, memory, imagination and retention (cognitive)

Language mastery and ways of communicating through language

Vocal skills development

Symbolism of use of instruments in relation to culture

Rhythmic, melodic and improvisational skills

Neo-traditional practices • Non-formal • Mass aud iences and

Moral issues in contemporary settings indigenous community.

Neo-traditional cultural practices Perform out of context

Religious beliefs • Educates performing artists

Musical: music creativity, amalgamation of styles from different ethnic groups, instrumental, vocal and • Educates school

students performance skill building, memory and retention (cognitive)

Language mastery

lillie knowledge on cultura l symbolism of instruments and dance performance

Live performances but out of context. Have to learn dramatisation skills to enact a situation/context.

Biblical, moral and spiritual teachings • Non-formal • Educates masses

Convey importance of serving God. (acculturated groups)

Musical : dance creativity, kinesthetic motoric, Educates performing • teamwork, dramatic and dance performance skills, artists

co-ordination of music and movement, memory and retention (cognitive)

Do not always understand the message of te><1. They do not sing the songs (no vocal skill development)

They do not play music instruments, so instrumental skill development is lacking

Educate on life issues • Viewers learn • Masses: Mainly for

Educate on various Congolese pop dance styles through commercia l purposes

Expose life styles of Congolese musicians observation and to convey Iheir

Dramatisation ideas and imitation message.

Audio music performance styles such as guitar interlocking styles, harmony, melodies and its execution. No visual representat ion of instrumentalists and live singers .

Revolution of the church music performance • Viewers learn • Masses: for spiritual and

Spiritual issues through commercial purposes

Gad-centred observation and imitation

Expose new dance styles for the church in general in the 21" century

Exposes dramatisation ideas

4. Theoretical framework

After the discussions on the educational roles of the performing arts, it was the task of this

study to propose a framework that the churches in Kenya can adopt for their services to

make the performing arts educational and more meaningful in their multicultural contexts.

The framework illustrates that there should be four major hierarchical levels of people that

should be educated through the arts: individual performing arts members, performing arts

groups, church leaders and finally the congregation.

The framework also suggests the educational processes and methods that should be

utilised for each of the levels. The processes include the spiritual, moral, musical, social,

interpersonal, cognitive and intrapersonal, among others. These educational processes

can be realised through formal, informal and non-formal ways, depending on the

educational level in question.

As educational values are being transmitted, the study proposes that communication

channels and effectiveness should be taken into consideration. It proposes that evaluation

of the arts should take place at various levels in order to maintain a high standard and

effective communication, while guarding against "noise" in the process. For the performing

arts to be culture-specific and educational, these arts must be planned and executed with

the educational and socio-cultural context in mind.

5. Recommendations

The recommendations made are grouped into the following two categories:

5.1 Recommendations to religious leaders about the performing arts

• Church leaders and artists should carefully select appropriate music, dance and drama

in order to educate people on various issues. The movements and music chosen must

be culture-specific, theologically sound and appropriately communicated in order for

intended and effective education to take place.

232

• In order to be effective and to plan appropriately for performances, the dance group

leaders should consciously aim to make these arts educational. The dramatic action,

scenarios, costumes, artefacts, music and dance will thus be chosen with this purpose

in mind.

• Christian dance groups can introduce the use of indigenous musical instruments, apt

costumes and appropriate indigenous dance styles that are easily recognisable and

understood by the congregation. The same applies to make up, props, artefacts, etc.

The presentations should also have contents that are appropriate for the congregation,

event and purpose of their gathering. However, the church leaders should educate the

congregation on these innovations before introducing them to prevent

misunderstandings and misconceptions.

• The Christian dance groups should try to incorporate live singers and instrumentalists

in their performances. Such practice will provide more room for the youth to get

involved in the performing arts. It will also promote more interaction among team

members and give them a sense of identity. More music skills can also be developed.

• The study proposes that Kenyan churches should organise music departments to

maintain high standards. A well-trained music and performing arts director and/or

minister should lead this department and offer formal, informal and non-formal

education to the performing artists. In turn, music schools can be developed in these

churches. Currently, there are very few music schools in Kenya, such as the Kenya

Music Conservatoire, Ebenezer Music Centre, and Real Music School. None of these

schools offers lessons on dance and dramatisation.' The churches can thus help to fill

the gap by providing more opportunity for more people to receive training in music,

dance, and drama. The words of Welch best sum up this kind of education:

Music education is concerned wnh the promotion of musical development as a form of intellectual functioning in its own right. It is also concerned at the same time, with inducting and socialising the individual into an understanding of the nature of particular musical genres that are important within the socio-cultural group to which they belong. Such socialisation should lead to a critical understanding, an 'ownership' that constrained by the educational process but also open to change and transformation in the light of other experiences (including self-reflection)6

5 The researcher conducted a survey of the music programmes in a variety of music schools in Nairobi between January and February 2004.

6 Graham F. Welch, "Education and musical improvisation: in response to Keith Sawyer," in Psychology of Music, Vol. 27, No.2, 1999, p. 212, available from <http://www.iimpft.chadwyck.com/cgi/fulltext> accessed 24 March 2004.

233 I

5.2 Recommendations for further research

This study makes the following recommendations for further studies:

• This study has mainly been concerned with the educational content of the performing

arts. Musicological studies should also be undertaken which examine the songs and

notations to provide further insight into the indigenous music theory as well as the

contemporary music performed by Christian artists. Such studies should also document

these music styles before they undergo further changes, providing data for future

scholars.

• Similar studies could be carried out in a variety of churches and ethnic groups across

Africa to investigate the role of acculturation on the continent as a whole.

• Further studies are needed on indigenous, neo-traditional and popular dances with

specific reference to their transcription and notation.

• The relationship between Congolese popular performing arts and their spiritual

connections needs in-depth scholarly investigations.

234

Abrokwaa, Clemente K.

Adeyemo, Tokunboh

Addo, Akosua 0., Miya, Florence and Potgieter, Hetta

Afigbo, A E., Ayandele, E. A, Gavin, R. J., Omer-Cooper, J. D. and Palmer, R.

Agak, Helen A O.

AgawlJ, Kofi

Amanze, James N.

Anonymous

Anonymous

Anonymous

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263

Appendix A

Song texts and English translations

Isukuti songs as performed by Matende Ngwaro isukuti dance group and Mukumu Girls' High School isukuti dance group

Wedding song

Installing of a chief (Ngao)

Shishebo (circumcision) Harvest song (injeso)

Buyanzi (love) AIDS Baracherera (They will arrive)

Kweya (Sweep) Birth song

Songs performed by the Maximum Miracle Melodies

Imba haleJuya (Sing halleluiah) Rafiki pesa (Money my friend) Hakika Mungu yu mwema (God is so good)

Two songs by Koffi Olomide (Congolese popular music)

Lai (Law) Micka

Revolution

Kirk Franklin

264

A. Isukuti songs as performed by Matende Ngwaro isukuti dance

group and Mukumu Girls' High School isukuti dance group

Wedding song

Solo

All

Solo

All

Solo

All

Solo

Waiyeka mukhana waiyekha ye,

Waiyekha Rosemary

Waiyeka khumukongo)

She scratches herself [the bride]

Rosemary scratches herself

She scratches herself on the back

Waiyeka mukhana waiyeka ye She scratches herself [the bride]

Waiyeka mukhana waiyeka khumukongo Rosemary scratches herself on the back

Waiyeka mukhana waiyeka ye waiyeka

wa harusi waiyeka khumukongo

She scratches herself, the girl

The bride scratches herself

Remains the same as before throughout

Tsi uisinji kwanza

Arumba rumba

Mkhana tsiuisinji kwanza

Go and take a bathe first

Words adopted from the word rumba

Oh girl, go take a bathe first

All Arumba rumba

Solo o uhunyangachafu You are stinking

All Arumba rumba

Solo 0 uhunyangachafu You are stinking

All Mkhana tsia uisinji kwanza Girl, go take a bathe first

Solo

All

Solo

Uikolekole .... mkhana uikolekole... Look at yourself girl, look at yourself

Toto ... toto... Really ...

Aee harusi

Hulila harusi

Mwana mkhana

XXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXX1 Oh wedding

Hear, the wedding

Oh bride

1 X denotes instrumental interlude.

265

..

All

Solo

Hulira harusi

Luyali ni Iwefwe

Mkha/i ni weru

Tsing'ombe ni tsieru

Luya/i ni Iweru

Mundu musasta

Heshima Iweru

Harusi ni yeye

Mwana mukhana

Word interpolations: harusi ya mwana mkhana yabesta mareko, mkhana abe mwana mchenyi khulingana na mila ya zamani.

Installing of a chief (Ngao)

Solo

All

Solo

All

o mwami ubolanga uri

A woiye ha

o wamwami mubolanga uri

Ha ha woiye ha wundi abulayo khwenyanga mwami wonyene.

Isukha mubolanga uri

lee Ngwaro

Rrrrrrah

Oh bride - interspersed the solo sections that follow throughout

Honour is ours

The woman is ours

The cows are ours

Honour is ours

Oh man

Respect is ours

The wedding is ours

Oh bride

The wedding of the bride is usually tricky, the girl needs to be new [virgin] according to our old traditions.

Oh chief, what are you saying? How are you?

(Vocables)

Oh those who belong to the chief, what are you saying?

Ha, there is no one else, we only want chief

Isukha, what are you saying?

Oh Ngwaro, what are you saying?

guttural sounds

XXXXXXXXXXXXXXXX Solo Mwami wa khwenyanga It is the chief that we want

All Ngao Ngao [the chiefs name]

Solo o mwami wa khwenyanga Oh chief, the one we want

All Ngao khwenyanga Ngao Ngao, we want Ngao

Solo Mwami wonyene Only the chief

Woiyeye Vocables

266

o baluhyia banje

Mwami wa buluhya

Mwami wundi abula

Shishebo (circumcision)

Solo

All

All

Solo

Musatsa woi

Ingwe

Ingwe (Leopard)

Utinyi so

Khushieba woi

Musatsa woi ... Urili mbanu

Ingwaro woi ... musatsa nwouyu

Khushiebe woi ... musatsa uyu ...

Ingwe yamala bandu, ingwe yamala bandu X2

Word-interpolations: musatsa uitinyi kabisa ...

Harvest song (/njeso)

Solo

All

Solo

All

Solo

Lera matuma ka waraka

Khuhe khubandu, lera matuma ka waraka khuhe khubandu

Leri injeso ka wa chesa

Khuhe kubandu leri injeso ka wachesa khuhekhubandu

Lera makanda

Lera mikhonye

Lera obule

Lera mapera

-.

Oh my fellow Luhyas

Chief of Luhyaland

There is no other chief

Oh man

Leopard

Leopard

Be brave

Oh circumcision

Oh the man is afraid of the knife

Oh Ngwaro, here is the man

Circumcision, the man is here

The leopard has finished people. Oh the leopard has finished people

Oh man be very brave

Bring the maize that you had planted

So that we can give people, bring the maize that you had planted so that we can give people

Bring what you have harvested

So that we can give people, bring what you have harvested so that we can give people

Bring the beans

Bring the sugarcane

Bring the millet

Bring the guavas

XXXXXXXXXXXXXXXX

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Solo

All

o lera matuma

Ee kamama yachesa

Lera tsinuni ...

Makanda, obule, makomia ...

Word interpolations: mama yaraka mapwoni, makomia nende makanda. Khu litikhu lino, khwenya khulya ka mama yachesa. Lera lera ka mama yaraka. Ni siku kuu. Khusangale

Oh bring the maize

Oh, the ones that mother harvested

Bring sim sim, that mother harvested

Bring beans, millet, bananas ...

Mother planted potatoes, bananas, and beans. So this day, we want to eat what mother harvested. Bring, bring, what mother had planted. It is a great day, let us rejoice

Buyanzi (Love)

Solo

All

Solo

Lero khusangale buyanzi

Lero khusangale buyanzi

Chendi khusangale buyanzi

Let us be glad in love

Let us be glad in love

Let us go and be glad in love

All [Word interpolations: Khutsi bandu ba Those of us who are

Solo

All

Solo

All

Solo

All

Solo

bashiebwa khuli nende buyanzi ... eee circumcised are glad response from the chorus]

XXXXXXXXXXXXXXXX Florensi usangale shichira mwene umwoyo

Bacheni bosi basangali shichira bosi bali mwoyo

Florence is happy because she is alive

All the visitors are happy because they are alive

XXXXXXXXXXXXXXXX A woi buyanzi

A woi buyanzi

Florenzi buyanzi

Woi buyanzi

Mushibala buyanzi ...

Mulitala buyanzi .. .

Ngwaro buyanzi .. .

268

Oh love

Oh love

Florence, love

Oh love

In this world, love

In this homestead, love

Ngwaro, love

Aids

Solo

All

Solo

All

Solo

Wasichana tuwe chonjo 00

Tuwe chonjo

Oakitari wa ukimwi alikufa

Amebaki wa malaria aa, aeaeee

Wavulana tuwe chonjo 00

Oh girls let us be careful

Let us be careful

The doctor that treats AIDS is dead

It is only the doctor that treats malaria who is still alive

Boys, let us be careful

Men, let us be careful Wanaume ...

Vijana ". Young people, let us be careful

XXXXXXXXXXXXXXXX

All

ndombolo

Ndombolo X2 wo khulole ndombolo

Wo khusiebe ndombolo

Baracherera (They wi" arrive)

Solo

All

Solo

All

Basiani baluri haha

Baracherera

Basiani baluri haha

Balacherera buyanzi (Mirembe) khunyoli

Solo Eee

All

Solo

All

Solo

All

Solo

All

Buyanzi

Eee

Ee mama buyanzi

Ee

Buyanzi

Ee

Ee mama buyanzi

Buyanzi

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Ndombolo [the dance]

Oh let us see ndombolo

Oh let us dance ndombolo

The boys who left here

They will arrive

The boys who left here

They will arrive. We have love/peace

Love

Oh mother, love

Love

Oh mother, love

Love

Solo Bayayi bo

All Eee

Bayayi bo Solo

All Ambi mulole Iwa khusiebanga buyanzi

Kweya (Sweep)

Solo

All

Solo

All

Kweya X3 mama

Kweya X3 mama

NzieX3 mama

NzieX3 mama

Birth song (Mwana wa mberi - The first born)

Solo

All

Solo

All

Mwana wa mberi bayaye

Mwana wa mberi

8ayaye

Mwana wa mberi ni shikhoyero

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Boys oh

Boys oh

Come and see how we are dancing for love

Sweep mother

Sweep mother

Let me go mother

Let me go mother

Oh the first

The first born

Oh

The first born is the pride of the parents

Songs performed by the Maximum Miracle Melodies

Imba haleluya2(sing halleluiah)

Chorus 1

Solo

All

Solo

All

All

Solo

Bwana Yesu asifiwe

Imba haleluya

Aleluya

Imba haleluya

Yeye Astahili sifa

Aleluya

Mwenye nguvu na uwezo

Aleluya

Mwenye neema na rehema

Bwana Yesu asifiwe

Aleluya

Bwana asifiwe

Yeye mwenye uwezo

Mwenye nguvu na amani

Bwana Yesu asifiwe X2

Mwenye neema na rehema

Bwana Yesu asifiwe

Yeye aslahili sifa

Mwenye nguvu na amani

Bwana Yesu asifiwe

Mwenye neema na rehema

Bwana Yesu asifiwe

Praise the Lord Jesus

Sing halleluiah

Halleluiah

Sing halleluiah

He is worthy of praise (these words are repeated by the response section throughout)

Halleluiah

The one who is strong and able

Halleluiah

The one who is merciful and gracious

Praise the Lord Jesus

Halleluiah

Praise the Lord Jesus

He is the one who is able

He is the one who is strong and peaceful

Praise the Lord Jesus

He is the one who is merciful and gracious

Praise the Lord Jesus

He is worthy of praise

He is the one who is strong and able

Praise the Lord Jesus

He is the one who is merciful and gracious

Praise the Lord Jesus

, Emachichi, 'Imba haleluya,' track no. 3, Amen;samehe, Produced by Emachichi Productions, 10 min., VHS, videocassette, 2000.

271

Mwenye nguvu na upendo He is the one who is strong and loving

Bwana Yesu asifiwe X2 Praise the Lord Jesus

Refrain Zambe nabiso azabokazi yeye My God is worthy to be praised

Zambe nabiso azabolamu yeye My God is worthy to be worshipped

Sanzola yeye bikiza yeye Lift him up, glorify Him

Sanzola yeye yembela yeye Lift Him up, yes

Bikiza yeye yembela X2 Glority, yes

Chorus 2 Niongoze Bwana Guide me Lord

Solo Niongoze Bwana x3 niongoze kwa kila Guide me Lord X3 Lead me in jambo everything

Maisha yangu ni wewe wayajua. You know my life. Guide me in Niongoze kwa kila jambo everything

All Niongoze Bwana Guide me Lord

Solo Na shida zangu zote ni wewe wajua You know all my problems niongoze. Niongoze kwa kila jambo Guide me in everything

All Niongoze Bwana Guide me Lord (these words are repeated by the response section throughout the rest of Chorus 2)

Solo Mahitaji yangu yote ni wewe wayajua, You know all my needs, guide niongoze Bwana Niongoze kwa kila me Lord in everything jambo

Maisha yangu ni wewe wayajua. You know my life. Guide me in Niongoze kwa kila jambo everything

Mateso yangu yote ni wewe wayajua. You know all my sufferings. Niongoze Bwana niongoze kwa kila Guide me Lord, guide me in jambo everything

Maisha yangu ni wewe wayajua. You know my life. Guide me in Niongoze kwa kila jambo everything

Refrain Zambe as in chorus 1

Chorus 3 Wa Milele The Everlasting One

Solo Wa mile Ie wa milele Bwana Yesu Everlasting, Everlasting. The Lord Jesus is Everlasting

All Ndiye wa milele He is the Everlasting one

Solo Ni wa milele Bwana Yesu niwe He is Everlasting the Lord Jesus is

272

All Ndiye wa milele He is the Everlasting one

Solo Ndiye wangu na mwokozi ni Yesu we He is mine and the saviour is Jesus

All Ndiye wa mile Ie He is the Everlasting one

Solo Ndiye wangu na mwokozi ni Yesu we He is mine and the saviour is Jesus

All Ndiye wa milele He is the Everlasting one

Solo Ni wa milele Bwana Yesu we The Everlasting one the Lord Jesus is

All Ndiye wa milele He is the Everlasting one

Solo Wa milele Bwana Yesu we The Everlasting one, the Lord Jesus is

All Ndiye wa mile Ie He is the Everlasting one

Solo Wa milele Bwana Yesu ni wangu we The Everlasting one The Lord Jesus is mine

All Ndiye wa milele He is the Everlasting one

Solo Ni wa milele Bwana Yesu we The Everlasting one the Lord Jesus is

All Ndiye wa milele He is the Everlasting one

Chorus 4 Haleluya Tunakusifu Halleluiah We Praise You

Solo Aleluya tunakusifu mwokozi Halleluiah we praise you saviour

All Aleluya This is repeated throughout

Solo Aleluya tunakusifu masia Halleluiah we praise you Messiah

Aleluya sifa ni zako mwokozi Halleluiah all the praises are yours Saviour

Aleluya tunakusifu masia Halleluiah we praise you Messiah

Mwokozi Saviour

Sifa ni zako mwokozi Halleluiah we praise you Saviour

Sira zote ni zako Halleluiah all praises are yours

Refrain Zambe as in chorus 1

Chorus 5 Kitu Gani Kitanitenganisha What will separate me?

Solo Kitu gani kitanitenganisha na pendo lako What will separate me from your love?

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I

All Kitu gani kitanitenganisha na pendo lako What will separate me from your love? (These words are repeated by the response section throughout the rest of Chorus 5)

Solo Wala njaa hautanitenganisha na upendo Even hunger will not separate wako me from your love

Umasikini hautanitenganisha na upendo Poverty will not separate me wako from your love

Wala njaa hautanitenganisha na upendo Even hunger will not separate wako me from your love

Binadamu hatanitenganisha na upendo No human being can not wako separate me from you love

Kitu gani kita kitanitenganisha na pendo What will separate me from lako your love?

Ufukara hautanitenganisha na upendo Famine will not separate me wako from you r love

Kitu gani kita kitanitenganisha na pendo What will separate me from lako your love?

Marafiki hawatanitenganisha na upendo Friends will not separate me wako from you r love

Refrain Zambe as in chorus 1

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Rafiki pesa3 (Money my friend)

Solo, Nilikuwa na rafiki yangu Verse 1

Solo,

Verse 2

Rafiki pesa lulipendana sana

Maisha yelu yalikuwa mazuri

Nilakacho hunipalia

Nikilaka nyumba nzuri

Alikuwa anijengea

Nikilaka gari nzuri

Alikuwa anilelea

Nikilaka nguo nzuri

Anakimbia dukani anilelea

Nikilaka suli nzuri

Alikuwa anilelea

Nikilaka wanawake

anakimbia Florida anilelea (

Nikilaka kunywa bia

alikuwa kaniletea.

Siku moja nilishikwa

na ugonjwa mbaya sana

Nikape/ekwa kwa madakilari

Ugonjwa huu haukuponywa

Waliposhindwa nikarudishwa

Mjini kwelu nyumbani kwangu

Nikalazwa kilandani mwangu

Nilikuwa naumwa sana.

I had a friend

My friend money, we loved each other

Our friendship was good

Whatever I wanted, he gave me

If I wanted a good house

He used to build for me

If I wanted a good car

He used to bring for me

If I wanted a nice dress

He used to run to the shop and get me one

If I wanted a nice suit

He used to bring to me

If I wanted women

He used to run to Florida to get them

If I wanted to take beer

He used to get me some

One day I contracted

a very bad disease

I was taken to doctors

But this disease did not heal

When they failed to treat me I was returned

to my town, my home

I was laid on my bed

I was in great pain .

, Shari Martin, Rafiki pesa, produced by Wamaitu Productions. 5 min., audiocassette, 1999.

275

t

Solo,

Verse 3

Siku moja rafiki pesa One day my friend money

Akajakwangu kunitazama came to visit me in my home

Word interpolations and instrumental backup: Akaniambia rafiki yangu pole sana kwa ugonjwa. Usijali hata ukifa nitakununulia 'coffin'

He told me,' my friend, I am very sorry for the disease. Do not worry even if you die, I will buy you a coffin

Siku ile nilikufa rafiki pesa alitoroka

Watoto wangu waliteseka

majirani waliwacheka

When I died, my friend, money ran away

My children suffered

my neighbours laughed at them

Word interpolations: Pesa akaniambia, (Money told me)

sasa maisha kwisha utaenda wapi?

Utaenda motoni.

Wakati urafiki wako

Na bwana pesa unapoisha, mambo mawili

Anakufanyia: anakununulia kitambaa cheupe na

Coffin ya kukuingiza ndani.

Walevi waJikunywa pombe

wakashindwa na kutembea

Wakitazama chini

waona kuna mashimo

Hata bangi walivuta sana

mosh; nao ulipoganda

Hata nywele za vichwa zao

wakashindwa kuzichana

Matajiri walipata pesa

wakazieka kwa anasa

Nazo pesa zaendelea

kuwanunulia masanduku

Matajiri walipata pesa

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Now life is over, where will you go?

You will go to the fire.

When your friendship

with Mr. Money is over, there are two things

he does for you: he buys you a wh ite cloth and

A coffin to put your body in.

The drunkards took liquor

They could not even walk

When they looked down

they saw holes/pits

They even smoked bang

When the smoke became sour

even the hair on their heads

they cou Id not comb

The rich got money

But they invested in pleasures

And the money continued

to buy them coffins

The rich got money

wakazieka kwa anasa but they invested in pleasures

Nazo pesa zaendelea and the money continued

kuwanunulia geneza. To buy them hell.

Solo Usidhamini pesa Do not think money

All Pesa zinamwisho zinamwisho Monies have an end, they have an end

Solo pesa zinamwisho monies have an end

All Raha nazo baba Oh even pleasures

Solo Raha zinamwisho zinamwisho they have an end, they have an end

All Raha zinamwisho Pleasures have an end

Solo Shika Yesu baba Get hold of Jesus

All Yesu ndiye mwisho, ndiye mwisho Jesus is the end, He is the end

Yesu ndiye mwisho Jesus is the end

Kwa wokovu baba Oh in salvation

Yesu ndiye mwisho, ndiye mwisho Jesus is the end, He is the end

Yesu ndiye mwisho Jesus is the end

Kwa msamaha wa dhambi For the forgiveness of sin

Yesu ndiye mwisho ndiye mwisho Jesus is the end, He is the end

Yesu ndiye mwisho. Jesus is the end.

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Hakika Mungu yu mwema4 (God is so good)

Solo 1 Hakika Mungu yu mwema , Mungu yu God is so good, God is good mwema

All Amemtoa mwanawe ate kwa aji/i yetu He has given His son to die instead of us

Solo 1 Hakuna njia nyingine yakuturidisha kwa There is no other way to turn Bawna us back to the Lord

IIa ni kwa kupitia njia yake Masia {A yo yo (except through the way of the yo} Messiah

Solo 2 Amelitoa uhai wake iii wewe pamoja nami He has given His life so that you and I

Tupate kuokolewa can get saved

All Hakika Mungu yu mwema , Mungu yu God is so good, God is good mwema

Amemtoa mwanawe ate kwa ajili yetu He has given His son to die instead of us

Solo 1 Kwa kupigwa kwake Masia By the stripes of Messiah

Kwakuteswa kwake huyu Yesu By the persecution of this Jesus

Leo siku ya leo naweza kuokolewa Today this day I can be saved

Solo 2 Alimwaga damu {yeye} iii wewe pamoja He shed His blood so that you and

Nami tupate kuokolewa I can be saved

All Hakika Mungu yu mwema, Mungu yu God is so good, God is good mwema

Amemtoa mwanawe ate kwa ajili yetu He has given His son to die instead of us

Solo 1 Mungu yu mwema God is good

All Aa Aa yu mwema aa Oh, oh he is good

Solo 1 Mungu yu mwema God is good

All Aa Aa yu mwema aa Oh, oh he is good

Solo 1 Anatupenda Bwana Yu Mwema He loves us, God is good

All Aa Aa yu mwema aa Oh, oh he is good

Solo 1 Ainuliwe Bwana yu mwema Let the Lord be exalted, He is good

4 John Kamau, 'Hakika Mungu yu mwema', track no. 1, Hakika Mungu yu mwema, [n.p.], 4 min., audiotape, 2001.

278

Apewe sifa Bwana yu mwema

All Aa Aa yu mwema aa

Solo 1 Aabudiwe Bwana yu Mwema

All Aa Aa yu mwema aa

Solo 1 Apewe sifa Bwana yu mwema

All Apewe sifa yu mwema aa

Solo 1 Ainuliwe Bwana yu mwema

All Ainuliwe yu mwema aa

Ullulations

Word-interpolations: Twende (Let us go)

Tumfukuze Yesu masiya

Wewe ndiye

Let him be praised, he is good

Oh, oh he is good

Let him be worshipped, he is good

Oh, oh he is good

Let him be praised, he is good

Oh, oh he is good

Let him be exalted, he is good

Let him be exalted, he is good

Let us praise Jesus the Messiah

You are the one

Speech-melody: sifa, sifa, sifa zate kwa Yesu (praise, praise, all praise to Jesus)

Solo 1 Mikana juu, mikana juu

All Yesu ni Bwana X3

Solo 1 Tumwimbie Bwana Yesu wa milele

All Yesu ni Bwana

Solo 1 Tumwimbie Bwana wa mabwana

Tumwimbie Bwana Yesu wa milele

Bwana wa mapenda Mungu Yesu we

Hands up, hands up

Jesus is Lord

Let us sing to the Everlasting Lord

Jesus is Lord (response that intersperses the following section)

Let us sing for the Lord of Lords

Let us sing to the Everlasting Lord

The Lord of love, God Jesus, oh

Word-interpolations: shuka chini (come down), mikana juu (hands up), tushangilie Bwana wa uzima (let us praise the Lord of life)

XXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXX

Word-interpolations: sifa twazileta kwa nyumba ya Bwana (We bring praise to the house of the Lord

Ululations

Word-interpolations: Maandika yanasema Bwana Yesu asifiwe kila wakafi. Asifiwe na kila mmaja kwakuwa ni yeye mkuu. Yeye peke yake astahili kusifiwa na kuabudiwa. Yeye ni Mungu mkuu. (The Scriptures say that the Lord Jesus is to be praised all the

279

time. He is to be praised by all since he is the great one. He alone, deserves to be praised and worshipped . He is the great God)

Solo 1 Mikana juu Hands up

All Yesu ni Bwana

Solo 1 Apewe sifa Bwana wa majeshi

All Yesu ni Bwana

Tushuke ... aa ...

All Yesu ni Bwana

Na pes; 5(1 have given you)

Na pesi yo nde motema nanga

Yo moko Zambe salela yango

Na elikya na nga napesi yo

Nzambe salela nga salela nga

Na pesi yo Yahwe motema na nga

Yo moko Zambe salela yango

Na elikya na nga napesi yo

Nzambe salela nga salela nga

Natamboli na mokili oyo nkolo

Nazui nde lobiko te nkolo

Na pesi yo motema na nga

Nkolo salela nga

Yo nde mobikisi na nga

Solo na kazanga eloko mokote

Yonde ozalaka na nga

Epa; na yo nde na pesi motema

Yo mota na mokili ozakoyebate

Miso na nkolo masia eza kotala yo

Soko okimi likolo okimi pe na se

Miso na nkolo masia eza kotala yo

Jesus is Lord

Let him be praised, Lord of hosts

Jesus is Lord

Let us get down

Jesus is Lord

I have given you my heart

You alone are God, use me

I give you my hope

God use me, use me

Yahwe I have given you my heart

You alone are God, use me

I give you my hope

God use me, use me

I have walked in this world Lord

I did not get healed Lord

I give you all my burdens

Lord use me

You are my healer

Truly I will not lack anything

for you are with me

I have given you my heart

You worldy man, you do not know

The Lord Messiah's eyes can see you

If you run up or down

The Lord Messiah's eyes can see you

5 Makoma, "Napesi", track 1, Nzambe na Bomoyi, produced by Westcoast Music Production, videocassette, VHS, 4 min.,s 2001 .

280

Neti yona azalaki na kati ya mai

Miso na Yesu masia emonaki ye

Akimaki na bateau abosanaki masia

Miso na Yesu masia emonaki ye

80 pesa motema epai na Zambe

Like Jonah when he was in the middle of the ocean

The Lord Jesus' eyes saw him

he got into the ship and forgot the Lord

The Lord Jesus' eyes saw him

Bring your hearts to God

Ye moko masia an/e/a yo so that he alone, the Lord can use it

Ndime/aka ukombo na Yesu Masia Nzambe Accept the name of Jesus Messiah, God

Akobikisa molimo na yo nde ko na nga

Ndimeyaka nkombo na Yesu masia Nzambe

281

He will heal your heart, brother

Accept the name of Jesus Messiah,God

Two songs by Koffi Olomide (Congolese popular music)

Lo; (Law)

Chorus­response:

Solo

Word interpolations

Solo

Les Cries6

Word­interpolations

Les cn'es

Word­interpolations (solo)

Speech-melody

Word­interpolations (solo)

Ah ningisile ba yaya ningisile

Shamukwale yako pesa mbongo

Loi

Shamukwale papa mbongo

Dance oh ladies dance

Shamukwale come and bring money)

law

Shamukwale, father, bring

Ya buwili kibamba twakubundu Please bring a lot of money pesa mbongo

Abomoi nga pesa ka nga abomi nga a pesa ka nga

Nako banga bino te nako nzambe na nga

aleluya, chivundu

tala binge/i X10 mama tala bingeli

Lokuta eyaka na assangeur, verite eye na escalier mpe ekomi

Tout Ie monde position.

Nzele lai lai

Sidonokoteko cheche char/ouil Ie prophete de la sape. Koteoyo ba solution ezuama. Yet

Mokolo bilanga Yet Kombo na nga Uyunzi bango bazalaki na lisasi kasi bakoki koboma nga teo

Bring, bring money

I will not fear them, I will fear my god)

Haleluya, (vocables)

Look at what glitters, mama look at what glitters

Lies come via a lift and truth comes by stairs but it reaches

Everybody take your positions

The winner. Lady

Prophet of dressing there is an answer. There's a solution this way

They had a gun but they could not kill me. I am the farm owner and my name is Liyunzi

6 The Congolese refer to les cries as shouts or cries. Although they may sound like sung melodies to the listener, the Congolese do not regard them as songs. Men in high tessitura voice (falsetto) usually perform these songs. One who sings such a section is referred to as atalaku. Interviews with Mr. and Mrs. Nday, 6 February 2002, Prof. Adepo Yapo, 30 August 2003. Okumu, p. 46, refers to them as animation. He indicated that Kenyans call/label these songs 'pandisa'.

282

Les Cries (solo) Yumbani yukana kosi 0 tolema kudile ya lelo toko lala wapi. Mama e kuna makambo a ye biso to suka wapi mama ye brukutu mao

Chorus­response

Les Cries

Chorus­response

Les Cries

Ba yebate mama ba yebate

Nzomo

Ba yebate mama ba yebate

Nzomo

NdomobloX3

They should not know, mama, they should not know

[Name of dance]

They should not know mama, they should not know

[Name of dance]

Ndomoblo X3 [name of dance]

Les Cries (solo) Tala tobinaki kebo na quarteier Look tilu. We danced in Quartier

Les cries

Chorus­response

Les cries

Chorus­response

sela ndombolo tsitutala, tsitu Latin. The great one let's dance. tambula malembe

kitisela, ndombolo, tsitu

Ndombolo. Mwana tata tala maman nzule nzule tala bana bakokatisa. Mukulu mbaka ndombolo ya tsitu tale buka, buka, buka.

Walk slowly

Ndombolo the world's winner. The father of staton, ndomoblo. Child, look at Nzule. Look at the children, they will defeat him. The great one! Dance ndomoblo of tsitula. Break, break, break.

Word-interpolations (solo)

Madiela na Nicolette avele na aminata pepe ya coup press

Nawi nawio nga nawi (vocables)

Kocho, kocho "

Libela a yaye. Libela libela "

Kocho, kocho "

Les cries (solo) E papa na nga kolanda choko teo E papa na nga kolanda quartier teo

I am dying, I am dying, me. I am dying forever. Oh father, do not follow beauty, but follow her place of residence

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Micko

Verse 1

lei planet chachou. Neti kaka neti teo Mokolo bilanga Niko si ee vrai kabomba esala rien Niko ezamawa kobomba esala rien Nako kufa nanga une Foi pour toute Po na tika ba souffrance pe la joie Natikela baye balinga bango fe Miso elulaka motema e ponaka rien Nazalaki kabanza basi nyoso ya pembe Bakokana nzoka eza nanga bongo te

Kikwaza fleur ba Jardin ba sengaka ba jardienier Kikwaza fruit elongaka lianga Kikwaza sucre ekomisaka sukali Kikwaza diama elate elonga moto Kikwaza imeuble oyetambolaka Ata molili niko ako ngengaka niko.

Vers 2

Clouis katumba comme singe songe horloge Nzete ezua niko te memelaye Ie cadeau kasi niko tika tika Tika ee ya niko te Niko linga nga okomisanga riche Niko linga nga nakoma moto ya mbongo Na koma muuama koleka tout Ie mvuma respect du paix on la Suspide espere de skoni craisis Papa na mama vukisa retour Ndeke efelo pourquoir bo yebisaki nga te

Nasala keba na miso za miconfusion Sourire ya niko ezui nga na motambo. T amboe na kulee, nasiliee Niko na mai na miso niko butu moi nazako lela yo X2 Wapi yo kaniko bukaji

Niko natiaki nde faute na yo faute na ecevale

Cassette ya J'amour ekangi nga na kingo.

Ba fette karate eko kanga aa Niko oyeba kati ndeko butu moi nazakolela yo

284

Niko oyeba kalibuko butu moi naza kolela yo

Onse cours X2 kaliko bukaji sauner nga X2 kalikobuka

Ba bomaka lianzi na lisasi te

Bakombaka mpe zamba te Bokambo, edi lokoka match eza ya 3 point.

General English translation

Verse1

This is Pianette Chachou Whether it is true or not, oh garden owner

If it is true, there is no need of hiding it

It is a pity to hide because it does not benefit I will die only once so that I can leave all the sorrows and joy behind

I will leave it to those that love freedom

The eyes desire but the heart chooses I used to think that all light skinned women are the same

But it is not so

Kikwaza, garden flowers need a gardener

Kiwaza, the fruit glitters

Kikwaza, sugar does something

Kikwaza, clothing surpasses all

Kikwaza, the electric stairs.

Even in the dark Micka shines

Vers 2

You cannot get Micka on the tree

Give him gifts but leave Micka alone

Leave what is Micka's

Micka, love me and make me rich

Micka, love me so that I can be a rich man

I have become richer than the rich

Why didn't you tell me when the plane was leaving

I am cautious about the dreadful eyes

The laughter of Micka causes my body to tremble

My body goes down, I faint

Micka I have water in my eyes

Day and night I cry for you

285

Where are you oh Micko Bukaji.

Micka, I say it is your fault; it is the fault of the love cassette that has held my throat

The karate game has held me

Micka, know that day and night I cry for you

Help me X2 kalikobuka

Bakambo, edi lokoko, the game is a 3 point

Kirk Franklin

Revolution? (Audiotape)

Spoken Text: Voice 1

Voice 2

Judge

Jury

Solo 1

Interjection

Solo 1

Interjection

Solo 1

Interjection

Solo 1

Interjection

Solo 1

Interjection

Refrain

Chorus

You are not a Christian artist; you are really a secular artist posing as a Christian artist. (Word-interpolations, shrills, conversations in the background).

Order in court X3

Mr. Coleman, will you please read the charges

Charge number 1: Trying to take the gospel to the world; Charge 2: Making gospel music secular;

Charge number 3: Tearing down the walls of religion.

We the jury find the defendant in the case of Kirk Franklin versus the state of the world the verdict is ... [Suspense]

The book of Revelation Chapter 7, verses 16-17.

Yes Sir

They shall hunger no more neither shall they thirst anymore.

Preach preacher

For God shall wipe away

Yes sir

Every tear from their eyes

Yes sir

Get ready for a revolution

Comin' X5

[All the above are spoken words]

Oh ...

7 The text of this song is extracted from the printed copy on the cover page of the audiotape by Kirk Franklin and Rodney Jerkins.

286

Solo 1

Chorus

Solo 1

Chorus

Soloist

Refrain

Chorus

Men

Ladies

Chorus

Soloist

Chorus

Soloist

Chorus

Solo 1 (rap)

Sol02 (rap)

Do you want a revolution?

Uhuu8

Do you want a revolution?

Uhuu

Sick and tired of my brothers killing each other. Sick and tired of daddies leaving babies with their mothers. To every man that wants to lay around and play around. Listen potnah you should be man enough to stay around.

Sick and tired of the church talkin' religion. But yet they talk about each other making decisions. No more racism. Too fascism. No pollution. The solution: A revolution.

Ooh ...

No crime. No dying. Politicians lying. Everybody's trying to make a dollar. It makes me wanna holla.

The way they do my life. The way they do my life. There's gonna be a brighter day, all your troubles will pas away.

A revolution coming. Yes its comin comin comin. Revolution's cOlTlin'. Yes it's comin'. Revolution comin' cOlTlin'.

Do you want a revolution?

Uuuh

Do you want a revolution?

Uuuh

What you feeling what you want son? Who you callin to son? You know Jesus is the true son. The second in the Trinity I Know. You feelin' Him. 500 days left until the new millennium. You hear 'em. Trumpets crack the sky. Christ the last one first the first the last that won't pass so don't be caught slippin brotha. Don't be trippin brotha cause when I see Him I'm getting caught up.

We move too much. We do too much and if you step against us then you loose too much. Aint no stoppin what we doin when the spirit is movin don't be hating what I'm doing I'm the vessel He's using. Everywhere I be they try to judge me. They try to shake me, they try to buzz me but they can't break me cuz I'm down with Christ. Darkchild and Nu Nation make you feel alright.

*** Put your hands

Together! Hands up!

*** Revolution .....

8 Uuuh is a Singing sound that the chorus is making.

287

Revolution (Video)9

Solo

Female Chorus

Solo

Female Chorus

Solo

Female Chorus

Solo

Female Chorus

Solo

Chorus rap

Refrain

Chorus

Men

Ladies

Chorus

Soloist

Chorus

Soloist

Chorus

For your glory Father. Ah!. .. go ... move .... Ah .... Ah ... Ah ...

(On your fours somebody get set) x 2 If you came to have a revolution get up on your feet and make some moves.

Ooh

Do you want a revolution?

Uuuh

Do you want a revolution?

Uuuh

I can't hear what you are saying?

Uuuh

Clap, clap your hands

Sick and tired of my brothers killing each other. Sick and tired of daddies leaving babies with their mothers. To every man that wants to lay around and play around. Listen potnah, you should be man enough to stay around.

Sick and tired of the church talkin religion. But yet they talk about each other making decisions. No more racism. Too fascism. No pollution. The solution: A revolution.

Ooh ...

No crime. No dying. Politicians lying. Everybody's trying to make a dollar. It makes me wanna ho"a.

The way they do my life. The way they do my life. There's gonna be a brighter day, all your troubles will pas away.

A revolution coming. Yes its comin' comin' comin'. Revolution's comin'. Yes it's comin'. Revolution comin comin'.

Do you want a revolution?

Uuuh

Do you want a revolution?

Uuuh

9 Transcription of text has been done directly from the video-clip.

288

Appendix B

Dance pattern formations

Pattern formations of Mukumu Girls' High School performing dance

group

• V-Shape

• Two circles

• Inverted S-Shape

289

• .. •

Explanatory notes on the Benesh notation system by Eduard

Greyling 1

Movement is recorded using a five-line stave:

Figure 2

Top of the head Line Shoulder Line Waist Line Knee Line Floor Line

Figure 1

The body is viewed from behind and the body positions are placed in frames.

I I I I I I I •

Figure 3

The positions are linked, thereby creating simple movement read from left to right.

I • I·

Figure 4

The combination of simple movements becomes sequences of dance movement which relate directly to rhythm.

I The notes by Eduard Greyling are based on lecture handouts of courses he attended in London. There is no dictionary of signs available. (Benesh Movement Notation © Rudolf Benesh, London 1955.)

290

<. L)

-£]-11 I , nn Dv

Figure 5

The area above and below the stave is used for information relating to the in-stave

notation as indicated in Figure 5.

There are three basic signs from which thousands of signs are derived.

The three basic signs used to identify the extremities (hands and feet)

used to show extremities which are level with the body

used to show extremities which are in front of the body

• used to show extremities which are behind the body

The three signs used to identify bent elbows and knees

used to show bent elbows or knees which are level with the body

+ used to show bent elbows or knees which are in front of the body

x used to show bent elbows or knees which are behind the body

J per <p = 132MM

nn

Figure 6

Figure 6: The frame at the beginning shows the starting position. The numeral 6

indicates that there are 6 pulse beats in each bar.

The sign for a full pulse beat

Above the starting position the pulse beat is shown together with the metronome

speed.

The position of the body shows the feet apart in parallel and the arms outstretched to

the sides with the hands at a height just below the shoulders.

291

I

I

;

Figure 7

Figure 7: The right foot is lifted at knee height in front while standing on the left foot.

The right foot is brushed through to the back at knee height. The path of travel of the

right foot is shown with a between-frame movement line.

..... + (e '1 • I

Figure 8

Figure 8: The right foot is placed in front and the weight adjusted so that it is in

between both feet. Both feet turn to a natural turnout. Both knees are then bent

indicated by the signs placed underneath the knee-line. The knees are both slightly

bent.

Figure 9

Figure 9: The right foot is lifted in front to just below shoulder height. At the same

time the hands are brought down to the sides. The right foot is then lowered to the

ground while the left knee bends quite deeply. The knee written directly above the

foot means that the leg is now in parallel. At the same time the arms are lifted via the

furthest point in front (indicated by the two lines drawn through and perpendicular to

the movement lines). When the arms reach the position level above the head the

elbows are bent level. The dark triangle indicates that the right foot has been brought

down to the ground making a noise. The 0 below the stave is the right foot with the v

written next to it indicating a downward emphasis. The curved line above indicates a

smooth transition from the one frame to the next. The small A signifies that the

'legato' line applies to the arms only.

292

Fig. 6.1 Rafiki pesa

Appendix C

Figures

Rafiki Pesa J=106 Shari Maztin

3

'~IV t n I J J) J ) In I J J~ J ) n I J i' J ) J ill J J I Ni-li - ku wa na ra-fi-ki ya-ngu, ra fi-ki pe-sa tu-li-pe-nda-na

k "

3 3

J J J I J J) ~ J J J J J sa - na rna - i - sha ye - tu ya - Ii - ku - wa rna -

J J i 13 J 1 J IJ J J II ~

-zu - n . Ni ta - ka - cho m - li pa - tao

Fig. 6.2 Viewership of Kuna Nuru Gizani on KBC1

KUNA NURU REACH BY AGE

IOTSA=2,442.000 • KUNA NURU =273,000 I

35% 35%

30%

24%

14% 13%

15%

15-17 18-24 25-34 35-44 45+

293

Plates 1 & 2 Amalemba Matende Ngwaro isukuti dance group in peliormance

Plates 3 & 4 Mukumu Girls High school dancers

Plate 5 Ngwaro group instrumentalists Plate 6 Mukumu instrumentalists

294

Plate 7 Kotti Olomide's female dancers Plate 8 Kofii and male dancers

Plate 9 Kotti and female dancers Plate 10 Kirk Franklin

Plate 11 Kirk Franklin in periormance Plate 12 Kirk Franklin's dancers

295

Plate 13 MMM dance group Plate 14 Mr and Mrs Dido

Plate 15 MMM with Emachichi Plate 16 Glorious Teens

Plate 1 7 Makoma Plate 18 Kamau in MMM crusade

296

Appendix 0

Tables

Table 3.1 Information on the Matende Ngwaro isukuti dance group

Table 6:2 MMM Members' ages, classes and tribes

Table 6.3 Comparisons between the costumes of Makoma and MMM

Table 6:4 MMM dance teachers, dance styles, and learning process

297

Table 3.1 Information on the Matende Ngwaro isukuti dance group

Research When Where they SChoollKMF' I Role in team Age I participant joined learnt their

dances 1. A Asa School Yes Singer/dancer 23

teenager 2. B 1996 (15 Township Yes (dancer) Dancer/singer 21

yrs) dance [now trainer] group

3. C When in School Yes (dancer) Dancer, soloist std. 6 (KMF), State [now trainer] 22

Lodge dance Group- NK

4. D Teenager KMF Yes SoloisUdancer 24 (Schools)

5. E 1992 (10 School Yes Dancer/singer 20 yrs)

6. F Teenager Village, from - Chairman/ 26 elders actor/ singer

instrumentalist 7. G 18 years Father, elders No Teacher/main

soloisU 40 organiser

8. H Teenager Older Secretary/singer 26 members of /dancer/ group instrumentalisUa

ctor 9. I 20's Older Yes Singer/dancer 37

members of the group i

10 J 1994 Grandfather No Singer/ 25 I

instrumentalist I

11 K 2001 Ngwaro No actor/drama 7 i

12 L 2001 Ngwaro No Actor 7 I . Dance group

13 M Teenage KMF YES InstrumentalisU- 22 singer

14 N 19 Older NO InstrumentalisU 21 Community singer Members

15 a 15 Ngwaro & YES Dancer 16 School

16 P 16 Ngwaro & YES Dancer 17 School

298

Table 6:2 MMM Members' ages, classes and tribes

Name Age/class Tribe

1. Vincent Katamu 18 (HS) Luhya

2. John Irungu 18 (F3) Kikuyu

3. Dominic Maungu 18 (F4) Luhya

4. Wilfred Njenga 15(F1) Kikuyu

5. Venanzio Githai 18 (F4) Kikuyu

6. Stephen Ndung'u 18 (F4)- OJ Kikuyu

7. Ambrose Mburu 13 (Std. 8) Meru

8. Valentine Muthoni 6 (Std. 1) Kikuyu

9. Alice Wanjiru 14 (F1) Kikuyu

10. Nancy Muthui 14(F1) Kamba

11. Winnie Wambui 18 (F4) Kikuyu

12. Malta Mwikali 18 (F4) Kamba

13.RachelKasyoka 18 (F4) Kamba

14. Mercy Muthui 19 (College) Kamba

15. Grace Kagondo 19 (College) Meru

16. Emmy Muiru 19 (College) Kikuyu

17. Mercy King'ori 19 (College) Kikuyu

18. Jane Nyambura 19 (College) Kikuyu

19. Kevin Njogu 18 (F4) Kikuyu

20.Andrew Muiru 23 (Working) Kikuyu

• HS represents High school • F represents Form (eg. Form 1, 2, 3 etc.)

299

Table 6.3 Comparisons between the costumes of Makoma and MMM

Item Makoma MMM

Top gear • The boys wear black T- • The boys wear red T-shirts shirts with numbers printed with white short sleeves. The on them. leader (Andrew Miuru) wears

The girls wear red a red T-shirt with red sleeves • as well. The shirts have the sweatshirts with the word 'Dreamcat' printed on number 45 printed on the

shirts. them.

• The girls wear red baggy T-shirts with the word 'Vodafone' printed on them.

Bottom gear • The boys wear black or • All the boys wear black grey trousers. trousers.

• The girls have red, yellow • The girls wear black loose or black trousers trousers [initially they had

black baggy, long skirts].

Shoes • They all wear either black • The boys wear black shoes or white snickers

The girls wear either white • snickers or black shoes.

Hairdo • The boys have short plain • The boys have short hair. hair, braids or curly kit. Only Andrew wears a hat.

• The girls have braids, curly- • The girls have headbands weave, straight perm or and long braids. The solo-hats. actress wears a hat.

Jewellery and • Some boys wear one • The men do not wear any accessories earring and others a nose jewellery.

ring. • The boys wear rack-sacks on • The girls wear earrings on their backs or bags across

both lobes, nose rings, and their torsos. eyebrow ring. • The girls wear handbags They wear sunglasses and across their torsos. They carry handbags across have neither jewellery nor their shoulders and around sunglasses even though the their waists. video-clip is taken in a sunny

open-air crusade sight.

Make-up Only the girls wear make-up. None of them wear make-up.

300

Table 6:4 MMM dance teachers, dance styles, and learning process

I Name Dance style How they learnt the style

, Ambrose Mburu Contemporary pop styles Videotapes, 1V programmes, school

Dominic Maungu Acrobats, Congolese Gym/acrobat classes in school, pop, Contemporary pop KMF, video tapes, 1V music styles, African traditional programmes styles

Alice Wanjiru Congolese pop, Salsa, School, Congolese dance video-tapes and 1V

Nancy Muthui Congolese pop, Salsa, Video tapes, 1V programmes, African traditional dances school, KMF

Emmy Muiru Jam School , Glorious Kids

Andrew Muiru Contemporary pop styles, School, Glorious Kids, jam, African traditional videotapes, 1V programmes styles

301

I

Appendix E

Kenya Music Festivals

The Kenya Music Festivals are held once a year during the period of May to August.

The Festival has four levels of competition: Zonal, District, Provincial and National.

They began during the colonial era in Kenya in 1927 with the aim of involving

students in the practice of music. 1 During their initial stages, the festivals were held

once a year for three consecutive weeks at the national level. They incorporated

students in schools and colleges. However, by 1989 there was a need to split the

festivals into two groups in order to enable more schools and non-educational

institutions to participate and also to reduce the duration of the programme.

One group became known as the Kenya Music and Cultural Festival, which falls

under the Ministry of Gender, Sports, Culture and Social Services in Kenya. This

festival is designed for colleges and non-educational institutions in Kenya. It is held

once a year in November or early December. Its main purpose is to develop Kenyan

musicians and to expose them to African cultural music and dances in the hope that

the participants will appreciate various cultural music and dances.

The second is the Kenya Music Festival, held once a year from May to August. This

festival falls under the Ministry of Education, Science and Technology. It is meant for

primary, secondary and tertiary educational institutions in Kenya. Students in

educational institutions in Kenya compete in the festivals under various classes

including choral, small vocal and instrumental music ensembles, solo vocal and

instrumental groups, poetry and dances. Students are normally expected to

participate in Western, African and Oriental music and dance drama categories.

When the festival started during the colonial era in Kenya, the emphasis was on

Western music performances. It was only after Kenya became independent in 1963

that African cultural and Eastern Oriental music have been included.

I Interview with the Assistant Director of Culture in Kenya, Ms. Gladys Gatheru, 10 December 2003.

302

One of the main objectives of the Kenya Music Festival is to promote the

performance and appreciation of Kenyan and other African cultures and their music,

while also exposing students to a variety of music.2 After independence neo­

traditional music was introduced in schools and the Festival, with the exclusion of

indigenous music instruments. At this time most of the schools were still mission­

aided and the missionaries had forbidden Africans from performing on African

musical instruments.

An adjudicator of the Kenya Music Festival since 1979 to date, Mr Mwiruki,3 recalled

that, although the students from Western Province of Kenya used to sing isukuti folk

songs, they were not allowed to play the isukuti drums. He also recalled how his

secondary school mission teachers punished him for attending an isukuti cultural

festival.

Since he had a passion for isukuti music, he realised that the only way he could get

the schools to play the isukuti drums was to introduce the drums through the mission

churches. At this time he was a member of the Salvation Army Church, which did not

allow isukuti drums or any other African instrument in church worship. Mwiruki states

that in 1972 he introduced African instruments in church services through the help of

a Salvation Army officer, Captain Mburu.4 The captain asked him to teach his family

how to play the drums. After several practice sessions with the family, Captain Mburu

organised a special presentation in church. On the given day the whole family of

Captain Mburu and Mr Mwiruki sang a Christian song and accompanied themselves

on the isukuti drums. Their performance presented the church leaders and members

with a predicament as Captain Mburu held a very influential position in the church.

Through Captain Mburu's participation and influential position, the inclusion of African

instruments in church services became acceptable. Consequently, isukuti drums

have since then been allowed in the Salvation Army. This controversial performance

2 Interview with Mr. Anami, 29 July 2003. J Interview with Mr. Mwiruki, 28 July 2003. 4 Captain Mburu was the section officer for Mbale Division in Western Province.

303

by Captain Mburu and Mr Mwiruki paved the way for the introduction of the same

instruments in schools and subsequently the Kenya Music Festival. 5

According to Mr Mwiruki, it was a challenge to teach drumming at girls' schools, as

the girls were customarily not allowed to play these instruments. Women in

indigenous Kenya had a very low status, a status not only evident from their limited

participation in music performances, but also in oral narratives.6 However, because

music education in Kenya incorporated both genders, all students had to learn to play

instruments and perform all kinds of music.?

As discussed in Chapter Three, these Festivals attract many young people. However,

the dances incorporated, although considered as African indigenous dances, are an

amalgam of various cultural dances and creativity. According to Sylver Anami and

George Mwiruki,8 the changes occur due to the fact that:

• girls are now expected to play musical instruments to accompany their performances;

• the teachers of the dances may not necessarily understand the culture and cultural dances and practices of the dances their students perform. Likewise, students try to borrow ideas from other schools and cultures, thereby producing syncretised dance forms.

• the dancers borrow heavily from the dramatised dance festivals usually held in March-April every year.9 The schools that take part in these festivals use the same performances, with a few adjustments, and present them at the Kenya Music Festivals. Therefore, the students use creative and syncretised styles from different African cultural groups, thereby losing the authenticity of the traditional performing arts.

5 Mr. Mwiruki has introduced, played, and taught isukuti drumming in various primary, secondary and tertiary institutions in Kenya. He has also been an adjudicator of the Kenya Music Festival since 1979 to date.

6 Wanjiku M. Kabira, "Gender and the politics of control: an overview of images of women in Gikuyu oral narratives" in Austin Bukenya et al (eds), Understanding oral literature, Nairobi: Nairobi University Press, 1994, pp. 79-80; Ciarunji Chesaina, "Images of women in African oral literature: a case study of Kalenjin and Maasai oral narratives" in Bukenya et al. (eds), pp. 85-92.

7 Helen A. O. Agak, Gender difference and academic achievement in music form four students in Kenya 1991-1995, unpublished DMus Dissertation, Pretoria: University of Pretoria, 1999, pp. 2-25.

B Interviews with Sylver Anami, 8 August 2003 and George Mwiruki, 1 August 2003. Mr. Anami and Mr. Mwiruki have been adjudicating Kenya Music Festivals for the last 20 years. The two men gave their ideas of their experiences.

9 This is a schools - drama Festival in Kenya. According to Mr. Mwiruki, the drama Festivals in the past used to be very poorly attended. To make them more interesting, the African dramatised

304

Appendix F

Interviewees10

1. Adriano Lusala- Old Isukha villager and research participant

2. Andrew Nyumu (Rev.) - Pastor, Presbyterian Church of East Africa

3. Annie Clement - Dance Teacher

4. Bachuza Nene Nday Dido - Evangelist, Song leader, worship team member, recording Artists

5. Christina Musolo - Research participant, Isukha, Kakamega.

6. David Pragassa - in charge of music, Family media

7. Dr. Otieno Mare Munala Bishop of New Hope Church

8. Elizabeth Mwangi - Editor of Maximum Miracle Times

9. Evangelist Lucy Muiru - founder of MMCM, Song leader at MMCM- Chif editor of Maximum Miracle Times.

10. Fabian S. Lilumba- Chief of Bukhulu location in Amalemba, Kakamega district

11. George Mwiruki -lecturer at Kenyatta University, Isukuti Performer

12. Gideon E. Makala - Lead guitarist, MMCM

13. Gladys Gacheru - Assistant Director of Kenya in Kenya

14. Harold Nyaranga - Teacher of Sunday school, and Glorious Kids & Glorious Teens

15. Joan Mwai - Editor, Maximum Miracle Times

16. Job Rufus Miya - Pastor of Church of God, Research Participant, Ebusiekwe

17. John Kamau - Recording artist, Song leader at MMCM Worship team member

18. John Litswa Lumati - Isukuti drummer, Leader of Lumati Traditional Dance group

19. Joseph Liluma - Research Participant

20. John Nyika - Keyboardist of MMCM

21. Joseph Karaja - Saxophonist, lead & brass guitarist at MMCM

22. Justus Mulema - lead guitarists at MMCM

23. Kamonga Dido Nday - Bass, lead & rhythm guitarist at MMCM, recorded artist and evangelist

24. Kelvin Waweru - Leader of Glorious Kids and Glorious Teens

25. Ken Bakuli - Church Administrator, MMCM

26. Mark Mabiya - Field work assistant

dances (dance drama) were initiated in the 1990s. This created so much interest in schools and consequently the drama festivals have become very popular.

10 People interviewed between December 2001 - August 2004.

305

27. Maurice Mukhabali - Sub-chief of Bukhulu location, Amalemba, Kakamega district

28. Michael Mwaura - Camera man, sound technician, video mixer, and video editor at MMCM

29. Paul Mwangi Mukoma - Television producer in charge of TV crew MMCM

30. Paul Mwasia - Pastor Seventh Day Adventist church

31. Penninah Musumba- Research participant, assistant translator and research assistant

32. Peter Macharia (Rev.) - Anglican Church of Kenya, Parish, pastor

33. Peter Mutua Mwaka - Children'S pastor MMCM, Glorious Kids dance teacher

34. Peter Ndung'u (Ev.) - Lutheran Church in Kenya, Dean Nairobi District leader

35. Priscilla Machika - Research participant, ex-Isukuti Dancer

36. Prof. Adeyepo Yapo - Lecturer, University of Angola

37. Sarah Oyungu - Music co-ordinator Nairobi Baptist Church

38. Sylvere Lisamula Anami - Director of culture in Kenya, Isukuti Drummer, dancer and singer and teacher

39. Amalemba Matende Ngwaro dance group members

Antony Alusiola - Secretary of group/singer/dancer/actor

Anthony M'maisi - Singer/actor/dancer

Atanus Mabuyi - Song Leader/singer/horn player

Consolata - song leader/dancer

Doris Mkasembi - singer/dancer

Elizabeth - Singer/dancer

Elkanah Machika

Ingasa

Luka Andobe - Actor

Masitsa - singer/dancer

Sarah - Singer/dancer

Sylvester Muhondo - Chairman/horn player

306

40. Maximum Miracle Melodies Dancers

Andrew Muiru

Vincent Katamu

John Irungu

Dominic Maungu

Wilfred Njenga

Venanzio Githai

Stephen Ndung'u

Ambrose Mburu

Valentine Muthoni

Alice Wanjiru

Nancy Muthui

Winnie Wambui

Malta Mwikali

Rachel Kasyoka

Mercy Muthui

Grace Kagondo

Emmy Muiru

Mercy King'ori

Jane Nyambura

Kevin Njogu

Kelvin Waweru

307

Appendix G

Letter to research participants

SUBJECT INFORMATION SHEET AND REQUEST FOR CONSENT TO

PARTICIPATE

I, Florence Ngale Miya, have received approval from

(1) The University of Cape Town (2) Maximum Miracle Centre Ministry, Nairobi, Kenya

to undertake a research project entitled:

Educational content in the performing arts: tradition and Christianity in Kenya

The objectives of this study are:

(1) To ascertain the role of the performing arts in the church in Nairobi; (2) To determine the principles which guide the dancers' choice of music,

dance and drama; (3) To analyse the relationship between music, dance and drama

performed by the dance group; (4) To establish the extrinsic factors which affect the dance group's

performances; (5) To investigate the reasons for the existence of the performing arts and

the dance groups in the church in Nairobi; (6) To develop a theoretical framework to aid in making recommendations

as to how the performing arts can be used in an African multicultural setting in educating the society.

The project involves evaluating

(1) The dancers' attitudes and perspectives on the performing arts; (2) The religious and dance leaders' perspective on the performing arts; (3) Performance practices such as dance movements, stage choreography

and costumes.

This information will be obtained by:

(1) Personal interviews; (2) Participant observation methods; (3) Video and audio-tape recording by permission from participants and

church leaders.

308

I would appreciate your willingness to participate. All information obtained will be kept confidential and no participant will be identifiable in the research report. You should feel free to withdraw from this project at any stage should you not be comfortable with the information we are requesting from you.

Research Participant

I ...................... .... ........................ have read the above and agree to participate in this study on the understanding that

(1) All information will be confidential (2) I am free to withdraw at any stage without jeopardy to myself or UCT.

Signed: ..... . ....... ...... ..... ... .. ..... ..... '" ... .

Date: ............ .. ................ .... .............. .

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Appendix H

Examples of oral narratives of the Isukha

Story song: Nzese

Singing game: Obu/e bwanje (My millet)

Proverb

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Story song: Nzese (as narrated by Peninah Musumba)

Once upon a time, there lived a man called Nzese. He had a wife and six children.

One day, he told the wife that he was going on a long journey and that he will not be

back for a while. He also warned the wife not to cook a certain pumpkin that he had

planted in his farm. Therefore, he left the wife with enough food to eat with the

children until he would be back.

However, Nzese stayed away for too long. The wife cooked all the food that she had

until it all got finished. She then wondered what she should do because the children

were crying of hunger. She went to her neighbours to ask for food but they too had

none to spare for her. After a while she thought, "what will my children eat since I

have no more food for them and my husband has not come back? I cannot let my

children die of hunger; I will get Nzese's pumpkin and cook it for them."

So Nzese's wife plucked the pumpkin from the farm and cooked it for the children. As

soon as the children finished eating the pumpkin, they all died. Their mother tllen

cried and cried and cried. "Why did this happen to my children? What have I done?

What was wrong with the pumpkin? Oh Nzese, where are you? Nzese, Nzese,

Nzese ...

Later, the wife sent a bird to look for Nzese and sing this song to him:

Nzia Mmbo wa Nzese X2 (I am going far away to Nzese) Nsese khaondo kha walekha (Nzese, the little pumpkin you left) Nsese khamalila abana (Nzese it has finished the children) Nsese manani kitubule bana (Nzese, the ogres are dancing, your children) Nzese, Nze, Nze, Nze, Nzese ... (Nzese ... )

The bird wondered up in the air, singing as he looked for Nzese. At the time, Nzese,

was laughing, and talking with his friends in a distant land. Then, the singing of the

bird attracted his attention. He listened keenly to the singing again.

Nzia Mmbo wa Nzese X2 (I am going far away to Nsese) Nsese khaondo kha walekha (Nsese, the little pumpkin you left) Nsese kahmalila abana (Nsese it has finished the children) Nsese manani kitubule bana (Nzese, the ogres are dancing, your children) Nzese, Nze, Nze, Nze, Nzese ... (Nzese ... )

Suddenly, he realised that the bird was Singing about a pumpkin, "Could that be the

pumpkin I left at home. Oh no, are those my children the bird is singing about?"

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thought Nzese. He quickly jumped up with a startle then he said, "I must go home

and find out how my family is doing. I have stayed in this land for too long." His

friends bid him farewell and then he left.

On arriving home, he found his wife crying and wondering what she should do. She

narrated the whole story to Nzese who was very sorry that he stayed away longer

than he should.

Singing game: Obule bwanje (My millet)

Soloist: Obule bwanje (My millet) All: Obule (Millet) Soloist: Khatunyi sinjira (Khatunyi, stand up) All: Obu/e Soloist: Bina mabeka (Shake your shoulders) All: Obule Soloist: Auii (vocables) All: Chachacha (vocables)

The game

The children sit down in a circle as they sing and tap the ground with one hand.

When the soloist singer calls on a child's name, s/he will stand up and perform the

Amabeka dance. This exercise goes on until all the children have performed their

turn.

Proverb 11

Amakhino amabi sikera iseresi [Do not be put off by a partner's poor dancing].

You should not judge by superficial characteristics. You can't tell a book by its

cover.

It Mirimo, p. 4.

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Appendix I

Questionnaires

Sample questions for dance leaders

Sample questions for Musicians/dancers

Sample questions for the television crew

Sample questions for the isukuti instrumentalists

Sample questions for non-MMCM church leaders

Sample questions for old research participants on traditional practices

Sample questions for isukuti teachers

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Sample questions for dance group leaders

Full names

Age

Gender

Occupation

Educational level

Music education background

1. Where have you lived longest?

2. What are your hobbies?

3. Are you born again?

4. When were you saved? (DImly)

5. What is your denomination?

6. In which denomination have you served longest?

7. How long have you attended your current church?

8. Rank your five favourite programmes in order of preference:

9. Give reasons for your choices.

10. What type of music do you enjoy most?

11. Do you view music videotapes?

12. What type do you view often?

13.Why?

14. How do you choose dancers for the group?

15. What qualities do you hope the dancers to achieve?

16. How do you choose music for performance?

17. How do you select the dance styles and stage choreography for performances?

18.Why?

19. What do you hope to achieve with the performances?

20.Are there any educational values you transmit through the performances?

21. How does the performance of the group benefit

the group in general?

you the (leader )?

the congregation?

22. What have you learnt through the group and its performances?

23. What African traditional practices do you incorporate in your performances?

24. How do you learn the dance styles and choreography?

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25. Have you ever had any dropouts?

26.Why?

27.What problems do you encounter

as a leader?

as a group?

28. How many active members do you have?

29.Are all members good timekeepers and attendees in practice and performances?

30. Why/ Why not?

31. When do you hold your practices?

32.Why?

33. What happens during such practices?

34. Do you hold any other type of meeting?

35. Name them.

36. Why do you have such meetings?

37. Where do you perform your dances?

38.Why?

39. Do you use costumes?

40. Why/ Why not?

41. How many types of uniform do you have?

42. Why did you choose these speci"fic uniforms /costumes?

43. How many of the MMM members have been involved in school traditional Music festivals (Kenya Music Festivals?

44. How old are the small girl and the boy too?

45. Where did you get the track used at the beginning of Makoma's song?

46. Which Congolese musicians have influenced your dance?

47. When did MMM begin?

48. The last time I was here you told me that the girls in your dance team were not allowed to use trousers; why have they started using trousers in recent performances?

49. How old are the MMM members?

50. Which members teach dances?

51. When do you hold your practices?

52.Why?

53. What happens during such practices?

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54. Do you hold other types of meetings?

Name them

55. Why do you have such meetings?

Sample questions for Musicians Idancers

Name

Time

Venue

Date

Age

Gender

Occupation

Current carrier status

1. Where have you lived longest?

2. How long have you lived in town?

3. What type of music do you enjoy listening to?

4. Why do you like their music?

5. Do you watch any music videos?

6. What type of music do you enjoy most?

7. Why?

8. What are your 6 favourite television programmes in order of preference?

1. Are you 'saved'?

2. When did this happen?

3. How then did you join MMCM and why?

4. When did you start singing in this church?

5. How did you join the music group in this ministry?

6. Do you find the dance styles difficult to Jearn and perform

7. Do you think a dance group is necessary in church ministry?

8. Why do you think so?

9. What have you learnt through the dance ministry?

10. Where do you perform your music and dances?

11. What languages do you often sing in?

12. Have you recorded any music on tape?

13. How many?

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14. Did you compose these songs?

15. How did you come up with the songs?

Sample questions for the isukuti instrumentalists

Name

Group name

Major occupation

Age

1. How did you learn how to play the isukuti drums?

2. What kind of instruments do you have in your group?

3. What kind of instrumentalists do you have?

4. What kind of costumes do you wear?

5. Why do you use 3 drums?

7. Why were women not allowed to play these drums?

1. Why do you paint your bodies in performances?

9. What kind of rhythms do you play on each of the instruments? (please demonstrate)

10. What names do you give your dance styles?

11. When do dancers know that it is time to change their dance styles?

Sample questions for church leaders at MMCM

Name

Profession! occupation

Time

Venue

Age

Educational level

Gender

1. Are you 'born again'?

2. When did you join Maximum Miracle centre Ministries?

3. Why did you join MMCM?

4. How did this ministry begin and why?

5. Give the developmental narration of MMCM.

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6. What specific structure and sub ministries exist within MMCM?

7. What type of music exists within the ministry?

8. Who is the music director or leader?

9. How many dance groups and music groups do you have?

10. Why do you allow dance groups in your ministry?

11. What role do they play?

12. What recruitment process do you use?

13. When and why did the ministry begin?

14.ls 'salvation' one of the qualifications of the workers? Why/ why not?

Sample questions for the television crew

Name

Age

Occupation

Specific task in the department

Ed ucation level

1. Are you 'born again'?

2. What kind of activities do you shoot on video?

3. Where do you get the equipment to do so?

4. Do you shoot the video alone?

5. What normally is your focus when recording?

6. Where do you keep the information that you record?

7. What types of equipment do you use/have?

8. For whom do you record?

9. About the Kuna Nuru Gizani programme: do you get any feed back on your viewers and listeners?

10. Do you lend the tapes to other people?

11. What kind of problems are you currently facing in your work?

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Sample questions for non-MMCM church leaders

Name

Church

Age

Position in Church

Nationality

Contacts

1. What is your opinion on dance groups and performances in church?

2. What would you like the church to know about Christian dance group performances?

3. What is your advice on Christian dance group performances in worship services and other meetings (e.g. concerts, fellowships, etc.)

Sample questions for old research participants on indigenous

practices

1. Amongst the Abisukha, what normally happens when a mother gives birth?

2. Who normally sings?

3. When do they usually sing?

4. When the women sing the songs, do they dance?

5. How will they know that it is time to sing the song?

6. Do they wear any costumes?

7. Do they perform isukuti drums?

8. As children grow up, what do they normally do and what songs do they perform?

9. How do they learn their stuff and what is their stuff?

10. Did the children graze livestock at all?

11. Did they used to sing?

12. How did they used to learn the song?

13. How old were the children by the time they'd go for initiation?

14. Why did they used to initiate?

15. Did they used to sleep somewhere together?

16. Where did they used to stay?

17. Did they used to cry?

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18. Why were they told not to cry?

19. What were they taught?

20. How long were they in this homestead?

21. What used to happen after their three months of seclusion?"

22. What followed this period-- was it wedding?

23. How old were they by the time they would be getting married?

24. During courtship, when ready to many what were the expectations of the community?

25. What plans would follow after this agreement?

26. How was the dowry process done?

27. How did they decide on how many cows to take as dowry?

28. When dowry is paid, how would they perform the wedding?

29.lf the girl was a virgin, would they add more dowry, or was the dowry different from the others?

30. What if she was no t a virgin?

31. So the girls were told that they'd to be virgins when they're getting married.

32. What used to happen during death?

33. What happened to the widow?

34. What's the meaning of makumbosho?

35. Did you used to have work songs?

36. What used to happen during harvest time?

37. Did the Isukha have their own gods?

38. Was there singing and dancing?

Sample questions for isukuti teachers (verification of information)

Name

Age

Occupation

Institute

Tribe

Date

Time

Venue

1. What kind of music is isukuti?

2. When was isukuti allowed in church music performance?

320

3. How did you introduce them in schools?

4. How has the music Kenya Music Festivals influenced the performance of isukuti music?

5. How many drums are they meant to be in performance?

6. Which other instruments are played with the drums?

7. When did you begin playing isukuti drums?

8. Where have you taught isukuti instruments?

9. How long have you been an adjudicator?

10. Does the original isukuti still exist in the village?

11. What is the impact of Kenya Music festivals on indigenous isukuti music?

12. What kind of isukuti dance styles and names do you know?

13. How did these names come about?

14. What is your opinion on the performance of isukuti music today as compared to how it was originally played in indigenous contexts?

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Appendix J

Order of dance excerpts on VCD

Maximum Miracle Melodies

1. Ha/eluya variation

2. Zambe 1

3. Niongoze Bwana

4. Basic position

5. Zambe 2

6. Zambe 3 - 'Gym'

7. Zambe 4 - Khumkongo

8. Ha/e/uya

9. Variation of right stomp

10. Kitu gain

11. Mwana wake

12. Triplet stomp

13. Variation of Yumbani

14. Katika position

15. High ten

16. Variation of wriggle (Dancer in green shirt)

17. Variation of stomp

18. Typewritter

19. The count

20. Variation of Knee shake

21. Loose (cool) walk

22. Kick

23. Hip hop jump

24. Hip hop arm movement

25. Four point (Congolese)

26. Upa/a 2 (Luhya adoption)

27. The run (Congolese adotion)

28. 'Gym'

29. Amabeka 2 (From Luhya community)

30. Dramatisation of Bwana wa Mabwana

31. Power letdown

32. Crusade song leading [order of indigenous dance styles as they appear: Congolese, Maasai, Luo, Luhya (Lipala), and Kikuyu]

33. Makoma

34. Mr and Mrs Dido (Congolese musicians of MMCM)

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35. Emachichi and MMM in crusade

36. Rafiki Pesa

Isukuti dances

37.lngoi 1 (Ngwaro)

38.lngoi 2 (Mukumu - main dance on top right stage-soloist

39. Khumkongo 2 (Mukumu-[soloist])

40. Khumkongo 3 (Mukumu)

41. Upala (Ngwaro)

42. Amabeka (Mukumu)

43. Grinding dance (Mukumu)

44.lsukuti amusement (Ngwaro)

45.lsukuti dramatisation 1 (Ngwaro)

46.lsukuti dramatisation 2 (Mukumu)

North American (Kirk Franklin)

47. Stomp

48. Glory

49. Spot march

50. Grab "n turn

51. Instantaneous bow

52. Arm jerk

53. Cool walk

54. Knee shake

55. Fall

56. Dramatisation of Revolution

Congolese pop (Kotti Olomide)

57. Bingeli

58. The run

59. Variation of traditional right stomp

60. Yumbani

61. Nzomo

62. Wriggle

63. Ndombolo 64. Micko

65. Four point

66. Dramatisation of Congolese pop (Koffi)

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