TheGorwaaNoun:TowardadescriptionoftheGorwaalanguage

AdissertationsubmittedtotheSchoolofOrientalandAfricanStudies,UniversityofLondon,inpartialfulfillmentoftherequirementforthe

degreeofDoctorofPhilosophyinLinguistics

AndrewDavidHarvey

2018

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DeclarationI have read and understood Regulation 21 of the General and AdmissionsRegulations for students of the SOAS, University of London concerningplagiarism. I undertake that all the material presented for examination is myownwork and has not beenwritten forme, inwhole or in part, by any otherperson.Ialsoundertakethatanyquotationorparaphrasefromthepublishedorunpublishedworkof anotherpersonhasbeenduly acknowledged in theworkwhichIpresentforexamination.Signed:____________________________ Date:_________________

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Abstract GorwaaisaSouthCushiticlanguageofTanzaniawhosenounsareparticularlycomplex.Basedondetaileddocumentationofthelanguage(mostofwhichisopenlyaccessibleforconsultationinanonlinearchive(Harvey2017)),thisdissertationprovidesafirstdescriptionofGorwaagrammar,withaparticularfocusonthenoun.Additionally,agrammaticalanalysisofGorwaanounsisdevelopedusingtheDistributedMorphologyarchitectureandMinimalistsyntax.ThisoffersadifferentperspectivefromthetypicallyfunctionalanalysesavailableforSouthCushiticlanguagesthusfar. FollowingageneralsketchofGorwaagrammar,aswellasabriefintroductionintothetheoreticalframework,eachsubsequentchapterofthedissertationfocusesononesubpartofthenounanditsmorphosyntacticcharacteristics.Composedofseveralidentifiablesubparts(e.g.thestem,thesuffix,andthelinker),eachofwhichinturnpresentsaricharrayofvariants,theGorwaanounisanidealentrypointforinquiryintoGorwaaasasystem,asadequateexplanationofnounsinthislanguagetouchesonallthemajormodalitiesofgrammar(phonology,morphosyntax,semantics,andpragmatics). Syntactically,thestemisformedofaroot,whosecharacteristics(phonetic,semantic,andcategorial)aredeterminedbythelargersyntacticstructureinwhichitisfound.Distinguishedbytwobroadgroupsofmorphosyntacticcharacteristics(thosewhichareregularandthosewhicharelisted),thesuffixisformedof(maximally)threesyntacticheads:Cl(classifier),#(quantifier),andn(‘littlen’).Inordertobearanumbervalue(SgorPl),nounsmustbeclassifiedandquantified.Nounsunvaluedfornumber(‘general’number)areneitherclassifiednorquantified.Thelittlenheadisthesiteoftheparadigm,itselfestablishedasagrammaticalformativerealizedasaspecificsuffixthroughinstructionspost-Spellout.Grammaticalgenderisadiacriticfeature,alsorealizedpost-Spellout,makingAgreeanecessarilypost-Spelloutoperation(cf.Bobaljik2008).ThelinkerisagreementmorphologyonthesyntacticheadD.Casesofmismatchbetweentheformtakenbythelinkerandthegendervalueofnrepresentstheinterpretable(semantic)featuresofthereferentofthenoun(itselftheexternalargumentofn),interveninginagreementrelationsbetweenDandn.Thismechanismisextendedtoaccountforadjectivalnumberagreementonnounsofgeneralnumber.

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AcknowledgementsThisdissertationisaculminationofseveralyearsoffocusedwork,andarguablya

lifetimeofmoregeneral‘formation’,ofwhichIamdulygratified,andforwhichIam

deeplygrateful.Withthatsaid,throughoutmylifeandwork,Ihaveconsistently

benefittedfrommysex,thecolourofmyskin,andthecountryofmybirth.My

privilege(male,white,Western)isnotacceptable.Thisinequalityisthrowninto

evensharperreliefinthatmuchofmyworkisbasedontheAfricancontinent,andis

inextricablylinkedwithAfricanpeople--bothofwhichstillfacethedarkimpactof

colonialismperhapsmoredirectlythananyotherplaceonearth.Asanacademic,

muchofwhoseworkhasbeenintheassignmentofmeaning,thereisaroleformeto

playinaddressingtheseinequities.InaninauguralspeechtotheNational

Assembly,thefirstpresidentofTanzania,MwalimuJuliusK.Nyereresaid“Ofallthe

crimesofcolonialismthereisnoneworsethantheattempttomakeusbelievewe

hadnoindigenouscultureofourown;orthatwhatwedidhavewasworthless-

somethingofwhichweshouldbeashamed,insteadofasourceofpride.”1It

thereforefollowsthat,correspondingtomyprofessionalcapacityandtechnical

ability,myworkoughttohelpaffirmwhathasforsolongbeendenied:the

complexityofAfricanlanguage/s,thedepthofAfricanhistory/ies,andtherichness

ofAfricanculture/s.Ultimately,ofcourse,theroleoflinguistcomessecondtothe

roleofhumanbeing.Asmuchassuccessfullinguisticsisaboutformulatingthe

perfectelicitationquestions,findingtheidealconsultants,andkeepingtabsonthe

1“President’sInauguralAddress”inJuliusK.Nyerere,FreedomandUnity:AselectionfromWritingsandSpeeches1952-1962.(DaresSalaam,OUP,1966):186-187.

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plethoraofresearchdata(allwhilesupplyingenoughelectricitytokeepthe

batteriescharged),thewholeenterpriseismeaninglessifonecomesawaywithout

havingfeltsomething.Nothingismoreimportantthandevelopingwithourfield

communitiesrelationshipsoftrust,friendship,andsharedhumanity--perhapsthe

ultimatecuretotheprejudiceswhichcontinuetodetainourprogressasthe

scientific,sympatheticspecieswhichwemostcertainlyare.Itisthereforemytask

toensurethatmyworkisareflectionoftheaboveastruths,andnotmere

sanctimony.

ResearchconductedduringMasters-levelstudywasfundedbyaCommonwealth

Scholarship,tenuredattheDepartmentofForeignLanguagesandLinguistics,

UniversityofDaresSalaam,fromOctober2011toNovember2013.Research

conductedduringDoctoral-levelstudywaspartiallyfundedbyanEndangered

LanguagesDocumentationProjectIndividualGraduateScholarship,tenuredatthe

DepartmentofLinguistics,SOAS,UniversityofLondon,fromJuly2015toSeptember

2018.AdditionalfundingwasprovidedthroughaSOASFieldworkAward.

GratitudeisalsoduetothehonourablemembersofthePhilologicalSocietyCouncil,

whoseFieldworkBursaryprovidedtheone-mantentIusedwhenvisitingspeakers

furtherafieldfrommyprincipalfieldsite.

Atmyprincipalfieldsite,Endabegvillage,immeasurablethanksareduetothe

residentsofAyáHheewasi,manyofwhichbecameprincipalconsultantsasIlearned

theGorwaalanguage,allofwhichbecamefamilyasIlearnedtheGorwaalife.Baabá

JoeliSumaye(HeewasíTsangweelí),TluwayDu’umá,Jacobo(Gwa’i)Du’umá,

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TabithaGwa’i,andSafariyaDiniNehemiaJohn,andespeciallymyteacher,advocate,

andconfidanteAyiRaheli(/Atlarír)Lawi.TothesonsanddaughtersofAyiRaheli

andBaabáJoeli--JosiahSumaye,EmmanuelJoeli,MariaJoeli,DanielJoeli,and

PaulineJoeli--fromputtingmeupwhenItravelledintotown,throughsittingbymy

bedduringastintattheManyaraReferralHospital,theirtirelesssupportofthe

wholeprojectisprobablythereasonIhavemadeitthisfar.Tothehundred-odd

otherGorwaapeoplewithwhomIworkeddirectlyduringtheprocessofdata

collection,andtothescoresmorewhomImetandwhohelpedmeonthisjourney

na’asé’waló.

TheGorwaaLanguageCommittee,oneoftheunintendedoutcomesoftheproject,

wasindispensableinensuringthedatacollectedwasseenasrelevanttoand

representativeoftheGorwaapopulation.WiththeactiveengagementofAyiRaheli

Lawi,JosiahSumaye,AndreaTsino,HezekiahKodi,StephanoYohani,FestoMassani,

andPaschalBu’ú,thefutureoftheresearchagendafortheGorwaalanguageisboth

dynamicandbright.

HezekiahKodisharedwithmesomeofhisnotesandintuitions,collectedoveryears

ofquietobservationandintrospection.Hisinsight,especiallyontheetymologiesof

Gorwaapersonalnames,wasanimportantavenueofinquiryinthelarger

dissertation.

AakóBu’úSaqwaré(amodernGorwaaShakespeare)andwifeMariaHheekee,made

myregulartripstothehillsofYerotonikanunfailinglyspecialexperience.

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FundiJumaofBongagavemetwoweeks’ofmotorcyclelessons,nodoubtterrifying

theresidentsofthefieldsofAyasandaintheprocess.

Dr.KathrynRanhornhelpedmetolookatGorwaalandaspartofalargerRiftValley

area,andmyworkaspartofalargerhumanistpicture.

AttheUniversityofDaresSalaam,mythanks,asalways,tomyMasters-level

supervisorandcurrenthostDr.HenryMuzale,aswellasDr.JosephatRugemalira,

whofirstsuggestedIworkonGorwaa--bothformidablemindswhoneverallowed

metoforgettheprimacyoftheempiricaldataabovetheappealofaconvenient

theory.

AttheschoolofOrientalandAfricanStudies,mythankstoDr.MartinOrwinandDr.

PeterAustin,mysecondandthirdsupervisors,respectively.AsforDr.LutzMarten,

myfirstsupervisorwhosemagnanimity,franchise,andpatience(derived,itmustbe

remembered,fromtheLatin‘tosuffer’)IdoubtIshalleverproperlyrepay,Iknowof

fewotherpeoplewhowouldmakeatriptoKilimanjarotocheckinwithhowtheir

studentisdoing--fewerstillwhocouldcutthroughthecomplexitiesofalanguage

likeGorwaatodeterminethosefundamentalquestionsthatIsobadlyneededtobe

asked.

ThanksareduetothestaffattheEndangeredLanguagesArchive,whohelpedme

turnmydataintoinformation,availabletovirtuallyanyone,freeofcharge.The

abilityofreaderstoresolvetheGorwaamaterialbacktotheoriginalutterancesisa

centralfeatureofthisdissertation,andsimplywouldnothavebeenpossible

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withouttheirexpertiseinmetadata,datamanagement,andthevicissitudesof

technology.

Dr.Soung-UKim,whoreadvirtuallytheentirefirstdraftandrespondedwithdeeply

usefulcomments,andSamanthaGoodchild,whoprovidedcommentaryonpartsof

theintroduction,gavevitalalternateviewpointsonorganizationandcontent:a

resuscitatingbreathforanauthorinapost-draftstupor.

Dr.HannahGibsonandDr.RozennGuerois,lifeofthepartythatwasBantugroup,

havebeen,inacademicterms,theoldersistersthatIneverhad,anddespitebothof

theirfreneticschedules,neitherhaveeverfoundthemselvestoobusytooffer

supportorguidance.Thefriendship,hospitality,andhelpprovidedbythe

remainderoftheBantugroupandotherhangers-on(asmyself),includingDr.Peter

Edelsten,ChikuLijongwa,Dr.NancyKula,Dr.SheenaShah,andElisabethKerr,

won’tsoonbeforgotten.

SectionsofthisdissertationhavebeenpresentedinvariousformsattheAldrich

InterdisciplinaryConferenceinSt.John’s,Newfoundland,Canada,March2014;the

SOASLinguisticsStudentResearchConferenceinLondon,UK,June2016;theCELC

PostgraduateWorkshop,Cambridge,UK,July2016;CALL46inLeiden,the

Netherlands,August2016;NACAL45inLeiden,theNetherlands,June2017;CALL

47inLeiden,theNetherlands,August2017;andtheLAGBMeetinginCanterbury,

UK,September2017.Mythankstotheaudiencemembersandindividualswho

provideddetailedfeedback.MythanksalsotoDr.JasonMerchant,Dr.DavidAdger,

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andDr.HagitBorer,eachofwhomtookthetimetoprovidesomefeedbackon

specificpartsoftheformalanalysis.

ToJanandtheEnglishcountryside,theeasycompanionshipofwhomseemsto

blendtogether,Iowemanyofthehappiestmemoriesofmytimehere.

Mymother,father,andyoungerbrotherhavealwaysbelievedinthevalueofmy

work,andinmyabilitytodoit.DuringtimeswhenIquestionedmyself,thisproved

thesinglemostvaluablekindofsupport.Thankyou.

Needlesstosay,allerrorsfoundinthisdissertationaremine,andminealone.

Theauthor,MecklenburghSquare,London,April2018

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TableofContents1 Introduction....................................................................................19 1.1 WhyGorwaa?Whythenoun?Whyformalism?Anoteon

motivations.........................................................................................................19 1.2 Languagecontext.............................................................................................28 1.2.1 History....................................................................................................31 1.2.2 Languagefamily.................................................................................35 1.2.3 Languageuseandattitudes...........................................................37 1.2.3.1Numberofspeakers..........................................................37 1.2.3.2Languageuse.......................................................................40 1.2.3.3Languageattitudes............................................................44 1.2.4 Linguisticenvironment..................................................................46 1.2.5 Languagename..................................................................................49 1.2.6 Existingliterature.............................................................................51 1.2.7 Notesonculture................................................................................51 1.2.7.1Naturalresources..............................................................52 1.2.7.2Clans....................................................................................... 55 1.3 Methodsandmethodology.........................................................................57 1.3.1 Informationaboutparticipantsinthestudy........................57 1.3.2 Datacollection...................................................................................61 1.3.3 Speechgenrescollected.................................................................68 1.3.4 Accessing,finding,andusingthedata.....................................70 1.4 Summary............................................................................................................722 AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa............................................73 2.1 Introduction.......................................................................................................73 2.2 Phoneticsandphonology.............................................................................74 2.2.1 Consonants..........................................................................................74 2.2.2 Vowels...................................................................................................75 2.2.3 Pitchandintonation........................................................................76 2.2.4 Stress......................................................................................................79 2.2.5 Phonotactics.......................................................................................79 2.2.5.1Syllables.................................................................................79 2.2.5.2Stem-levelphonotactics..................................................80 2.2.5.3Word-levelphonotactics................................................82 2.3 LexicalCategories...........................................................................................87 2.3.1 Nouns.....................................................................................................87 2.3.1.1Syntacticdistribution.......................................................88 2.3.1.2Genderandnumber..........................................................92 2.3.1.3Subcategoriesofnouns...................................................100 2.3.1.4Derivationaloperations..................................................108 2.3.2 Verbs......................................................................................................110 2.3.2.1Syntacticdistribution.......................................................110 2.3.2.2Verbalinflection.................................................................111 2.3.2.3Adnominals...........................................................................115 2.3.2.4Derivationaloperations..................................................118

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2.3.3 Adjectivesandquantifiers............................................................123 2.3.3.1Adjectives..............................................................................123 2.3.3.2Thequantifierumó............................................................128 2.3.4 Adverbs.................................................................................................128 2.3.5 Anexcursusonideophones..........................................................130 2.3.5.1Directiconicity(onomatopoeia).................................131 2.3.5.2Gestalticonicity..................................................................131 2.3.5.3Relativeiconicity................................................................132 2.3.5.4Themorphosyntaxofideophones..............................133 2.4 Functionalcategories....................................................................................133 2.4.1 Determiners........................................................................................134 2.4.1.1Possessivedeterminers..................................................134 2.4.1.2Demonstrativedeterminers.........................................134 2.4.1.3Indefinitedeterminers....................................................136 2.4.2 Selectors...............................................................................................137 2.4.2.1Arguments............................................................................139 2.4.2.2Voice....................................................................................... 146 2.4.2.3Clausetype...........................................................................149 2.4.2.4Deixis......................................................................................152 2.4.2.5Aspect.....................................................................................153 2.4.2.6Mood.......................................................................................157 2.4.2.7Adverbialcase.....................................................................160 2.4.3 Pronouns..............................................................................................162 2.4.3.1Tonicpronouns...................................................................162 2.4.3.2Non-tonicpronouns..........................................................168 2.4.4 Prepositions........................................................................................169 2.4.4.1Locativeprepositions......................................................169 2.4.4.2Agentiveprepositionnee................................................170 2.4.5 Thecoordinativeconjunction.....................................................171 2.5 Constituents......................................................................................................171 2.5.1 Constituentorderinmainclauses............................................172 2.5.2 Verbphrase.........................................................................................172 2.5.3 Nounphrase........................................................................................174 2.5.4 Adpositionalphrase.........................................................................175 2.5.5 Comparatives.....................................................................................177 2.6 Pragmaticallymarkedstructures............................................................177 2.6.1 Focus,contrast,andtopicalization...........................................177 2.6.1.1Useofdemonstrativesandindefinites.....................178 2.6.1.2‘Topic’morphology...........................................................179 2.6.1.2Dislocation............................................................................180 2.6.1.3Cleftsandpseudo-clefts..................................................181 2.6.2 Negation................................................................................................182 2.6.2.1Verbalnegation...................................................................182 2.6.2.2Nominalandadjectivalnegation.................................183 2.6.2.3Clausalnegation.................................................................183 2.6.2.4Creativeuseofthenegative......................................... 184

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2.6.3 Non-declarativespeechacts........................................................184 2.6.3.1Polarquestions...................................................................184 2.6.3.2Informationquestions.....................................................185 2.6.3.3Imperatives..........................................................................186 2.7 Clausecombinations......................................................................................187 2.7.1 Relativeclauses.................................................................................187 2.7.2 Coordination......................................................................................1913 Thetheoreticalframework......................................................192 3.1 Introduction......................................................................................................192 3.2 Amodelofsyntax............................................................................................192 3.2.1 Thelexicalelements.......................................................................194 3.2.2 Theoperations..................................................................................196 3.2.2.1Merge......................................................................................196 3.2.2.2Agree.......................................................................................197 3.2.2.3Move.......................................................................................199 3.2.2.4Adjoin......................................................................................201 3.3 SamplederivationofanEnglishclause.................................................203 3.4 DistributedMorphology..............................................................................207 3.5 Summary........................................................................................................... 2104 Fundamentals:nominalstructureandnounstems.........212 4.1 Introduction......................................................................................................212 4.2 Nominalstructure..........................................................................................212 4.3 Nounsaswords?Commentsonwordhood....................................... 217 4.3.1 Orthographicboundaries.............................................................219 4.3.2 Pausa......................................................................................................221 4.3.3 Word-internalphonologicaloperations................................222 4.3.4 Indivisibility.......................................................................................223 4.3.5 Wordhood:summary.....................................................................224 4.4 Thestem.............................................................................................................225 4.4.1 Stem-internalphonotacticconstraints...................................226 4.4.2Phoneticsandsemantics:difficultiesinidentifying

thestem................................................................................................ 227 4.4.2.1Stemsidentifiablebyphoneticidentityand

semanticidentity................................................................228 4.4.2.2Stemsidentifiablebyphoneticidentityonly.........229 4.4.2.3Stemsidentifiablebysemanticidentityonly........231 4.4.3 Theinternalstructureofthestem........................................... 232 4.4.3.1Theroot.................................................................................236 4.4.3.2Thepost-syntax................................................................. 238 4.5 Remarksandsummary............................................................................... 240 4.5.1 Remarksonsyntacticcontext..................................................... 241 4.5.2 Summary............................................................................................. 2425 Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena....................................244 5.1 Introduction......................................................................................................244 5.2 Overviewoftheregularphenomena.....................................................246

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5.2.1 Characteristic(a):thedecomposabilityofthesuffix........246 5.2.2 Characteristic(b):suffixeswithnumbervalue...................247 5.2.3 Characteristic(c):suffixeswithoutnumbervalue............251 5.3 Characterizingthesuffix:datapresentation.......................................257 5.3.1 Sg.............................................................................................................260 5.3.1.1-(a)mó(Mo)..........................................................................261 5.3.1.2-(i)to’o(Fr)............................................................................262 5.3.1.3-imo(Mo)...............................................................................263 5.3.1.4-iimi(Fr).................................................................................264 5.3.1.5-aaCzi(Fr)..............................................................................265 5.3.2 General(Sg-leaning)(GenSg).......................................................265 5.3.2.1-o(Mo)....................................................................................266 5.3.2.2-í(Fr).......................................................................................267 5.3.2.3-í(Ft)........................................................................................271 5.3.2.4-ó(Mo)....................................................................................272 5.3.3 General..................................................................................................273 5.3.3.1-a(Mk)....................................................................................275 5.3.3.2-a(Mo)....................................................................................276 5.3.3.3-i(Ft).......................................................................................278 5.3.3.4-i(Fr).......................................................................................279 5.3.3.5-∅ (Mo).................................................................................281 5.3.3.6-ay(N∅).................................................................................282 5.3.3.7-ú(Mo)....................................................................................283 5.3.3.8-oo(Fr)...................................................................................284 5.3.3.9-a(Ft)......................................................................................285 5.3.3.10-aa(Fr)................................................................................287 5.3.3.11-ee(Fr).................................................................................287 5.3.3.12-á(Mo)................................................................................ 288 5.3.3.13-ay(Mo)..............................................................................289 5.3.3.14-u(Mo).................................................................................289 5.3.3.15-aangw(Mo)......................................................................290 5.3.3.16-oo(N∅)...............................................................................291 5.3.4 General(Pl-leaning)(GenPl).........................................................292 5.3.4.1-áy(Mo)..................................................................................293 5.3.4.2-u!(N∅)...................................................................................296 5.3.4.3-a’(!)(N∅)..............................................................................299 5.3.4.4-a’i(N∅)...................................................................................302 5.3.5 Pl..............................................................................................................303 5.3.5.1-náy(Mo)...............................................................................305 5.3.5.2-iya’(N∅)...............................................................................306 5.3.5.3-(a)ma’(N∅).........................................................................307 5.3.5.4-iyoo(N∅)..............................................................................307 5.3.5.5-aCzi’i(N∅)............................................................................308 5.3.5.6-<ee>-aCzu(N∅)..................................................................309 5.3.5.7-eemooor-<ee>-oo(N)....................................................310

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5.3.5.8-aawee(Fr)...........................................................................313 5.3.5.9-eeri(N∅)...............................................................................313 5.3.5.10-eema’(N∅)........................................................................314 5.3.5.11-(a)du(N∅).........................................................................315 5.3.5.12-aCzee(Fr)...........................................................................316 5.3.5.13-aCzu(N∅)...........................................................................318 5.3.6 Anoteonloans..................................................................................319 5.3.6.1LoansfromDatooga..........................................................319 5.3.6.2LoansfromSwahili(andpossiblyEnglish)............320 5.4 Analysis...............................................................................................................321 5.5 Remarksandsummary.................................................................................328 5.5.1 Remarksonmultiplesuffixing...................................................329 5.5.2 Summary..............................................................................................3346 Thesuffix2:thelistedphenomena........................................336 6.1 Introduction......................................................................................................336 6.2 Theparadigm...................................................................................................340 6.3 Overviewofthelistedphenomena.........................................................343 6.3.1 Characteristic(a):theparadigm:content,shape,

andtexture......................................................................................... 344 6.3.2 Characteristic(b):theunpredictabilityoftheparadigm.345 6.3.2.1Paradigmcontentisunpredictable............................345 6.3.2.2Paradigmshapeisunpredictable...............................347 6.3.2.3Paradigmtextureisunpredictable.............................348 6.3.3 Characteristic(c):multipleparadigmsforagivenstem.348 6.3.4 Characteristic(d):paradigmaticeffectson

numbervalue.......................................................................................349 6.3.5 Characteristic(e):gender‘polarity’........................................ 353 6.4 Theparadigms................................................................................................ 356 6.4.1 Paradigmsoftwo:thepair...........................................................360 6.4.2 Paradigmsofthree:thetriad......................................................362 6.4.3 Paradigmsofone:themonad.....................................................362 6.5 Analysis...............................................................................................................364 6.5.1 Theplaceoftheparadigm............................................................365 6.5.2 Paradigmsasversionsofn..........................................................369 6.5.3 RealizationofthemorphemeCl(i.e.SFX1)..........................372 6.5.4 Asummary..........................................................................................373 6.5.5 Therealizationofgender..............................................................377 6.6 Remarksandsummary.................................................................................381 6.6.1 Remarksonthenatureofn..........................................................381 6.6.2 Summary..............................................................................................3847 Thelinker.......................................................................................387 7.1 Introduction......................................................................................................387 7.2 Characterizingthelinker:genderrevisited.........................................388 7.3 Characterizingthelinker:datapresentation......................................392 7.3.1 Distributionofthelinker..............................................................392

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7.3.2 Pastanalyses......................................................................................396 7.3.3 Linkersasmorphophonologicallyconditioned...................397 7.3.3.1Clausalsyntax.......................................................................398 7.3.3.2Summary:linkersasmorphophonologically

conditioned..........................................................................404 7.4 Syntacticidentityofthelinker:theanalysis.......................................406 7.4.1 ThelinkerasD...................................................................................406 7.4.1.1Incorporationconstruction...........................................409 7.4.1.2Summary:thelinkerasD...............................................410 7.4.2 TheRargument.................................................................................410 7.4.2.1Personalnames...................................................................411 7.4.2.2GendermismatchandR..................................................414 7.4.2.3Summary:theRargument.............................................421 7.4.3 ExtendingRtonumber..................................................................421 7.5 Remarksandsummary................................................................................424 7.5.1 RemarksonKramer(2014).........................................................424 7.5.2 Summary..............................................................................................4338 Conclusion..................................................................................... 435 8.1 Summaryofthethesis..................................................................................435 8.2 Descriptiveinsights,andimplicationsforSouthCushitic.............439 8.3 Formalstructure,andimplicationsforformalsyntax....................441 8.4 Prospects........................................................................................................... 4529 Bibliography................................................................................. 459AppendixAParticipantinformation............................................... 473AppendixBSwahiliversionofconsentdialogue..........................476AppendixCListofnouns......................................................................477

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FiguresandtablesTable1.1:Formalversusfunctionalapproaches(adaptedfromCarnieand

Harley2003:2).................................................................................................23Table1.2:SouthCushitic:formalversusfunctionalapproaches.............................25Figure1.1:InternalclassificationofSouthernCushitic(adaptedfromEhret

1980a:132).........................................................................................................35Figure1.2:InternalclassificationofWest-Rift(adaptedfromKießling&

Mous2003:2)....................................................................................................36Table1.3:EstimateofGorwaa-speakersbyward..........................................................39Table1.4:LanguagesoftheRiftValleyLinguisticArea...............................................46Figure1.3:Basicdatacollectionworkflow.......................................................................63Figure1.4:Recordingscollectedduringeachmonthoffieldwork.........................67Figure1.5:Depositpagewith‘searchthisdeposit’intheupperleft.....................71Figure1.6:ELANfilewith‘phrasesegmentnumber’asthefourthtierfrom

thebottom..........................................................................................................72Table2.1:PhonemicinventoryofGorwaaconsonants...............................................74Table2.2:Consonants:IPAequivalentsfororthographicrepresentations.........75Figure2.1:TheGorwaavowels..............................................................................................76Table2.3:Voweldeletion..........................................................................................................85Table2.4:ThetargetsofgenderagreementinGorwaa...............................................95Figure2.2:Placenamesshowing(M)and(F)agreement..........................................103Table2.5:Locationalnounsandtheircombinations....................................................105Figure2.3:NumeralsinGorwaa.............................................................................................107Table2.6:Inflectionalparadigmsforlexicalverbs:presentindicative................111Table2.7:Pluralinflectionalparadigm...............................................................................112Table2.8:Inflectionalparadigmfornominalsubjects:presentindicative.........113Table2.9:Inflectionalparadigmforpastindicative.....................................................114Table2.10:Inflectionalparadigmsforadjectives..........................................................125Figure2.4:BasicadjectivesinGorwaa................................................................................127Figure2.5:AdverbsinGorwaa...............................................................................................129Table2.11:Possessivedeterminers.....................................................................................134Figure2.6:Schematicoftheselector...................................................................................139Table2.12:(S)argument...........................................................................................................141Table2.13:(A)argument..........................................................................................................142Table2.14:(P)argument,pronominalparadigm...........................................................143Table2.15:(P)argument,nominalparadigm..................................................................143Table2.16:Mediopassivemorpheme+Sargumentmarkerfordependent

clauseslackingandinternal(P)atientargument..............................151Table2.17:Personalpronouns...............................................................................................164Table2.18:Possessivepronouns...........................................................................................165Table2.19:Demonstrativepronouns..................................................................................166Table2.20:Interrogativepronouns.....................................................................................167Table2.21:ImperativesinGorwaa.......................................................................................186Figure3.1:ModelofDistributedMorphology(basedonHarley(2014:228))..210

17

Table4.1:Valuationoftherootofthesetwa/aangw,waá/(√364)........................238Table4.2:Valuationoftherootofthesettsifiriandtsifiraangw(√709)...............239Table4.3:Valuationoftherootofthesetgarmaanddaaqay(√765).....................239Table4.4:Valuationoftherootofthesetdo’,maray,mar’i,andmar’oo(√201).240Figure5.1:Generalnumberversussingularandplural

(fromCorbett2000:11)...............................................................................252Table5.1:Nounsuffixes............................................................................................................259Figure6.1:‘General/singular’versusplural(fromCorbett2000:13).................350Figure6.2:Singularversus‘general/plural’(fromCorbett2000:16)..................352Table6.1:Thepairsandthemonads...................................................................................358Table6.2:Thetriads....................................................................................................................358Table6.3:Valuationofn135(version1)..............................................................................371Table6.4:ValuationofCl..........................................................................................................373Table6.5:ValuationofSFX1....................................................................................................373Table6.6:Valuationof√561(version1)..............................................................................375Table6.7:Valuationof√561(version2)..............................................................................376Table6.8:Valuationof√238......................................................................................................376Table6.9:Valuationofn135(revised)..................................................................................378Table7.1:Gendermismatch....................................................................................................415Figure7.1:Fullstructureofageneralnumbernoun....................................................419

18

AbbreviationsA -agentoftransitiveclauseAbl -ablativeAmp -amplicativeAna -anaphoricpronounAtten -attenuativeAux -auxiliaryBack -background‘tense’Comp -comparativeConsec-consecutive‘tense’ Dem1 -demonstrative,firstdegree

deixisDem2 -demonstrative,seconddegree

deixisDem3 -demonstrative,thirddegree

deixisDem4 -demonstrative,fourthdegree

deixisEmph -emphasisExpect-expectativeaspectF -femininegenderFr -femininer-typesubgenderFt -femininet-typesubgenderImp -imperativemoodImprf -imperfectiveaspectIndef -indefinitedeterminerInstr -instrumentalL -linkerLat -lativeLPA -levelpitchaccentM -masculinegenderMk -masculinek-typesubgenderMo -masculineo-typesubgenderMP -mediopassivevoiceN -neutergenderNa -neutera-typesubgenderN∅ -neuter∅-typesubgenderNeg -negativeP -patientoftransitiveclause -speechactparticipantPart -participlePl -pluralnumberPlur -pluractionalPolarQ-polarquestion

Poss -possessivedeterminerPrep -prepositionPres -presenttensePrf -perfectaspectPro -pronounProhib-prohibativemoodPst -pasttenseQ -questionReason-reasonRec -reciprocalRed -reduplicationRes -resumptiveRPA -risingpitchaccentS -soleargumentofintransitive

clauseSg -singularnumberSubj -subjunctivemoodTemp -temporalTop -topicVent -ventive1 -1stperson2 -2ndperson3 -3rdperson♀ -female sex ♂ -male sex ´ -rising pitch accent ` -falling pitch accent ˆ -rising-falling pitch accent

1.Introduction

19

1.Introduction1.1WhyGorwaa?Whythenoun?Whyformalism?Anoteonmotivations.

Gorwaa(ISO639-3:gow),aSouthCushiticlanguagespokeninnorth-central

Tanzania,isanendangeredlanguage,aboutwhichverylittleisknownor

availabletolinguists.Beginningin2012andextendingtopresent,Ihavehadthe

privilegeofspendinglongperiodsoftimelivingwithspeakersofGorwaainand

aroundwhatmaybeconstruedastheirtraditionalhomelandofBabatidistrict,

conductingaudiovisualdocumentationoftheirlanguage.Thisworkisoneearly

outputofthatdocumentaryanddescriptivefieldwork.

Whilelearningtospeakthelanguage(anongoingfeat,itmustbeadmitted),

perhapsoneofthemostmind-bogglingtasks(orgroupoftasks)wasusing

nounscorrectly.Simplyput,asaspeakerofEnglish(withsomefamiliaritywith

bothFrench(fra)andSwahili(swa)),Ifound‘gettingthenounsright’inGorwaa

verydifficultindeed.Fourexamplesofthischaracteristicdifficultyareoutlined

below:

TONE:Nounsmustbepronouncedwiththeappropriatetone,otherwisetheyare

eithermisunderstoodordeemedincorrect.Thenounaalutumo‘inheritor♂’

mustthereforebepronouncedwithlowtone,andthenountlaptumó‘falcon’

mustbepronouncedwithhightone.Severalnounpairsexistwhosemeaning

differssolelyinwhethertheyareproducedwithloworhightone.Thus,the

wordfor‘drum’isniinga,andthewordfor‘pigeonspecies’isniingá.Theword

for‘night’isamsi,versusthepropernameAmsí(typicallygiventoaboyorgirl

bornatnight).

1.Introduction

20

LINKERS:Allnounspossessashortformandalongform.Theshortformofthe

nounmeaning‘cow’isslee,thelongformofthesamenounissleér.Longform

morphology(inthiscase,thehightoneandthe-r)isreferredtointheSouth

Cushiticliteratureasthelinker,andismandatorilypresentinconstructions

showingnominalpossession,orotherconceptsofmodification(e.g.sleéraakó

‘grandfather’scow’andsleerí‘thiscow’),butisalsopresentinother

constructionswhichareclearlynotmodificationalinnature(e.g.aníasleérdiíf‘I

hitthe/acow’).

ADJECTIVALNUMBERAGREEMENT:Somenounscantakeadjectivesagreeingineither

singularorplural,resultinginslightchangesofmeaning.Forexample,thenoun

tsaxway‘grasshopper’,couldoccurwithanadjectiveliketleérwitheither

singularagreement(i.e.tsaxwáytleér)orpluralagreement(i.e.tsaxwáytlét).In

thecaseofsingularadjectivalagreement,theresultantmeaningissomethinglike

‘alonggrasshopper’;inthecaseofpluraladjectivalagreement,theresultant

meaningissomethinglike‘alongswarmofgrasshoppers’or‘aspeciesoflong

grasshopper’.Conversely,somenounsuffixes(likethemasculinesuffix-(a)mó)

onlyallowsingularadjectivalagreement(hencedaka’umótleér‘atallbaobab

tree’,butnot*daka’umótlét(withanintendedmeaningofsomethinglike‘a

speciesoftallbaobabtrees’);andsomesuffixes(liketheneutersuffix-(a)du)

onlyallowpluraladjectivalagreement(hencesuledútlet‘tallschools’,butnot

*suledútleer).However,whilemanysuffixescanbedescribedastakingonly

singularadjectivalagreement(like-(a)mó),takingonlypluraladjectival

agreement(like-(a)du),ortakingboth(likemasculine-ay),othersuffixesdonot

behaveaccordingtothisgeneralization:somesuffixes,itseems,cansometimes

1.Introduction

21

takeeithersingularorpluraladjectivalagreement,butsometimescannot.For

example,thenounloosí‘beans’(suffix-í)canoccurintheconstructionloosír

tleer‘alongspeciesofbean’(i.e.singularadjectivalagreement)andthe

constructionloosírtlet‘longbeans’(i.e.pluraladjectivalagreement);however,

thenounbi/iní‘silkyblesmol’(withthesamesuffix-í)canonlyoccurwith

singularadjectivalagreement:hence,bi/inírtleer‘alongsilkyblesmol’,but

*bi/inírtlet(intendedmeaning,‘aspeciesoflongblesmol’).

ENCAPSULATION:Inadditiontooccurringoutsideoftheverbphrase,nounsmay

alsooccurinsideoftheverbphrase,betweentheauxiliary(i.e.theselector)and

themainlexicalverb--theso-called‘encapsulatedposition’.Therefore,inthe

clauseanísleeagadiíf‘Ihitthecow’thenounslee‘cow’isoutsideoftheverb

phrase(i.e.in‘un-encapsulatedposition’),whereasintheclauseaníasleérdiíf‘I

hitthecow’,thenounsleeisinsideoftheverbphrase(i.e.in‘encapsulated

position’).Asmaybeseenfromthedirecttranslationsofeachclause,the

differenceinpositiondoesnotresultinadifferenceintermsofcontentassuch,

butoftheweightofthatcontent.Unencapsulatednounsmayrefertonewly-

introducedentitiesinthediscourse,whereasencapsulatednounsrarely,ifever,

performthisfunction.

Thesephenomena,amongothers,rangefromfairlystraightforwardto

considerablycomplexand,collectively,arethereasonwhythecurrentworkis

dedicatedtotheGorwaanoun.Addressingthesepatternsprovidesimpetusfor

deepexplorationofGorwaamorphosyntaxand,ultimately,detailedgrammatical

descriptionoftheGorwaalanguage:thelong-termdesideratumofthebroader

project.

1.Introduction

22

Indeed,this‘project’doesnotexistinisolation:interestinthedescriptionofthe

widerSouthCushiticlanguagefamilyisnotwithoutitsscholarlytradition,

beginningwithWhiteley’s(1958)AShortDescriptionofItemCategoriesinIraqw

andgainingconsiderableadvanceswiththeIraqwgrammarsofNordbudstad

(1988),Mous(1993),andthemajorhistoricalsurveyofKießling(2002).Along

listofpapersmayalsobeaddedtothislist,includingthosefocusedonhistorical

reconstruction(e.g.Kießling1998,2004,Mous1996,andKießling&Mous2003)

aswellasdescriptionofspecificgrammaticalconstructions(e.g.Kießling2007,

Mous2004,andMousandQorro2010).Specifically,thisworkseekstoengage

inthisbodyofdescriptionintwoways.Primarily,bytreatingaSouthCushitic

languagewhichhas,topresent,beenunderrepresentedinliteratureonthe

family,thisworkwillbroadentheempiricalbasisuponwhichworkaboutSouth

Cushiticisconducted.Additionally,thisworkaimsforadifferentperspectiveon

SouthCushitic,namelyintakingaformalapproachtoquestionswhich,to

present,havebeentreatedfromafunctionalstance.

Thedivisionofformalandfunctionalapproachesisnotneat,andrunstheriskof

beingessentialist.AsstatedinCarnieandHarley(2003)“[t]hereisverylittle

agreementamonglinguistsaboutwhichparticularassumptionsor

methodologiesmarkoneasafunctionalistoraformalist”(1).Withthatsaid,the

identificationofsomecommondimensionsalongwhichformalistand

functionalistapproachesdiffer,andthekeyswaysinwhichthosedifferencesare

manifestwillproveusefulinorientingthisworkinrelationtopastworkon

SouthCushitic.ThefollowingtableisbasedonCarnieandHarley(2003:2),itself

basedonCroft(1995)andNewmeyer(1998).

1.Introduction

23

Table1.1FORMALVERSUSFUNCTIONALAPPROACHES(ADAPTEDFROMCARNIEANDHARLEY2003:2)

Dimension FunctionalApproach

FormalApproach

Theroleofstructureingrammaticaltheory

Lessrelianceonstructure.

Morerelianceonstructure.

Theroleofarbitrarinessingrammar

Grammaticalarbitrarinessisessentiallylexicalarbitrariness.Radicalfunctionalismseesarbitrarinessonlyinthelexicon.

Language,includinggrammar,isessentiallyarbitrary.

Theautonomyofsyntax Speakingofgrammaticalforminisolationismeaningless:semanticandpragmaticfunctioniscentraltogrammaticalform.

Severalgrammaticalphenomenaallowformalcharacterizationwithoutreferencetotheirsemanticorpragmaticfunction.

Thediachronic/synchronicdistinction

Fullcharacterizationofagrammaticalsystemisincompletewithoutanunderstandingofthehistoricaleventsthatgaverisetoit.

Thegoaloflinguistictheoryistocharacterizethegrammaticalsystemofaspeakeratagivenmomentintime,withoutreferencetothehistoricalpressuresthatgaverisetothatsystem.

Thecompetence/performancedistinction

Theperformancesystemandthecomprehensionsystemareisomorphic.

Thereexistscoregrammaticalknowledgewhichcanbecharacterizedindependentlyoftheproduction/comprehensionsystemthatrealizesit.

Whatconstitutes‘data’forlinguisticstudy

Statisticalcorpusanalysis,historicaldata,andsociologicaldata.

Grammaticalityjudgments,typologicalcomparison,anddatafromlanguageacquisition.

Almostimmediately,thistablebeliesthediversityofpreviousworkonSouth

Cushitic,aswellaswhatistobecoveredinthecurrentwork.Forexample,Mous

andKooij(2006)representsaparticularlystructurally-orientedtreatmentof

incorporationconstructionsinIraqw.Additionally,thisworkdoesoccasionally

1.Introduction

24

discusscertainphenomenafromahistoricalperspective(seeesp.§5.3.6.2onthe

reanalysisofloanwordendings).Simplyput,functionalismandformalismmust

beseentoexistaspolesofacontinuum,andthiswork,aswellasotherrelatedto

it,thoughlocatedmoretowardonepoleoranother,willrarelyoccupyoneofthe

extremes.

Withthatsaid,itisusefultoreturntothefourintroductory‘difficulties’of

Gorwaaoutlinedabove,andtocontrasthowtheyhavebeenapproachedinthe

pastandhowtheyhavebeenapproachedinthecurrentwork.Usingthesefour

cases(eachroughlyrepresentingadifferentmodalityofthegrammar),onecan

seehowthepastanalysesandthepresentanalysisdifferintermsofformal

versusfunctionalorientation.

1.Introduction

25

Table1.2SOUTHCUSHITIC:FORMALVERSUSFUNCTIONALAPPROACHESPhenomenon FunctionalAccount FormalAccount

TONALPAIRS[Phonology] Representaderivationaldevicehistoricallyusedtocreatepropernamesfromcommonnounsviaadditionofahightone(Kießling2004:10)

Representthesynchronicexistenceofaseriesofsuffixpairsdifferentiatedsolelybytone,addedtoanounstem(seee.g.§5.3.2.2).

LINKERS[Morphology] Representahistoricaldevelopmentfromgeneraldeictics,commoninAfroAsiatic(Banti1997:100)

RepresentthesynchronicinstantiationofD:obligatorilypresentinthesyntaxofnounsbearingreference,butwhosepronunciationisprosodicallyconditioned(seeChapter7).

ADJECTIVALNUMBERAGREEMENT[Semantics]

Representssemanticagreement.“Thesamenouncanhaveasingularorpluraladjectivewithadifferenceinmeaning.”(Mous1993:204)

RepresentsagreementwiththeRargumentforinterpretablenumberfeatures,ifandonlyifthesuffixisunvaluedfornumber(see§7.4).

ENCAPSULATION[Pragmatics]

Representsasyntacticconstruction“determined[…]bypragmaticfactors”:thepositionisforlesspragmaticallysalientmaterial(Kießling2007:145).

Representsapragmaticconstructiondeterminedbysyntactic/phonologicalfactors:theencapsulatednoun,bybeingintegratedintotheverbalcomplex,losesperceptualprominence.Ifthespeakerwishestoemphasizeanewreferent,thatspeakerwillprobablynotuseanencapsulatedformtodoso(see§7.3.3.1,esp.(7.20);c.f.Baker(1996:290)).

Asmaybeseen,incertaincases(suchasadjectivalnumberagreement),the

analysesyieldedbythenewformalapproacharevirtuallythesameasthose

yieldedbytheformerfunctionalapproach.Inothercases(suchas

encapsulation),theanalysisframesthephenomenoninadifferentway.Instill

othercases(tonalpairs,linkers),thetwoapproachesleadtotwofinalanalyses

1.Introduction

26

sodifferentthattheywillsurelyresultinvisibledifferencesin,say,glossingfora

descriptivegrammarofthelanguage.Whatoughttobenotedisthat,though

eachpairofanalysesusesaverydifferentapproachand,occasionally,arrivesat

averydifferentinterpretationofthephenomenon,nosingleoneyieldsan

‘answer’.Ultimately,eachoftheseinterpretationswillhavetheiruseinthe

descriptionofthelanguageand,whentakentogether,representaricherviewof

thephenomenaathand.Itisinthisspiritofcomplementaritythatthecurrent

workadoptsaformalapproach,anditishopedthattheinsightderivedfromit

willstimulatefuturethoughtandinquiry.

Specifically,thetheorywhichinformstheformalapproachtakeninthisworkis

DistributedMorphology(DM)(Halle&Marantz1993,1994).Becausemuchof

whatfollowstreatsthenounasacomplexofsmallerparts,DMseemedthemost

obviousframeworktofollow.BecauseDMassertsthatsub-wordcomponents

(i.e.morphemes)enterintostructuralrelationshipsaccordingtothesame

mechanismswhichdrivethestructuringofphrasesandclauses,thesamevision

ofthesyntax(i.e.Minimalism)maybeadoptedatalllevelsthroughoutthework.

TheremainderofthischaptersituatestheGorwaalanguagewithinitslarger

socialandhistoricalcontext,andprovidesdetailsonthemethodsand

methodologyusedtocollectthedatausedherein.

FollowingthisintroductionisageneralsketchofGorwaa.Providingageneral

introductiontothelanguage,thischapterisintendedasbothanempirical

contributiontoalanguageforwhichnopreviousdescriptionwasavailable,as

1.Introduction

27

wellastogroundthereaderinsomebasicconceptswhichwillbefurther

elaboratedinfollowingchapters.

Thethirdchapterisanintroductiontotheformalmodelemployedinthe

linguisticanalysis:theMinimalistProgrammeandDistributedMorphology.

Thefourthchapterdiscussesthecoresubjectmatterofthework:thenoun.

Followingsomediscussiononwordhoodcriteria,thenounisestablishedas

composedofthreemajorparts:thestem,thesuffix,andthelinker.The

remainderofthechapterprovidesaformalDManalysisoftheGorwaanoun

stem.

Thefifthchapterturnstothesuffix.Morphosyntacticallycomplex,suffixesare

identifiedashavingphenomenawhichmaybedescribedasregularaswellas

phenomenawhichmaybedescribedaslisted.Thischaptertreatstheformer

characteristics,andthefollowingchaptertreatsthelatter.Withthisestablished,

anoverviewoftheregularphenomenaensues,aswellasadetailedpresentation

ofthesuffixesofGorwaa.Fromaformal(DM)perspective,theseregular

characteristicsareaccountedforasproductsoffeaturebundlesbeing

manipulatedinthesyntax.

Thesixthchaptertreatsthelistedphenomenaofthesuffix.Followingan

introductiontotheideaofdeclensionclass(orparadigm),anoverviewofthe

listedphenomenaisgiven,aswellasadetailedpresentationoftheparadigms

intowhichnounsuffixesenterinGorwaa.Formally,theselistedphenomenaare

accountedforasrealizationsofrulespost-Spellout.

1.Introduction

28

Theseventhchaptertreatsthelinker--thefinalmajorpartoftheGorwaanoun.

Followingapresentationoflinkerformsandthemorphosyntacticdistributionof

thelinker,itisarguedthat,contrapreviousanalysesinSouthCushitic,thatthe

linkerrepresentsagreementmorphologymanifestonthedeterminer,whose

pronunciationismorphophonologicallyconditioned.Formalanalysisinthis

chapterisfocusedonaccountingforagreementpatterns.

Concluding,chaptereightsummarizesthethesis,discussestheimplicationsof

thethesisbothforSouthCushiticandforformalsyntax,andproposesprospects

forfurtherresearch.

Itwillbenotedthatthisworkdoesnotincludeaspecific‘literaturereview’

chapter.Thiswasaconsciousdecision,motivatedprimarilybythedisparate

natureoftheliteraturedrawnuponinthiswork.Asidefromtheoverarching

frameworkofDistributedMorphologyandMinimalism(whicharegiventheir

owndedicatedchapter(seeChapter3),thereisnooneconceptwhichinforms

theentirework.Instead,conceptsareemployedwhentheyareneeded,andas

thenarrativeprogresses.

1.2Languagecontext

ThefollowingsubsectionisconcernedwithsituatingtheGorwaalanguage

withinitslargersocial,historical,andsocial-culturalcontext.Beforedoingthis,

however,acommentontheresearcher’sownsituatedness(i.e.involvement

withintheresearchcontext)isalsoworthwhile.

Asauniversitystudent(andduringMasters-levelwork,astudentatthelocal

UniversityofDaresSalaam),itwaswidelyrecognizedamongthepeoplewith

1.Introduction

29

whomIwasworkingthatIoccupiedapositionofanapprentice--analogousto

youngTanzaniansconductingfieldworkonthebehalfofNGOsorthecentral

government.Researchwas,then,anecessarystep,conductedinorderto

graduateandprogressinmychosenfieldofwork.Asaresult,manypeoplewith

whomIhaveworkedhaveseenthemselvesasteachers(eitheroftheGorwaa

languageoroftheGorwaalifeways),andseentheirknowledgeandlabourasa

contributiontotheconcretetaskofhelpingme‘writeareport’or‘passan

examination’.Atthesametime,asawhite,Western-educatedresearcher,Iam

clearlyalsoviewedaspartofalineageofforeignagents:anthropologists,

philanthropists,evangelists,andcolonists--theinfluenceofwhomhashada

tremendouseffectontherealityofcontemporaryTanzania,andnotalways

benign.Iusetheword‘agent’consciously,aswhitepeoplewhodonotfitinto

thetourist(Sw.mtalii)tropedonotsimplyarriveinruralTanzaniafornothing--

theyaretheretodosomething.FortheGorwaa,thishasmeantthingslike

convertingpeopletoChristianity,buyinguplandforlarge-scaleagriculture,or

surreptitiouslyhuntingfortreasure.Whateverthemotivation,white

interactionswiththeGorwaapeopleareconsistentlyanexerciseofwhite

privilegeand(neo-)colonialpoweroveralargelypassive(or‘pacified’)

indigenouspeasantry,andmayveryoftenbecharacterizedasaprocessof

extraction(ofconvertedsouls,offarmedproduce,oftreasure).Indeed,the

currentworkisaproductoftheextractionofaudiovisualmaterialfromthe

Gorwaalanguagecommunity.WritteninEnglish,andinsuchawaythatmany

well-educatedWesternaudiencesmightstillfindopaque,theworkwilllargely

remaininaccessibleand(duetodifferencesintheWestern-academicand

Gorwaaepistemologies)oflimitedusetotheGorwaa-languagecommunity.

1.Introduction

30

Howtoaddressthe(oftenproblematic)natureofwhiteinvolvementin

Gorwaalandisnotthepurposeofthisdissertation,andevenifitwere,sucha

dissertationwouldbeoflittlepracticalusetotheGorwaapeople.Instead,

commitmenttolong-term,reflexive,engagementwiththeGorwaalanguage

community,withtheultimategoalofinvertingthetraditionaltemplateof

interaction(powerheldbytheoutsider,extractive)infavourofanewmodel

(powerheldbytheGorwaapeople,creative/locallymeaningful)isperhapsthe

mostappropriateapproach.Actionstakenduringthecurrentresearchtoward

thisnewmodelincludedevelopingalocally-ledresearchadvisorycommittee,

holdingextensivepublicengagement,andcommittingtofairpaymentfor

languageconsultants,butsuchmeasuresrepresentwhatcanonlybecalleda

tentativebeginningtoaddressingaveryoldandoftenperniciousissueindeed.

FollowingthisreflectiononthehistoryofwhiteoutsidersamongtheGorwaa,it

mayseemparadoxical(orperhapsevenhypocritical)toattempttoengageinan

ethnographicanalysis.Afterall,inwritingabout“theGorwaa”,isitnotthe

underlyingassumptionthattheyarethereforesomehomogeneousmass,

somehowboundtothedictatesoftraditionor“tribe”?No.Toparaphrase

Sanders’(2008)commentontheIsanzu,theGorwaaareacollectionultimately

composedofindividuals:somepracticereligion,somedonot,somepossesshigh

levelsofWesterneducation,politicalpower,andeconomicadvantage,somedo

not.Therearefamilieslivingintownsandcitiesthroughoutthecountrywho

probablyidentifyasGorwaa,andtherearenodoubtaveryfewwholivein

Europe,America,orotherpartsof‘theWest’.Thisdiversitywouldseemto

confoundanycoherentapproachtowritingabout‘theGorwaa’,ifitwerenotfor

1.Introduction

31

thefactthattheGorwaaoftenemploythetermtoessentialisethemselves.The

imageoftheGorwaagivenbelowthereforeattemptstocapturehowtheGorwaa

imaginethemselves.“Onthisscoreitisimportanttonotethatanthropological

projectsthatessentializeOthersarenotthesamethingasanthropological

projectslikethisonethataimtowriteaboutandthroughOthers’projectsof

essentialization”(207n5).

Withthatsaid,thefollowingsubsectionoffersadiscussionoftheGorwaa

languagecontext,whichisnecessarilytentativeonmattersrelatingtoGorwaa

culture.Oneday,aGorwaascholarwillundoubtedlydobetter,but,untilthen,

thisattemptstofillthelacuna.

1.2.1History

OraltraditionsoftheDatoogapeoplestatethataround1700,theleaderofthe

Barbaigclan,Ruida,cametotheHanangareatofindothergroupsofDatooga

livingalongsidefarmersknownas‘Gobreik’(Wilson1952:42,45).Today,this

termistheDatoogawordusedtorefertotheGorwaa.Itisargued,however

(Kießling&Mous2003:119)that,giventhetime-depth,‘Gobreik’referrednotto

theGorwaapeoplespecifically(c.f.Thornton1980:199),butanearliergroupof

Cushitic-speakingpeoplesfromwhichtheGorwaaandIraqwpeoples(and

possiblyAlagwaandBurunge)derive.ThisiscorroboratedbyGorwaaoral

tradition,whichholdstheGorwaa,Iraqw,Alagwa,andBurungepeoplestobe

bornofonefather[20151125j].

Inoneversionofthisstory,theGobreiklivenearthebanksoftheYa’eérQantsar

(GreenRiver)[20151125i].Inanother,itisaplacecalledMa/angwe

1.Introduction

32

[DSC_5354_20150705b.6].Dependingontheaccount,changingclimateor

exhaustionofnaturalresourcesbredinternalunrestwhichledtoconflict

betweentheGobreikandtheneighbouringDatoogapeople.Dealtadecisive

defeat,theYa’eérQantsar-Ma/angwesettlementwasabandoned1,theleaderof

theGobreikfled,andthepeoplewerescattered.Thepeoplewhoretreatedtothe

highplateaubetweenLakeManyaraandLakeEyasiperformedariteof

atonement,andweresubsequentlysparedfurtherbattleswiththeDatooga.

ThesepeoplebecametheIraqw.Thepeoplewhoremainedonthewide

lowlandsdidnotperformatonementrites,andbecametheGorwaa.Nomention

intheoralaccountsIhavecollectedmakementionhereofeithertheAlagwaor

Burungepeoples.

TheGorwaawentontosettlesmallcommunitiesintheareabetweenMount

HanangtothewestandMountKwaraatotheeast,butwerefrequentlydriven

outinalongseriesofskirmisheswiththeDatooga.Thearrivalofanothergroup

ofNiloticspeakingpeople--theMaasai--broughtanendtotheDatooga

incursions,andseemedtoallowtheGorwaatoresettlecommunitiesfromthe

eastbankoftheDuururivertothefarsideofMountKwaraa.Shortlythereafter

(approximately1885),theGermancolonialadministrators(basedinKondoa)

1ThelocationoftheYa’eérQantsar-Ma/angwesettlementremainsunknown,butthesiteoftheiron-ageruinsofEngarukaisatantalizingcandidate.Archaeologicalevidenceshowsthat“[...]sorghumwasthemaincrop,[...]fertilizedwithmanurefromstall-fedcattle.”(Sutton2000:2),anagriculturalpracticestillusedbytheIraqwandGorwaatoday.Inadditiontothis,theEngarukacommunityseemstohavecollapsedduetoa“declineintheriverflowssothatseveraloftheirrigationcanalscouldnotbesustainedtosatisfythedemandsofsointensiveasystemsupportingsoconcentratedapopulation.[O]necanimaginepressureonresourcesandunavoidableoverworking,witherosionandsoil-exhaustioninitstrain[...]”(2).Furthermore,abandonmentofEngarukaseemstohavebeencompletebyaround1700,approximatelythesametimeRuidasawtheGobreikatHanang.However,manyoralhistoriesoftheareaplacetheYa’eérQantsar-Ma/angwesettlementmuchfurthersouth,withalternateinhabitantsoftheEngarukasettlementbeingtheprecursorsoftheSonjopeople.

1.Introduction

33

tookcontroloftheregion,largelybringingadefinitiveendtolarge-scaleraids

fromboththeDatoogaandMaasai,andallowingtheareaoccupiedbythe

GorwaatobeconsolidatedaswhatisnowconsideredGorwaaland.

TheaccountaboverunstheriskofreducingtherelationshipoftheGorwaaand

Datoogatooneofcat-and-mouseantagonism.Infact,theinterplayofthese

culturesismuchmorecomplexandnuanced.LexicalborrowingsfromDatooga

intoGorwaaarecommoninsemanticfieldssuchascattlediseasesandplantand

animalnames(Kießling&Mous2003:33),andmanyplacenamesinGorwaaland

areDatoogainorigin.Infact,olderspeakersofGorwaaoftenreportthatatleast

oneoftheirparentsspokeDatooga,oridentifiedasaDatoogaperson

themselves.Tothisday,Datoogatraditionaldoctors,aswellashistoricalfigures

suchastheDatoogaprophetSaygiloMageena,areheldinhighregard.Sufficeit

torepeatKießling,Mous,&Nurse(2008)insayingthat“[t]heTanzanianRift

Valleyisanareawithalongperiodofcontactwithunstablepowerrelationsin

whichthedirectionsofinfluencechangedovertime[...]”(2),theGorwaa-

Datoogadynamicdescribedaboverepresentingjustonemomentinthislong

interplayofdifferentpeoples.

Colonialrule(aspartofGermanEastAfricafrom1885-1919,andaspartof

TanganyikaTerritory(ruledbytheBritish)from1922-1961),sawa

reorganizationofGorwaasociety,withtheexistinghereditarychiefdomgiven

unprecedentedpower,servingasaproxyfortheGermanandthentheBritish

colonialadministrators.Powerwasplacedinthechiefs’handstocollecttaxes,to

arrestandimprisoncriminalsanddissenters,aswellastoimposefinesfornon-

compliancewithlargecolonialprojects,suchascompulsorymilitaryservice

1.Introduction

34

[20151202e].Fromthisaroseastricthierarchy,atthetopofwhichwasthe

wawutumo‘chief’,followedbythega/awusmo‘overseer,sub-chief’,followedby

theya/abusmo‘steward,wardsecretary’followedbytheboyimo(fromthe

English‘boy’):‘villageheadman’.Particularlypopularstoriesfromthisera

includethoserelatingtothecommunalclearingoftheforestsacrossGorwaaland

inordertoridtheregionoftsetseflies,aswellastoopenthelandtoagriculture

[20151202d].ItwasatthistimethattheGorwaabegantosettletothenorthas

wellastotheeastofMountKwaraa.

IndependencefromBritainin1961sawthecreationofthecountryof

Tanganyika,andtheabolitionofthechiefdoms.Fromindependenceuntilthe

mid-1980s,thecountry(renamedTanzaniauponunionwithZanzibarin1964)

wasasocialistone-partystate.DuringthistimeGorwaalandwasaremotepart

ofthelargeArusharegion,andtheGorwaapeoplecontinuedtolivetraditionally

asfarmersandpastoralists.Babati,thelargesturbancentreinthearea,

remainedasmalloutposttown,servedbyapostofficeandahealthcentre

[20150805].

2003markedthebeginningofaperiodofgreatchangeinthearea,whenthe

Arusharegionwasdividedintwo,itssouthernhalfrenamedManyara,and

Babatideclaredtheregionalcapital.Thishasspurredasudden,intensiveinflux

ofdevelopment(pavingroads,buildinggovernmentoffices,openingbanks,retail

businesses,etc.)aswellassizeablemigrationofpeopletothenewcapital:both

fromwithintheregionaswellasfromotherregions.Increasingly,electricityis

arrivinginthetownsandvillagesallaroundGorwaaland,andpavedroadsand

bridgesareopeningupcommunitiestothecommerce,culture,andlanguageof

1.Introduction

35

thenationalmajority.TimewilltellhowtheGorwaapeoplewillrespondto

theserecenttitanicshifts.

1.2.2Languagefamily

GorwaaisamemberoftheSouthernCushiticgroupoftheCushiticfamily-itself

abranchoftheAfro-Asiaticphylum.TheexactpositionofSouthCushiticwithin

Cushiticisamatterofsomedebate,withGreenbergproposingSouthernCushitic

asanindependentbranchofCushitic(equalwithNorthern,Eastern,andCentral

Cushitic),andEhret(1995:490)includingSouthernCushiticwithinEastern

Cushitic.AninternalclassificationofSouthernCushiticispresentedinFigure

1.1.

Figure1.1:InternalclassificationofSouthernCushitic(adaptedfromEhret1980a:132)

SouthernCushitic

qgpMbuguBranchRiftBranchDahaloBranchMa’a(mhd;Tanzania)5Dahalo(dal;Kenya)West-RiftEast-RiftIraqw(irk;Tanzania)Qwadza†(wka;Tanzania)Gorwaa(gow;Tanzania)Aasax†(aas;Tanzania)Alagwa(wbj;Tanzania)Burunge(bds;Tanzania)KießlingandMous(2003:2-3)notethatclassificationofSouthernCushiticisa

challengeforseveralreasons.Firstly,oftheEast-Riftbranch,bothlanguagesare

nowassumedtobeextinct,withonlysmallamountsoflexicaldataremaining

(seeEhret(1980a+b)forQwadza,andEhret(1980a),Fleming(1969),Merker

(1910),Maguire(1927/1928),andWinter(1979)forAasax).Secondly,Ma’aof

theMbuguBranchisbestdescribedasa‘mixedlanguage’(Mous1994),featuring

Bantumorphologyandtworegisters:onecontainingCushiticrootsandtheother

ofBantuorigin.Becauseofthis,inclusionofMa’ainanygeneticclassification

1.Introduction

36

provesproblematic.ThestatusofDahalo,whetherSouthernCushitic,Eastern

Cushitic(Blazek&Tosco1994),orneither(Rowe2000),is,ultimately,unclear.

Assuch,KießlingandMous(2003)focusontheinternalclassificationofWest-

Rift,presentedinFigure1.2.

Figure1.2:InternalclassificationofWest-Rift(adaptedfromKießling&Mous2003:2).

Proto-West-Rift5

NorthernWest-RiftSouthernWest-Rift 4 1IraqwoidAlagwaBurunge 3IraqwGorwaaTheinternalclassificationisuseful:forexample,GorwaaandIraqwaremutually

intelligible,whichisreflectedhereintherelativelylatesplitbetweenthetwo

languages.Limitations,however,doexist.Contacthasplayedalargeroleinthe

developmentofallfouroftheselanguages,andcannotberepresented

genetically.Forexample,inthenominalsuffixes-iimi,-aCzee,and-aCzuoccurin

bothGorwaaandAlagwa(whoselanguagecommunitiescurrentlybordereach

other),butnotinIraqw(whichnolongerbordersAlagwa).Lexicalborrowings

fromAlagwaintoGorwaaarealsopresent.

MutualintelligibilitybetweenGorwaaandIraqwishigh,withseveralrecordings

havingbeenmadeofGorwaaspeakersaddressingIraqwspeakerswithno

apparentissuesofcomprehension[20150913a],[20150913d],[20150927a-f].

Thetwolanguagesdo,however,featuresomeconsiderabledifferences.In

additiontothenominalsuffixesnotedabove,Gorwaaalsoshowsadifferent

agreementpatternwithseveraladjectivesinthepluralform:comparetheIraqw

1.Introduction

37

muukúbuuxayénwiththeGorwaamuukúbuuxáx(‘greypeople’).Themarkerfor

thirdpersonagentisalsodifferent:comparetheIraqwgunadiifwiththeGorwaa

ngunadiif(‘hehitit(M)’).Syntactically,Gorwaaseemstofeatureasomewhat

freerargumentorderthanIraqw:post-verbalnounswhichindexarguments,

suchastheGorwaainatláygofaangw(‘thebuckwent’),areconsideredeither

strangeorungrammaticalinIraqw.

1.2.3Languageuseandattitudes

Thissubsectiontreatslanguageuseandattitudes,1.2.3.1discussesthenumber

ofspeakers,1.2.3.2discusseslanguageuse,and1.2.3.3discusseslanguage

attitudes.

1.2.3.1Numberofspeakers

EstimatesofthenumberofGorwaaspeakersvarygreatly.Thisislargelydueto

thefactthatnodedicatedlanguagesurveyhasbeenconductedforGorwaa,and

verylittlewasknownaboutthelinguisticmakeupofcommunitiesinandaround

Gorwaaland.Ethnologue(Simons&Fennig2017)currentlyputsspeaker

numbersat50,000.ThisfigureisfromKießling’s(1999)historical

reconstructionofSouthCushitic-andseemstobeaneducatedguess.Indeed,

thefollowingyear,Kießling(2000:1),revisesthisestimateto100,000speakers.

Ina2007manuscript,MousestimatesthenumberofGorwaaspeakersat“about

fifteenthousandspeakersorless”.IncomparisonwiththeIraqwpeople-

expandingandculturallydominantintheregion(andwhoselanguageisthe

mainfocusofthatparticularwork)-Gorwaadoesseemaminusculequantity.

ThefirstmethodologicallyrigorousfigureforGorwaaspeakerscomesinthe

AtlasiyaLughazaTanzania(LOT2009),inwhichinformants(mainlyuniversity

1.Introduction

38

studentswhogrewupintheadministrativeregionofinterest)wereaskedto

indicatewhichlanguages(uptofive)werespokenineacharea(villagesforrural

areasandstreetsforurbanareas)showninthepopulationcensusdatabase

(TanzaniaGovernment2002),aswellasestimatewhatpercentageofpeople

spokewhichlanguage.Projectresearchersthenspent6weeksinallregionsof

thecountryduringJuly-August2006fillinggapsandassessingthevalidityof

informants’estimates(Muzale&Rugemalira2008:78-79).Thenumberof

GorwaaspeakersresultantlyrecordedintheAtlasiwas112,941(LOT2009:3).

Inanattempttoarriveatayetsharperconclusion,Irecordedpopulationfigures

fromthelatestavailablecensusdata(TanzaniaGovernment2014)foreachward

withinbothBabatiTownandBabatiDistrict-theareawithinwhichGorwaaland

islocated-andmadeanestimateonwhatpercentageofinhabitantsspeak

Gorwaa.Anadditional2,500speakershavebeenaddedtoplaceswheresmall

communitiesorindividualfamiliesofGorwaaspeakersmaylivewhichare

outsideofthesurveyarea(placeslikeMtowaMbu,Arusha,andDaresSalaam).

1.Introduction

39

Table1.3:ESTIMATEOFGORWAA-SPEAKERSBYWARDWard Population Percentageof

GorwaaspeakersNumberof

GorwaaspeakersBABATITOWN Babati 16,718 30% 5,015Mutuka 4,910 60% 2,946Nangara 7,468 30% 2,240Singe 6,620 50% 3,310Bonga 9,603 40% 3,841Bagara 28,920 30% 8,676Sigino 10,038 30% 3,011Maisaka(Maisák) 8,831 30% 2,649BABATIDISTRICT Magara 15,336 5% 767Nkaiti 14,150 5% 708Mwada 16,139 5% 807Mamire 9,014 60% 5,408Gallapo(Galapoo) 19,578 50% 9,775Qash 19,549 50% 9,774Ayasanda 6,182 90% 5,564Gidas 7,392 80% 5,914Duru 11,526 60% 6,916Riroda 12,179 80% 9,743Arri(/Ari) 14,146 50% 7,073Dareda 22,880 15% 3,432Dabil 16,781 10% 1,678Ufana 20,189 10% 2,018Bashnet 13,367 15% 2,005Madunga 21,094 15% 3,164Kiru 13,119 30% 3,936Magugu 32,774 30% 9,832Baoy(Bo/ay) 6,565 60% 3,939Nar 11,186 5% 559Endakiso 9,246 60% 5,548OTHERAREAS ~2,500

Total: 132,748Thetotalyieldedbythisexerciseis132,748.Thisnumberrepresents,tothebest

ofmyknowledge,thetotalpossiblenumberofGorwaaspeakers.Amore

nuancedfigurecanbearrivedatbyaddinguponlythoseareaswhichIbelieve

Gorwaatobeactivelyspokenandusedineverydaylife(shadedabove):this

yieldsatotalof79,751.Thesetwonumberswouldsuggestthat,takentogether,

60%ofGorwaaspeakersareusingGorwaaactively.Theremaining40%may

1.Introduction

40

knowGorwaa,butareprobablynotusingitextensively,norpassingitontotheir

children.

1.2.3.2Languageuse

Furthertentativegeneralizationsmaybereachedfrompersonalobservation.

BasedoninteractionsobservedamongGorwaafamilies,thelanguagefalls

somewherebetween6band7ontheExpandedGradedIntergenerational

DisruptionScale(EGIDS)(LewisandSimons2010).EGIDSLevel6bdescribesa

threatenedlanguagestatus:oneinwhichthelanguageisnotbeingpassedonto

childrenreliablyenoughfornumbersofspeakerstoremainstableintothe

cominggenerations.Astimegoeson,“therewillbefewerspeakersorfewer

domainsofuseorboth”(13).EGIDSLevel7describesashiftinglanguagestatus:

asituationinwhichthelanguageisclearlynotbeingpassedontoyounger

generations.

InBabatiTown,parentsofGorwaafamiliescommonlyunderstandGorwaa,and

mayuseGorwaaamongthemselvesinthehome.Children,however,either

understandGorwaabutdonotuseit,ormayonlyknowbasicitemssuchas

greetingsandhowtoformquestions.Eitherway,itisraretoobserveGorwaa

childrenusingGorwaa,eveninthehome.Thelanguageusedoutsidethehome,

invirtuallyallinteractions,isSwahili.Barringafurther,morenuanced,

examinationoflanguageuseamongGorwaapeopleinthisurbansetting,Gorwaa

maybeassessedas7(shifting)inBabatiTown.

Moreruralareas(BabatiDistrict)seemorerobustuseamongallgenerations,

eventheyoungest,butthedomainsinwhichGorwaaisusedareincreasingly

1.Introduction

41

restricted.VirtuallyallspeakersofGorwaaalsospeakSwahili(seeAppendixA),

anditisconsiderablymorecommontohearSwahilibeingspokeninsocial

spaces(attheshop,atworship,etc.)thanGorwaa.Publiclife(seeMuzaleand

Rugemalira2008)isdominatedbySwahili:school,healthcare,andmostall

interactionswithgovernmentofficialsofeverylevelisconductedinSwahili.In

thehomeandamongneighbours,Gorwaamaystillbeheard,butcode-switching

isubiquitous2.Rapidsocietalchange(introductionofnewfarmingmethodsand

technology,arrivalofelectricity,cash-basedtrade,mobilephones,computers,

etc.)bringswithitentirelynewsemanticdomains,virtuallyallofwhichareseen

asmoreefficienttotalkaboutinSwahilithanGorwaa.Assuch,though

intergenerationaltransmissionofGorwaaisoccurringintheseruralareas,the

languageisclearlylosingdomains,andthecompetenceofyoungerspeakers

mustbeseriouslyquestioned.Gorwaamaythereforebeassessedas6b

(threatened)inBabatiDistrict.

Languageofearlyschooling(roughlyages5-13)inTanzaniaisSwahili,with

Englishasataughtlanguage.Laterschooling(roughlyages14-19)isinEnglish,

withSwahiliasataughtsubject.Virtuallynoschoolsofferprovisionforlocal

languages(i.e.languageswhicharenotSwahiliorEnglish),eitheraslanguagesof

instructionortaughtlanguages.Historically,literacy(inSwahili)amongGorwaa

speakerswasverylow,withamarkedimprovementintheUjamaaperiod

followingindependencein1961,followedbyadeclinefollowingrestructuringof

2Thoughverycommoninmostspeechsituations,code-switchingisrelativelyrareinthecorpus(thoughsee[20151025],and[20150811c-f]).ThismightbeexplainedbythefactthatthoserecordedknewthattheresearchwasbeingconductedontheGorwaalanguage,andwerethereforeconscioustoensuretheywerespeakinginGorwaa,andnotSwahili.

1.Introduction

42

theeconomytoacapitalistmodel,whichbeganin1986.Today,whilemany

Gorwaaspeakingchildrendoattendschool,educationmaybedisruptedornot

completeddependingontheeconomicfortunesofthefamily.Illiteracyamong

youngadultsisnotuncommon.LiterateGorwaaspeakerswillbeliteratein

Swahili(whichemploystheRomanalphabet),andpossiblyEnglish.

In1977,anIraqwtranslationoftheOldTestamentwasproducedbythe

TanzaniaBibleSocietywhichemployedawritingsystemdevelopedprincipally

bytheCatholicmissionatTlawi.Asanappendix,aglossaryofGorwaaterms

wereincludedinordertomakethebookuseablebytheGorwaaspeaking

Christiancommunityaswell.Thoughthebook(norGorwaa-languageworship)

neverbecameparticularlywidespread,itdidestablishtheIraqwwritingsystem

asthestandardforGorwaaaswell.Withthatsaid,agreatdiversityofnon-

standardwritingconventionsareinuse(e.g.[20150815m],[20150920n],

[20151001z],[20151127g],and[20151127h]),andthelanguageisnotvery

commonlyseeninwrittenform.

InadditiontotheGorwaaofeverydayinteraction,severalspecificgenresof

Gorwaaalsoexist.Thoughthesehavenotbeengivenenoughattentionsoasto

bediscussedinanygreatdetail,theywillbrieflymentionedbelow.

Riddles,acommonwayofpassingthetimefollowingtheeveningmealand

beforebed,areoftenbasedonguessingtheidentityofacrypticdescription.A

tellerwillposetheirriddle,andotherswillprovideaguess.Ifnobodyguesses

correctly,theriddleeithergoesunanswered,ormaybe‘bought’fromtheteller

1.Introduction

43

byofferingavillage,town,orcity(Ionceobservedaparticularlygoodriddlesell

inexchangeforallofCanada).

(1.1) Sinik! [20130206b_20150720b.3-7] Mycalabashissmall, Ithastwomouths, Andhasmuchoilthatneverrunsout. [Answer:thenose]Anotherspeechgenreisthefiroo:alitany-likepronouncement,usuallyasking

fortheintercessionoftheindigenousgodLoo’aa.Thecontentsofthefiroo

seemsrelativelyvariable,andIhaveyettoobservethemoreformulaicslufayas

describedforIraqw(Thornton1977,Wada1978,Kamera1987/1988,Beck&

Mous2014).

Asagenre,Gorwaasongrepresentsadiversearrayofmaterial,oftenassociated

withparticulareventsoroccasions.Weddingsongs(e.g.[20160229n]),dancing

songs(e.g.[20160120h]),songsofpraiseandsongsofvictory(e.g.[20151004f]),

farmingsongs(e.g.[20150903f]),andcircumcisionsongs(e.g.[20151202a])are

allexampleswhichhavebeenrecorded.Certainsongsaretypicallyonlysungby

men,suchassomeoftheMandaasongs(e.g.[20160927c]),andcertainsongsare

typicallyonlysungbywomen(e.g.[20160225t]).

(1.2) Singer1: ooyooheebaliloheeumaloheeooyoohee [20160225t.10-13]

Singer2: BuraáofthehouseofParayouaremoonlightheehee Singer1: ooyooheebaliloheeumaloheeooyoohee Singer2: eeheeyouareshiningmoonlightheeheeSongsmaybethematically-linkedtotheoccasionforwhichtheyaresung,but

mayalsobewhollydifferent.Typicalthemesincludehighlypoeticentreatiesto

lovers,descriptionsofpartiesandtheirattendees,aswellashistoricalevents.

Songsareoftenperformedunaccompanied,butmayalsobesungalongwith

1.Introduction

44

musicfromtheseense(lute/guitar,seee.g.[20160127o],[20160217o],

[20160217zc]),irimba(mbira,thumbpiano,seee.g.[20160210j],[20160217d],

[20160210a]),gidondoori(musicalbowwithagourdresonator,seee.g.

[20161112d],[20161112e],[20161112w-z]),foori(flute,seee.g.[20160217j],

[20161113f],[20160217ze]),andtheniinga(drum,seee.g.[20151004d],

[20151001w]).Todate,over250recordingsofGorwaasongshavebeenmade.

Themysticalmonologues(orperhapsdialogues)intowhichtraditionaldoctors

enterduringtheperformanceofvariousritesrepresentanothergenreofspeech.

Duetothesecretivenatureofthistypeofspeech,theonlyrecordedexamples

arethatofthedivinerreadingstonesinordertodetermineaclient’sprospects

(e.g.[20151003d-e],[20151211c-e]).Cursoryexaminationshowsthesesessions

arehighlystructured,andfeaturespecializedvocabulary.

1.2.3.3Languageattitudes

Aswithlanguageuse,nodedicatedsurveyoflanguageattitudeshasbeen

undertakenforGorwaa,andassuch,thegeneralizationsmadeherearetentative.

Overall,thereappearstobearathersharpdivideinlanguageattitudes,

particularlyintermsofage,aswellasidentificationwitharuralversusurban

wayoflife.Typically,olderGorwaaspeakersfromruralareastendtobemost

enthusiasticabouttheirlanguage,seeingitasusefulinthewidestrangeof

domains,andvaluableasabadgeofaculturewithwhichtheystronglyidentify.

YoungerGorwaaspeakersinmoreurbanareastendtoviewGorwaaasbeing

lessusefulinday-to-daylife,and,insomecases,tendtobesomewhat

embarrassedtobeheardspeakingGorwaa,especiallywhennon-Gorwaa

speakersarepresent.Alargeproportionofyoungerspeakershavegonesofar

1.Introduction

45

astoeliminatetheconceptofGorwaaaltogether,infavouroftheexonym

‘Mbulu’.Mbulu,nameofthelargestIraqwsettlement,hasrecentlyemergedto

subsumeboththeIraqwandtheGorwaapeoples,cultures,andlanguages,andis

perhapsthemostcommonwayforbothGorwaaandIraqwyouthtoreferto

themselves.Resultantly,manyyoungGorwaaspeakerstypicallyreferto

themselvesasofMbuluethnicity,andtothelanguagewhichtheyspeakasMbulu

orKimbulu.Superficially,thissimplyrepresentstheadoptionofanewtitle,as

thelanguagewhichspeakersuseremainsthesame.Inthelonger-termthis

perhapsrepresentsalargershifttoIraqw,astheGorwaaaremostcertainlythe

minoritywithinthisneo-ethnicity.

Withthatsaid,therehasbeenconsiderableinterestfromGorwaaspeakersofall

agesintheworksurroundingthecurrentGorwaalanguagedocumentation,with

thecontributionofsome(considerablyelderly)consultantsresultinginalarge

bodyofdata(suchassongs,traditionaljustice,anduncommonorarchaic

vocabulary)beingcollectedinarelativelyshortperiodoftime.Younger

speakersdirectlyinvolvedinthetranslationandtranscriptionofthematerial

havebecomeresearchersintheirownright,andaretakingincreasingownership

oftheproject,andultimatelythedocumentationanddescriptionoftheirown

culture.Suchenergywouldseemtosuggestthatthoseexposedtothefull

richnessofthelanguagetendtoapproachitwithnewesteem,andmaybea

routetoexploreshouldthespeakercommunityeverdesiretofurthervalorize

Gorwaa.

1.Introduction

46

1.2.4LinguisticEnvironment

TheeasternbranchoftheEastAfricanRiftisuniqueinthatitistheonlyarea

whereallfourmajorAfricanlanguagephyla(Afro-Asiatic,Khoisan,Niger-Congo,

andNilo-Saharan)havebeeninsustainedcontact.Theconvergenceinpartsof

thegrammaticalstructuresofthelanguagesinthisregionhasledKießling,Mous

&Nurse(2008)toproposeaRiftValleyLinguisticArea,comprisedofthe13

languagesshowninTable1.4.

Table1.4LanguagesoftheRiftValleyLinguisticAreaPhylum Language

(AlternateNames)

ISO639-3

NumberofSpeakers(fromEthnologue)

MajorPublishedWorks

Afro-Asiatic

Iraqw(Mbulu)

[irk] 460,000 Mous(1993)Berger&Kießling(1998)Mous,Qorro&Kießling(2002)

Gorwaa(Fiome)

[gow] 50,000

Alagwa(Uasi)

[wbj] 30,000 Mous(2016)

Burunge [bds] 30,000 Kießling(1994)Nilo-Saharan Datooga [tcc] 88,000 Rottland(nodate)

Niger-Congo

Nyaturu(Limi)

[rim] 801,000 Olson(1964a)Olson(1964b)

Rangi [lag] 410,000 Dunham(2005)Stegen(2011)

Mbugwe(Buwe)

[mgz] 24,000 Mous(2004b)

Nyilamba [nim] 613,000 Johnson(1923/26)Isanzu(Ihaansu)

[isn] 32,400

Kimbu(Yanzi)

[kiv] 78,000

Khoisan Sandawe [sad] 60,000 Steeman(2012)tenRaa(2012)

Isolate Hadza [hts] 650 Today,Gorwaalandislocatedroughlyinthegeographiccentreofthislinguistic

area.Withthatsaid,notallofthelanguagespresentedinTable1.1areinany

sortofregularcontactwithGorwaa.Day-to-daycontactbetweencontemporary

1.Introduction

47

GorwaacommunitiesandotherlanguagesislargelylimitedtoIraqw,Rangi,

Mbugwe,Alagwa,andDatooga.

CulturaltiesandeverydaycontactbetweenGorwaaspeakersandIraqw

speakersarestrongandfrequent.InadditiontoarrivalsofIraqwfarmersinthe

northwesternvillagesofGorwaalandoverthepastseveralgenerations,

communitiesallalongtheB143roadfromBabatitoKateshare,moreorless,

mixedIraqw-Gorwaa.IntermarriagebetweenGorwaaspeakersandIraqw

speakersiscommon.Gorwaaspeakingeldersandtraditionalleaderswereoften

observedtravellingtoIraqwlandinordertohelpresolveconflicts,and

customaryleaders(includingchiefs,rainmakers,andtraditionaldoctors)ofboth

ethnicitiesregularlymeettoconductmajorrites.Asmentionedabove,Gorwaa

speakingyouthmixwiththeirIraqwspeakingcounterpartsinurbanareas

includingBabati,Mbulu,Katesh,Dareda,andfurtherafield,Arusha,whichhas

leadtotheemergenceofalargerMbuluidentity,comprisingboth.

Similarly,contactbetweenGorwaaspeakersandRangispeakersisalsovery

frequent.CommunitiestowardthesouthandeastofGorwaaland,suchasBonga

andGalapooaretypicallymixedRangi-Gorwaa.Perhapsduetoreligious

differences(themajorityofGorwaaspeakersareChristian,whilemostRangi

speakersareMuslim),intermarriageandgreaterculturalintegrationisnotas

profoundasthatofGorwaaandIraqw.

GorwaaandMbugwecommunitiesareincontacttothenorthofGorwaaland,and

townssuchasMaguguandKiruaremixed,withspeakersofGorwaaand

Mbugwelivingandworkingside-by-side.

1.Introduction

48

AswithRangi,thoughperhapsnottothesamedegree,AlagwaandGorwaa

communitiesareincontactinextremesoutherncommunities,suchasBereko.

Again,becausethemajorityofAlagwaareMuslim,contemporarycontact

betweenGorwaaandAlagwacommunitiesisnotasextensiveasthatbetween

GorwaaandIraqw.

Evidencefromtheveryrecentpast(perhapsonlyoneortwogenerations)shows

thatcontactbetweenGorwaaspeakersandspeakersofthevariousDatooga

dialectswasverystrong.Indeed,inadditiontothe3Gorwaaconsultantswho

consideredthemselvesfluentinDatooga,atleast13Gorwaaconsultants

reportedthatDatoogawaseitherthefirstorsecondlanguageofoneorbothof

theirparents(seeAppendixA).TheGorwaastillrelyonDatoogatradersforthe

metalworkbraceletswornbymanyGorwaapeoplefollowingmarriage,aswell

asforsodaharvestedfromthealkalineLakeBalangida.

WithinGorwaalanditself,speakersare(andhistoricallyhavebeen)highly

mobile.Becauseofstrictrulesregardingintermarriage,itwasverycommonfor

womentomarryintofamiliesinvillagesquitedistantfromtheirown.More

recently,theconcentrationofservicesinahandfulofcommunitieshasresulted

inhighlevelsofmovementfromoneareatoanother:secondary-levelstudents

mayliveinadifferentcommunityfromtheirfamiliesduringtermtime,and

expectingmotherscommonlytravelfromruralareastoBabatiinordertogive

birthinthelargerhospitals.Therecentimprovementsinroadsandconstruction

ofbridgeswillonlyfurtherfacilitatethistendency.

1.Introduction

49

Historically,GorwaaspeakersdidnottypicallyleaveGorwaaland,savefor

reasonsrelatedtograveillness,specialisttraining,ormilitaryservice(see

[20151202e],[20160225o]).Today,thissituationismarkedlydifferent,with

youngmentravellingallaroundcentralTanzaniaforoddjobsorworktending

cattle,secondaryschoolgraduatesmovingtoArusha,Dodoma,orDaresSalaam

forskilledemploymentorpost-secondaryeducation,andfamiliessettlingin

Arushatotakeupjobswithlargecompaniesorasindependententrepreneurs.

Indeed,remittancesfromfamiliesemployedinlargerurbancentresisoftenused

tohelpsupportageingparentsoryoungersiblings.Thisisarelativelynew

phenomenon,whoseimpactonthelanguageenvironmentofGorwaalandhasyet

tobeobserved.

1.2.5Languagename

TheearliestreferencestotheGorwaainWesternliteraturecomefromGerman

explorers(Seidel1910;Obst1913;Reche1914;Heepe1930),inwhichthe

peopleandlanguagewerebothreferredtoasFiome,Fiomi,orUfiomi.This

seemstobederivedfromoneofthenamesgiventothevolcanicmountaintothe

immediateeastofBabatitown,todayknownasMountKwaraa.Indeed,thearea

ofgovernment-protectedforestatopMountKawaraaistodaynamedUfiome

NatureReserve.SomespeakersrefertothemselvesasFiomi(ortheSwahilized

MfiomiorWafiomifor‘Fiomiperson’and‘Fiomipeople’,respectively),andtheir

languageasFiomi(ortheSwahilizedKifiomi‘Fiomilanguage’),butthisisnot

particularlywidespread.Thisisinteresting,however,inthatitestablishesthis

areaassomehowsalienttoidentifyingtheGorwaapeopleandtheirland.Thisis

1.Introduction

50

perhapsunsurprising,inthatMountKwaraaisanimposingfreestanding

mountain:thehighestwithinGorwaalandandvisibleformilesinanydirection.

MorecommonistheglottonymandethnonymGorwaa.Reconstructedas

*goburaaforWestRift,KießlingandMous(2003)suggestthatitwasthename

usedtorefertothe“ethnicgroupcloselyrelatedorpartof[Proto-West-Rift],

[Proto-North-West-Rift],or[Proto-Iraqwoid]community”(119).Inmanyways

themost“archaiccontinuationof[Proto-Iraqwoid]”(33),itisnotsurprisingthat

theGorwaalanguagewouldmaintainaglottonymandethnonymmostclosely

relatedtotheproto-group.InearlyacademicworkconductedbytheBritish(e.g.

Bagshawe1925;Whiteley1958),andmuchworkconductedsince(e.g.Wada

1984),this(orvariants,includingGorowaandGoroa)wasthenameusedto

refertoboththepeopleandthelanguage.TheGorwaathemselvesemploythe

ethnonymGorwaa‘Gorwaapeople’,Gormo‘Gorwaaman’,andGorto’o‘Gorwaa

woman’.ThelanguageisknownastsifrírGorwaa‘languageoftheGorwaa

people’,or,slightlylesscommonly,Gorti’i‘Gorwaalanguage’.Swahilirenders

theseformsasMgorowa‘Gorwaaperson’,Wagorowa‘Gorwaapeople’,and

Kigorowa‘Gorwaalanguage’.

Withthatsaid,andasmentionedabove,thetermMbuluisgaininginpopularity,

especiallyamongurbanyouth.Derivedfromthenameofthelargesturban

centreofIraqwland,itisassumedthatthisisanoutwardsignofanewly-

emergingidentity,designedtoserveasacover-termfor‘speakerofaCushitic

language’or‘personofCushiticorigin’--ausefulhandleinthemultiethnicmixes

ofnewcentres,suchasArusha.CompareMchagaasacovertermforaspeaker

ofthevarious,verydifferentChagadialects,andMang’atiasacovertermfora

1.Introduction

51

speakerofoneoftheDatoogadialects.Assuch,asspeakersofKiromboor

KimoshiaresubsumedunderKichaga(spokenbyanMchaga),andasspeakersof

BarbaigorTsimajegaaresubsumedunderKimang’ati(spokenbyaMang’ati),so

tooarespeakersofGorwaasubsumedunderKimbulu(spokenbyanMbulu).

Whetherthistermbecomeswidelyadopted,andwhetheriteventuallyreplaces

Gorwaaaltogetherwilldependonattitudesofspeakersthemselves.

1.2.6Existingliterature

AugustSeidel’sDieSprachevonUfiomiinDeutsch-Ostafrika(1910)isthefirst

referencetotheGorwaalanguageinWesternliterature.Followingthis,themost

significantworkisMartinHeepe’sFiomeTexte(1930),atranscriptionand

translationofaGorwaafolktale.Furtherlinguisticworkhaseithertreated

GorwaaaspartofalargercomparisonofSouthCushitic(Kießling1999;Kießling

&Mous2003),orhasremainedunpublished(Maghway2009;Nahhato,

Margwee,andKießling1994).AllpublicationsmaybefoundontheGorwaa

Glottologpage.

1.2.7Notesonculture

ThefollowingcoversseveralareasofGorwaaliferelevanttolanguage

maintenanceortoGorwaa’shistoricalrelationshiptootherlanguage

communitiesinthearea.Thisdescriptioniscursoryatbest,andmuchremains

tobelearnedfromfurtherethnolinguisticdocumentation.1.2.6.1treatsnatural

resourceuse,and1.2.6.2treatsGorwaaclans.

1.Introduction

52

1.2.7.1Naturalresources

Asaprimarilyagro-pastoralistpeople,Gorwaalivelihoodsrelyheavilyonthe

landforboththeproductionofcrops,aswellasthegrazingofzebucattle,goats,

andsheep.Forestsarealsoessentialforprovidingfood,fuel,buildingmaterials,

andmedicine.Atthesametime,accordingtotraditionalGorwaabelief,the

naturalworldisimbuedwithacertainsanctity,aroundwhichhavegrown

indigenouslandmanagementpracticesandinstitutionsinspiredbymyth(c.f.

Arhemetal.(2004),writingaboutthePiraparaná,Colombia).Anychangetothe

allocation,utilization,andmanagementofnaturalresourceshasadirectimpact

onGorwaaspeakers’everydaylives,aswellasthemaintenanceoftheGorwaa

language.

Historically(Maganga1995:105-118)alllandinGorwaalandwasheldbythe

wawutumo‘paramountchief’,andtenureofarablelandwasbasedon

membershipintraditionalcommunityandoccupancyonthelandtobeused.

Absenteelandlordismwasthereforedisallowed.Grazinglandwasmainly

designatedasacommunitycommon,aswereforests(subjecttosignificant

restrictionstobementionedbelow).Wavesofimmigration(firstrepresentedby

Europeansettlersinthe1940’sandcontinuingtodaywithgroupsfromland-

scarceregionssuchasKilimanjaro)andlandexpropriation(suchasthat

conductedfortheestablishmentofTarangireNationalParkin1969)has

resultedintraditionallandallocationnormsbeingupended,especiallywith

regardstoownership.Maganga(1995:115)notesthatbuyinglandhasnow

becomenormal,withthemajorityofbuyersnotindigenoustotheGorwaa-

1.Introduction

53

speakingarea.Languagesbeingintroducedbynewmigrationincludeespecially

thevariousdialectsofChaga.

Resourceutilizationisalsochanging:wheresorghumandmilletwereoncethe

staplecropsoftheGorwaa,thecultivationofmaizehasincreasedsomuchthat

someoftheindigenousvarietiesofsorghumgrownagenerationagohaveallbut

disappeared[DSC_5354_20150705b.59-69].Populationpressureshavelikewise

putstrainoncommongrazingareasandforests(Maganga1995:117-118).

Traditionalresourcemanagementisperhapsbestillustratedinthepracticesand

institutionsinspiredbyindigenousmyth.Maganga(1995:131-132)notesthat

Gorwaaritualsandsocialgatheringsoftentakeplaceinforestsandsacred

grovescarefullypreservedforthesepurposes,thatlargetrees(especiallyficus)

areprotectedasdwellingsofrain-bringingsprits,andthat“landblessing

ceremoniesunderwhichvariousunsustainablelandusepractice[s]were

prohibitedwerepartandparcelofthetraditionalGorowareligion”(132).Thisis

evidentinrecordingssuchas[20151126c]inwhichAakóMananguQamsillo

describesthesacred/aantsimófigtree,and[20151223b]inwhichAakóBu’ú

SaqwaréandPaschalBu’údiscussthehistoryoftheqalalandítreeatthecentre

ofYerotonivillage.MaganganotesthattheadoptionofChristianityandIslam

threatentounderminethisspiritually-inspiredresourcemanagementsystem,as

thereisadangerthat“manyoftheresourceconservationnormsandpractices

maybedismissedasmerelytraditionalsuperstitions”(132).

Thedirectconsequencesofrecentchangesinresourceallocation,utilization,and

managementhavehadaprofoundimpactontransmissionandmaintenanceof

1.Introduction

54

theGorwaalanguagethroughouttheGorwaa-speakingarea.Therelativelynew

phenomenaofabsenteelandlordismandpurchaseoftraditionalGorwaalandby

non-Gorwaaspeakershasresultedintheintroductionofnotonlynewlanguages

inthearea,butalsoanewhigherclassoflandownerswho,crucially,donot

speakGorwaa.Gorwaaspeakerslookingforworkonthislandareincentivized

toeitherlearnthelanguageofthelandowners(Ihaveworkedwithatleastone

consultantwholearnedSomali(som)expresslyforthisreason),ortousethe

nationallanguage,Swahili.Thewidespreadswitchfromsorghumandmilletto

maizecultivationhasresultedinthedisappearanceofawholeseriesofcultural

occasions--indeed,someofthemostimportantsocialgatheringsoftheyear

werebasedontheprecisestagesduringtheripeningandharvestofthefirst

sorghum.Inadditiontothesongs,dances,specializedclothing,andinstruments

whicharebeingsteadilyforgotten,Gorwaaspeakershavelostanopportunityto

cometogetherasacommunity,tosocialize,and,asonespeakerputittome,“be

Gorwaa”.ThissocialatomizationoftheGorwaalanguagecommunityismirrored

inaveryliteralsensebythephysicalatomizationoftheGorwaalanguage

communitycausedbysoilerosion.Bothpopulationpressureandadeclinein

adherencetotraditionalresourcemanagementpracticeshasresultedin

continuouscultivationofarableland,overgrazing,andarapidincreaseincutting

trees.Maganganotestheformationofgullies(we/eeri)inNangaravillage

(1990:125),carryingprecioussoilawayandintoLakeBabati.Thisphenomenon

iswidespreadthroughouttheGorwaaspeakingarea:Endabeg’swe/eeriare

describedin[20150722f],and[20150810c].Thesegullieshavegrownrapidly,

AyiRaheliLawitoldmethatthewideWa/aángwEndabeg--overtenmeters

deep,andjustaswideinplaces--wasformedinherlifetime.Inadditionto

1.Introduction

55

reducingtheagriculturalpotentialofwideswathesofGorwaaland,thesegullies

havesplitcommunities,resultinginasituationwhereregularcontactbetween

one-timeneighborsisimpossible,particularlyfortheelderly.Giventhatelders

held(andstillhold)animportantplaceinGorwaasocietyasarbiters,teachers,

andknowledge-holders,thistypeofextremeerosionwillmostcertainlyhavean

effectonGorwaalanguagemaintenance.

1.2.7.2Clans

Gorwaapeoplearedividedintoalargenumberofclans.Todayusedprimarilyas

areferencefordeterminingwhomonemaymarryandwhomonemaynot,a

largenumberofritualtaboosandrequirementsweretraditionallyassociated

withclanaffiliation.Forourpurposes,Gorwaaclansgiveanideaofhistorical

relationshipstootherlanguagecommunitiesintheTanzanianRiftValley.

Eventoday,aGorwaapersonwillgenerallyknowhisorherclan(inheritedfrom

theirfather),aswellasthatoftheirmother,asthisrepresentsthebareminimum

forrestrictionsonwhomonemaymarry.Marryingamongthesameclan,orinto

theclanofone’smother,isdisallowed(hatík).Dependingontheclan,theremay

befurtherrestrictionsonmarriage,allofwhicharegenerallydeterminedbya

groupofelders.

IntraditionalGorwaaculture,clanaffiliationdictatedseveralaspectsofa

person’sdailylife:certainclanswererequiredtobuildtheirhouseswiththe

cookingfireontheright-handside,whereasotherswouldhaveitontheleft.The

Qoolooclanwasnotallowedtoeatgreensmadewiththevegetableqooli.Ina

restrictionwhichresemblesthoseonnaturalresources(discussedabove),many

clansweresanctionedfromusingcertainspeciesoftrees,eitherinbuildingtheir

1.Introduction

56

homes,orasfuel.MembersoftheclanHarna’aawouldbemetwithmisfortuneif

theyownedcattlewithabrindledcoat.

Someclanswereassociatedwithparticularfunctionsinsociety.The

aforementionedclanHarna’aaistheclanoftheparamountchief(wawitumo),a

roleinheritedfromfathertoeldestson.TheclanHaryaambiaretherainmakers

forallofGorwaaland.

Clannamessometimesappeartobesemanticallytransparent:Harhumay(har-

‘clan’+humay‘earthdugfromthefloorofahouseandplacedontheroof’),

Har’aari(har-+aari‘prophecy’),andKuuntoo(kuuntoo‘graincontainers’)areall

examples.Stillothersseemtoderivefromotherwords(seeQooloo-qooliabove):

theclanGilawee,knownforbeingunlucky,isquitesimilartogila’‘toquarrel’.

Stillotherclannamesseemnon-decomposable:Gaytu,Sumaye,andHar’iwa/ay

areexamples.

Intermsofthehistoricalrelationshipswhichclanssuggest,manyofwhichare

recordedintheindividualclanhistories:theclanHarna’aaaresaidtobe

descendedfromDatoogapeoples,whereastheclanHarahamaissaidtobe

descendedfromtheMaasai.BoththeclansHarxoopaandWarindooaresaidto

beofAlagwaderivation.Perhapsmostwell-knownisthestoryoftherainmaker

clanHaryaambi,knowntohavedescendedfromtheIsanzupeopleofcurrent-day

Singidaregion.AakóRashidLaydatellsthestoryofthearrivalofthese

rainmakersasrefugeesinGorwaalandin[20160202h].Tothisday,theIsanzu

peopleareknownastherainmakersoftheTanzaniaRiftValleyparexcellence

(e.g.Sanders2008,Dadi(nodate:52-55)).Moreconcretely,severaloftheclans

1.Introduction

57

aresharedbetweentheGorwaaandtheIraqw:theGorwaaclanSumayeis

knownasSumaweeamongtheIraqw-manyotherssimplyreplacetheprefix

har-withhay-,theGorwaaclanHarsulebecomestheassociatedclanHaysulein

Iraqw.

1.3Methodsandmethodology

Becausethecurrentworkreliesheavilyonasinglebodyofdata,thefollowing

sectionmakestheprocessofcollecting,processingandpresentingthisdata

explicit.Subsection1.3.1providesinformationaboutparticipantsinthestudy.

Subsection1.3.2detailsthedatacollection.Subsection1.3.3outlinesthespeech

genrescollected.Finally,subsection1.3.4discussedaccessing,finding,andusing

thedata.

1.3.1Informationaboutparticipantsinthestudy

Allparticipantsinthestudyhaveprovidedtheirinformedconsent.Priorto

participation,speakerswereintroducedtotheprojectand,wherenecessary,

equipmentsuchasthevoicerecorderandvideocamera.Usually,speakers’

informedconsentwasformalizedinadialoguewiththeresearcher(1.3)based

heavilyonBowern2008(220-221),whichwererecordedandareavailableas

partofthelargerdepositofrecordedmaterials3.

3Mostconsent(andmostresearchingeneral)wasconductedinSwahili,andaSwahiliversionofthisscriptisprovidedinAppendixB.IncircumstanceswheretheconsultantdidnotspeakSwahili,aninterpreterwasemployedtotranslatetheSwahiliintoGorwaa.

1.Introduction

58

(1.3) ENGLISHSCRIPTFORORALCONSENTDIALOGUE-Iwanttotalksomethingsover,sothatweunderstandourwork.Isthatalright?-Youhavetherighttostopworkingwithmeatanytime,andyoudon’thavetotellmewhyyouwanttostop.-YouwillbepaidXTanzanianshillingsperhourofwork,orproductsequaltothisvalue.Isthisalright?-Isitalrightifourworkisrecordedwithavoicerecorderorvideocamera?IrecordourworksoIcanensurethatIheardthewordscorrectly,andsootherpeoplecanlistentothewordsandstorieslater.-Ifyouareuncomfortablewithbeingrecorded,wecanturnoffthevoicerecorderandvideocameraatanytime.Youdon’thavetogiveareasonwhy.-Isitalrightifotherpeoplelistentoorwatchtherecordingswehavemade?Otherresearchers?Students?Yourfamily?Otherpeoplefromthisarea?-IsitalrightifItellotherpeoplethatyouareworkingontheGorwaalanguagewithme?Forexample,isitalrightifIputyournameonalistofpeoplewhohavecontributedtothiswork?Ifnot,isitalrightifIrefertoyoubyamade-upname?(askforalias)-IsitalrightifIputourworkinalanguagearchive?Alanguagearchiveisaplacewhereyoucanputworklikethis,sothatevenifmypersonalcopiesaredestroyedordamaged,theworkremainssafe.-IsitalrightifIwrite(books)abouttheGorwaalanguage?-IsitalrightifIusethisworkforotherpurposes?Forexample,perhapstodayIhavemadearecordingtohelpmeunderstandthesoundsofGorwaa.IsitalrightifIlistentothisworkatalaterdatetolearnaboutthewordsorthegrammarofGorwaa?-Thankyou,Ihavefinishedallofmyquestionsforyou.Beforewebeginourwork,doyouhaveanyquestionsyouwouldliketoaskme,oranythingyouwouldliketosaytome?

Typically,participantswerepaidasalaryof4,000Tanzanianshillingsperhour

ofwork.Timeworkedreferredtotimespentwithresearcher,evenifthiswas

notrecorded.Rehearsingnarratives,doing‘practice-runs’ofelicitation

questions,findingsuitablelocationstorecord,etc.allcountedtowardpaidtime.

In2015,4,000Tanzanianshillingswasequivalenttoapproximately1.85GBP.A

Tanzaniansecondaryschoolteacheratthelowerendoftheirpay-scalein2015

couldexpecttoearnapproximatelythesame.Thus,thiswasanhourlyamount

whichseemedcommensuratewiththeskillsetofalanguageconsultant.

Participantswhowereknowninthecommunityasspecialists(divinersor

1.Introduction

59

traditionalhealers,forexample)wouldsometimesbepaidslightlymore.In

mostcases,participantswerepaidincash.Insomecases(suchasindividuals

dealingwithissuessuchasgamblingaddictionsoralcoholism),salarieswere

paidincommoditiessuchassugar,rice,orairtimevouchers.

126Gorwaaspeakersarerepresentedinthesample.4Withthissaid,however,

theamountofmaterialfromeachparticipantvariesgreatly,fromover20hours’

worthoftargetedelicitationwithoneparticipant,toperhapsasingleutterance

inthebackgroundofagroupdiscussionfromanother.Indeed,Iestimatethat

10%oftheparticipantsmakeupforcloseto80%oftherecordings.

Oftheparticipants,88weremaleand38werefemale.Thisdisparityingender

representationwasduetoseveralfactors,themostimportantperhapsbeingthat

Iammale,andIwasthereforeoftenlimitedintheagerangeofwomenwith

whomitwasdeemedappropriatetohavecontact,aswellasinwhatkindsof

women’sdomainsIcouldeffectivelywork.Forexample,olderwomenwere

generallydeemedappropriatetoworkwith,whereasopportunitiestoworkwith

youngerwomenaroundmyagewerenotverycommon.Thisalsohastodowith

thedisproportionateamountoflabourexpectedofyoungerwomen:with

virtuallyalldomesticdutiesconsideredthejobofwomen,findingtimeto

4Thisfigureexcludesrecordingsmadeoflargegroups,suchastheSubiraElimPentekosteAdultChoirofEndabeg,theYerotoniCulturalGroup,ortheGroupatAyáMananguon09/10/2015,duringwhichitwasdeemedimpractical(orsimplyimpossible)tocollectinformationoneachindividualpresent.Intermsofpermission,informedconsentforgrouprecordingswassoughtfromgroupleaders(suchasthechoirconductorforthechurchchoir)orheadsofahousehold(e.g.MananguQamsilofortherecordingmadeathishome).Ifthegroupwasanestablishedentity(suchastheYerotoniCulturalGroup),remunerationwasmadeintheformofadonationtothegroup.Ifthegroupwaslessestablished(suchasthegroupatAyáManangu),asuitableremunerationwasdiscussedwiththeownerofthehousehold(inthatparticularcase,remunerationwasintheformofalargecrateofsoda).

1.Introduction

60

conductrecordingswasverydifficultindeed.Regardingcontextsofworkwith

women,thoughImadeacoupleofrecordingsfrominsideakitchen,thiswas

consideredanextraordinaryexception.Inadditiontothis,thoughrecordingsof

groupsofmendiscussingvillagepoliticsorconflictresolutionweremade,no

suchequivalentexistsforagroupofwomen.Inordertosomewhatmitigatethis,

aspecial‘women’sfocusgroup’wasbroughttogetheronFebruary20thof2016

foradayofrecordeddiscussion,specificallyofwomen’sissues,however,for

obviousreasons,thiscontextcanonlybeseenascontrived.

Theoldestspeakerwasestimatedtobebornin1912(100yearsoldatthedate

hewasfirstrecordedfortheproject),andtheyoungestwasbornin2003(12

yearsoldatthedatehewasfirstrecordedfortheproject).Meanageacrossall

126participantswas51yearsin2015.

AneffortwasmadetoincludespeakersfromallmajorareasofGorwaaland,and

recordsonwhereeachparticipantgrewupshowsthatmostmajortownsand

villagesarerepresented.Withthatsaid,abiasremainsinfavouroftheareasin

andaroundEndabegvillage,wheretheresearcherlivedandworkedduringmost

ofthedatacollection.Leastrepresentedarethecommunitiesinthesoutheastof

Gorwaaland,aswellasthosewhichlaybetweenthefootofMountKwaraaand

theTarangireplain.Thisislargelyduetotheseplacesbeingsparselypopulated

anddifficulttogettobyroad,aswellastheirethnically-mixednature:some

villagequartersintheseareashavingnospeakersofGorwaawhatsoever.

7participantswereGorwaamonolinguals:typicallyveryoldindeed,andhaving

spentallormostoftheirlivesinoneortworuralvillages.98further

1.Introduction

61

participantswerebilingualinGorwaaandSwahili.The21individualswhocould

speakthreeormorelanguagesinvariablyspokeSwahili,aswellasothernearby

languages(Rangi(8),Iraqw(4),Alagwa(3),Datooga(1),Nyaturu(1)),the

officiallanguageEnglish(11),orlanguagesassociatedwithfaithorbusiness

(Arabic(1),Somali(1),MandarinChinese(1)).

Furtherinformationonallparticipants,includingname(s),dateofbirth,where

theywerebornandwheretheygrewup,sex,language(s)spoken,father’s

language(s)andmother’slanguage(s),canbefoundinAppendixA.

1.3.2Datacollection

Abasicworkflow(basedonthatprovidedbyBowern2008(48))describinghow

mostofthedatawasprocessedduringthisprojectisprovidedinFigure1.1

below.

ThemajorityoftheaudiorecordingsweremadeusingaZoomH2Handy

Recorder,whichproducedfilesin.wavformat..mp4videorecordingswere

madeusingaJVCEverioGZ-HD40EKvideocamera,andthevideofunctionona

NikonD7000cameraequippedwitha50mmNikorlens.Typically,inallcasesin

whichvideowasrecorded,audiowasalsorecordedusingtheaudiorecorder,

andthetwowerelatersynchronized(seebelow).Forsituationsinwhichthe

participant(orparticipants)ismoving,theaudiorecorderwaslinkedtoan

Audio-technicaAT803bLavalier(lapel)microphone,bothofwhichwerecarried

inabackpackbytheparticipantwhiletheresearchermadevideorecordings

withthevideorecorderwhilefollowingalong.

1.Introduction

62

Assoonafterrecordingaspossible(usuallythesamenight),audioandvideo

filesweretransferredfromthememorycardsoftheaudioandvideorecorders

andplacedinanewfolder(referredtoasabundle)onaMacBookPro.Allfilesin

thebundle(audio,video,andthefolderitself)wereassignedauniqueidentifying

number.Thesystemisbasedonthedateonwhichtherecordingwasmade:

therefore,thefirsteightdigitsrefertotheyear,month,anddayofrecording.

Recordingsmadeonthesamedayarefurtherdifferentiatedbybeingassigned

letters.Ifmorethan26recordingsweremadeinasingleday,thelabelingwould

proceedza,zb,etc.Assuch,abundleassignedtheuniqueidentifyingnumber

20151128bwasthesecondrecordingtobemadeonthe28thofNovember,2015.

Furtherinformation(itemtitle,placeofrecording,speaker(s),speechgenre,

briefdescription,etc.)wasrecordedinaMicrosoftExcelforMac(2007)sheet

database.Allnewbundlesandmetadatarecordedinthespreadsheetdatabase

wassavedonanADATA1TBharddrive,andbackeduponasecondharddriveof

thesamemodel.BundleswerethenprocessedanduploadedtotheELAR

archiveusingthesoftwareArchiveBuilder(Arbil)(2013).

1.Introduction

63

Figure1.3:BasicDataCollectionWorkflow

BEFORESESSION PLANSESSION-Checkequipment(batteriesfull,memorycards

empty)-Compilegoals(questions,prompts,etc.)

CONDUCTSESSION-Monitorrecording-Takenotes(interestingitems,questionsfor

immediateoflaterfollowup)-Askquestions,listentoanswers

FILEDATA -transferaudio/videofromequipmenttoanewfolder(bundle) -assignallitemsofnewbundleauniqueidentifyingnumber -addbundledescriptiontodatabase

SENDALLNEWBUNDLESTOARCHIVE

TRANSCRIBE/TRANSLATEDATA -setupELANprojectforbundle -transcribematerialinGorwaaworkingorthography

GLOSSDATA -exportELANprojecttoFLEx -glossline-by-line -addnoteswherenecessary -re-exportprojectfromFLExtoELAN

SENDALLGLOSSEDELANFILESTOARCHIVE

DURINGSESSION

AFTERSESSION

BEGINAGAIN

1.Introduction

64

Oncebundledandbackedup,datawasthentranscribedandtranslated.Audioand

videofilesweresynchronizedintheELANLinguisticAnnotatorsoftware

programme(2011)andtranscribedintheworkingGorwaaorthography,then

translatedintoSwahiliandEnglish.Inthebeginning,thiswasconductedlargelyby

theresearcherwithhelpfromspeakerAyíRaheliLawi.Thismethodproved

extremelytimeconsuming,andwaslatervastlyimprovedbyemployingthreelocal

speakers:StephanoEdward,PaschalBu’ú,andFestoMassani,whowouldtakethe

preparedELANfilesontoan8GBUSBonaweeklybasisandtranslateandtranscribe

themindependentlyusingHPStream11.6inchHDlaptopcomputers.

Followingtranscriptionandtranslation,theresearcherwouldonceagaintakethe

ELANfiles,reviewthetranscriptionandtranslationsinordertomakesurethe

orthographywasconsistentwiththerestofthecorpus,andthenglossthematerials.

FileswereexportedfromELANtotheFieldworksLanguageExplorerprogramme

(FLEx)(SIL,2015)andglossedusingtheparsingtool.Glosseswerechecked,

adjusted,andcorrected,andmaterialwasthenre-exportedfromFLExbackto

ELAN.Thesenewfileswerebackedup,andthenuploadedtotheELARarchive,

onceagainusingArchiveBuilder.

Datacollectiontoolswerenotoftenemployed,withmuchoftheelicitedmaterial

collectedthroughtranslationexercises,andmuchofthenaturalisticmaterialsimply

beingvolunteeredbyparticipants.SophieSalffnerprovidedasetofwoodenbricks

foraspeechactivityinwhichonespeakerhadtobuildanunseenmodelwiththe

verbalcuesofafriendontheothersideofapartition(seealsothedescriptionof

1.Introduction

65

‘BlockWorlds’inSalffner2015:254-255).Ialsousedtwoidenticalsetsoftwenty

cowphotos,ofwhichasubsetwasgiventoonespeaker,whohadtohelpasecond

speakerchoosetheidenticalimagefromtheirsetbydescribinghowitlooked.The

sameactivitywasalsoconductedwithasetofbirdphotos.TheComparative

AfricanWordlist(SILCAWL)(Snider&Roberts2006),aswellastheSIL

RapidWords(SILInternational)questionswerealsousedwithafocusoneliciting

newnouns.OldrecordingsofGorwaamusicfromRadioTanzaniaDaresSalaam

(Kirombo&Ndumbalo1967)alsoservedasusefulstimuliforfurtherdiscussion.

Timespentinthefieldtotaledtwenty-sixmonths.Thiswasdividedintothree

individualperiods:athirteen-monthperiodforresearchassociatedwithMaster’s

degreebetweenOctober2012andOctober2013,andthentwoperiodsforDoctoral-

levelresearch:ninemonthsbetweenJuly2015andMarch2016,andthreemonths

betweenSeptember2016andNovember2016.Figure(1.2)belowshows

approximatelyhowmanyminutesofrecordingswerecollectedduringeachmonth

offieldwork,aswellaswhattypeofmaterialthiswas.Naturalspeechrefersto

recordingsmadewiththeleastamountofinputorconstraintimposedfromthe

researcher:theyrangefromtraditionalsongsandstories,toprocedural

descriptionsofhowtocompleteaneverydaytask.Promptedspeechrefersto

recordingsmadeinwhichtheparticipant(orparticipants)respondwithinalarger

contextcontrivedbytheresearcher:thepicture-matchingtaskdescribedaboveis

oneexample.Elicitationreferstorecordingsmadeinhighly-controlledsituations:

generallyinaquestion-answerformatinwhichtheresearcherpresentsaphrasefor

1.Introduction

66

translationorback-translation,orasksforagrammaticalityjudgment.Consent

referstotherecordingsofthescriptedconsentdialogue,asgivenin(1.1)above.

1.Introduction

67

Figure1.4:RECORDINGSCOLLECTEDDURINGEACHMONTHOFFIELDWORK

0

200

400

600

800

1000

1200

1400

1600

1800

MinutesCollected

MonthinField

Consent

Elicitation

PromptedSpeech

NaturalSpeech

1.Introduction

68

1.3.3Speechgenrescollected

Duringdatacollection,anattemptwasmadetoincludeasdiversearangeofspeech

genresaspossible.Assuch,thecorpusincludesmaterialsrangingfromdiscussions

ofjuraltraditions(e.g.Justice5[20160219h]),tohistoricalepics(e.g.History1-A

[20151125i]),torecordingsofchildrenplayinggames(e.g.Usuji[20151025]).

However,onlyasubsetofrecordingsfromtheentirecorpusarereferencedinthe

currentwork.Someofthemostfrequentlyusedaredescribedbelow,alongwith

excerptedEnglishtranslations.

Themostuniformtypeofrecordingwasthosefeaturingelicitation,wherethemain

contentsweretranslationorback-translationofphrases(1.4),orgrammaticality

judgments(1.5).Ihesitatetorefertotheseas‘genres’,astheyaremostcertainly

notnaturalspeech.Theydo,however,featuretheirownnormsanddifferenttypes

ofelicitationresultindifferentlanguageoutputs.

(1.4) TRANSLATION“NOMINALIZATIONS1”[20150724.34-37]

Itravelatnighttime.Thispersonisatraveller.Thispersonmissedthejourney.Alongtriptakestime.

(1.5) GRAMMATICALITYJUDGMENTS“MASS/COUNTNOUNS”[20150810d.8-11]

‘Water’isuncountable.Wesay‘thatwaterisinavessel.’Wesay:‘water-threebottles,twobottles,onebottle,twobottles,threebottles,fourbottles,fivebottles’ofwater.Because‘water’isuncountable.

Promptedspeechtypicallyfeatureduncontrivedspeechbutwithinasituationwhich

wascontrivedbytheresearcher,typicallytocollectaspecifictypeofgrammatical

constructionorvocabulary.Themostcommonlyrecordedinstancesofprompted

1.Introduction

69

speechincludedSalffner’sblockworldstask(1.6),andthephotomatchtask(1.7),

bothdescribedabove.

(1.6) BLOCKWORLDSTASK“BUILDINGBLOCKS5[20150817d.487-491][S.J.] theotherleg,builditintheplaceinfrontofyou-builditintheplaceinfrontofyou buildthoselegsthere,leavethisthingtherealone[H.J.] thereonthisside?[S.J.] yes,builditonthatside[H.J.] whyisthishousesodamnbig?

(1.7) PHOTOMATCHTASK“BIRDIMAGES11-A[20151021c.292-296] [B.S.] thisotherone ithasalongmouthIsay!ithasredeyes [P.B] whatisthisbirdcalled? [B.S.] this,Idon’tevenknowitsname [P.B.] itsmouthisred?Naturalspeechrecordingsproducedthemostdiverserangeofspeechgenres,

includingnarratives(e.g.HoneyStories[20131108b_20150725j]),Christianprayers

(e.g.BlessingtheMeal1[20150725l]),andgroupconversations(e.g.Thelocal

footballchampionship[20150726d]).Amongthisrangeofgenres,twowhichare

commonlycitedinthisworkincludepersonalbiographies,andprocedural

descriptions.

(1.8) PERSONALBIOGRAPHY“LIFESTORY2”[20131027_20150725c.159-162]Ifamansawme“You,awoman,willgointhisway!Thathusbandofyoursisafool.”Isaid“No,he’snotafool[...]

(1.9) PROCEDURALDESCRIPTION“HONEYHUNTING2”[20150808a.50-53]

Hey-letmelieonmystomachsothatIdigitoutoncemore.Thebeehiveisfullofliquidhoney-lookhere,thisisdriedhoney.Ah!Iwasbittenhard,theybitehard!Ouch!Iwasbitten!

1.Introduction

70

1.3.4Accessing,finding,andusingthedata

AlldatahasbeenarchivedwiththeEndangeredLanguagesArchiveatSOAS,

UniversityofLondon.Thisincludesallaudiovisualfiles(.wav,.mp4,.jpeg),aswell

asanalysisfiles(i.e.ELANfiles(.eaf)).Materialisbeingcontinuallyupdatedas

recordingsaretranscribed,translated,andglossed.Itisexpectedthatfuture

Gorwaarecordingsandanalysiswillalsobedepositedhere.Alldataisopenly

accessible,requiringonlythatusersregisterwithELARandagreetoitsTermsand

Conditionsofuse.

Foreveryexampleofphrasallengthorlongerinthiswork,acitationhasbeen

providedwhichwillallowthereadertoidentifythelargerrecordinginthearchive,

aswellastoresolvebacktothatparticularphrasewithintherecording.Citations

(boldedin(1.10))occurinsquarebracketstotherightofthefirstlineofthe

numberedexample.

(1.10) inósaGormo [20160119f.12]

inós ∅ GormóPRO.3M AUX Gorwaa.person.♂.LMO “HeisaGorwaaperson.”

Eachcitationhastwoparts,dividedbyafullstop.Thealphanumericalparttothe

leftofthefullstopcorrespondstotheuniqueidentifyingnumberoftherecording

(discussedabove),andallowsthereadertolocatetherecordingwithinthearchive.

Thiscanbedonebyvisitingthedepositpage

(https://elar.soas.ac.uk/Collection/MPI1014224)andenteringtheunique

identifyingnumberintotheboxtitled‘Searchthisdeposit’intheupperleftcorner,

1.Introduction

71

asshowninFigure1.3.Thiswillleadtothecontentsofthespecificbundle,which

canbeviewedanddownloaded.

Figure1.5:DEPOSITPAGEWITH‘SEARCHTHISDEPOSIT’INTHEUPPERLEFT

Returningtothecitation,thenumericalparttotherightofthefullstopcorresponds

tothenumberofthephrasesegmentintheELAN(.eaf)file.Oncethereaderhas

accessedthebundlefromthedepositpage,theymaydownloaditscontents(.wav

and/or.mp4,and.eaf),andsimplysearchwithintheELANfiletotheexactnumber

cited(asshowninFigure1.4)inordertolistentoandviewtheexactmomentinthe

recordinginwhichtheutteranceofchoicewasproduced.

1.Introduction

72

Figure1.6:ELANfilewith‘phrasesegmentnumber’asthefourthtierfromthebottom

1.4Summary

Thischapterintroducedthereadertotheaimsofthisdissertation,tothelarger

contextinwhichtheGorwaalanguageexists,aswellasthewayinwhichthe

languagedatawascollected.Thenextchapterprovidesageneraldiscussionofthe

Gorwaadataintheformofasketchgrammar.

2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa

73

2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa

2.1Introduction

Amongother things, thepreviouschapterdiscussedsomeof thewidercontext

(historical, cultural, sociolinguistic) in which the Gorwaa language exists (see

§1.2),aswellastheresearchmethodologyusedduringdatacollection(see§1.3).

What follows is a preliminary sketch of Gorwaa, written with two central

purposes inmind. First, the sketch provides descriptivematerial on themain

pointsofGorwaagrammar:boththemostcross-linguisticallycommonfeatures,

aswellasthosemostpeculiartothelanguage. Asalanguagewithnoprevious

description, this is meant as an empirical contribution to understanding the

language in general. Second, the sketchought to ground the reader in a basic

understandingofthenounphraseandassociatedphenomenasuchasagreement

–thetheoreticalandanalyticalfocusofthethesis.

ThesketchbeginswithanoverviewofGorwaaphoneticsandphonology(§2.2).

Itisfollowedbyapresentationofthelexicalcategoriesofthelanguage(nouns,

verbs, adjectives, adverbs), with an excursionary remark on ideophone (§2.3).

Next, the fuctional categories (determiners, selectors, and pronouns) are

examined (§2.4). Moving on to clausal constituents, comment is made on

canonicalwordorder,theverbphrase,thenounphrase,theadpositionalphrase,

aswell as comparatives (§2.5). A section on pragmaticallymarked structures

includesfocus,contrast,topicalization,negation,andnon-declarativespeechacts

(§2.6).Thesketchendswithcomplexclauses:relativesandcoordination(§2.7).

2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa

74

2.2Phoneticsandphonology

This section introduces the phonetics and phonology of Gorwaa. The first

subsection introduces the consonant inventory. The second subsection

introduces the vocalic inventory. Third, attention is given to pitch and

intonation. The fourth subsection is on stress. The final subsection treats

phonotactics.

2.2.1Consonants

Gorwaahas33consonants,andisnotableforitspaucityofvoicedfricativesand

wealthofpharyngealandglottalsounds.Severalconsonantsarelabialized.Four

consonants are ejective. The most articulatorily complex consonant is the

ejectivelateralaffricate,[tɬ’].

Table2.1:PHONEMICINVENTORYOFGORWAACONSONANTS Bilabial Labio-

dentalAlveolar Palato-

AlveolarPalatal Velar Uvular Pharyngeal Glottal

Nasal m n (ɲ)

ŋŋw

Stop pb td kgkwgw

Ɂ

EjectiveStop q’q’w

Fricative f s (ʃ) χ χw

ħʕ h

Approximant w

j

Trill r

LateralFricative

ɬ

LateralApproximant

l

Affricate (tʃ)(dƷ) EjectiveAffricate

ts’

EjectiveLateralAffricate

tɬ’

2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa

75

Consonant phonemes in brackets represent non-native phonemes, present

exclusivelyinloanwords.

(2.1) NON-NATIVEPHONEMESOCCUREXCLUSIVELYINLOANWORDSa. [tʃupa] chupa ‘bottle’fromSw.chupa‘bottle’

b. [ɲaɲa] nyanya‘tomato’fromSw.nyanya‘tomato’ c. [dƷe:la] jeela‘privateroom’fromSw.jela‘prison’ d. [bijaʃara] biyashara‘commerce’fromSw.biashara‘commerce’Orthographic representation of consonants, where different from the IPA, are

giveninTable2.2below.

Table2.2:CONSONANTS:IPAEQUIVALENTSFORORTHOGRAPHICREPRESENTATIONSOrthography IPASymbol

ny [ɲ]ng [ŋ]‘ [Ɂ]q [q’]sh [ʃ]x [χ]hh [ħ]/ [ʕ]y [j]sl [ɬ]ch [tʃ]j [dƷ]ts [ts’]tl [tɬ’]kw [kw]gw [gw]ngw [ŋw]qw [q’w]xw [χw]

2.2.2Vowels

Gorwaa has 5 vowels: two front-back pairs at two heights, and a single low

vowel.

2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa

76

Figure2.1:THEGORWAAVOWELSiii uuueee ooo aaa Gorwaadistinguisheslongvowelsfromshortvowels.Eachofthevowelsabove

has a short version and a long version. Orthographically, short vowels are

writtenwith one character: a, e, i, o, u, and long vowels arewrittenwith two

characters:aa,ee, ii,oo,uu. Lengthdistinctioncanbe lexical, though thecases

arerareand,asin(2.2),stressmayplaymoreofaroleindisambiguatingthetwo

formsthanvowelquality itself. Grammatically,however, the functional loadof

vowel-lengthdistinctionishigh(2.3).

(2.2) LEXICALVOWEL-LENGTHDISTINCTION[ts’aχara:] tsaxaraa ‘blood-drawingarrow’vs. [ts’aχa:ra] tsaxaara ‘shooting(witharrow)’

(2.3) GRAMMATICALVOWEL-LENGTHDISTINCTION

a. [Ɂadó:ɬ] adoósl ‘Ifarm’ vs. [Ɂadóɬ] adósl ‘youfarm’

b. [he:tɬá:kw] heétlaákw ‘abadperson’ vs.

[mu:kútɬákw]muukútlákw‘badpeople’ 2.2.3Pitchandintonation

Kießling (2004), establishes that across South Cushitic there are two

predominantphonemictonecontours,whichoperatewithinphonologicalwords

includingthesubjectnoun,aswellasthevP.Henamestheseaccent1“neutral

tone”(hereinlevelpitchaccent),andaccent2“markedtone”(hereinrisingpitch

accent). However, there exist a further three intonational tone contours, used

primarilyforpragmaticpurposes. Thisthereforerequiresaslightexpansionto

hisdescription.

2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa

77

The two ‘grammatical’ contours describedbyKießling (2004), andwhich bear

thelargestfunctionalloadsbyfar,arelevelpitchaccent(LPA),inwhichdefault

lowtoneisassignedtoallsyllablesofadomain,andrisingpitchaccent(RPA),in

whichprominenthightoneismanifestedonthefinalsyllableofthephonological

word. NounsmaypossessLPAorRPA lexically. Inaddition to this, these two

tone contours play an important role in many morphosyntactic distinctions,

includingTAM,adjectivalconcord,andderivationaloperations1.

(2.4) TWO‘GRAMMATICAL’CONTOURSa. LEVELPITCHACCENT(LPA)

i)[desi] desi ‘girl’ ii)[ħara] hhara ‘stick’ iii)[Ɂigu:Ɂ] iguu’ ‘hesleeps’ b. RISINGPITCHACCENT(RPA)

i)[desírɁa:ko] desíraako ‘grandfather’sgirl’ ii)[ħartátle:r] hhartátleer ‘alongstick’ iii)[Ɂagagú:Ɂ] agaguú’ ‘heslept’Additionally, there are three intonational tone contours which serve a largely

pragmaticfunction.Thefirstofthese,vocativepitchaccent(VPA),assignshigh

tone to the penultimate syllable, followed by low tone on the final syllable.

Vocativeistypicallyusedwhenaddressingsomeone2.Fallingpitchaccent(FPA)

assigns prominent low pitch to the final syllable of the phonological word.

Fallingpitchaccent isusedasanemphaticorcontrastivedevice. Rising-falling

pitchaccent(RFPA),featureswhatMous(1993:287)describesas“anextrahigh

toneandasubsequentfall”,andissituatedonthepenultimatesyllable. Rising-

falling pitch accent signals a polar question. These three ‘intonational tone

1Accentmarksareusedintheseexamplestoindicatetoneassignedtothesyllable.Lackofaccentindicateslowtone.Anacuteaccent(´)indicateshightone.Agraveaccent(`)indicatesextralowtone.Acircumflexaccent(ˆ)indicatesrising-fallingtone.2Gorwaapersonalnamesareuniformlypolysyllabic–inadditiontocontextualclues,thepossibilityofconfusionbetweenahypotheticalmonosyllableinRPAversusoneinVPAisveryslimindeed.

2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa

78

contours’ will supersede any original ‘grammatical tone contour’ of the

phonologicalwordofinterest.

(2.5) THREE‘PRAGMATIC’CONTOURSa. VOCATIVEPITCHACCENT(VPA)

[dési] desi! ‘girl!’

b. FALLINGPITCHACCENT(FPA)i) [ħartátlè:r] hhartátleèr ‘alongstick’(asopposedto

ashortone)ii) [Ɂagagù:Ɂ] agaguù’ ‘heslept’(finally,oras

opposedtoate)

c. RISING-FALLINGPITCHACCENT(RFPA)i) [gárbô:ʕ] gárboô/ ‘ablackthing?’

ii) [agagû:Ɂi] agaguu’î ‘hasheslept?’Finally,itshouldbenotedthatGorwaafeaturesdowndriftthroughthecourseof

the intonational phrase. Tentatively, this type of downdrift resembles tone

terracing – where both high and level tones trend downward in pitch, and

differences in pitch become progressively narrow until pitch is reset at the

beginningofthenextintonationalphrase.

Beyondthespecialnotationmadeintheseexamples(seefn.1),theorthography

marks tone as follows. Level tone is left unmarked. Rising pitch accent is

markedinthewritingsystembyplacinganacuteaccentonthefinalvowelofthe

phonologicalword.Vocativepitchaccentisindicatedwithanexclamationmark

directly following theword. Fallingpitch accent ismarkedbyplacing a grave

accentonthefinalvowelofthephonologicalword.Rising-fallingpitchaccentis

markedbyplacingacircumflexaccent(ˆ)onthefinalvowelofthephonological

word.

2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa

79

2.2.4Stress

Stressoccursbydefaultonthefirstsyllable.Ifthepenultcontainsalongvowel,

then it is stressed instead. If the penult contains a short vowel and the final

syllablehasahightone,stresswillbeonthefinalsyllable.

(2.6) STRESSASSIGNMENTa. STRESSEDFIRSTSYLLABLE

i) [ʕa:lusumo] /aalusumo ‘heir’ ii) [kaliɁi] kali’i ‘colour’ iii) [lawala:] lawalaa ‘spear’ b. STRESSEDPENULTIMATESYLLABLE

i) [ʕare:ma] /areema reduction ii) [Ɂafa’ħo:wa] afahhoowa eloquence iii) [q’antsare:ma] qantsareema greenness c. STRESSEDFINALSYLLABLE i) [ʕorruɁumó] /orru’umó sp.oftree ii) [karkarí] karkarí sp.ofgrub iii) [ne:armó] nee/armó sp.ofbird2.2.5Phonotactics

This section dealswith the permissible combinations of phonemes in Gorwaa.

Considerable similarities exist between Iraqw and Gorwaa with regard to

phonotactics, and this section owes a considerable debt toMous’work in this

area with Iraqw (1993: 24-39). First, syllable shape is examined. This is

followedbyroot-levelphonotactics,andthenword-levelphonotactics.

2.2.5.1Syllables

Canonical syllables in Gorwaa are of the form CV, CVC, CVNC, CV:, CV:C, and

CV:NC,whereNisahomorganicnasal.

2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa

80

(2.7) CANONICALSYLLABLESa.CV i)[di] di ‘place’(n) ii)[ga] ga ‘thing’(n) iii)[ja] ya ‘thus’(adv)b.CVC i)[dáh] dáh ‘comein’(v) ii)[dóɁ] dó’ ‘house’(n) iii)[tám] tám ‘three’(n)

c.CVNC i)[ʕónd] /ónd ‘dry.up.F’(v) ii)[tɬ’ánqw’] tlánqw ‘spotted.F’(adj) iii)[ħúnɬ] hhúnsl ‘wash.F’(v)

d.CV: i)[matɬ’e:] matlee ‘morning’(n) ii)[firo:] firoo ‘prayer’(n) iii)[mu:] muu ‘people’(n)e.CV:C i)[q’ó:m] qoóm ‘be.good.1Sg’(v) ii)[hó:t] hoót ‘live.1Sg’(v) iii)[ba:q’] baaq ‘house.partition’(n)

f.CV:NC i)[fa:nqw’] faanqw ‘seven’(n)In some loanwords from Swahili, the initial syllabic nasal is tolerated (see

Harvey&Mreta2016:4).

(2.8) INITIALSYLLABICNASALTOLERATEDINLOANWORDSa.[m̩tʃongoma] mchongoma ‘shrubsp.’fromSw.mchongoma

‘shrubsp.’

b.[n̩dowa] ndowa ‘wedding’fromSw.ndoa‘wedding’2.2.5.2Stem-levelphonotactics

Mous(1993:29)notes thatstems longer than threesyllablesusuallycontaina

reduplicatedsyllable,oranr.

(2.9) STEMSLONGERTHANTHREESYLLABLESa.[mataħar#á] matahhar- -á ‘insectsp.(pl.)’

b.[ʕaraʕant#i] /ara/ant- -i ‘fire-balllilies’ c.[Ɂindaχaχ#áɁ] indaxax- -á’ ‘plantsp.’ AsnotedinMous(1993:27),initialsyllablesofpolysyllabicstemsareusuallyof

CV,NCV,CVC,orNCVCstructure. CVVissometimespossible,usuallybeforean

2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa

81

NCcluster(see(2.10))3.Asetofothercasesaregivenin(2.11).CV:C,CVNC,and

CV:NCareneveracceptablestructuresforpolysyllabicroots.

(2.10) CVVSYLLABLEBEFOREANNCCLUSTER

a.[ba:mbár] baambár ‘fingermillet’b.[da:ngaf#i] daangaf--i ‘millet-filledgourd’

(2.11) OTHERCASESOFCVVSYLLABLESa.[ne:ʕár] nee/ár ‘heavyclouds’b.[se:sékw] seesékw ‘bustard’c.[Ɂi:rimb#í] iirimb- -í ‘crestedcuckoo’

In addition to restrictions on syllable structure for polysyllabic roots, Mous

(1993: 28-29) also notes restrictions on their vowel sequences. These

restrictionshold forGorwaaaswell, andare formulatedas follows: i) the first

vowel is [+high] or [+low] (not [+mid]), and the second vowel is either

epenthetic, [+low], or [+mid] (not [+high]) (see (2.12)); or ii) all vowels are

identical(see(2.13)).

(2.12) FIRSTVISNOT[+MID],SECONDVOWELISEITHEREPENTHETICORNOT[+HIGH]

a.[barij#a] bariy- -a ‘k.o.disease’(underscorediisepenthetic)

b.[gases#mó] gases- -mó ‘reptilesp.’c.[fuɁun#i] fu’un- -i ‘meat(i.e.onepiece)’

(underscoreduisepenthetic)

d.[kitange:r#i] kitangeer- -i ‘dryingrack’e.[gise:r#í] giseer- -í ‘potforspecialbeer’

(2.13) ALLVSAREIDENTICAL

a.[baɁa:r#i] ba’aar- -i ‘bees’b.[pulul#ú] pulul- -ú ‘kingfisher(i.e.agroup)’c.[toqor#i] toqor- -i ‘crippledperson’d.[biʕin#i] bi/in- -i ‘silkyblesmol’e.[kweʕeʕen#i] kwe/e/en- -i ‘black-neckedrockhyrax’

3Mous(1993:27)doesnotincludethegroupin(2.12),astheyarenotconsideredstemsinhisaccount(thereinroots,seeesp.(2)in1993:27-28).Inthiswork,Iconsidermanyoftheseformsstems.See[CROSSREFERENCE]forfurtheranalysis.

2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa

82

Mous (1993) notes that Owens identifies similar restrictions in Oromo (1985:

17).

An exception exists for polysyllabic roots with a long vowel in their initial

syllable,inthatthislongvowelmaybemid.

(2.14) EXCEPTION:POLYSYLLABICROOTSWITHLONGVININITIALSYLLABLE,THISSYLLABLEV

MAYBE[+MID]a.[ne:ʕár] nee/ár ‘heavyclouds’b.[se:sékw] seesékw ‘bustard’c.[po:hám] poohám ‘baboon’

2.2.5.3Word-levelphonotactics

VowelsVowels never occur word-initially, a glottal stop is always inserted. For

economy,thisisnotusuallyrepresentedintheorthography.

Mous (1993: 27) also notes a correlation between vowel length in the second

syllableandstress.Thevoweloftheinitialsyllablereceivesstressifthevowelof

thesecondsyllableisepenthetic.

(2.15) IFTHESECONDSYLLABLEISEPENTHETIC,THEINITIALVOWELRECEIVESSTRESSa.[ʕal#umó]/al -(a)mó ‘birdsp.’b.[ts’ifir#i] tsifir -i ‘language’c.[q’aduwee]qaduweé ‘consultingthetraditionaldoctor’

If the second syllable contains a long vowel or a high tone, then the second

syllablereceivesstress.

(2.16) IFTHESECONDSYLLABLECONTAINSALONGVORAHIGHTONE,ITISSTRESSEDa.[tɬ’angás] tlangás ‘quivers(forarrows)’

b.[me:mé:ħ] meemeéhh ‘wovenbackpacks’ c.[siro:r#a:] siroor- -aa ‘canaries’ Hall (2006)describesepentheticvowelsas insertedvowelswhich (contrary to

excrescentvowels)arephonologicallyvisible,andparticipate in thephonology

byrepairingstructureswhichwouldotherwisebemarkedinthelanguage.Mous

2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa

83

(1993:28)laysoutrulesforwhereepentheticvowelsmaybeexpected,though

notes that there is variation between speakers of Iraqw as to how acceptable

different clusters are. Using Mous’ consonant groupings, the Gorwaa data

suggeststhefollowing:

An epenthetic vowel almost always occurs between clusters composed of the

followingconsonants:[q],[hh],[tl],[m],[n],[ŋ],[m].

(2.17) EPENTHETICVOWELBETWEENCERTAINCONSONANTCLUSTERS

a.[ɬaq’amaje] slaqamaye ‘fatigue’ b.[Ɂafurtɬ’um#áy] afurtlum -áy ‘simpleknots’ c.[fe:ħim#i] feehhim -i ‘crevice’Anepentheticvowelwillalmostalwaysoccurbetween[m]Cclusters,whereCis

[t],[k],[g],or[ŋ].

(2.18) EPENTHETICVOWELOCCURSBETWEEN[m]CCLUSTERS,WHERECIS[t],[k],[g],OR

[ŋ][damit#o] damit -o ‘waiting’

Anepentheticvowelwillalmostalwaysoccurbeforeasyllablewithhightone.

(2.19) EPENTHEICVOWELBEFOREASYLLABLEWITHAHIGHTONEa.[ħurahúr] hhurahúr ‘bulbul,greenbul’

b.[χundurúf] xundurúf ‘insectsp.’ AnepentheticvowelmayintervenebetweenotherCCclusters,butthisseems

bothlesscommonthanintheabovelistedenvironments,butalsothanasseems

tooccurinIraqw.

(2.20) OTHERCASESOFEPENTHETICVOWELSBETWEENCCCLUSTERS,ANDEXCEPTIONS a.[ts’araɁas#i] tsara’as -i ‘flame’

But: b.[furɁa] fur’a ‘wind’ c.[tɬ’at#ete:] tlat -etee ‘debts’But: d.[ʕat#te:] /at -tee ‘curds’ e.[maraʕants’#i] mara/ants -i ‘insectsp.’

But: f.[ts’irʕ#i] tsir/ -i ‘bird’

2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa

84

In fact, within South Cushitic, one of the defining features of Gorwaa is its

tendency to tolerate consonant clusters (Kießling 2002: 107). Geminate

consonants are brought about by reduplicative suffixes, 3-consonant clusters,

andglottalstopsfollowingconsonantsareallexamples.

(2.21) CONSONANTCLUSTERSINGORWAAa.[dan#ne:] dan -nee ‘honies’

b.[ʕatɬ’#tɬ’e:] /aatl -tlee ‘jaws’ c.[sim#me:] sim -mee ‘phones’(fromSw.simu‘phone’) d.[kun#nu] kun -nu ‘mortars’ e.[gwarʕ#i] gwar/ -i ‘wildebeest’ f.[marɁaf#i] mar’af-i ‘unmarriageableclan’Series of vowels are disallowed in Gorwaa. Illicit clusters are repaired either

throughvoweldeletion,orglideformation.Bothprocesses,aswellasevidence

foreach,arewelllaidoutinMous(1993:33-35),andasimilarlineofreasoning

willbepresentedhere.

Rulesofvoweldeletionmaybeseenintheeffectthatthemasculinelinker/-ó/

hasonnounsstemsendinginavowel.(2.22)a)showsthatthevowel[a],when

followedby[o],isdeleted,whereas(2.22)b)showsthatthevowel[aj]followed

by[o]resultsinthevowel[aj].(2.22)c)showsthatthevowel[o]followedby[o]

resultsinnochange.Formoreonlinkers,seeChapter7.

(2.22) V+LINKER-óa.hhawata +-ó → [ħawató] hhawatótleér ‘atall

man’ b.slaqankay +-ó → [slaq’ankáy] slaqankáytleér ‘along

chameleon’

c.tsoyo +-ó → [tsoyó] tsoyótleér ‘atalldikdik’

2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa

85

A second source of evidence for deletion patterns is the effect that the vowel-

initial noun suffixes -í (Dem1) has on stems ending in a vowel. For more

informationondemonstrativesuffixes,see§2.4.1.2.

(2.23) V+DEM1-ía.muukú +-í → [mu:kí] muukí ‘thesepeople’

b.asltá +-í → [aɬtí] asltí ‘thesefires’ Based on data gathered to present, the following table can be given. Blanks

indicatealackofexamples.

Table2.3:VOWELDELETIONFollowingVowel↔︎

i

e

a

o

u

ay

PreceedingVowel↕︎

i e a e u a i e o u o e a o u u i e u ay e ay

Inadditiontovoweldeletion,ifaroundedvoweloccursfollowingavelar

consonantandbeforeanunroundedvowel,thisroundedvowelwillberealized

asaglide.

(2.24) V[+ROUND]→[W]/C[VELAR]___V[-ROUND] a. ku-atsawaár →kwatsawaár‘hewas

chosen’ t- ng- u- ∅ -(g)a tsawaár

MP- A.3- P.M- AUX -PRF choose.PST b. ngu-ahhe’és →ngwahhe’és‘shehadfinishedit’ ng- u- ∅ -(g)a hhe’és A.3- P.M- AUX -PRF finish.F.PSTEpentheticvowelsundergoregressiveassimilationacrosstheglottalconsonant

[Ɂ].

2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa

86

(2.25) V1→V2/___ɁV2WHEREV1ISANEPENTHETICVOWELaf-a‘i→ [Ɂaf#iɁi] afi’i ‘mouths’

Epentheticvowelsundergoprogressiveassimilationiftheprecedingvowelis[a],

[i],or[u]andiftheinterveningconsonantisvelar,uvular,pharyngeal,orglottal.

(2.26) V1→V2/V2C____ WHERE:V2IS[-MID]CISVELAR,UVULAR,PHARYNGEAL,OR

GLOTTALa.duux-iim → [dux#ú:m] duxuúm ‘takeout;marry’

b.wah-iim → [wah#á:m] wahaám ‘drink’Consonants[r] never occurs word-initially. Two exceptions exist: the place name Riroó

‘Riroda’,andthepersonalnameRi/oo.

TheseriesofconsonantclustersimplificationruleslistedinMous(1993:35-36)

apply less strictly to Gorwaa than they do to Iraqw. Each applicable rule is

presentedandexemplifiedbelow:

Inaclusteroftwooralalveolarconsonants,thefirstisdeleted.

(2.27) C1C2→C2 WHERE:C[+ORAL] [ALVEOLAR]

a.gár -dá’ → [ga#dáɁ] gadá’ ‘thatthing’ b.bombót -du → [bombo#dú] bombodú ‘oldbeers’ c.qwar -t → [qw’át] qwát ‘getlost-2Sg’Glottalconsonantsaredeletedifdirectlyfollowedbyanoralconsonant.

(2.28) C1C2→C2 WHERE:C1[GLOTTAL] C2[ORAL]

a.bara/’ -í → [baraʕw#í] bara/wí ‘thisdance’b.oh -t → [Ɂót] ót ‘catch.2Sg’

Labializedconsonantslosetheirlabialityiftheyarefollowedbyaroundedvowel

[u] or [o]. Alternatively, the perceptibility of the labiality may simply be

decreasedtothepointofzero.

2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa

87

(2.29) C[+LABIAL]→C[-LABIAL]/____V[+ROUND]4 a.deeqw -u(!) → [deq’#u] dequ ‘razors’ b.kwa/aangw -oô → [kwaʕa:ng#ô] kwa/aangoô ‘ahare?’Word-finalconsonantreductionoperationsareoptional.

(2.30) [nd]->[n]/____# a.siigand → [si:gan] siigan ‘grasshopper’ or[si:gand] siigand ‘grasshopper’

But:[si:dand#ê:] siigandeê ‘agrasshopper?’b.Hoshand → [hoʃan] Hoshan ‘Hoshan(place

name)’ [hoʃand] Hoshand ‘Hoshan(place

name)’ But:[hoʃand#ê:] Hoshandeê ‘Hoshan?’Voiced stops are optionally devoiced word-finally. Impressionistically, this

seemstobemostcommoninfastorinformalspeech.

(2.31) C[-CONTINUANT]→ C[-CONTINUANT]/___# [+VOICED] [-VOICED]

qaáb → [q’á:b]qaáb or [q’á:p]qaáp ‘tostanch’2.3LexicalCategories

The lexical categories – those sematically-endowed parts of speech that name

entities, actions, or qualities – are outlined below. The subsection will cover

nouns,verbs,adjectivesandquantifiers,andadverbs. Itwill finishwithabrief

excursusonideophones.

2.3.1Nouns

As the controller of most agreement operations, it is with the noun that the

examinationoflexicalcategorieswillbegin.First,abriefexpositionisprovided

onthesyntacticdistributionofthenoun.Next,nominalgenderandnumberare

introduced. Subcategories of nouns are next presented, followed by noun-4Notethatthe!symbolwhichfollowsthesuffix-uinthisexampleisusedtorepresentanaccompanyingphonologicaloperation(shorteningofalongvowel,eliminatingaglide,andfortitioneffects([w]→[b],[r]→[d])).

2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa

88

formingderivationaloperations.Finally,amodelisprovidedofthestructureof

thenounword.

2.3.1.1Syntacticdistribution

Below is a list,with examples, of the syntactic configurations inwhich a noun

mayoccur.

SubjectInpragmaticallyunmarkedphrases,subjectnounsoccurclause-initially.

SubjectofTransitiveVerb

(2.32) SUBJECTGARMAISAGENTOFATRANSITIVEVERBgarmabaahaanginataáhh [20160921i.1]garmá baahaár ng- a- ∅ -na taáhh

boy.LMO hyaena.LFR A.3- P.F- AUX -IMPRFhit.M.PST “Theboyhittheyhyaena.” SubjectofIntransitiveVerb

(2.33) SUBJECTGARMAISAGENTOFINTRANSITIVEVERB

garmaina/akuút [20160921i.23]garmá i- ∅ -na/akuút

boy.LMO S.3- AUX -IMPRF jump.M.PST “Theboyjumped.”SubjectofCopularConstructionNominalPredicate(2.34) GARMAISSUBJECTOFCOPULARCONSTRUCTION

garmaaGormo [20160119f.1]garmá ∅ Gormó

boy.LMO AUX Gorwaa.person.♂.LMO “TheboyisaGorwaaperson.”LocativePredicate(2.35) GARMAISSUBJECTOFALOCATIVEPREDICATE

garmaibaráqaymoo [20160119f.14]garmá i- ∅ bará qaymoór

boy.LMO S.3- AUX in field.LFR “Theboyisinthefield.”

2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa

89

AdjectivalPredicate(2.36) GARMAISSUBJECTOFANADJECTIVALPREDICATE

garmakutleér [20160119f.25]garmá t- ng- u- ∅ tleér

boy.LMO MP- A.3- P.M- AUX tall.M “Theboyistall.”ObjectDirectObjectThepositionofthedirectobjectnounsisbestanalyzedinrelationtotheselector

--aclusterofcliticswhichconsistentlyoccurstotheleftofthelexicalverb(see

§2.4.2). Thedirectobjectmayoccur: i) immediatelybeforetheselector(2.37);

ii)immediatelyaftertheselector,inwhichcasethelinkerispronounced(2.38);

and iii) immediatelybefore (oraspartof) theverb, inwhichcase the linker is

neverpresent(2.39).Inthesecondcase,thedirectobjectisnolongerindexedas

agreementontheselector(see§2.4.2.1).Inthethirdcase,thenounisprobably

incorporatedintotheverb,andisneveranargument(see§7.4.1.1).

(2.37) DIRECTOBJECTSLEEOCCURSIMMEDIATELYBEFORETHESELECTORAGA

sleeagagaás [20161102b.51]sleér ∅- a- ∅ -(g)a gaás

cow.LFR A.P- P.F AUX -PRF kill.1SG.PST “Ikilledthecow.”(2.38) DIRECTOBJECTSLEEOCCURSIMMEDIATELYAFTERTHESELECTORA

aníasleérdiíf [20160927l222-228.26]aní ∅- ∅ sleér diíf

PRO1SGS.P- AUX cow.LFR hit.1SG “Ihitthecow.” (2.39) (NOTIONAL)DIRECTOBJECTSLEEOCCURSIMMEDIATELYBEFORETHEVERBGÁS

ugaslee-gás [20161119f.34]∅- u- ∅ -(g)a slee- gás

A.P- P.M- AUX -PRF cow- kill.2SG.PST “You(M)killedacowonhim.”

2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa

90

PredicateofCopularConstructionNominalPredicate(2.40) DAAWAAISPREDICATEOFCOPULARCONSTRUCTION

xaa’ísla/aadaawaa[20131108b_20150725j.7] xaa’í sla/atá i- ∅ -(g)a daawaár trees.LN∅ forest.LFT S.3 AUX -PRF medicine.LFR “Thetreesoftheforestaremedicine.”TemporalPredicate(2.41) ASKOFÚMKOWÁRARUSHAISPREDICATEOFTEMPORALCOPULARCONSTRUCTION

inóstawaaskofúmkowárArusha[20131027.27]inós ta- ∅ -waaskofú mkowár Arushár

PRO.3SGTEMP- AUX -BACK bishop.LMOregion.LFR Arusha.LFR “WhenhewasbishopofArusharegion.”IndirectObjectIndirect object nouns may occur in one of two positions: i) as an adjunct

following the locational noundír (2.42); or ii) immediately before the selector

(2.43).Iftheindirectobjectnounoccursinthisposition,thedirectobjectnoun

mustbemarkedwiththelativesuffix-i.

(2.42) INDIRECTOBJECTDESIISANADJUNCTFOLLOWINGDÍR

mwalimukitaabungwahariísdírdesi [20160928c.44]mwalimú kitaabú ng- u- ∅ -(g)a hariís teacher.LMObook.LMO A.3- P.M- AUX-PRF bring.M.PSTdírdesírtogirl.LFR“Theteacherbroughtthebooktothegirl.”

(2.43) INDIRECTOBJECTDESIISIMMEDIATELYBEFORETHESELECTORNGINA mwalimudesinginakitaabuwihariís [20160927l23-29.3]

mwalimú desír ng- a- ∅ -nakitaabú -iteacher.LMOgirl.LFR A.3- P.F- AUX -IMPRFbook.LMO -

LAThariísbring.M.PST“Theteacherbroughtthegirlthebook.”

ObjectofComparisonTheobjectofcomparisonoccursfollowingthetaofcomparison,andmustoccur

withtopicmorphology.

2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa

91

(2.44) GARMAISOBJECTOFCOMPARISON

inóskatleertagarmawoo [20160927m.1] inóst- ng- a- ∅ tleerta garmá =oo PRO3SGMP- A.3- P.F- AUX tall.FCOMP boy.LMO =TOP “Sheistallcomparedtotheboy.”AgentinPseudopassiveConstructionAgents of pseudopassive (i.e. impersonal) constructions occur as adjuncts

followingtheagentiveprepositionnee.

(2.45) AGENTOFPSEUDOPASSIVECONSTRUCTIONGARMAISANADJUNCTFOLLOWINGNEE

baahaakanataáhhneegarma [20160927m.31] baahaár t- ng- a- ∅ -na taáhhneegarmá hyaena.LFR MP- A.3- P.F- AUX -IMPRFhit.PSTbyboy.LMO “Thehyaenawashitbytheboy.”SoleArgumentofImpersonalBytheirverynature,impersonalconstructionsneednothaveanexplicitagent.

(2.46) BAAHAAISSOLEARGUMENTOFIMPERSONALCONSTRUCTION

baahaakanataáhh [20160927m.46]baahaár t- ng- a- ∅ -nataáhh

hyaena.LFR MP- A.3- P.F- AUX -IMPRFhit.PST “(Somebody)hitthehyaena.”PossessorPossessorseitherdirectly followtheirpossessum(2.47)orareprecededbyan

anaphoric pronoun which refers to their possessum (as in (2.48), where the

posessumdaawa‘medicine’isseparatedfromitspossessorseehha‘tsetsefly’by

averbphrasenginamosíleehh).

(2.47) POSSESSORGURA’DIRECTLYFOLLOWSITSPOSSESSUMDAAWAAadaawáargura’ [20150808a.92]

∅ daawaár gurá’ AUX medicine.LFRstomach.LMO “Itisstomachmedicine.”

2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa

92

(2.48) POSSESSORSEEHHAAISPRECEDEDBYANAPHORICPRONOUNARdaawaanginamosíleehharseehhaa[...] [20151202d.171]

daawaár ng- a- ∅ -n amór =sí medicine.LFRA.3- P.F- AUX -EXPECT place.LFR =DEM2 leehh ar seehhaár look.for.3.SUBJ ANA.F tsetse.flies.LFR “Hewilllookfortsetseflymedicine.”PossessumIf directly preceding thepossessor, the linker of the possessum is pronounced

((2.49)).

(2.49) POSSESSUMDAAWAADIRECTLYPRECEEDESPOSSESSORGURA’adaawaárgura’ [20150808a.92]

i- ∅ -(g)a daawaár gurá’ S.3- AUX -PRF medicine.LFR stomach.LMO

“Itisstomachmedicine.”

2.3.1.2Genderandnumber

GenderandnumberinSouthCushiticisintertwinedinacomplexmanner. The

first subsection will treat biological/semantic sex, and the second will treat

semantic number. The third subsection will treat syntactic gender, and the

fourth will treat syntactic number (both defined strictly in terms of the

agreement that they trigger). Finally, the concept of ‘gender polarity’ will be

brieflyintroducedinsubsectionfive.

SemanticSexWorking on South Cushitic as a whole, Kießling (2000: 7-9) identified some

correspondence between syntactic gender and semantic sex. Many female

beingsarefeminineingender,andmanymalebeingsaremasculineingender.

(2.50) ♀ BEINGSARE(F)GENDER,♂BEINGSARE(M)GENDER

a.(F)eminine:/ameeni‘woman’;hho’oo‘sister’;koonki‘hen’ b.(M)asculine:hhawata‘man’;hhiya’‘brother’;gurtu‘malegoat’Some“remarkabledeviations”(2000:8)alsoexist:maleorganstendtobeF in

genderandfemaleorganstendtobeMingender.

2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa

93

(2.51) ‘REMARKABLEDEVIATIONS’TOCORRESPONDENCEBETWEENSYNTACTICGENDERAND

SEMANTICSEXa.(F)eminine:na/ani‘penis’;gudo‘testicle’;poo/i‘Adam’sapple’

b.(M)asculine:gwalay‘vagina’;isamó‘breast’Asecondpatternappearsinbotanicalvocabulary:masculineformsreferringtoa

plant,andfeminineformsreferringtothefruit(2000:8).5

(2.52) (M)FORMSREFERTOPLANT,(F)FORMSREFERTOFRUIT

a.maangware’umó(M) |maangware’ito’o(F)‘sorghumsp.(oneplant)’ ‘sorghumsp.(onehead)’

b.baranqumó(M) |barangeto’o(F) ‘treesp.(onetree)’ ‘treesp.(onefruit)’ c.xoowáy(M) |xoowí(F) ‘vinesp.(oneplant)’ ‘vinesp.(onefruit)’Beyondhumans,salientanimals(livestockandpets),andplants,othersemantic

groupingsdonotproduceanysortofobviouspatterns.

SemanticNumberBothMous,workingonIraqw,(1993:44-46)andKießling,workingonSouth

Cushitic,(2000:11)establishthatnumbersystemslikethatofGorwaaare

complexsemantically.Muchofthiscomplexityhastodowithnounsbeing

arrangedinamannerthatdoesnotalwaysfitwellwithtraditionalnotionsof

“singular=one”and“plural=many”.Severalpatternsareexaminedbelow:

Anounmayexist ina“singular” form,referringtooneentity,versusa“plural”

form, referring tomany (2 ormore) of such entities. This is an arrangement

whichwouldbemostfamiliartoEnglishspeakers.

5Useofthepipe|isintendedtosuggestthattwoformsshownside-by-sideareinsomewayrelated,butdoesnotproposeanyderivationalorinflectionaldirection(i.e.fromaroottoastem,ora“baseform”toa“derivedform”).

2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa

94

(2.53) SINGULARVS.PLURALa.tsukurumó ‘aladle’ | tsukuruma’ ‘ladles’

b.tlaptumó ‘afalcon’ | tlapteema’ ‘falcons’ c.ga/atini ‘ahighfever’ | ga/atanáy ‘highfevers’Nouns may also exist in a “collective” form, referring to an undifferentiated

groupofanentity,oranentityingeneral,versuseitherasingularorpluralform.

(2.54) SINGULARVS.COLLECTIVE bami’to’o ‘okra’(onefruitorflower) | bamiya ‘okra’(as

foodorasacrop’

(2.55) COLLECTIVEVS.PLURAL sandaa ‘clothpouch’(akindof | sandadu ‘cloth

pouchorgroupofpouches) pouches’ Three-waydistinctionsalsoexist.

(2.56) SINGULARVS.COLLECTIVEVS.PLURAL fuqumó‘anacacia’ | fuqaa‘acacia’ | fuqi‘acacias’

(asakindorspecies)

Massnouns,refertouncountableentitiesofundifferentiatedconsistency.Some

massnounsmaybepluralized(2.57),andothersmaynot(2.58).

(2.57) MASSNOUNTSUNQAAMAYBEPLURALIZED tsunqaa ‘saliva’| tsunqu’u ‘saliva’(scatteredindifferent

places)

(2.58) MASSNOUNMAA’AYMAYNOTBEPLURALIZED maa’ay ‘water’ SyntacticGenderSyntacticgenderisgenderasmanifestedintheagreementpatternstriggeredon

forms beyond the noun (see Corbett 1991). In Gorwaa, there are three:

(M)asculine, (F)eminine, and (N)euter. Forms which show gender agreement

are: tonic pronouns (possessive, demonstrative, and anaphoric), non-tonic

pronouns (i.e. the P argumentmarker), adjective copulas, adjectives, verbs, 1st

degreedemonstrativeenclitics,indefiniteenclitics,andlinkers.Theseforms,and

examples, are provided in Table 2.4 below.

2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa

95

Table2.4:TheTargetsofGenderAgreementinGorwaaAgreement

TypeCategoryA MB Example F Example N Example

Anaphor ProPoss ko-+Poss awuakw’eé’‘thebullismine’

to-+Poss sleeate’eé’‘thecowismine’

ko-+Poss hhaysoakw’eé’‘thetailismine’

ProDem ko-+Dem awuakoqá’‘thebullisthatonethere’

to-+Dem sleeatoqá’‘thecowisthatonethere’

ko-+Dem hhaysoakoqá’‘thetailisthatone

there’ Ana oo awuwíootleér

‘thistallbull’ar sleeríartleer

‘thistallcow’oo hhaysowíootleer

‘thislongtail’Subject V(1) -V:C garmanitliiq

‘theboyislate’-VC~RPA~ desinitlíq

‘thegirlislate’-V:C–iyá’-iyí’

tlataanitliiqiyá’‘thevisionislate’

V(2) -V:n~RPA~ garmaiqoón‘theboyisgood’

-Vnd~RPA~ desiiqónd‘thegirlisgood’

-V:n–iyá’-iyí’

tlataaiqooniyí’‘thevisionisgood’

V(3) -ay~RPA~ garmanixáy‘theboycomes’

-eer~RPA~ desinixeér‘thegirlcomes’

-ay–iyí’-iyí’

tlataanixayiyá’‘thevisioncomes’

V(4) -ar~RPA~ naanúnihamár‘theside-dishis

cooked’

-an~RPA~-at

fa/anihamát‘theugaliiscooked’

-ar–iyí’-iyá’

tlataanihamariyí’‘thevisionisrealized’

V(5) -Vh garmanidah‘theboyenters’

-Vt~RPA~ desinidát‘thegirlenters’

-Vh–iyá’-iyí’

tlataanidahiyá’‘thevisionenters’

V(6) -Vw~RPA~ garmangihúw‘theboybringsit’

-Vp~RPA~ desingihúp‘thegirlbrings

it’

-Vw–iyá’-iyí’

tlataangihuwiyí’‘thevisionbrings

it’Object P u garmaawungu

taáhh‘theboyhitsthe

bull’

a garmasleengataáhh

‘theboyhitsthecow’

i garmahhaysongitaáhh

‘theboyhitsthetail’

2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa

96

AgreementType

Category M Example F Example N Example

Head Adj(1) ~RPA~ awúúr‘abigbull’

~LPA~ sleérur‘abigcow’

~LPA~ hhaysóur‘abigtail’

Adj(2) ~RPA~ awútlaákw‘abadbull’

~LPA~ sleértlaakw‘abadcow’

~LPA~ hhaysótlaakw‘anuglytail’

Adj(3) ~RPA~ awúbuúx‘agreybull’

~LPA~ sleérbuúx‘agreycow’

~LPA~ hhaysóbuux‘agreytail’

=Dem1 =í awuwí‘thisbull’

=í sleerí‘thiscow’

=ká hhaysoká‘thistail’

=Indef =ko awuko‘somesuchbull’

=ka sleerka‘somesuchcow’

=ko hhaysoko‘somesuchtail’

Linkers -o

-ku-ko

awúbaabá‘father’sbull’

dakóbaabá‘father’shand’

-r-ta

sleérbaabá‘father’scow’

asltábaabá‘father’sfire’

-a-∅

/ewásaw‘thefarwest’

hhaysóslee

‘thecow’stail’AN.B.bracketednumbersrefertopattern-type(e.g.V(1)referstoaPattern1Verb).BN.B.morphemeswhichappearoneontopoftheotherinthecolumnsM,F,andN,representalternativeforms.Some(suchas–iyá’vs.–iyí’)areinfreevariation.Some(suchas–rvs.–ta)arelexicallyconditioned.

2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa

97

As may be seen in the table, “linkers” exhibit two different morphemes for each

gender.Withinthisthree-gendersystem,eachgenderexhibitssubgender–thatis,a

secondagreementpatternwithinthelargerpatternthatfunctionswithasubsetof

nouns, and in a subset of environments (c.f. Corbett 1991: 163). In Gorwaa,

subgender is only distinguished in linker morphology, obligatory suffixes which

appear on nouns when a) modified within the noun phrase or b) encapsulated

within theverbphrase. Formore informationon these environments, see §7.3.1.

All linkermorphology is realizedwith rising pitch accent. Mo-type subgender is

instantiatedbythemorpheme–o(2.59). Mk-typesubgenderisinstantiatedbythe

morpheme–koor–ku(2.60).Fr-typesubgenderisinstantiatedbythemorpheme–r

(2.61). Ft-type subgender is instantiated by the morpheme –ta (2.62). Na-type

subgender is instantiated by the morpheme –a (2.63). N∅-type subgender is

instantiatedbythemorpheme-∅(2.64). Theonlynounof theNa-typesubgender

identifiedthusfaris/ew‘west’.

(2.59) MOLINKER-Óhhawata -ó baabá→ hhawatóbaabá

man -LMO father “father’sman” “father’sman”(2.60) MKLINKER-KÚ

kuru -kú -í → kurkíyear -LMK-DEM1 “thisyear”

(2.61) FRLINKER-R~´~

desi -r~´~ -‘eé’ → desir’eé’ girl -LFR-POSS1SG “mygirl”(2.62) FTLINKER-TÁ asla-tá -ka → asltaka fire-LFT -INDEF.F “somesuchfire”

2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa

98

(2.63) NALINKER-Á/ew -á saaw → /ewásaaw

west -LNA far.N “thefarwest” (2.64) N∅LINKER~´~

/ayla -∅~´~ -dá’ → /ayladá’ wedding.song-LN∅ -DEM4 “thatweddingsong” SyntacticNumberSemantically, several groupings for number have been established directly above.

However, syntactically (i.e. as instantiated through agreement), number has two

valuesinGorwaa:singular(Sg)andplural(Pl).Theonlycategorytoshownumber

agreementistheadjective.Fullparadigmsforeachofthethreeinflectionalpatterns

foradjectivescanbefoundinTable2.10in§2.3.3.1.

(2.65) SINGULAR(SG)NUMBERAGREEMENT[...]hhaysodá’ur[20161109b.51]

hhaysó -dá’ ur tail.LN∅ -DEM4big.N “[...]thatbigtail”(2.66) PLURAL(PL)NUMBERAGREEMENT

[...]hhaysusudá’uren[20161109b.52] hhaysusú -dá’uren tails.LN∅ -DEM4big.N.PL “[...]thosebigtails”

Gender“polarity”Afinalpatternofwhichtotakenoteisthat,whenchangedfornumber,thesyntactic

genderofanounmayalsochange.Thisphenomenon,dubbed“genderpolarity”by

Meinhof(1912:18-20)hassincebeenidentifiedasasalientcharacteristicofmany

Cushiticlanguages(seee.g.Hetzron1967).Forexample,asingularnounwhich

triggers(F)agreementontargetadjectives,verbs,etc.canpluralizetoanounwhich

triggers(M)agreementonthosesametargetadjectives,verbs,etc.Comparethe

verbalagreementofdesu‘girls’withthatofgarma‘boy’in(2.67)below:

2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa

99

(2.67) GENDERPOLARITY:DESI(F)‘GIRL’ANDDESU(M)‘GIRLS’ a. desírtleeriqwala/amís desír tleéri- ∅ qwala/amís girl.LFR tall.FS.3- AUX make.happy.F.PRES

‘atallgirlmakesonehappy’

b. desútlétiqwala/amiisdesú tlét i- ∅ qwala/amiisgirls.LMO tall.M.PL S.3- AUX make.happy.M.PRES‘tallgirlsmakeonehappy’

c. garmátleériqwala/amiisgarmá tleér i- ∅ qwala/amiisboy.LMO tall.M S.3- AUX make.happy.M.PRES

‘atallboymakesonehappy’Indeed, thisprocess iswidespread,andresults in formsofanygenderresulting in

formsofalmostanyothergender.

(2.68) MOREEXAMPLESOFGENDERPOLARITY a. siyó(M)‘fish’ | siyumó(M)‘onefish’ b. gufú(M)‘smoulderingstick’| guffee(F)‘smoulderingsticks’ c. dakw(M)‘procedure’ | dakwi’i(N)‘procedures’ d. /urfi(F)‘skink’ | /urfaa(F)‘skinks’ e. desi(F)‘girl’ | desu(M)‘girls’ f. tlafi(F)‘cloud’ | tlafoo(N)‘clouds g. hhaysoo(N)‘tail’ | hhaysusu(N)‘tails’ e. /aatloo(N)‘jaw’ | /aatltlee(F)‘jaws’This phenomenon demonstrates a complex intertwining of gender and number, a

phenomenonwhichwillbefurtherexaminedinthenextchapter.Forthis,aswellas

informationonthemechanicsofchangingnounsfornumberinGorwaa,see§6.3.5,

and§6.5.5.

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2.3.1.3Subcategoriesofnouns

The major formally distinct subcategories of nouns include the tonic pronouns,

proper nouns, mass nouns, singularia and pluralia tantum, locational nouns, and

numerals.

TonicpronounsThe tonic pronouns include personal pronouns (e.g. aní ‘I, me’), possessive

pronouns(e.g.korén‘ours(MorN)’),demonstrativepronouns(e.g.tí‘thishere(F)’),

interrogativepronouns(e.g.ma’â ‘who’),andmodifiedformpronouns(e.g.artleer

‘thetallone(F)’). Describedinmoredetailin§2.4.3.1,tonicpronounssharemany

of thecharacteristicsofnouns. Theyhavestressand tone,and theymayserveas

fullargumentsinanypositionoccupiedbyanoun(see(2.69)-(2.72)).Theprimary

difference is that, as a subcategory, tonic pronouns are a functional category. As

their role is deictic, they do not have full semantic content. Additionally, the

subgroupisclosed(i.e.doesnotadmitnewmembers,suchasloansorneologisms).

(2.69) aníaslaaga/áw[20150724.71] aní asltá ∅- a- ∅ ga/áw Pro.1SG fire.LFT A.P- P.F- AUX look.at.1.PST “Ilookatthefire.”(2.70) te’eé’afaákee[DSC_5354_20150705b.34] te’eé’ ∅- a- ∅ faák ee PROPOSS.F.1SG A.P P.F- AUX finish.1.PST yes “Ifinishmine,yes.”

2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa

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(2.71) moro’ónaaxamamiísdírbaaborénakwí[...] [DSC_5354_20150725b.73]moro’ó ni- ∅ -(g)a things.LMO MP.A.1- AUX -PRF

~Red~ axaás-iím–iis dírbaabó =rén ~PLUR~ hear.1–DUR.1–CAUS.1.SUBJ atfathers.LMO =POSS.1PL i- ∅ -(g)a kwí S.3 AUX -PRF PRODEM1.M “ThethingsIheardfromtheancestorsarethis:”(2.72) hareeríama’â[20160111h.22] hareér -í i- ∅ -(g)a ma’â woman.LFR -DEM1 S.3 AUX -PRF who “Whoisthiswoman?”(lit.Thiswomaniswho?)PropernounsProper nouns typically refer to a unique entity (versus common nouns which

typicallyrefertoaclassofentities),assuch,theycannotbemodifiedbypossessives,

norcantheybepluralized. Propernounsmaybesubdivided intopersonalnames

andplacenames.Eachwillbeexaminedbelow.

PersonalnamesThemajorityofGorwaapersonalnamesarederivedfromcommonnounsviathree

principal strategies: zero derivation (2.73), high tone insertion (2.74), and

simplification6(2.75). Manyotherpersonalnounsare loansfromother languages,

especiallyDatooga. Asmaybeseen,mostGorwaanamesareunisex:applicableto

bothmenandwomen.7

(2.73) PERSONALNAMES:ZERODERIVATIONa.yamee‘lands’ → Yamee♂ b.na/aa‘children’ → Na/aa♂c.mabiwá‘sorghumsp.’ → Mabiwá♂/♀ d.heelo‘kindofsong’ → Heelo♂e.bee/i‘ewe’ → Bee/i♂

6Coates(2016)mentionssimplificationasaparticularlycommonchangeundergonediachronicallybypropernames.7♂indicatesthatanameisreservedforamale,♀thatanameisreservedforafemale,and♂/♀thatanamemaybeusedforeitheramaleorafemale.

2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa

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(2.74) PERSONALNAMES:DERIVATIONBYINSERTIONOFAHIGHTONEa.ba/ata‘fatigue’ → Ba/atá♀b.dahayee‘visitors’ → Dahayeé♂/♀

c.mani/i‘unripecorn’ → Mani/í♂ d.oona‘kindofgourd’ → Ooná♂/♀

e.siigan‘grasshopper’ → Siigán♂/♀(2.75) PERSONALNAMES:DERIVATIONBYSIMPLIFICATION a.galaxandí‘smallthing’ → Galaxoo♀ b.hhayuma‘travelling’ → Hhayma♂/♀ c.matlatlee‘morning’ → Matlee♂/♀ d.tahhahhaní‘bitingants’ → Tahhaní♂/♀ e.xeerangw‘scorpion’ → Xeera♂/♀Gorwaapeoplearealsogivenapatronymicsurname,thusapersonalnamemaybe

modifiedbythenounphrasedó’X,whereXisthefirstnameoftheperson’sfather.

Assuch,Yahhíoodó’Tluwáyrefersto‘Yahhí♂ofthehouseofTluway’.Yahhíardó’

Tluwáy refers to ‘Yahhí♀ of the house of Tluwáy’. These formulaemay also be

expressedbyattachingthelinkertotheendofthename:YahhíTluwáyandYahhír

Tluwáy,respectively.

PlacenamesGorwaa place names fall into three broad groups: place names derived from

common nouns (2.76), place names based on a personal name (2.77), and loans

(2.78).

(2.76) PLACENAMESDERIVEDFROMCOMMONNOUNSa.Daka’umó (fromdaka’umó‘baobabsp.)

b.Hhaala (fromhhaala‘well’) c.Tsamasi (fromtsamasi‘giraffe’)(2.77) PLACENAMESBASEDONAPERSONALNAME

a.Ayaxoxo (fromaya‘land’andXoxo,apersonalname) b.Ayasanda (fromaya‘land’,andSanda,apersonalname) c.Ayamaango(fromaya‘land’,andMaango,apersonalname)

2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa

103

(2.78) PLACENAMESFROMOTHERLANGUAGESa.Endabeg (supposedlyfromDatooga‘riverofwater’?)

b.Majengo (fromSwahilimajengo‘buildings’) c.Oysterbay (fromEnglish‘OysterBay’) Several place names may be either masculine or feminine, with the variation

sometimesoccurringinthesamespeaker.

Figure2.2:PLACENAMESSHOWING(M)AND(F)AGREEMENTAyáTla/aa Daanda/áy Maisák QáshBaambáy Dawár Manaxa QatadiyángwBubu Kaandák Muumbalá SigínChemchem Komotó Negamsí Tururú MassnounsMass nouns refer to uncountable entities of undifferentiated consistency. They

differ from count nouns in that they cannot be modified by numerals. Gorwaa

masses include mud (ba/i), water (maa’ay), and knowledge (qeeru) as well as

entities less commonly construed as mass, including ideas (hasloo), footprints

(kala/a),andflames(duru’i).

Some, but not all,massnounsmaybepluralized. The result is a newmassnoun

withadistributivemeaning(i.e.thesubstanceofthemassindifferentplaces,orat

differentinstancesoftime).

(2.79) SOMEMASSNOUNSMAYHAVEPLURALFORMSa.danú‘honey’ | dannee‘honies’(i.e.differenttypesof

honey,orthesamehoneyindifferentcontainers)

b.tlamfí‘beeswax’ | tlamfáy‘beeswaxes’(i.e.waxindifferentplaces)

c.tseeree‘blood’ | tseerdu‘blood’(i.e.differentspotsorpoolsofbloodindifferentplaces)

2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa

104

Singularia/PluraliaTantumSeveralsingularnouns inGorwaadonothaveaplural form, includingdawri ‘sky’,

hoomoo‘fullmoon’,andserkaari‘centralgovernment’.Severalpluralnounsdonot

haveasingularform,includingmoro’ó‘menses’,andgwa/ateema’‘light’.

LocationalnounsLocational nouns serve a prepositional function. Typically derived from common

nouns (and very often body parts), they may occur postverbally as verb phrase

adjuncts,and,whenusedwiththeprepositionsay(lative)andwa(ablative),serve

to add locational precision. Some locational nouns are highly selective, andmust

followother specific locational nouns. Othersmay occur in any order. Table 2.5

provides the locational nouns, the orders in which they may occur, and their

approximatemeaning.

2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa

105

Table2.5:LOCATIONALNOUNSANDTHEIRCOMBINATIONSNoun1

(sourcenoun)Noun2

(sourcenoun)Example

amór‘at’

(amo‘place’)

guro’ó‘inside’(gura’‘stomach’)

amórguro’omar’i‘insidethecave’

bihhí‘beside’(bihhi‘side’)

amórbihhísokodá’‘besidethatmarket’

bartá‘side’(bara‘side’)

amórbartámuukuqá’‘onthesideofthosepeople’

geerá‘infront’(geera‘front’)

amórgeerátsir/i‘infrontofthebird’

dír‘at’(di‘place’)

geerá‘infront’(geera‘front’)

dírgeerádo’‘infrontofthehouse’

afeé‘totheside’(afeetloo‘waist’)

dírafeeuruwa‘atthesideoftheroad’

bihhí‘attheside’(bihhi‘side’)

dírbihhíya’awoo‘besideitslegs’

bará‘in’(bara‘side’)

tla/aángw‘among’(tla/aangw‘middle’)

barátla/aángwyiikwa’ín‘amongtheircattle’

daandó‘on’(daanda‘back’)

barádaandóyaamu‘ontheearth’

guro’ó‘underneath’(gura’‘stomach’)

baráguro’ómeesa‘underneaththetable’

gawá‘on’(gawa‘top’)

daandó‘ontop’(fig.‘about’)(daanda‘back’)

gawádaandóxa’ano‘ontopofthetree’

alú‘behind’(alu‘rear’)

alúdo’‘behindthehouse’

afkó‘edge’(afa‘mouth’)

afkówa/aangw‘theedgeofthearroyo’

NumeralsNumeralsaretypicallysingularetantum,exceptformiibaangw‘ten’,tsiru‘hundred’,

and kumá ‘thousand’, which all have plural forms (mibeeri, tsiree, and kumee,

respectively). Cardinal numbers occur as modifiers to their head noun (2.80).

Ordinal numbers take the same form, but must be preceeded by the anaphoric

pronoun(2.81).

2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa

106

(2.80) CARDINALNUMBERWÁK‘ONE’fuqunówákkutleérwaló[20151021c.327]

fuqunó wák t- ng- u- ∅ tleérwa.ló claw.LMO one MP- A.3- P.M- AUX long.Mvery “oneclawisverylong”(2.81) ORDINALOOWÁK‘FIRST’

kanagaásneetahhatáoowák [20150724.6] t- ng- a- ∅ -nagaásnee tahhatá oo MP- A.3- P.F- AUX -IMPRFkill.PSTby hitting.LFT ANA.M wák one “it(i.e.thehyaena)waskilledbythefirstblow”TheGorwaanumeralsystemisdecimal,andvocabularyuptothethousandsmeans

that the language may, theoretically, accommodate a maximum figure as low as

9,999andashighas999,999. Withthatsaid,thehighestnumeralrecordedinthe

database is1,947(2.82),and it ishighlycommonforSwahilinumerals tobeused

insteadofGorwaanumerals(2.83).

2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa

107

Figure2.3:NUMERALSINGORWAAwák onetsár twotám three

tsiyéhh fourko’án fivelehhó sixfaanqw sevendakaát eightgwaleél ninemibaangw ten

miibáneewák elevenmiibáneetsár twelve

⋮miibáneegwaleél nineteenmibeerítsár twenty

mibeerítsárneewák twentyone⋮

mibeerítám thirtymibeerítámneewák thirtyone

⋮mibeerígwaleélneegwaleél ninetynine

tsiru(tsirúwák)

ahundred(onehundred)

tsiruneewák onehundredandone⋮

tsiruneemiibáneewák onehundredandeleventsiruneemiibáneetsár onehundredandtwelve

⋮tsirunegwaleélneegwaleél onehundredandninetynine

tsireétsár twohundred⋮tsireégwaleélneemibeerígwaleélneegwaleél ninehundredandninetynine

kumá(kumówák)

athousand(onethousand)

kumówákneewák onethousandandone⋮kumówákneetsirúwákneemiibáneewák onethousand,onehundredandeleven

⋮kumówákneetsireégwaleélneemibeerí

gwaleélneegwaleélonethousand,ninehundredandninetynine

kumeétsár twothousandkumeétsárneewák twothousandandone

⋮kumeétsárneemibaáneefaanqw twothousandandseventeen

⋮kumeégwaleélneetsireégwaleélneemibeerí

gwaleélneegwaleélninethousand,ninehundredandninetynine

2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa

108

(2.82) HIGHESTNUMBERRECORDEDINTHEGORWAACORPUS:1,947anítalaqwaálkurkúkumówáktsireégwaleélneemibeerítsiyéhhneefaanqw

barákijijírRirodwaalé [20131027_20150725c.2] aní t- ∅- i- ∅ -(g)a laqwaál

PRO.1SG MP- A.1- P.1SG AUX -PRF give.birth.PSTkurkú kumó wák tsireér gwaleélnee year.LMK thousand.LMO one hundreds.LFR nineand mibeerí tsiyéhh nee faanqwbará kijijír Rirod

tens.LN∅ four and sevenin village.LFR Rirodawa.alé

PRORES “Iwasborntheyearonethousandninehundredandfortyseveninthe

villageofRiroda.”(2.83) SWAHILINUMERALSBEINGUSEDINSTEADOFGORWAA

xoroórboo/,xooroobaramuukú[...]mia,baratsireéko’án[20151202d.104]

xoroór boo/ xoroór bar i- ∅ -(g)a crowd.LFR black.F crowd if S.3 AUX -PRF

muukú miabar i- ∅ -(g)a tsireé people one.hundredif S.3- AUX -PRF hundreds.LN∅ko’ánfive

“ahugecrowd,maybeonehundredpeople–maybefivehundred”2.3.1.4Derivationaloperations

Noun-to-nounNoun-nouncompoundsareuncommoninGorwaa. Theonlyuncontroversial form

attestedthusfarishareekuráy ‘hammerkop’fromharee ‘wife’andkuráy ‘anysp.of

wedge-tailedraptor’.

Morecommon,butlessclearlyaninstanceofcompounding,istheprefixationof

ama-toanouninodertoderiveanewnoun(2.84).Ithasbeensuggestedby

MaartenMous(p.c.)thatama-mayberelatedtothenounaamá‘grandmother’.

2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa

109

(2.84) POSSIBLECOMPOUNDSINAMA-

fa/a‘ugali’ → amafa/a‘sp.offruit-bearingtree’ fuqunó‘claw’ → amafuqunó‘sp.ofthornytree’ maa’o‘cat’ → amamaa’o‘fork-taileddrongoDicrurus

adsimilis’ geenda‘plantsp.’ → amageenda‘sp.oftree’ /anta‘termitemound’ → ama/anta‘sp.oftree’Verb-to-nounGentilicnounsVerbswiththeending–uus(seeCausitiveandFactitivein§2.3.2.4)serveasstems

uponwhichthesuffixes–(a)mo,-(a)so’oor–(a)to’oand–eecanformgentilicnouns:

nounsreferringtopeopleassociatedwiththeactionoftheverb. –(a)moderivesa

male,-(a)so’oand–(a)to’oderivesafemale,and–eederivestheirpluralform.

(2.85) GENTILICNOUNS

a.fiís‘steal’ → fiisusumo ‘thief♂’ fiisuso’o ‘thief ♀’ fiisusee ‘thieves’ b.aál‘inherit’→ aalutumo ‘heir♂’ aaluto’o ‘heir♀’ aalutee ‘heirs’ c.wák‘hate’ → wakusumo ‘enemy♂’ wakuso’o ‘enemy♀’ wakusee ‘enemies’DeverbalnounsIn addition to gentilic nouns, a noun may be derived from a verb through the

additionofanominalizingsuffix(2.86). Theseformsarenounsbecausetheyhave

gender, andmay fillmanyof the syntactic positions of nouns (e.g.qato ‘sleeping’,

derived from qaát ‘to sleep’ fills the subject position in the adjectival copular

constructionin(2.87).

2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa

110

(2.86) DEVERBALNOUNSa. doósl‘tofarm’ → doosla‘farming’

b. ga/áw‘tolook’ → ga/awngw‘looking’ c. slakaát‘tohunt’ → slakat‘hunting’(2.87) DEVERBALNOUNASSUBJECTOFCOPULAWITHADJECTIVALPREDICATE

qatowóskoqá’kutleérwaló [20161102b.19] qató =ós koqá’ t- ng- u- ∅ sleeping=POSS.3SG PRODEM3.M MP- A.3- P.M- AUX tleérwa.ló

long.Mvery “Hissleepingisverylong.”2.3.2Verbs

Thissubsectionbeginsbydescribingthedistributionofverbs.Nextisanoverview

of verbal inflection, followed by an examination of adnominals. Verbalizing

derivationsarethengiven.Finally,thestructureoftheverbphraseisgiven.

2.3.2.1Syntacticdistribution

Inpragmaticallyunmarkedsentences,theverbistypicallyclause-final(2.88).Verbs

maybefollowedbyanadverbialclause(2.89).

(2.88) VERBISCLAUSE-FINALa. aníasleérdiíf [20150724.4]

aní ∅- ∅ sleér diíf PRO1SG S.P- AUX cow.LFR hit.1.PST “Ihitthecow.” b. sleeagwá’ [20160120q.66] sleér i- ∅ -(g)a gwá’ cow.LFR S.3- AUX -PRF die.F.PST “Thecowdied.”(2.89) VERBISFOLLOWEDBYANADVERBIALPHRASE

a. agahi’imamiítaybaráDuwanqee[20131027_20150725c.126]∅- ∅ -(g)a ~Red~ hi’imiít ay bará

S.P- AUX -PRF ~PLUR~ travel.1.PST to in Duwanqeér Maasai.people.LFR “IhavetravelledamongtheMaasai.”

2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa

111

b. Buráisihhimiitwagawádaandómeesa [20150815n.3]Burá i- ∅ sihhimiit wa gawá daandó

Burá.LMO S.3- AUX stand.M.PRES fromontop meesaártable.LFR

“Buráisstandingontopofthetable.”

2.3.2.2Verbalinflection

The Gorwaa verb may inflect for person, gender, and number, tense, and mood,

whichwillbeexaminedbelow.

Person,gender,andnumberItisimportanttodistinguishpronominalsubjects(forwhichverbsagreeforperson

andnumber)fromnominalsubjects(i.e.forwhichverbsagreeforgender).Wewill

firstexamineverbal inflection forpronominalsubjects,andthenexaminenominal

subjects.

PronominalsubjectsThereareatleast6verbalparadigms,whicheachinflectdifferentlyforperson.

Table2.6:INFLECTIONALPARADIGMSFORLEXICALVERBS:PRESENTINDICATIVEPattern 1stPersonSubject

Examples2ndPersonSubject

Examples3rdPersonSubject

Examples1 -V:C~RPA~

xuú’(know.1Sg)-VC~RPA~

xú’(know.2Sg)-V:C

xuu’(know.3Sg)2 -V:m~RPA~

ya/aám(agree.1Sg)-Vnd~RPA~

ya/ánd(agree.2Sg)-Vn~RPA~

ya/án(agree.3Sg)3 -aw~RPA~

xáw(come.1Sg)-eer~RPA~

xeér(come.2Sg)-ay~RPA~

xáy(come.3Sg)4 -ar~RPA~

qwár(get.lost.1Sg)-anor–at~RPA~qwát(get.lost.2Sg)

-ar~RPA~qwár(get.lost.3Sg)

5 -Vh~RPA~dáh(enter.1Sg)

-Vt~RPA~dát(enter.2Sg)

-Vhdah(enter.3Sg)

6 -Vw~RPA~húw(bring.1Sg)

-Vp~RPA~húp(bring.2Sg)

-Vw~RPA~húw(bring.3Sg)

Pluralformsarebuiltfromtheirrespectivesingularbases,plusapluralsuffix.First

personpluralsareoftheform:[1SgBase]+-aán(1Pl).Secondpersonpluralsareof

2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa

112

theform:[2SgBase]+-á’(2Pl).Thirdpersonpluralsareoftheform:[3SgBase]+

either -iyá’ (3Pl) or -iyí’ (3Pl). Both 3rd person plural suffixes are used

interchangeably,withnodifferenceinmeaning.

Table2.7:PLURALINFLECTIONALPARADIGM

Verb1stPersonPlural

Subject[1SgBase]+-aán

2ndPersonPluralSubject

[2SgBase]+-á’

3rdPersonPluralSubject

[3SgBase]+-iyá’-iyí’

xuu’‘know’ xuú’+-aánxuu’aán(know.1Pl)

xú’+-á’xu’á’(know.2Pl)

xuu’+-iyá’+-iyí’xuu’iyá’orxuu’iyí’(know.3Pl)

ya/án‘agree’ ya/aám+-aánya/aamaán(agree.1Pl)

ya/ánd+-á’ya/andá’(agree.2Pl)

ya/án+-iyá’+-iyí’ya/aniyá’orya/aniyí’(agree.3Pl)

sláy‘get’ sláw+-aánslawaán(get.1Pl)

sleér+-á’sleerá’(agree.2Pl)

sláy+-iyá’+-iyí’slayiyá’orslayiyí’(get.3Pl)

Fromamorphologicalperspective,then,itmustbesaidthatverbsinthepluralare

double-marked for person: once in the base of the verb, and again on the plural

personsuffix.

(2.90) VERBSINTHEPLURALAREDOUBLE-MARKEDFORPERSON[...]aténnawaatlaán[20151202e.89]atén ni -(g)a waátl -aán

PRO1PL VENT -PRF return.1 -1PL.PST “[...]wehavereturned”NominalsubjectsWhenthesubject isacommonnoun,agreementisnotforperson/number,butfor

gender. Masculine nouns trigger the same agreement on a verb as 3rd person

singularpronouns(2.91).Femininenounstriggerthesameagreementonaverbas

2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa

113

2ndpersonsingularpronouns(2.92).Neuternounstriggerthesameagreementona

verbas3rdpersonpluralpronouns(2.93).

Table2.8:INFLECTIONALPARADIGMFORNOMINALSUBJECTS:PRESENTINDICATIVEVerb MasculineSubject FeminineSubject NeuterSubject

xuu’‘know’ xuu’(know.M) xú’(know.F) xuu’iyá’orxuu’iyí’(know.N)

ya/án‘agree’ ya/án(agree.M) ya/ánd(agree.F) ya/aniyá’orya/aniyí’(agree.N)

sláy‘get’ sláy(get.M) sleér(get.F) sláyiyá’orslayiyí’(get.N)

(2.91) MNOUNSAND3RDPERSONSINGULARPRONOUNSTRIGGERTHESAMEAGREEMENT

a. inósbaahaanginataáhh[20160921i.10] inós baahaár ng- a- ∅ -nataáhh PRO3SG hyaena.LFR A.3- P.F AUX -IMPRFhit.3.PST “Hehitthehyaena.”

b. garmabaahaanginataáhh[20160921i.1] garmá baahaár ng- a- ∅ -na taáhh boy.LMO hyaena.LFR A.3- P.F- AUX -IMPRFhit.M.PST “Theboyhitthehyaena.”(2.92) FNOUNSAND2NDPERSONSINGULARPRONOUNSTRIGGERTHESAMEAGREEMENT

a. kuúngagogóp[20160119f.28]kuúng a- ∅ ~Red~ góp

PRO2SG.M A.P- AUX ~PLUR~ flee.2.PRES “You(M)flee.”

b. hareeigogóp[20160119f.30] hareér i- ∅ ~Red~ góp woman.LFR A.3 AUX ~RED~ flee.F.PRES “Thewomanflees.”(2.93) NNOUNSAND3RDPERSONPLURALPRONOUNSTRIGGERTHESAMEAGREEMENT

a. ino’ín[...]baahaanginadiifiyí’[20160927l110-124.9] ino’ín baahaár ng- a- ∅ -na diif-iyí’ PRO3PL hyaena.LFR A.3- P.F- AUX -IMPRFhit.3-3PL.PST “They[...]hitthehyaena.” b. na/i’i[...]bahaanginadiifiyí’[20160927l110-124.3] na/i’í baahaár ng- a- ∅ -na diif -iyí children.LN∅hyaena.LFR A.3- P.F- AUX -IMPRFhit -N.PST “The[...]childrenhitthehyaena.”

2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa

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Tense Verbs inflect for tense, namelypast andpresent8. Past tense is realizedby rising

pitch accent (seeTable2.9). Present tense is zero-marked (seeTable2.6 above).

Because of extensive syncretism, the only time present and past tense may be

distinguishedontheverbiswheninflectedfora3rdpersonsingularpronoun,ora

masculinenoun,wherethereislevelpitchaccentforpresentandrisingpitchaccent

forpast(2.94). Allotherpresent formsfeaturerisingpitchaccentaspartof their

person/numberagreementandarethereforeidenticaltotheirpastforms.

Table2.9:INFLECTIONALPARADIGMFORPASTINDICATIVEVerb MasculineSubject FeminineSubject NeuterSubject

xuu’‘know’ xuú’ xú’ xuu’iyá’orxuu’iyí’ya/án‘agree’ ya/án ya/ánd ya/aniyá’or

ya/aniyí’sláy‘get’ sláy sleér sláyiyá’orslayiyí’

(2.94) PRESENTANDPASTTENSEAREDISTINGUISEDONLYFORAMNOUNORA3RDPERSON

SINGULARPRONOUNa. na/i’ingidiif[20161004b.49]

na/i’í ng- i- ∅ diif children.LN∅ A.3- P.N- AUX hit.M.PRES “Hehitsthechildren.” b. na/i’inginadiíf[20161004b.60] na/i’í ng- i- ∅ -na diíf children.LN∅ A.3- P.N- AUX -IMPRFhit.M.PST “Hehitthechildren.”MoodMood includes indicative, subjunctive, and interrogative. All three are indicated

primarilybypitch-accentontheverb.Indicativeiszero-marked(2.95).Subjunctive

ismarkedby levelpitchaccent(2.96),andbythesuffix-i forpattern1verbs(see

Table) with a 3rd person singular or masculine subject (2.97). Interrogative is8Technically,thisdichotomyshouldbeworded‘past’and‘non-past’inthatitisthepresenttensewhichisusedforallnon-pasttenses.Giventhatthisisnotthecentralfocusofthedissertation,theterms‘past’and‘present’willberetained.

2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa

115

markedbyrising-fallingpitchaccentonanextensionsuffix:-ainthepresent,and-i

inthepast(2.98).

(2.95) INDICATIVEMOOD(NOMARKING) [...]/oonaanahardát [20150729b.15]

/oonaár ni- ∅ -(g)a hardát new.moon.LFR VENT- AUX -PRF arrive.F.PST “Thenewmoonhasarrived.”(2.96) SUBJUNCTIVEMOOD(LEVELPITCHACCENT)

[...]nihardah,ihaslìt[20150810d.33] ni- ∅ hardah i- ∅ haslìt MP.S.1AUX arrive.1.SUBJ S.3- AUX think.F.PRES.EMPH “[...]whenIarrive,sheisthinking.”(2.97) SUBJUNCTIVEMOOD(SUFFIX-IFORPATTERN1VERBSWITH3RDPERSONSGPRONOMINAL

ORMNOMINALSUBJECT) [...]Muungúngutsuunqi[20131027_20150725c.22]

Muungú ng- u- ∅ tsuunqi God.LMO A.3- P.2SGM AUX bless.M.SUBJ “MayGodblessyou(M).”(2.98) INTERROGATIVEMOOD(RISING-FALLINGPITCHACCENTONEXTENSIONSUFFIX-I)

aamanahardatî[20150808a.126] aamár ni- ∅ -(g)a hardat -î grandmother.LFR VENT- AUX -PRF arrive.F -Q.PST “Hasgrandmotherarrived?”2.3.2.3Adnominals

Adnominals inGorwaaaredeverbalconstituentswhichmodifyaheadnoun. Like

adjectives,theyfollowtheirheadnoun,whichisinlong-form.Adnominalsagreeing

with a singular pronominal, or masculine nominal head show rising pitch accent

(2.99);adnominalsagreeingwithafemininenominalheadshowlevelpitchaccent

(2.100); adnominals agreeing with a plural pronominal, or neuter nominal head

showthesuffix-a’andrisingpitchaccent(2.101).However,adnominalscannotbe

used predicatively, nor do they agree for nominal number (see (2.102), inwhich

muu (M.Pl) triggers the same agreement pattern as garma (M.Sg)), meaning that

2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa

116

their function is not exactly that of an adjective (c.f. Haspelmath 1995). As such,

theycannotbecalledparticiples.

(2.99) ADNOMINALSAGREEINGWITHASINGULARPRONOMINALORMNOMINALSUBJECTSHOWRISINGPITCHACCENT

a. aniwídoóslbaahaaanataáhh [20160927l110-124.4] aní -í doósl baahaár PRO1SG -DEM1 farm.ADN.1SG hyaena.LFR ∅- a- ∅-na taáhh A.P- P.F- AUX -IMPRFhit.1.PST “I,farming,hitthehyaena.”

b. kuúngkwisíngdoóslbaahaaanataáhh [20160927l110-124.5] kuúng kwisíng doósl baahaár PRO2SG.M PRODEM2.M farm.ADN.2SGhyaena.LFR ∅- a- ∅ -na táhh

A.P- P.F- AUX -IMPRFhit.2.PST “Youthere,farming,hitthehyaena.”

c. inósoodoóslbaahaanginataáhh[20160927l110-124.6] inós oo doósl baahaár PRO3SG ANA.Mfarm.ADN.3SG hyaena.LFR ng- a- ∅ -na taáhh

A.3- P.F- AUX -IMPRFhit.3.PST“He,farming,hitthehyaena.”

d. garmádoóslbahaanginataáhh [20160927l110-124.1]

garmá doósl baahaár ng- a- ∅ -na boy.LMO farm.ADN.M hyaena.LFR A.3- P.F- AUX -IMPRF taáhh

hit.M.PST “Thefarmingboyhitthehyaena.”(2.100) ADNOMINALSAGREEINGWITHAFNOMINALSUBJECTSHOWLEVELPITCHACCENT

desírdooslbaahaanginatáhh[20160927l110-124.2] desír doosl baahaár ng- a- ∅ -na girl.LFR farm.ADN.F hyaena.LFR A.3- P.F- AUX -IMPRF táhh hit.F.PST “Thefarminggirlhitthehyaena.”

2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa

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(2.101) ADNOMINALSAGREEINGWITHAPLURALPRONOMINALORNNOMINALSUBJECTSHOWTHESUFFIX-Á’

a. atekádooslá’baahaaanadiifaán [20160927l110-124.7] atén -ká doosl -á’ baahaár PRO1PL -DEM1 farm -ADN.PRO1PL hyaena.LFR ∅- a- ∅ -na diíf-aán A.P- P.F- AUX -IMPRFhit.1-1PL.PST “We,farming,hitthehyaena.” b. kuungá’koká’dooslá’baahaaanadifé’ [20160927l110-124.8] kuungá’ koká’ doosl-á’ baahaár PRO2PL PRODEM1.M farm-ADN.PRO2PL hyaena.LFR

∅- a- ∅ -nadif-é’ A.P- P.F- AUX -IMPRFhit.2-2PL.PST

“You(pl.),farming,hitthehyaena.” c. ino’ínkoká’dooslá’baahaanginadiifiyí’[20160927l110-.9] ino’ín koká’ doosl-á’ baahaár PRO3PL PRODEM1.M farm-ADN.PRO3PL hyaena.LFR ng- a- ∅ -nadiif-iyí’

A.3- P.F- AUX -IMPRFhit.3-3PL.PST “They,farming,hitthehyaena.”

d. na/i’ídooslá’bahaanginadiifiyí’[20160927l110-124.3] na/i’í doosl -á’ bahaár children.LN∅ farm -ADN.N hyaena.LFR ng- a- ∅-na diif -iyí’

A.3- P.F- AUX -IMPRF hit -N.PST“Thefarmingchildrenhitthehyaena.”

(2.102) ADNOMINALSARENOTADJECTIVAL(ANDARETHEREFORENOTPARTICIPLES):

PREDICATESDONOTSHOWNUMBERAGREEMENT(PLMUUANDSGGARMATRIGGERTHESAMEAGREEMENTPATTERN)

a. muukúdoóslbaahaanginadiíf [20160927l110-124.10] muukú doósl baahaár ng- a- ∅ -na people.LMK farm.ADN.M hyaena.LFR A.3- P.F- AUX -IMPRF diíf

hit.M.PST “Thefarmingpeoplehitthehyaena.”

b. garmádoóslbaahaanginataáhh [20160927l110-124.1] garmá doósl baahaár ng- a- ∅ -na boy.LMO farm.ADN.M hyaena.LFR A.3- P.F- AUX -IMPRF taáhh hit.M.PST “Thefarmingboyhitthehyaena.”

2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa

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2.3.2.4Derivationaloperations

Aseriesofmorphemesareusedtoderivenewverbs,eitherfromexistingverbsor

from nouns or adjectives. These operations are considered derivational because

they are restricted in their application (i.e. verb-to-verb derivational morphemes

cannot apply to all verbs, and the same with noun-to-verb and adjective-to-verb

morphemes).Thissectionwillexamineeach,firsttreatingverb-to-verbderivation,

thennoun-to-verbderivation,followedbyadjective-to-verbderivation.

VerbtoVerbSeveralmorphemes are used to derive a verb from another verb. The causative

suffix -iis, the durative suffix -iim and infix <ar>, themiddle voice suffix -iit, and

pluractionalreduplication~Red~willbeexaminedbelow.

Phonologically, a long vowel [i:], [a:], and [u:] of verb stems is shortened if a

derivationalsuffixfollows(c.f.Mous1993:173).

(2.103) ALONGVOWEL[i:],[a:],AND[u:]OFVSTEMSISSHORTENEDIFADERIVATIONAL

SUFFIXFOLLOWSa. qaás--iís → qasiís ‘causetoput’b. qwaár--iím → qwadiím ‘belosing’c. xaásl--iít → xasliít ‘bequiet’

Progressiveassimilationmayoccurfromtheconsonantoftheverbroot,acrossthe

finalconsonant,andtothevowelofthederivationalsuffix.

(2.104) PROGRESSIVEVOWELASSIMILATIONFROMTHEVSTEMTOTHEVOFTHE

DERIVATIONALSUFFIXa. dáh--iís → dahaás‘causetogoin’b. sluúk--iím → slukuúm‘bebribing’c. duúx--iít → duxuút‘bemarried’

2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa

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CausativeThecausativesuffix–VVs(Mous1993:174)addsanextraargumenttotheverb,

whoseroleisthecauserorinstigatoroftheactionoftheverb.

(2.105) OHIÍS,CAUSATIVEFORMOFÓH

óh‘ignite’(i.e.fire)→ ohiís‘light’(i.e.fire)(2.106) OHIÍSISTRANSITIVE

asloótsároodirènnginaohiís[20150729b.17] asloó tsároo diren ~`~ fires.LN∅ twoANA.N big.N ~EMPH~ ng- i- ∅ -na ohiis A.3- P.N- AUX -IMPRF light.M.PST “Helittwogreatfires.”DurativeThe durative contributes a continuous reading to the verb. This operation is

realizedby twoalternatemorphemes: the suffix -VVm (Mous1993:178) ( (2.107)

and(2.108)),andtheinfix<ar>(Mous1993:185-186)((2.109)and(2.110)).

(2.107) HUBIÍM,DURATIVEFORMOFHÚW

húw‘bring’ → hubiím‘bringing’(2.108) HUBÍM:CONTINUOUSBRINGING

kanhubinbarápakani[20151202e.6] t- ng- a- ∅ -n hubin bará MP- A.3- P.F- AUX -EXPECTbringing.SUBJ to pakanír borderland.LFR “Theywerebeingbroughttotheborderland.”(2.109) DARÁH,DURATIVEFORMOFDÁH

dáh‘enter’ → daráh‘entering’(2.110) DARÁH:CONTINUOUSENTERING

aníadaráhbarádo’[20150727.45] aní ∅- ∅ daráh bará dó’ PRO1SG S.P- AUX entering.1.PRES in house.LMO “Iamgoingintothehouse.”

2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa

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MiddlevoiceMiddle voice indicates that the subject of the verb bears both agentlike and

patientlikequalities.Thesuffixis–VVt.

(2.111) XASLIÍT,MIDDLEFORMOFXAÁSL xaásl‘bequiet’ → xasliít‘keepquiet’

(2.112) XASLIÍT:SUBJECTISBOTHAGENT-ANDPATIENTLIKE

inaxasliít[...][20131108b_20150725j.74] i- ∅ -na xasliít S.3- AUX -IMPRFkeep.quiet.PST “Hekeptquiet[...]”PluractionalityVerbs may also express pluractionality. This is typically accomplished through

reduplicationofpartoftheverbroot.

(2.113) TLATLÁW,PLURACTIONALFORMOFTLÁW tláw‘go’ → tlatláw‘gorepeatedly’(2.114) TLATLÁW:ACTIONISREPEATED

garmaqá’atlatláy[20161102b.28]garmá -qá’ i- ∅ -(g)a~Red~tláy

boy.LMO -DEM3S.3- AUX -PRF ~PLUR~go.M.PST “Theboywasleaving.”Semantically, pluractionality is not always uniform and the meaning of any

pluractional formdependson thesemanticsof therootverb,aswellas the larger

context of the phrase. As such, it cannot be reduced to simply an aspectual

inflection.

(2.115) DEDEÉR:PLURACTIONALISATTENUATING boó/arnakwidedeer[20150818a.19]

boó/ ar nakw i- ∅ ~Red~deer black ANA.F a.bit S.3- AUX ~PLUR~be.present.F.PRES “Abitofblackiskindofthere.”

2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa

121

(2.116) XAXÁY:PLURACTIONALCONTRIBUTESACONTINUOUSMEANING muukuqá’axaxáy,koqá’biliinahardahiyí’,koqá’motloo,koqá’boloqá’[...] [20151202d.19]muukú -qá’ i- ∅ -(g)a~Red~xáypeople.LMK -DEM3S.3- AUX -PRF ~PLUR~come.M.PSTkoqá’ bilii- ∅ -nahardah-iyí’PRODEM3.M todayS.3- AUX -IMPRFarrive-N.PSTkoqá’ motloo koqá’ boloqá’

PRODEM3.M tomorrow PRODEM3.M day.after.tomorrow “Thosepeoplewerecoming,somearrivedtoday,sometomorrow,somethedayaftertomorrow.”NountoverbThe two denominal suffixes identified in Mous (1993) for Iraqw have also been

identified forGorwaa. The factitive–uus and themiddle–uut are eachpresented

below.

FactitiveThough thismorpheme -uus appears related in form to the causativemorpheme,

Mous(1993:189)makesthepointofnotreferringtothisformascausative‘because

thederivedverbneednothavethecausativemeaningandcanbeintransitive’. As

such,itisthereinreferredtoasfactitive.TheevidenceisthesameinGorwaa,and

theterminologywillthereforebeadopted.

Thefactitivesuffixisaddedtoanominalstemtoformanewverb.

(2.117) FACTITIVESUFFIX-UUS a. tlatu‘debt’ → tlatuús‘beindebted’

b. ilatleeri‘greed’ → ilatleeruús‘tocovet,towantbadly’

2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa

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(2.118) ILATLEERUÚS‘WANTBADLY’ ailatleeruúsmwalimugarmangwakitaabuwihariisi

[20160927l102-107.25] ∅- a- ∅ -ailatleeruús mwalimú garmá A.P- P.F- AUX -PRFwant.badly.1.PSTteacher.LMOboy.LMO ng- u- ∅ -wa kitaabú -ihariisi

DEP.A.3- P.M- AUX -BACK book.LMO -LATbring.M.SUBJ“Ireallywantedtheteachertobringtheboythebook.”

ThissuffixalsoservesasacommonwayofnativizingloannounsfromSwahili(see

Harvey&Mreta2017).

(2.119) FACTITIVE-UUSUSEDTONATIVIZELOANSFROMSWAHILI a.fyekaSw.‘clearground’ → fekuús‘clearground’

b.tafsiriSw.‘translate’ → tafsiruús‘translate’MiddleThesuffix–uut(Mous1993:190),clearlyrelatedinformtothemiddlemorpheme–

iit,isaddedtoanominalstemtoformanewverbinthemiddlevoice.

(2.120) MIDDLESUFFIX-UUT

a. da’aye‘fear’ → da’ayuút‘fear’ b. kwasleema‘bringforthacomplaint’→ kwasleemuút‘hold

counsel’Adjective-to-verbThede-adjectivalsuffixes–uwand–eesareexaminedhere.

InchoativeThesuffix–úw(Mous1993:186-188),isaddedtoanadjectivalstemtoformanew

verbwiththemeaning‘tobecomeX’,whereXisthequalityoftheverb.

(2.121) ICHOATIVESUFFIX-ÚW

a. /awaákw‘white’ → /awakúw‘becomewhite’ b. boó/‘black’ → bo/áw‘becomeblack,become

dark’

2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa

123

FactitiveThesuffix–ees(Mous1993:188-189)–clearlyrelatedtothefactitiveandcausative

formsdescribedabove–isaddedtoanadjectivalstemtoformanewverbwiththe

meaning‘tomakeX’,whereXisthequalityoftheverb.

(2.122) FACTITIVESUFFIX-EES

a. /awaákw‘white’ → /awaakeés‘whiten’ b. niinaw‘small’ → niinaweés‘lessen’

2.3.3Adjectivesandquantifiers

Thissectiontreatsadjectives,andthesinglequantifierumó.

2.3.3.1Adjectives

Adjectives formadistinctwordclass inGorwaa. Adjectivesarenotnouns in that

they may not be modified by nominal modifiers (prepositions, quantifiers,

demonstratives,andothernouns),andcannot fillanyof thesyntactic functionsof

nouns (see §2.3.1.1). Adjectives arenot verbs in that theydonot show the same

kindsofmorphosyntacticagreementasverbs. Verbsagreewithnouns ingender,

adjectives agree with nouns in gender and number. Agreement patterns also

separate adjectives from other nominal modifiers. While some modifiers (e.g.

possessive) show agreement for person and number, and other modifiers (e.g.

indefinite)showagreementforgender,noothernominalmodifieragreeswiththe

headnouninbothnumberandgender.

Followingdiscussionofthedistributionofadjectives,agreementpatterns,aswellas

expression of amplification or attenuation are examined. The section concludes

2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa

124

with a review in which all basic forms are presented, and other methods of

adjective-formationarementioned.

DistributionAdjectives occur to the right of the noun they modify, and may occur in both

attributive (2.123) constructions and predicative (2.124) constructions (in which

theadjectiveoccursfollowingamediopassiveformoftheselector).Giventhatthey

also agree with their head noun in number and gender, this makes Gorwaa

consistent with Greenberg’s Universal 40, which states that ‘when the adjective

followsthenoun,theadjectiveexpressesalltheinflectionalcategoriesofthenoun.

Insuchcases,thenounmaylackovertexpressionofoneorallofthesecategories.’

(Greenberg,1963).

(2.123) ATTRIBUTIVEADJECTIVALCONSTRUCTION [...]garmátleér [20160927m.35]

garmá tleér boy.LMO tall.M

“Thetallboy.”(2.124) PREDICATIVEADJECTIVALCONSTRUCTION

garmakutleér [20160119f.25] garmá t- ng- u- ∅ tleér boy.LMO MP- A.3- P.M- AUX tall.M “Theboyistall.” Nominal modifiers may intervene between the head noun and the adjective, in

which case an anaphoric particle (see §2.4.3.1)will occur immediately before the

adjective.

(2.125) NUMERALWÁKINTERVENESBETWEENNOUN/AYMUANDADJECTIVETLEÉR /aymúwákootleér[20160111h.13]

/aymú wák oo tleér word.LMO one ANA.Mlong.M “Onelongword.”

2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa

125

(2.126) POSSESSIVEPRONOUN-‘É’INTERVENESBETWEENNOUNFIITSIANDADJECTIVEHHOHHOO’

fiitsir’é’arhhohhoo’[...][20150729b.48] fiitsír -’é’ ar ~Red~ hhoo’ broom.LFR -POSS1SG ANA.F ~PLUR~ good.F “mynicebroom[...]”

GenderandnumberAsstatedabove,adjectivesshowagreementforboththegenderandnumberofthe

nountheymodify.Gorwaaadjectivesshowthreemajorpatternsofinflection,given

in2.10below.

Table2.10:INFLECTIONALPARADIGMSFORADJECTIVESAPattern MSg. MPl. FSg FPl NSg NPl

1E.g.úr‘big’

~RPA~úr

-en!~RPA~urén

~LPA~ur

-en!~LPA~uren

~LPA~ur

-en!~LPA~uren

2E.g.tlaákw‘bad’

~RPA~tlaákw

-!~RPA~tlákw

~LPA~tlaakw

-!~LPA~tlakw

~LPA~tlaakw

-!~LPA~tlakw

3E.g.buúx‘grey’

~RPA~buúx

-aCz!~RPA~buxáx

~LPA~buux

-aCz!~LPA~buxax

~LPA~buux

-aCz!~LPA~buxax

N.B.AThesymbol!indicatesashorteningofthefinalvoweloftheroot,ifthevowelislong.Ahandfulofadjectivesshowslightlyirregularpatterns,eachofwhichisdiscussed

below.

The adjective/aben ‘new’ is a subset of pattern1, defective in that it is not zero-

marked for singular (thus: /abén ‘new.M.Sg.’; /abén ‘new.M.Pl.’; /aben ‘new.F.Sg.’;

/aben‘new.F.Pl.’;/aben‘new.N.Sg.’;/aben‘new.N.Pl.’)

The adjective naá/ ‘fresh’ is a subset of pattern 2, defective in that it does not

undergo shortening of its root vowel when agreeing for plural (thus: naá

‘fresh.M.Sg.’;naá/ ‘fresh.M.Pl.’;naa/ ‘fresh.F.Sg’;naa/ ‘fresh.F.Pl.’;naa/ ‘fresh.N.Sg.’;

andnaa/‘fresh.N.Pl.).

2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa

126

The adjectivediimbáy ‘different’ is amember of pattern 3, but irregular in that it

seemstopossessanumbersuffix-áy,blockinganytonalagreementwiththegender

of the noun (thus: diimbáy ‘different.M.Sg.’; diimbabáy ‘different.M.Pl.’; diimbáy

‘different.F.Sg.’; diimbabáy ‘different.F.Pl.’; diimbáy ‘different.N.Sg.’; diimbabáy

‘different.N.Pl.’).

The adjective /aankwéts ‘naked’ is invariable (thus: /aankwéts ‘naked.M.Sg.’;

/aankwéts ‘naked.M.Pl.’;/aankwéts ‘naked.F.Sg.’;/aankwéts ‘naked.F.Pl.’;/aankwéts

‘naked.N.Sg.’;/aankwéts‘naked.N.Pl.’).

Theadjectiveniiná‘small’isirregular(thus:niiná‘small.M.Sg’;niinákw‘small.M.Pl.’;

niina‘small.F.Sg.’;niinakw‘small.F.Pl.’;niina‘small.N.Sg.’;niinakw‘small.N.Pl.’).

AmplificationandattenuationAdjectivesmay undergo reduplication, the resulting adjective either intensified in

meaning,or,conversely,attenuated.Thatis,everyreduplicatedformeitherreadsas

astrongerformofitsbaseadjective,orasaweakerform–itcannotreadasboth.

Whether a given adjective’s reduplicated form results in amplified meaning or

attenuatedmeaning isapropertypeculiartothe individualadjective,andmustbe

learned.

(2.127) AMPLIFICATIONVERSUSATTENUATIONINADJECTIVES a. tsá’‘cold’ → tsatsa’aár‘verycold’ b. tleér‘tall,long’ → tlarantleér‘verytall,verylong’ c. úr‘big’ → uraúr‘somewhatbig,biggish’ d. buúx‘grey’ → buuxabuúx‘somewhatgrey,

greyish’

2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa

127

As may be gathered from the examples above, even the type of reduplication is

inconsistent.Manyformsshowreduplicationoftheform(CVC)za-,where(CVC)zis

the first sequence of the stem, and Vmay be long or short (hence forms such as

uraúr ‘biggish’ above or/aw/awaákw ‘whitish’ from/awaákw ‘white’). However,

other forms do not follow this pattern (e.g. sirira/aát ‘tawny-ish’ from sira/aát

‘tawny’),norlookstrictlyreduplicative(e.g.darra/aát‘reddish’fromda/aát‘red’).

Adjectives:reviewAlistofbasic(i.e.non-compoundandunderived)adjectivesispresentedbelow.

Figure2.4:BASICADJECTIVESINGORWAA/aankwéts‘naked,bare’ meéhh‘spotted’(oflivestock)/abén‘new’ moqaáy‘redandwhite’(oflivestock)/awaákw‘white’ muúr‘blackandred’(oflivestock)básl‘insignificant’ naá/‘fresh,wet’biíf‘withsmallspots’(oflivestock) niiná‘small’boó/‘black’ ni/i/iíl(orniqiqiíl)‘tiny’buúx‘grey’ niináw‘few’da/aát‘red’ qomár‘short’da/aáw‘tough’ quúnts‘important’díhh‘sharp,harsh,potent’ saáw‘far’dikií’‘straightforward’ sira/aát‘tawny’(oflivestock)diimbáy‘different’ tlaákw‘bad’duúq‘redandblackstriped’(oflivestock) tlaánqw‘withlargespots’(oflivestock)gawit‘difficult,hard’ tleér‘long,tall’hhoó’‘good’ tsá’‘cold,calm’hibíl‘lackinganecklace,unadorned’ úr‘big’iinslaáxw‘vast’ yaariír‘many’kahaár‘dry,empty’ Inadditiontothis,thereexistsalargeseriesofnoun-adjectivecompounds(2.128),

whichexpandthetotallistofadjectivesinGorwaasignificantly.

2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa

128

(2.128) NOUN-ADJECTIVECOMPOUNDS a. slaqwa‘body’+tlaákw‘bad’ → slaqwatlaákw‘thin,

sickly’ b. ila‘eye’+kahaár‘dry’ → ilakahaár‘watchful,

brave’ c. gura’‘stomach’+hhoó’‘good’ → gur’hhoó’

‘benevolent’2.3.3.2Thequantifierumó

Thequantifierumó ‘every’ is theonlynominalmodifierwhichprecedes thenoun.

Themodifiednounisobligatorilymarkedwith‘topic’morphology(see§2.6.1.2).

(2.129) QUANTIFIERUMÓ a. umó‘every’+di‘place’ → umódiroo

‘everywhere’ b. umó‘every’+/awtú‘monkey’ → umó/awtuhee‘every

monkey’

2.3.4Adverbs

Adverbs in Gorwaa form a heterogeneous group, united by three main

characteristics: i) adverbs are optional, and their presence or absence does not

affect the grammaticality of the utterance; ii) adverbs are invariable; and iii)

adverbsmodifyanyheadorlargerconstituentwhichisnotanoun.

AnexhaustivelistofadverbsidentifiedinGorwaafollows.Adverbsarecategorized

intosemantically-basedcategories.

2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa

129

Figure2.5:ADVERBSINGORWAAManner hhoo’ ‘well,good’

Temporal AbsoluteTime hindí ‘now’ hamí ‘now’ alkwí ‘now’ bilí ‘today’ isá’ ‘yesterday’ motloo ‘tomorrow’ RelativeTime daqane ‘then’ daxta ‘then’ aluwo ‘then’ motloo ‘inthemorning’ tseewa ‘early’ aáng ‘inthepast’ geera ‘after’ Aspectual qaro ‘already’

Temporal/Spatial imir ‘from’ tangu ‘from’

Degree Amplifying tlami ‘moreover’ tsíl ‘pure,deep’(onlyusedforthe

adjectiveda/aát‘red’) tíng ‘pure,deep’(onlyusedforthe

adjectiveboó/‘black’) shángw ‘pure,bright’(onlyusedforthe

adjective/awaákw‘white’) Attenuating alo ‘somewhat’ alge ‘somewhat’ mak ‘somewhat’

(2.130) MANNERADVERBHHOO’

amórbartaqaheeihhoo’káhhuú,gwéh [20150817d.215] amór bartá -qá’=hee i- ∅ hhoo place.LFR side.LFT -DEM3=TOP S.3- AUX well káhh uú gwéh be.absent.F PRO.2SG.Mgo.IMP

“Heyyou!Thatsidedoesn’tconcernus!Let’sgo!”(lit.“Thatsideiswellabsent.”)

2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa

130

(2.131) ABSOLUTETIMEADVERBHINDÍ Nadahindíaslaqaátsimúdiftaroo[20151021c.137]

Nadá hindí i- ∅ -(g)a slaqaátsimú Nada.LMO now S.3- AUX -PRF tire.M.PSTphone.LMO diftár =oo

hitting.LFR =TOP “Nada’stiredofphoning.”

(2.132) ASPECTUALADVERBQARO [...]idosíagaqarohhe’eesaán [20150817d.213]

idór -sí ∅- ∅ -gaqaro manner.LFR -DEM2S.P- AUX -PRFalready hhe’eés-aán

finish.1-1PL.PST “Thiswaywehavealreadyfinished.”

(2.133) AMPLIFYINGADVERBSHÁNGW giitsee/a’ki/awakwshángw [20150818a.51]

giitsee/á’ t- ng- i- ∅ /awakwshángw face.LN∅ MP- A.3- P.N- AUX white.Npure “Thefaceispurewhite.”

(2.134) ATTENUATINGADVEBMAK garíamaksakweeli,aníbarga/áwee [20151021c.461]

gár -í i- ∅ -(g)a mak sakweelír thing.LFR -DEM1S.3- AUX -PRF somewhat ostrich.LFR aní bar= ∅- ∅ ga/áwee PRO1SGif= S.P- AUX look.1yes “Thisthingislikeanostrich,ifIlook,yes.”

2.3.5Anexcursusonideophones

It must be noted that ideophones in Gorwaa do not form a lexical class per se.

Instead, theyaredistributed throughout the lexicalcategoriesof the language. As

such, theywill be briefly be examined here as a conclusion to the subsection on

lexicalcategories.

Gorwaa makes extensive use of ideophones – that is, words which depict their

referent,ratherthandenote it. AsanEnglishexample,theverb‘call’ inthephrase

‘the birds are calling’ denotes the action undertaken by the birds, but the verb

2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa

131

‘tweet’ in thephrase ‘thebirdsare tweeting’depicts theactionundertakenby the

birds, in that it mimics the sound produced. Idiophones are, therefore, iconic in

nature,andgiverisetodifferentsubtypesofideophoneaccordingtothesubtypeof

iconicity:direct,Gestalt, and relative (Dingemanse2018). Each is examined,with

examples,below.

2.3.5.1Directiconicity(onomatopoeia)

Gorwaahasalonglistofonomatopoeias–wordsimitatingthesoundoftheeventor

itemnamed. This is commonacross several categories, including:animals (maa’o

‘cat’, bee/i ‘sheep’,wahhahhamó ‘rock hyrax’, qoonqál ‘crowned crane’), domestic

activities (xaáf ‘grindmillet formaking food’, tsaát ‘cutwith a knife’, tlaáq ‘chop’,

taáhh ‘beat’),andbodyactions(iíf ‘sneeze’,guú/ ‘swallow’,/aáy‘eat’,waáh ‘drink’,

/aá/ ‘cry’, aáhh ‘be fed up’, soóx ‘urinate’, waá/ ‘vomit’, o/oós ‘defecate’). An

onomatopoeiaalsoexiststodepictbeingsilent:xaásl.

2.3.5.2Gestalticonicity

In addition to depicting a word by its sound, words may depict their referents

through their shape or structure. That is, aword representing a long entitymay

itself be long; short, punctual events may be depicted by short, punctual words.

ThesetypesofideophonesarecalledGestaltIdeophones(Germanfor‘shape’),and

GorwaaexhibitsseveralpatternsofGestalticonicity.

OneproductiveexampleofGestalt iconicity inGorwaa is thereduplicationofverb

forms. This results in what has been referred to as pluractional (taáhh ‘hit’ →

2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa

132

tataáhh‘hitrepeatedly’;guú’‘sleep’→guguú’‘fallasleeprepeatedly’;qaseé‘laugh’→

qaseeseé‘laughrepeatedly’).

Afurther(albeitlessregular)formofreduplicationoperatesonmanyadjectivesand

results in an attenuative reading (i.e. that the property is somehow more

discontinuousorvaguethanthenon-reduplicatedform). Theinternalconsistency

oftheadjectivehasbeensomehow‘muddledup’toreflectthemuddledmeaningof

thederivedadjective:(buúx ‘grey’ ->buuxabuúx ‘greyish’;qantsaár ‘blue,green’ ->

qatsqantsaár‘greenish,bluish’;/aben‘new’->/ab/aben‘newish’;sira/aát‘tawny’->

sirira/aát‘tawny-ish’).

2.3.5.3Relativeiconicity

Thefinal,perhapsmostabstractformoficonicityisknownasrelativeiconicity,isa

relational form of depiction where related words map related meanings, some

possible examples from Gorwaa include: words beginning in [ts], which seem to

evoke entities that are wet, cold, or far away (tseere ‘blood’, tsiinqa ‘stream’, tsá’

‘cold’, tsee/a ‘faraway place’, tsetse/ ‘stars’, BUT: tsee/amá ‘sunshine’); words

beginningin[hh]evokeentitiesrelatedtothewindpipeorrespiration:(hhartsi‘air’,

hheehhá‘gullet’,hhumpu‘lungs’);wordscontainingthevowel[i]+[hh]evokesharp

entitiesoreventsinvolvingsharpentities:(sihhina‘tooth’,kiíhh‘bite’,diíhh‘sharp’).

Itmustbenoted that this last typeof iconicity isveryhard tonaildown indeed–

andallclassesheremustbepositedasprovisional.

2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa

133

2.3.5.4Themorphosyntaxofideophones

Notably in Gorwaa, most ideophones fit seamlessly into the larger syntax of the

language.Ideophonesdepictingentitiespluralizelikeregularnouns(theideophone

maa’oo ‘cat’ pluralizes as thenon-ideophonekooloo ‘heel’ in (2.135)); ideophones

depicting events conjugate like regular verbs (the ideophone guguú’ inflects for

gender like the non ideophone /akuút in (2.136)); and ideophones depicting

qualities agree with their head nouns like regular adjectives (the ideophone

qatsqantsaár ‘bluish’ inflects for gender like the non-ideophoneqantsaár ‘blue’ in

(2.137)).

(2.135) IDEOPHONEMAA’OOPLURALIZESASTHENON-IDEOPHONEKOOLOO a. maa’oo‘cat’ |ma’u‘cats’ b. kooloo‘heel’ |kolu‘heels’

(2.136) IDEOPHONEREDUPLICATEDGUGUÚ’INFLECTSFORPASTTENSEASNON-IDEOPHONE/AKUÚT

a. iguguú’‘hesleptrepeatedly’|igugú’‘shesleptrepeatedly’ b. i/akuút‘hejumped’ |i/akút‘shejumped’

(2.137) IDEOPHONEREDUPLICATEDQATSQANTSAÁRAGREESWITHITSHEADNOUNGARMAASNON-IDEOPHONEQANTSAÁR

a. garmáqatsqantsaár‘abluishboy’ |desírqatsqantsaar‘abluishgirl’

b. garmáqantsaár‘ablueboy’ |desírqantsaar‘abluegirl’

2.4.FunctionalCategories

The major functional categories (i.e. those forms lacking semantic content and

playingprimarilyasyntacticrole)areexaminedbelow. Thesubsectioncoversthe

major classes of determiners, selectors, and pronouns. Further functional

categoriesareoftenhighlysyntacticallyrestrictedtoasmallnumberofgrammatical

constructions.Thesewillbeintroducedalongwiththeirgrammaticalconstruction,

inthefollowingsubsections2.5,2.6,and2.7.

2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa

134

2.4.1Determiners

Thedeterminers–possessive,demonstrative,and indefinite–willbeexamined in

turnbelow.

2.4.1.1Possessivedeterminers

Possessive determiners occur as suffixes to their head noun, and, and agree in

personandnumberwith thepossessor. Theheadnounoccurswitha linker (see

§2.3.1.2). Possessive determiners are glossed Poss, along with the person and

numbervalueofthepossessor.

(2.138) THEPOSSESSIVEDETERMINER-‘EÉ’ heeqá’amulqumo’eé’[...] [20131108b_20150725j.37]

heé -qá’ ∅ mulqumó -’eé’ person.LMO -DEM3AUX friend.LMO -POSS1SG “Thatpersonismyfriend[...]”

Table2.11:POSSESSIVEDETERMINERS Singular Plural

1stPerson -’eé’balaangw’eé’‘mymillet’

-rénbalaangwrén‘ourmillet’

2ndPerson -ókbalaangók‘yourmillet’

-hungbalaangwhúng‘your(pl.)

millet’3rdPerson -ós

balaangós‘his/hermillet’-’ín

balaangw’ín‘theirmillet’2.4.1.2Demonstrativedeterminers

Demonstrative determiners in Gorwaa occur as suffixes to their head noun, and

encodefourdifferentlevelsofdeixis:1-í(-ká fornounsofneutergender),nearto

speaker; 2 -síng (often reduced to -sí), near to the addressee; 3 -qá’, distant from

bothbutwithinview,and4-dá’,distantandoutofview.Theheadoccursinlong-

form. Demonstrative determiners are glossedDem, alongwith the level of deixis

expressed.

2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa

135

(2.139) THEDEMONSTRATIVEDETERMINERSa. tsir/iríumowós[...]ail/arimo [20151021c.241]

tsir/ír -í umó -ós ∅ il/arimobird.LFR -DEM1name -POSS3SG AUX sp.of.bird“Thisbird,itsname[...]isil/arimo.”(utteredwhileholdinga

pictureofthebird)

b. amórbartókamosítaiwit [20150817d.186]amór bartá -ók place.LFR side.LFT -POSS2SG amór -sí t- ∅- ∅ iwitplace.LFR -Dem2 MP- S.P- AUX sit.2.SUBJ“Onyourside,therewhereyouaresitting.”(utteredwhile

sittingnexttotheaddressee)c. ninaqaatiyí’gawátlomi’iqá’[20150813.75]

ni -na qaat -iyí’ gawá VENT -IMPRFsleep.3-3PL.PRES on tlomi’í -qá’hills.LN∅ -DEM3“Theyaresleepinginthosehills.”(utteredwhenthemountains

inquestionarevisiblefromthehouse) d. [...]didá’kabáyItebula [20131027_20150725c.146]

dír -dá’ t- ng- a- ∅ báy place.LFR -DEM4 MP- A.3- P.F AUX say ItebulárItebula.LFR“ThatplacecalledItebula”(utteredwheninManyara,referring

toadistrictinfarawayKigoma)

In addition to spatial reference, all demonstrative forms are metaphorically

extendedtoalsomark forproximityordistance in termsof time. Formsused for

spatial closeness are also used for temporal closeness. Forms used for spatial

distanceareusedformoreremotetime.

2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa

136

(2.140) DEMOSTRATIVEDETERMINERSMETAPHORICALLYEXTENDEDFORTEMPORALREFERENCE

a. [...]bara/owíigalây[...] [20131108b_20150725j.55]bara/ó -í i- ∅ galâydance.LMO -DEM1S.3- AUX where“Whereisthisdance?”(utteredwhenthedancewas(obviously)not

present,buttakingplacethatnight)

b. [...]gadiyeesínganaimu/uúm[20131027_20150725c.105] gadiyeér -síng∅- a- ∅ -naimu/uúmwork.LFR-DEM2A.P- P.F- AUX -IMPRFbegin.1.PST“[...]Ibeganthiswork.”(utteredwhentheworkwasbeganinthepast,

butcontinuestothisday) c. [...]boolooqá’ninhardahiya’[20151202d.19]

booloór -qá’ ni -n hardáh-iya’day.LFR -DEM3VENT -EXPECT arrive.3-3PL.SUBJ“Theywouldarrivethenextday.”(referringnottotomorrow,butthe

dayafter) d. [...]moro’odá’ooGorwaa [20151202e.170] moro’ó -dá’ oo Gorwaá

things.LMO -DEM4ANA.MGorwaa.people.LN∅“[...]thoseGorwaathings.”(lit.thingsthattheGorwaadidinthe

distantpast)

2.4.1.3Indefinitedeterminers

Indefinite determiners occur as suffixes to their head noun, and inflect for its

gender.Theformforthemasculineandneuteris-ko,andtheformforthefeminine

is-ka.Theheadnounoccursinlong-form.IndefinitedeterminersareglossedIndef,

along with the gender of their head. Indefinites cannot occur with pronominal

heads,aspronounsinGorwaaareinherentlydefinite.

(2.141) THEINDEFINITEDETERMINERSa. daaqaykotsár,booloógeeraamulqee[20131108b_20150725j.16-17]

daaqáy -kotsár booloór.geera∅ mulqeérboys.LMO -INDEFMtwo long.ago AUX friends.LFR“Twoboys,oncewerefriends.”

2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa

137

b. aamarkaideerneeaakowós [20131108b_20150725j.118] aamár -kai- ∅ deer neegrandmother.LFR -INDEFFS.3- AUX be.present.F.PRES andaakó -ósgrandfather.LMO -POSS3SG“(Thereoncewas)acertaingrandmotherandhergrandfather(i.e.her

husband).”

c. ahardáhdírna/i’ikouren[20161109a.22] i- ∅ -(g)a hardáhdírna/i’í -ko S.3- AUX -PRF arrive.M.PSTatchildren.LN∅ -INDEFN uren big.N.PL “Hearrivedatsomebigchildren.”

Ascanbeseenfromtheaboveexamples,theindefinitemarkeriscommonlyusedto

introduceanentity intoastory(daaqay ‘boys’ in (a.),andaama ‘grandmother’ in

(b.)).

2.4.2Selectors

Virtually every clause in Gorwaa contains what is known in the literature as a

preverbal clitic cluster (e.g. Kießling 2000) or,more commonly, the selector (e.g.

Mous 2005)9. The most straightforward definition of the selector is “[...] an

additionalinflectionalelementthatisseparatefromtheverb”(Mous2005:305).

Phonologically, selectors bear no stress and are assigned no tone. Syntactically,

however, they are independent: constituents including nouns (2.142), determiner

phrases(2.143),andadverbs(2.144)mayintervenebetweenitandthelexicalverb.

9InSouthCushitic,thetermtypicallyusedis‘selector’.ForSomali,thetermis‘indicatorparticle’.ForOromo,thetermis‘focusmarker’.

2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa

138

(2.142) NOUNINTERVENESBETWEENSELECTORANDV aníasleérdiíf [20150724.4]

aní ∅- ∅ -(g)a sleér diíf PRO.1SG S.P- AUX -PRF cow.LFR hit.1.PST “Ihitthecow.”(2.143) DETERMINERPHRASEINTERVENESBETWEENSELECTORANDV

aníasleérwákdiíf [20160927l222-228.28] aní ∅- ∅ -(g)a sleér wák diíf PRO.1SG S.P- AUX -PRF cow.LFR one hit.1.PST “Ihitonecow.”(2.144) ADVERBINTERVENESBETWEENSELECTORANDV

[...]amaksakweeli[...] [20151021c.462] ∅ mak sakweelír AUX somewhat ostrich.LFR “itislikeanostrich’Theseintervening(elsewhere,encapsulated)formsarenotincorporated,asthereis

aseparateconstructionforincorporatedforms.

(2.145) INCORPORATIONCONSTRUCTIONugaslee-gás [20161119f.34]

∅- u- ∅ -(g)a slee- gásA.2- P.M- AUX -PRFcow- kill.2SG.PST

“You(M)killedacowonhim.”(lit.‘Youcow-killedhim.’)InGorwaa, selectors can formallymark: clause type (independent vs. dependent),

voice(activevs.mediopassive),deixis(movementtowardvs.movementawayfrom

the origo), argument structure (maximally, sole argument vs agent vs patient),

person, gender, and number of arguments, aspect (perfect vs. imperfective vs.

expectational vs. consecutivevs. background),mood (indicativevs. conditional vs.

prohibitive vs. questioning), and adverbial case (reason vs. lative vs. ablative vs.

instrumental). Combinationsof these formalmarkersareused toexpress further

meanings.Eachofthesedimensionsofmarkingwillbefurtherexaminedbelow.

2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa

139

Structurally,theselectoriscomposedofanullauxiliaryverbsurroundedbyaseries

ofclitics.Whentheauxiliaryhasnophonologically-realisedargumentmarkers,itis

realized as a. Schematically, the selector may be illustrated as follows (where

elementswithinthesamecolumnaremutuallyexclusiveofeachother).

Figure2.6:SchematicoftheselectorMOOD VOICE ARGUMENTS AUX ASPECT ADVERBIAL

CASEIndicativeConditionalProhibitiveQuestioning

ActiveMediopassive

S ∅

PerfectImperfectiveExpectationalConsecutiveBackground

ReasonLativeAblativeInstrumental

A P

2.4.2.1Arguments

Gorwaaindexesallcoreargumentsasprocliticstotheauxiliary.Thatis,arguments

aremandatorilymarkedonthehead.Morphosyntacticalignmentissplit,depending

onwhethertheargumentisthirdperson,oraspeechactparticipant(i.e.1stor2nd

person).Forthirdpersonarguments,alignmentistripartite:the(S)oleargumentof

an intransitive clause, the (A)gent of a transitive clause, and the (P)atient of a

transitive clause are all realized differently. This can be seen in the examples in

(2.146), where the noun garma is realized in three differentways, depending on

whetheritisS(a),A(b),orP(c).

(2.146) TRIPARTITEALIGNMENTFOR3RDPERSONARGUMENTSa. GARMAAS(S)ARGUMENT:REALIZEDASI-

garmainamaamaá/[20160921i.33] garmá i- ∅ -na maamaá/ boy.LMO S.3- AUX -IMPRFbe.ill.M.PST “Theboywasill.”

2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa

140

b. GARMAAS(A)ARGUMENT:REALIZEDASNG- garmabaahaanginataáhh [20160921i.1] garmá baahaár ng- a- ∅ -na boy.LMO hyaena.LFR A.3- P.F- AUX -IMPRF taáhh hit.M.PST “Theboyhitthehyaena.” c. GARMAAS(P)ARGUMENT:REALIZEDASU- hhawatagarmangunataáhh [20160119f.39] hhawató garmá ng- u- ∅ -na man.LMO boy.LMO A.3- P.M- AUX -IMPRF taáhh hit.M.PST “Themanhittheboy.”Forargumentswhicharespeechactparticipants(i.e.1stor2ndperson),alignmentis

accusative:the(S)oleargumentofanintransitiveclauseandthe(A)gentofa

transitiveclausearemarkedinoneway,andthe(P)atientofatransitiveclauseare

isrealizeddifferently.Thiscanbeseenintheexamplesin(2.147),wherethe1st

personpronounaníisrealizedinthreedifferentways,dependingonwhetheritisS

(a),A(b),orP(c).

(2.147) ACCUSATIVEALIGNMENTFORARGUMENTSWHICHARESPEECHACTPARTICIPANTS(I.E.1STOR2NDPERSON)

a. ANÍAS(S)ARGUMENT:REALIZEDAS∅- aníanamamaá/ [20160921i.38] aní ∅- ∅ -na mamaá/ PRO1SG S.P- AUX -IMPRFbe.ill.1SG.PST “Iwasill.”b. Anías(A)argument:Realisedas∅- aníbaahaaanataáhh aní baahaár ∅- a- ∅ -na PRO1SG hyaena.LFR A.P- P.F- AUX -IMPRF taáhh hit.1SG.PST “Ihitthehyaena.”

2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa

141

c. Anías(P)argument:Realisedasti- hhawataaníinataáhh hhawató aní i- ∅ -na taáhh man.LMO PRO1SG P.1SG- AUX -IMPRFhit.M.PST “Themanhitme.”The argument markers inflect differently, and each will be examined below,

followedbyabriefnoteoncopularconstructions.

The(S)oleargumentofanintransitiveclause

Theparadigmfor(S)oleargumentofan intransitiveclause isshowninTable2.12

below. Asmentionedabove, thedistinction isbetweenspeechactparticipant (1st

and2ndperson)(2.148)a)versusnon-speechactparticipant(3rdperson)(2.148)b).

Table2.12:(S)argument(S)PERSON FORM

1stor2nd ∅-3rd i-(2.148) MARKINGOFSPEECHACTPARTICIPANT(P)VERSUSNON-SPEECHACTPARTICIPANT

(3)a. aníanamaamaá/ [20160921i.38]

aní ∅- ∅ -na maamaá/ PRO.1SG S.P- AUX -IMPRFbe.ill.1.PST “Iwasill.”

b. garmainamaamaá/[20160921i.33] garmá i- ∅ -na maamaá/ boy.LMO S.3- AUX -IMPRFbe.ill.M.PST “Theboywasill.”The(A)gentofatransitiveclauseargument

Theparadigmfor(A)gentargumentsmakesthesametwo-waydistinctionasabove:

speech act participant (1st and 2nd person) on the one hand (2.149)a), and non-

2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa

142

speechactparticipants(3rdperson)ontheother(2.149)b).Theparadigmisshown

inTable2.13below.

Table2.13:(A)argument(A)person Form1stor2nd ∅-3rd ng-(2.149) MARKINGOFSPEECHACTPARTICIPANT(P)VERSUSNON-SPEECHACTPARTICIPANT

(3)a. aníbaahaaanataáhh [20160921li.6]

aní baahaár ∅- a- ∅ -na PRO1SG hyaena.LFR A.P P.F- AUX -IMPRF taáhh hit.1.PST “Ihitthehyaena.” b. garmabaahaanginataáhh [20160921i.1] garmá baahaár ng- a- ∅ -na boy.LMO hyaena.LFR A.3- P.F- AUX -IMPRF taáhh hit.M.PST “Theboyhitthehyaena.”The(P)atientofatransitiveclauseargument

Theparadigmfor(P)atientisdifferent. Iftheanaphorofthepatientisapronoun,

thePforminflectsforeithergender,number,orboth(seeTable2.14).Inaddition

tothis,theAargument,nomattertheperson, isnotmarked. Iftheanaphorofthe

patient is a noun, the P form inflects for gender only (see Table 2.15), and the A

argumentismarked.Examplesfollowin(2.150).

2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa

143

Table2.14:(P)argument,pronominalparadigmPerson Number Gender Pronoun BaseForm

1 Singular aní iPlural atén tindi

2

Singular M kuúng uF kiíng i

Plural kuungá’ tunduornu3

Singular M inós uF inós a

Plural ino’ín iTable2.15:(P)argument,nominalparadigmObjectGender M F N

Form u a i(2.150) EXAMPLESOFPATIENT(P)ARGUMENTMARKING

a. garmaaníinataáhh [20160927l168-171.1] garmá aní i- ∅ -na taáhh boy.LMO PRO.1SG P.1SG-AUX -IMPRFhit.M.PST “Theboyhitme.” b. garmaaténtindinadiíf [20160927l168-171.12] garmá atén tindi-∅ -na diíf boy.LMO PRO.1PL P.1PL-AUX -IMPRFhit.M.PST “Theboyhitus.” c. garmabaahaanginataáhh [20160921i.1] garmá baahaár ng- a- ∅ -na boy.LMO hyaena.LFR A.3- P.F- AUX -IMPRF taáhh hit.M.PST “Theboyhitthehyaena.” d. garmahhawatangunataáhh [20160927l168-171.6] garmá hhawató ng- u- ∅ -na boy.LMO man.LMO A.3 P.M- AUX -IMPRF taáhh hit.M.PST “Theboyhitthehyaena.”Itmustbenotedthatthe1stpersonpluralformtindi,andthe2ndpersonpluralform

tunduareirregular.Itappearsasiftheseformshavebeenadoptedfromtheiruseas

mediopassiveconstructions(see§2.4.2.2),whichwerethemselvesformedfromthe

2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa

144

originalformstiandnu,respectively.InIraqw,theformstiandnuarestillusedas

theformsforthePargumentfor1stand2ndpersonplural,respectively(Mous1993:

127).

CopularconstructionsIthasbeenlongestablishedthatthereare,broadlyspeaking, twotypesofcopular

construction (e.g.Halliday1967,Higgins1979). Mikkelson (2006) labels theseas

specificationalandpredicationalcopularconstructions,examplesofwhicharegiven

below.

(2.151) SPECIFICATIONALCOPULARCONSTRUCTIONS a. TheboyisaGorwaaperson. b. Iamanurturer.(2.152) PREDICATIONALCOPULARCONSTRUCTIONS a. Theboyisinthefield. b. Iamtall.One of the main semantic differences between these two types of constructions,

Mikkelsonestablishes,isthatpredicationalcopularconstructionstellussomething

aboutthereferentoftheirsubject,whereasspecificationalcopularconstructionstell

us who the subject is. For a language like Gorwaa, which must mark all core

arguments on the selector, this is an essential division, as predicational copular

constructions assign theta roles (i.e. have argument structure), whereas

specificational copular constructionsdonot (i.e.donothaveargument structure).

This is manifest in the difference between adjectival and locational (i.e.

predicational) copular constructions, in which the subject noun is encoded as an

argument, and nominal (i.e. specificational) copular constructions, in which no

argumentisencodedatall,andthe(normallynull)auxiliaryisrealizedasa.

2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa

145

(2.153) PREDICATIONALCOPULARCONSTRUCTIONS(ADJECTIVAL) a. anítitleér [20160119f.31] aní t- i- ∅ tleér PRO.1SG MP- P.1SG AUX tall.1SG “Iamtall.” b. garmakutleér [20160119f.25] garmá t- ng- u- ∅ tleér boy.LMO MP- A.3- P.M- AUX tall.M “Theboyistall.”(2.154) PREDICATIONALCOPULARCONSTRUCTIONS(LOCATIONAL) a. garmaibaráqaymoo [20160119f.14] garmá i- ∅ bará qaymoór boy.LMO S.3- AUX in field “Theboyisinthefield.” b. aníabaráqaymoo [20160119f.19] aní ∅- ∅ bará qaymoór Pro.1SG S.P- AUX in field “Iaminthefield.”(2.155) SPECIFICATIONALCOPULARCONSTRUCTIONS(NOMINAL) a. garmaaGormo [20160119f.1] garmá ∅ Gormó boy.LMO AUX Gorwaa.person.♂.LMO “TheboyisaGorwaaperson.” b. aníaGormo [20160119f.6] aní ∅ Gormó Pro.1SG AUX Gorwaa.person.♂.LMo “IamaGorwaaperson.”EncapsulationandchangeinvalencyNote also thatwhen the object argument is located between the selector and the

verb(aconfigurationknownas‘encapsulation’(e.g.Whiteley1958,Kießling2007)),

it isnotmarked on the selector. That is to say, a selectorwhichotherwisewould

havemarkedanAandaP fora transitiveverb(2.156)a),willnowonlymarkone

argument. This argument will bemarked as if it were S, and therefore as if the

2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa

146

clause were intransitive (2.156)b). Note that, in this work, encapsulation

constructionsaredifferentiatedfromincorporationconstructions(seee.g.§7.3.1).

(2.156) ENCAPSULATIONOFDIRECTOBJECTBALAANGWREDUCESVVALENCY a. garmabalaangwngudoosl [20161109c.29]

garmá balaángw ng- u- ∅ doosl boy.LMO millet.LMO A.3- P.M- AUX farm.M.PRES “Theboyisfarmingmillet.” b. garmaibalaángwdoosl [20160927l222-228.1] garmá i- ∅ balaángw doosl boy.LMO S.3 AUX millet.LMO farm.M.PRES “Theboyisfarmingmillet.”2.4.2.2Voice

Thevoicealternationformallymarkedintheselectorisbetweenactivevoice(zero,

orunmarked)andmediopassivevoice(markedbythemorphemet-)10.Activevoice

indicates that thegrammatical subjectof theverbbehavesasanagent, and is the

mostcommonvoicetobeemployed. Allexamplesinthissubsectionhave,insofar,

beeninactivevoice(2.157).

(2.157) ACTIVEVOICEa. garmabaahaanginataáhh [20160921i.1]

garmá baahaár ng- a- ∅ -na boy.LMO hyaena.LFR A.3- P.F- AUX -IMPRF taáhh hit.M.PST “Theboyhitthehyaena.” b. garmaaGormo [20160119f.1] garmá i- ∅ -(g)a Gormó boy.LMO S.3- AUX -PRF Gorwaa.person.♂.LMO “TheboyisaGorwaaperson.”Mediopassivevoicesubsumesthemeaningsofboththepassivevoice(inwhichthe

grammaticalsubjectof theverbhascharacteristicsof thepatient),andthemiddle10Notethat,eslsewhere,theformtisalsorecognizableinthesuffix-VVt,whichmarksthemiddleonthelexicalverb(see§2.3.2.4).

2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa

147

voice(inwhichthegrammaticalsubjectoftheverbhascharacteristicsofboththe

agentandthepatient)andisusedincombinationwithotheraffixalconfigurations

within the selector to fulfill many different functions, each of which is discussed

below.

Commonly, themediopassive is used to form an impersonal passive. Alongwith

havingthemediopassiveprefixt-,thesubjectofthisconstructionismarkedasthe

(P)atientargumentand,incasesinwhichthe(A)gentargumentmaybemarked(i.e.

whenthe(P)argumentis3rdpersonsuchas(2.158)d)),thesubjectismarkedasthe

(A)gentargumentaswell.Theverbtakesdefault3rdpersonsingularagreementfor

animpersonalsubject.11

(2.158) IMPERSONALPASSIVECONSTRUCTION a. aníti/aay [20160119f.38] aní t- i- ∅ /aay PRO.1SG MP- P.1SG-AUX eat.3SG.PRES “Iambeingeaten.” b. kuúngtu/aay [20160119f.39] kuúng t- u- ∅ /aay PRO.2MSG MP- P.2MSG- AUX eat.3SG.PRES “Youarebeingeaten.” c. kuungá’tundu/aay [20160119f.43] kuungá’ t- nu- ∅ /aay PRO.2PL MP- P.2PL-AUX eat.3SGPRES “You(Pl.)arebeingeaten.” d. hhawataku/aay [20160119f.41] hhawató t- ng- u- ∅ /aay man.LMO MP- A.3- P.M- AUX eat.3SG.PRES “Themanisbeingeaten.”11The2ndpersonplural(P)atientmarkernu-isrealizedas[nu]word-initially,andasndu-elsewhere(Mous1993:128).Themediopassivet-andthe3rdperson(A)gentmarkerng-arerealizedtogetheras[k].

2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa

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Thesameselectorconfigurationisusedwithadjectivalpredicates.

(2.159) ADJECTIVALPREDICATECONSTRUCTIONS a. anítitleér [20160119f.31] aní t- i- ∅ tleér PRO.1SG MP- P.1- AUX tall.1SG “Iamtall.” b. kuúngtutleér[20160927l128-137.2] kuúng t- u- ∅ tleér PRO.2MSG MP- P.2- AUX tall.2SGM “You(M)aretall.” c. kuungá’tundutlét [20160119f.33] kuungá’ t- nu- ∅ tlét PRO.2PL MP- P.2PL-AUX tall.2PL “You(Pl.)aretall.” d. hhawatakuhhoó’ [20160118d.59] hhawató t- ng- u- ∅ hhoó’ man.LMO MP- A.3- P.M- AUX nice.M “Themanisnice.”Mediopassive isalsoemployedwithnoargumentmarkingwhatsoever inorder to

indicate that the arguments are either unimportant or have already been

established. The (normallynull) auxiliary takes the forma. Person,number, and

genderisunmarkedonthelexicalverb.

(2.160) ARBITRARYARGUMENTMARKERTA[...]matlatleerooyata/a/amiín [20131108b_20150725j.105]matlatleér =oo ya t- ∅ ~Red~ /amiín

morning.LFR =TOP thus MP- AUX ~PLUR~ cry.PST“In the morning it was thus: they cried.” (where ‘they’ has been

establishedfromcontext) One can also distinguish the mediopassive marker on the invariable markers ta

(temporal), and ti (reciprocal). This seems consistent with the semantics of

mediopassivebeingemployedwithstates,aswellassituations(asabove)inwhich

thesubjectisbothagentlikeandpatientlike.

2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa

149

(2.161) TEMPORALMARKERTAinóstawaaskofúmkoárArusha[20131027.27]

inós ta ∅ -wa askofú mkoár PRO.3SG TEMP AUX -BACKbishop.LMO region.LFR Arushár Arusha.FR “WhenhewasbishopofArusharegion.” (2.162) RECIPROCALMARKERTI na/i’itidiifiyá’ [20161109a.36] na/i’í ti diif -iyá’ children.LN∅REC hit.3 -3PL.PRES “Thechildrenfight.”(lit.hiteachother)2.4.2.3Clausetype

Dependentclauses(bracketedintheexamplesbelow)aremarkeddifferentlyfrom

independentclauses.Broadly,therearetwocategoriesofdependentclauses:those

inwhichthereisnointernalA(gent)argument(2.163)b),andthoseinwhichthere

isnointernal(P)atientargument(2.163)c).

(2.163) DEPENDENT(B,C)VERSUSINDEPENDENT(A)CLAUSES a. kuúngkitaabuunaharísdírgarma [20161003.9]

kuúng kitaabú ∅- u- ∅ -na PRO.2SGM book.LMO A.P- P.M- AUX -IMPRF harís dír garmá bring.2.PST to boy.LMO “You(M)broughtabooktotheboy.”

b. kuúngoo[kitaabungwaharísdírgarma] [20161003.8] kuúng oo kitaabú PRO.2SGM ANA.2SG book.LMO ng- u- ∅ -(g)a harís dír garmá A.3- P.M- AUX -PRF bring.2.PST to boy.LMO “You(M)whobroughtthebooktotheboy.”

c. kitaabú[kuúngtaharísdírgarma] [20161003.61] kitaabú kuúng t- ∅- ∅ -g(a) book.LMO PRO.2SGM M.P- S.P- AUX -PRF

harís dír garmábring.2.PST to boy.LMO“Thebookthatyou(M)broughttotheboy.”

2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa

150

DependentclauseslackinganinternalA(gent)argumentClauseswhichlackaninternal(A)gentargumenttakethe3rdpersonformng-asa

default.Assuch,eventhoughthenotionalagentof(2.164)b)iskuúng,itisexternal

to the dependent clause, and cannot trigger the form∅-. Because of this, default

agreementismade,hencetheformng-.

(2.164) DEPENDENTCLAUSELACKINGANINTERNALAGENT(B)VERSUSINDEPENDENT

CLAUSE(A) a. kuúngkitaabuunaharísdírgarma [20161003.9]

kuúng kitaabú ∅- u- ∅ -na PRO.2SGM book.LMO A.P- P.M- AUX -IMPRF harís dír garmá bring.2.PST to boy.LMO “You(M)broughtabooktotheboy.”

b. kuúngoo[kitaabungwaharísdírgarma] [20161003.8] kuúng oo kitaabú PRO.2SGM ANA.2SGM book.LMO ng- u- ∅ -(g)a harís dír garmá A.3- P.M- AUX -PRF bring.2.PST to boy.LMO “You(M)whobroughtthebooktotheboy.”

Aswithindependentclauses,whenthePargumentofthedependentclauseis1stor

2nd person, theA argument is notmarked. Asmaybe seen in (2.165)below, the

argumentmarkingontheselectoristhesameinboththedependent(2.165)b)and

independent(2.165)a)clause.

(2.165) DEPENDENTCLAUSELACKINGANINTERNALAGENT(A)VERSUSINDEPENDENTCLAUSE(B)

a. mwalimuhharanginahúw[garmaiwataahhi] [20160927l150-158.16]

mwalimú hhartá ng- a- ∅ -na teacher.LMO stick.LFT A.3- P.F- AUX -IMPRF húw garmá i- ∅ -wa taahhi bring.PST boy.LMO P.1SG-AUX -BACK hit.M.SUBJ “Theteacherbroughtasticksuchthattheboyhitme.”

2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa

151

b. garmainataáhh [20160927l150-158.1] garmá i- ∅ -na taáhh boy.LMO P.1SG-AUX -IMPRFhit.M.PST “Theboyhitme.”Dependentclauseslackinganinternal(P)atientargumentClauseswhichlackaninternal(P)atientargumenttreatthe(A)gentargumentasthe

(S)oleargumentofan intransitiveclause,prefixedwithmediopassivemorphology

(hencetheformtain(2.166)b)).

(2.166) DEPENDENTCLAUSELACKINGANINTERNALPATIENT(B)VERSUSINDEPENDENTCLAUSE(A)

a. kuúngkitaabuunaharísdírgarma [20161003.9] kuúng kitaabú ∅- u- ∅ -na PRO.2SGM book.LMO A.P- P.M- AUX -IMPRF harís dír garmá bring.2.PST to boy.LMO “You(M)broughtabooktotheboy.”

b. kitaabú[kuúngtaharísdírgarma] [20161003.61] kitaabú kuúng t- ∅- ∅ -g(a) book.LMO PRO.2SGM M.P- S.P- AUX -PRF

harís dír garmábring.2.PST to boy.LMO“Thebookthatyou(M)broughttotheboy.”

The form ta above in (2.166)b) is the most morphologically transparent of the

forms. The rest are given in the table below, and must be treated as irregular

portmanteauxofbothamediopassivemorphemeandaSargumentmarker.

Table2.16:MEDIOPASSIVEMORPHEME+SARGUMENTMARKERFORDEPENDENTCLAUSESLACKINGANINTERNAL(P)ATIENTARGUMENT

Person Singular Plural1st ni ta2nd ta ta3rd i i

2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa

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Clausesexpressingsimultaneousaction(employing thebackgroundsuffix, suchas

in (2.167)), and consecutive action (employing the consecutive suffix, such as

in(2.168))alsoemploytheseforms.Botharecommoninnarrativegenres.

(2.167) SIMULTANEOUSiinslaweewókaalawe’eesiyí’niwawaraáhh[20150729b.70]

iinslaweér=ók i- ∅ -a lawe’ees-iyí’ neighbours.LFR=Poss.2SG S.3- AUX -PRFsay.hello.3-3PL.PST ni ∅ -wa waraáhh

M.P.S.1- AUX -BACKpass.1.PST “YourneighbourssaidhelloasIpassed.”(2.168) CONSECUTIVE [...]kuúnganamorqá’iwit[...]tarediríaxwees[...]

[20151202b.113,114] kuúng a- ∅ -namór=qá’iwit PRO.2MSG S.2- AUX -EXPECTplace.LFR=DEM3 sit2.SUBJ t- a- ∅ -re dír=í axwes MP- S.2- AUX -CONSEC place.LFR=DEM1 speak.2.SUBJ

“[...]youwillsitthere[...]and(you)talkthere[...]”

2.4.2.4Deixis

For actions in which movement is toward the origo (usually the speaker), the

ventive(“hither”inMous2007:18-19)formniisused.Theformisinvariable,and

glossedVent.

(2.169) VENTIVEFORM(MOTIONTO) uchagusinihi’ítslehheéngwmiibangoo[20150724.76]uchagusír ni hi’ít slehheéngw miibaángw =ooelection.LFRVENT come.F.PRES month.LMOten.LMO =TOP“TheelectioncomesinOctober.”(lit.‘monthten’)

(2.170) VENTIVEFORM(MOTIONTO)

giyeenatleér[...][20151202e.113] giyeér ni -atleér famine.LFR VENT -PRFgo.F.PST “Thefaminecame[...]”

2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa

153

2.4.2.5Aspect

Aspect refers to the “internal temporal consistuencyofa situation” (Comrie1976:

3): rather than situating the action of the verb in time (as tense), it functions to

expresshowthatactioniscarriedoutovertime.Aspectisexpressedintheselector

throughaseriesofsuffixesonthebase,whichwilleachbeexaminedbelow.

PerfectiveSuffix-(g)aTheperfectivesuffix(“perfect”inMous1993:141-144)isrealizedas-gaforstems

oftheformV,andas-aelsewhere. Irregularly, ifthestemvowelisthe3rdperson

sole argument form i-, -(g)a is realized as -a (for the historical roots of this

irregularity,seeMous1993:142,39).

(2.171) PERFECTIVESUFFIXREALIZEDAS-GAIFSTEMISV,ANDAS-AELSEWHERE a. ∅- ∅ -(g)a →aga (E.g.agafaák‘Ihave

S.P- AUX -PRF finishedit.’) b. ng- a- ∅ -(g)a →nga (E.g.bahangagaás‘He

A.3- P.F- AUX -PRF killedthehyaena.’) (2.172) IRREGULARLY,PREFECTIVESUFFIX-GAREALIZEDAS-AISSTEMISS.3I-

i- ∅ -(g)a → a (E.g.afkúsleeagweeriít‘The S.3- AUX -PRF cow’smouthopened.’)Becauseofvowelassimilation, finalvowelsof thestemassimilate to the[a]of the

suffix.

(2.173) ASSIMILATIONOF[i]TO[a] ni -(g)a → na (E.g.naamodá’tlayiyé’‘Theyleftthere. VENT -PRF (tocometome)’.)

Optionally,theconsonant[g]ofthestemislabializedifitsprecedingvowelis[u].(2.174) OPTIONALLABIALIZATIONOF[g]TO[gw]

∅- u- ∅ -(g)a→ uga (E.g.ugasláworugwasláw A.P- P.M- AUX -PRF ‘Igotit.’)

2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa

154

The perfective suffix describes the action as a unitary whole, lacking internal

structure(e.g.Englishperfective‘hehashit’vs.imperfective‘heishitting’).

(2.175) PERFECTIVEASPECT:ACTIONISAUNITARYWHOLE a. anagabuúhh[20150810d.43]

aní ∅- ∅ -(g)a buúhh PRO.1SG S.P- AUX -PRFget.angry.1.PRES “Iamangry.” b. fooxarí,gárngatlehh[20150808a.150] fooxár -í gár ng- a- ∅ -(g)a hole.LFR -DEM1 thing.LFR A.3- P.F- AUX -PRF tlehh

make.F.SUBJ “Thishole–whatmadeit?” ImperfectiveSuffix–naTheimperfectivesuffix(“imperfectivepast”inMous1993:145-146)isrealizedas-

na.

When-naissuffixedtotheformnga,the[a]ofthestemisraisedtobecome[i].

(2.176) RAISINGOF[a]TO[i]PRECEDING-NA ng- a- ∅ -na → ngina (E.g.hhinhhinínginaA.3- P.F- AUX -IMPRF húp.‘Shebrought

pumpkins.’)

Generally, the imperfective suffix describes an action with internal structure,

specifically duration (2.177). However, this is not always the case, with many

examplesrecordedof thissuffixoccurringwithverbsofpunctual,veryshort-term

action(2.178).

(2.177) IMPERFECTIVEASPECT:ACTIONWITHINTERNALSTRUCTURE(I.E.DURATION) inaeétneergaanslay [20131108b_20150725j.66]

i- ∅ -naeét neer gaanslay S.3- AUX -IMPRFdescend.M.PST with speed “Hewasdescendingwithhaste.”

2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa

155

(2.178) IMPERFECTIVEASPECT:ACTIONSEEMSTOBEPUNCTUAL desirqá’aníanagaás [20131108b_20150725j.83]

desír -qá’ aní ∅- a- ∅ -na girl.LFR -DEM3PRO1SG A.P- P.F- AUX -IMPRF gaás kill.1.PST “Thatgirl–Ikilledher.”

ExpectationalSuffix-nTheexpectationalsuffix(Mous1993:144)isrealizedas-n.

When-nissuffixedtotheformnga,the[a]ofthestemisraisedtobecome[i].

(2.179) RAISINGOF[a]TO[i]PRECEDING-N ng- a- ∅ -n → ngin (E.g.ba’aariumoqo/ayitooA.3- P.F- AUX -EXPECT nginnuunuu’Beessuck

everyflower.)Theexpectational suffixgenerallydescribesanactionwhoseoutcome isexpected,

automatic,orotherwisecertain.

(2.180) EXPECTATIONALASPECT:ACTIONWHOSEOUTCOMEISAUTOMATICdanúkuntleehhiitneeba’aari[20131108b_20150725j.4]

danú t- ng- u- ∅ -n tleehhiitnee honey.LMO MP- A.3- P.M- AUX -EXPECT make by ba’aarír bees.LFR “Honeyismadebybees.”(2.181) EXPECTATIONALASPECT:ACTIONWHOSEOUTCOMEISCERTAIN

[...]Bee’odaawaanginleéhh[20151202d.170] Bee’ó daawaár ng- a- ∅ -n Bee’o.LMO medicine.LFRA.3- P.F- AUX -EXPECT leéhh look.for.M.PST “Bee’owouldlookformedicine.”ConsecutiveSuffix-reTheconsecutivesuffix(Mous1993:146)isrealizedas-re.

When-reissuffixedtotheformnga,the[a]ofthestemisraisedtobecome[i].

2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa

156

(2.182) RAISINGOF[a]TO[i]PRECEDING-RE ng- a- ∅ -re → ngire (E.g.[...]DodósleerósngireA.3- P.F- AUX -CONSEC húw.‘(and)Dodobrought

himhiscow.’)The consecutive suffix describes an action that follows naturally from the

preceedingaction.Itisusedverycommonlyinnarratives.

(2.183) CONSECUTIVEASPECT:ACTIONWHOSEOUTCOMEFOLLOWSNATURALLYFROMTHE

PRECEDINGACTION mulqumongunasakií/,gadá’inósngurekí/

[20131108b_20150725j.113] mulqumó ng- u- ∅ -nasakií/ friend.LMO A.3- P.M- AUX -IMPRFbetray.M.PST gár -dá’ inós ng- u- ∅ -re

thing.LFR -DEM4PRO3SG A.3- P.M- AUX -CONSEC kí/ return.F.PST “Hebetrayedafriend,andthatthing(i.e.thebetrayal)returnedtohim.”(2.184) CONSECUTIVEASPECT:ACTIONWHOSEOUTCOMEFOLLOWSNATURALLYFROMTHE

PRECEDINGACTION gaadiwi,kanaku’uúsneemarlborokurekwaáhhamórbihhi

[20150726d.188] gár ∅ diwitá t- ng- a- ∅ -na thing.LFR AUX salt.LFT MP- A.3- P.F- AUX -IMPRF

ku’uúsnee marlboró t- ng- u- ∅-repour.PSTwithlarge.plastic.bag.LMOMP- A.3- P.M- AUX-CONSEC

kwaáhhamór bihhír throw.PSTto side.LFR “Itwas(like)salt,itwaspouredfromalargeplasticbagandit(i.e.thebag)wasthrowntotheside.”BackgroundSuffix-waThebackgroundsuffix(Mous1993:147)isrealizedas-wa. Thebackgroundsuffix

occursonlyindependentclauses.

2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa

157

The background suffixmarks an action as occurring as part of the action directly

preceding or following it (that is, a background-marked action occurs

simultaneouslytoorbeforeitsassociatedaction).

(2.185) BACKGROUNDASPECT:ACTIONOCCURRINGASPARTOFTHEACTIONDIRECTLYFOLLOWINGIT

imirtiwaharagaasaán,inósaintsahhatimiís[20131027_20150725c.12]

imir ti -waharagaás -aánsince REC -BACKjoin.together.1 -1PL.PSTinós i- ∅ -(g)a intsahhatimiísPRO3SG S.3- AUX -PRF teach.M.PST“Fromthetimethatwemarried,hetaught.”

2.4.2.6Mood

Moodprovidesinformationonthespeaker’sattitudetowardwhattheyaresaying.

Mood is expressed in the selector through three12(primarily) affixal morphemes,

whichwillbeexaminedbelow.

Conditional“Prefix”barThe conditional affix (Mous 1993: 147) is derived from the adverbbar ‘if’. In its

adverbial use, bar appears either clause-initially (2.186), or directly before the

selector(2.187).

(2.186) ADVERBBAROCCURRINGCLAUSE-INITIALLY bartlaqoousla’akáng,awuunharis [20151202d.147]

bartlaqoór ∅- u- ∅ sla’-akángawú ifcutting.LFR A.P- P.M- AUX like.2-NEG.PRESbull.LMO ∅- u- ∅ -nharis A.P- P.M- AUX -EXPECTbring.2.SUBJ “Ifyoudon’tlikecutting(i.e.forest-clearing),(then)youwillbringabull.”12Inadditiontoanologuesofthreemoodaffixesdiscussedhere,Mousidentifiesafurther,ConcessivemoodaffixinIraqw,derivedfromtheadverbtam(1993:147-150).ThoughtheadverbtamexistsinGorwaa,Ihavenotidentifiedanyinstancesofitbeingusedasamoodprefixtotheselector.

2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa

158

(2.187) ADVERBBAROCCURRINGDIRECTLYBEFORETHESELECTOR firimbibarkataáhh[20151202d.50]

firimbír bar t- ng- a- ∅ taáhh whistle.LFR if MP- A.3- P.F- AUX hit.PST “Ifthewhistleisblown.”Inthelatterposition,theselectormayencliticizetobar.Thevowel[a]ofbaroften

assimilatestotheinitialvoweloftheselector. Optionaldeletionofthefinalvowel

(i.e.theselectorbase)resultsinwhatlookslikesuprafixation.

(2.188) VOWEL[a]OFBARASSIMILATINGTOINITIALVOWELOFTHESELECTOR,FINALVOWEL[i]DELETED

bar= i- ∅ →bir (E.g.dawabirdáhdiriyee...‘ifa if= S.3- AUX handgoeshere...’)

Asperitsname,theconditionalsuffixexpressesacondition.

(2.189) CONDITIONALMOOD:EXPRESSINGACONDITION burtaóh,tundiif [20151202d.152]

bar= t- u- ∅ -(g)a óh if= MP- P.2SG.M AUX -PRF catch.PST t- u- ∅ -n diifMP- P.2SG.M- AUX -EXPECT beat.SUBJ“Ifyouwerecaught,youwillbebeaten.”

ProhibitivePrefixm-Theprohibitiveprefixm-(Mous1993:151-152)isusedintwoprimaryways.First,

it is employed with the two negative imperative suffixes (-aar, and -ara’) to

completeanegative imperativeconstruction (2.190). Second, it is employedwith

the background suffix (-wa) to express negative commands for all persons other

than2nd(whicharecoveredbytheimperativeforms)(2.191).

(2.190) PROHIBITIVEMOODEMPLOYEDWITHTHENEGATIVEIMPERATIVEa. [...]tisítao’mainki/aar [20151021c.171]

tisí t- ∅- a- ∅ -(g)ao’ PRODEM2.FMP- A.P- P.F- AUX -PRF say.2.SUBJm-∅- a- ∅ inkí/-aarPROHIB-A.P- P.F- AUX repeat.2-IMP.NEG“[...]thiswhichyouhavesaid,don’trepeatit.”

2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa

159

b. kuungá’makwatiitara’ [20150808a.155] kuungá’m- ∅- a- ∅ kwatiit-ara’ PRO.2PLPROHIB- A.P- P.F- AUX touch-IMP.NEG.PL “Don’tyou(pl.)touch(it)!”(2.191) PROHIBITIVEMOODEMPLOYEDWITHBACKGROUNDSUFFIX-WA

mwalimuhharangahuwikáasgidabágarmamuwataáhh[20160927l150-158.25]

mwalimú hhartá ng- a- ∅ -(g)a teacher.LMOstick.LFT A.3- P.F- AUX -PRF húw =iká as.gidabá garmá bring =NEG.PST such.that boy.LMO m- u- ∅ -wa taáhh

PROHIB- P.2SG.M- AUX -BACK hit.M.PST “Theteacherdidnotbringthesticksuchthattheboymaynothityou.”QuestioningPrefixm-Thequestioningprefixm-(Mous1993:150-151)isusedalongwiththereasonaffix

(seebelow)toforma‘why’question13.

(2.192) QUESTIONINGMOOD:FORMINGA‘WHY’QUESTION fu’unaymisabo/eemís [20160116.59]

fu’unáy m- s- ∅- i ∅ -(g)a meat.LN∅ Q- REASON- A.P- P.N- AUX -PRF bo/eemís

blacken.2.PST “Whydidyoublackenthemeat?”(2.193) QUESTIONINGMOOD:FORMINGA‘WHY’QUESTION

baahaamaskataâhh [20160927l172-175.14] baahaár m- s- t- ng- a- ∅ -(g)a hyaena.LFR Q- REASON- MP- A.3- P.F- AUX -PRF taâhh

hit.PST.Q.PST “Whywasthehyaenahit?”

13TheoccurrenceofthisprefixinGorwaaappearsmorerestrictedthantheanaloguedescribedinIraqw,whichcanaffixtomostanyselectortoproducethemeaning‘what’,aswellasworkwithanumberofadverbialcasecliticstoproducethemeanings‘how’,‘why’,and‘whereto’.

2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa

160

2.4.2.7Adverbialcase

The only adverbial case affixes (Mous 1993: 152-154) attested thus far are the

reasonsuffix-s,theinstrumentalsuffix-r,thelativesuffix-i,andtheablativesuffix-

wa.

ReasonSuffix-sThe reason suffix is typically used with the temporal copula to produce a

constructionwiththemeaning‘thereasonwhy...’.

(2.194) REASONSUFFIXUSEDWITHTEMPORALCOPULATA gártasdaawaatí [20131108b_20150725j.6]

gár t- i- ∅ -(g)a -s daawaár thing.LFR MP- S.3- AUX -PRF -REASON medicine.LFR i- ∅ -(g)a tí S.3- AUX -PRF DEM.F “Thereasonwhyitismedicineisthis:”InstrumentalSuffix-rTo thispoint, the instrumental suffixhasonlybeen foundonencapsulatednouns,

producingaconstructionmeaning‘with...’or‘inthemannerof’.Theonlywaytotell

the difference between an encapsulated noun ending in the linker -r~´~ and the

instrumentalsuffix -r is that the formtakingthe instrumentalsuffix lacksthehigh

tone.

(2.195) LEVELPITCHACCENTONSLEERINDICATESINSTRUMENTALSUFFIX’SPRESENCE [...]heekoooqwarungunsleerslaaxw[DSC_5354_20150705b.63.2]heé -ko oo qwarkú person.LMO -INDEF.M ANA.Mhunger.LMKng- u- ∅ -n A.3- P.M- AUX-EXPECTsleér -r slaaxwcow.LFR -INSTRbuy.M.SUBJ“[...]somehungrypersonwouldbuyit(i.e.millet)withacow.”

2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa

161

(2.196) LEVELPITCHACCENTONIDOSIRINDICATESINSTRUMENTALSUFFIX’SPRESENCE kiíarhareeanidosirhi'imit [20131027_20150725c.160]kií ar hareér ∅- ∅ -n PRO.2SG.F ANA.F woman.LFR S.P- AUX -EXPECTidór -sí -r hi’imitmanner.LFR -DEM2-INSTR travel.2.SUBJ“You,womantravelinthisway.”

LativeSuffix-iAs for the instrumental suffix, the lative suffix -i has only been found on

encapsulatednouns,producingaconstructionmeaning‘toward...’or‘to...’.

(2.197) LATIVESUFFIX:MOTIONTOWARD

xareemiwósnginala/aásinaamodihi'iít[20131108b_20150725j.141]

xareemí -ós ng- i- ∅ -na la/aás horns.LN∅ -POSS.3SG A.3- P.N- AUX -IMPRFwag.M.PSTi- ∅ -na amór -dá’ -i hi’iítS.3- AUX -IMPRFplace.LFR -DEM4 -ILL walk.M.PST“Hewaggedhishornsfromsidetosideandwenttothere.”

Note that the encapsulated noun does not need to be the location to which the

actionoftheverbisdirected.In(2.198),itisnot‘tothemedicine’thatthehittingis

directed,butrather‘tothetsetseflies’.

(2.198) LATIVESUFFIX:MOTIONISNOTNECESSARILYTOWARDTHEMARKEDNOUN[...]seehhaakandaawaaritaahh[20151202d.171]seehhár t- ng- a- ∅ -n tsetse.flies.LFR MP- A.3- P.F- AUX -EXPECT

daawaár -i taahhmedicine.LFR -ILL hit.SUBJ“Thetsetseflieswouldbehitbythismedicine.”

AblativeSuffix-waAs for the instrumental and lative suffixes, the ablative suffix -wa has only been

foundonencapsulatednouns,producingaconstructionmeaning,roughly,‘from...’.

2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa

162

(2.199) ABLATIVESUFFIX:MOTIONFROMbirkwabaraqawasláy[...][20151202d.78]bar= t- ng- u- ∅ -(g)a bará -qá’ -wa if= MP- A.3- P.M- AUX -PRF in -DEM3-ILL sláyget.PST“ifheisdetectedthere[...]”

(2.200) ABLATIVESUFFIX:MOTIONFROM

kinadidawatahhtaáhh [DSC_5354_20150705b.14.5]t- ng- i- ∅ -na dír -dá’ -wa MP- A.3- P.N- AUX -IMPRFplace.LFR -DEM4-ABLtahhtaáhhdrive.out.PST“Theyweredrivenoutfromthere.”

2.4.3Pronouns

A division of Gorwaa anaphoric devices between the traditional concept of

“pronoun”(“independent”(Mous1993:114-117))versus“anaphoricclitic”(Payne

1997: 42-44) does not seem entirely appropriate. Indeed, the argumentmarking

affixesofmanyselectors,glossedhereinasS,A,andParefullycapableofstanding

asindividualphonologicalwordswithinmostphrases,especiallywheninindicative

mood and present tense,which add no additionalmorphology towhich the form

may affix. However, these forms are different in that they cannot bear tone or

stress. As such, the proposed division is that of tonic versusnon-tonic pronouns.

Thissectionwillbeginwithadescriptionofthetonicpronouns,andwillthencover

thenon-tonicpronouns.

2.4.3.1Tonicpronouns

The tonicpronounsare,byallmeasures, fullnouns. As theirnamesuggests, they

havestressandtone. Tonicpronounsmayserveasfullargumentsinanyposition

2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa

163

occupiedbyafullnoun(e.g.subjectofanominalcopula(2.201),objectofanominal

copula(2.202),subjectofanadjectivalcopula(2.203),objectofaverb(2.204)),as

wellasbemodifiedasafullnoun(e.g.NPmodifier(i.e.possession)(2.205)).14

(2.201) ANÍISSUBJECTOFNOMINALCOPULA aníauumtuuso’oo [20131027_20150725c.194]

aní ∅ uumtuuso’oór PRO1SG AUX nurturer.♀.LFR “Iamanurturer.”(2.202) TÍISOBJECTOFNOMINALCOPULA

aní,loohírnitsawdiitatí[20150724.74] aní loohír ni- ∅ tsawdiit PRO1SG path.LFR DEP.1SG- AUX choose.1.SUBJ a- ∅ -(g)a tí

COPN AUX -PRF PRODEM1.F“Me,thepathIchooseisthis.”

(2.203) INÓSISSUBJECTOFADJECTOVALCOPULA

inóskutleér[20160119f.36] inós t- ng- u- ∅ tleér PRO3SGMP- A.3- P.M- AUX tall.M “Heistall.”(2.204) TÓKISOBJECTOFVERB

tókafaakaanakátók[20150808a.152] tók ∅- a- ∅ faák-aán-aká PROPOSS.2SGF A.P- P.F- AUX finish.1-1.PL–NEG.PRES tók PROPOSS.2SGF “Yours,wewon’tfinishyours.”(2.205) ATÉNISMODIFIEDBYAFULLNP

aténoohhawata[20160927l181-182.14] atén oo hhawató PRO1PL ANA.Mmen.LMO “wemen”

14Inadditiontothethreetypesoftonicpronounidentifiedhere(i.e.personal,possessive,anddemonstrative),Mous(1993:115)identifiesasetofindefinitepronouns:independentformswhichtakeindefinitenounsuffixes.ThoughsuchnounsuffixesexistinGorwaa(see§2.4.1.3),acorrespondingsetofindefinitepronounshasnotbeenidentified.

2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa

164

PersonalPronounsPersonal pronouns refer back to entities associatedwith grammatical person. As

noted by Mous (1993: 113), personal pronouns are semantically definite, and

therefore may not be followed by indefinite suffixes. As they typically refer to

people,theyalsomaynotbepossessed.Personalpronounsareglossed:ProPrs

Table2.17:PERSONALPRONOUNSPerson Singular Plural1 aní(FormalPron.aníng)

(ReducedFormán)atén(RelaxedPron.át)

2M kuúng(RelaxedPron.kuú)(ReducedFormku)

kuungá’

2F kiíng(RelaxedPron.kií)3 inós(ReducedFormino) ino’ín(RelaxedPron.inín)

Ascanbeseen, thepronounsvaryslightly in formdependingon factors including

register(formalversusrelaxed),andspeed(fastspeechtypicallyresultsinreduced

forms).

Inusage,thepresenceofapersonalpronoungenerallyhasaneffectoffocusingthat

information(2.206)(whichmayincludecontrastivereadings,suchasin(2.207)).

(2.206) PERSONALPRONOUNANÍ:OBJECTFOCUS garmaanínginataáhh [20160927l168-171.1]

garmá aní ng- i- ∅ -na taáhh boy.LMO PRO1SG A.3- P.1SG- AUX -IMPRFhit.M.PST “Theboyhitme.”(Where‘me’isnewinformation.)(2.207) PERSONALPRONOUNANÍNG:CONTRASTIVEFOCUS

aníngmiga/awaar[20150817d.811] aníngm- i- ∅ ga/aw-aar PRO1SGPROHIB- P.1SG- AUX look.at.2-IMP.NEG “Don’tlookatme!”(i.e.lookatthetaskathand)

2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa

165

PossessivePronounsPossessivepronouns indicatepossession. Morphologically, theyare formed from

the stems ko- (M/N) and to- (F), and the possessive determiners (see §2.4.1.1).

Again, their usemay result in a focus reading (2.208), including contrastive focus

(2.209).PossessivepronounsareglossedProPoss.

Table2.18:POSSESSIVEPRONOUNSPerson/Number Masculine/Neuter Feminine

1Sg. kwe’eé’ te’eé’2Sg. kók tók3Sg. kós tós1Pl. korén torén2Pl. kohúng tohúng3Pl. ko’ín to’ín

(2.208) POSSESSIVEPRONOUNTÓK:OBJECTFOCUS

kuú,tókaqoanaluqa’wadog[20151202d.25] kuú tók aqo∅- a- ∅ -n PRO2SG.M PROPOSS.2SG.FEMPHA.P- P.F- AUX -EXPECT alú-qá’ -wa dog after-DEM3 -ABL add.2.SUBJ “You,yoursyouaddafterthat.”(2.209) POSSESSIVEPRONOUNTOHÚNG:CONTRASTIVEFOCUS

a’age!tohúngarkoloni[DSC_5354_20150705b.73] a’a ge tohúng ar koloni no EMPH PROPOSS.2PL.F ANA.F colonial.times “No!Yours(i.e.yourmores)arefromcolonialtimes.”(i.e.yourmoresversusours)DemonstrativePronounsDemonstrative pronouns are highly common, replacing common nouns.

Morphologically, they are formed from the stems ko- (M/N) and to- (F), and the

demonstrative determiners (see §2.4.1.2). Demonstrative pronouns are glossed

ProDem,withafollowingnumberindicatingthedeixisofthedemonstrative.

2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa

166

Table2.19:DEMONSTRATIVEPRONOUNSLevelofDeixis Masculine Feminine Neuter

1 kwí tí koká’2 kwisíng tisíng kusíng3 koqá’ toqá’ koqá’4 kodá’ tidá’/todá’/tadá’ kodá’

(2.210) DEMONSTRATIVEPRONOUNKODÁ’

/Orundiyeekásleeme,kodá’gitlaytleèr,/Orundídaqaniinà[20150726d.59]

/Orundí =ee =ká sleemekodá’ gitlay tleèr/Orundí =TOP =NEG alsoPRODEM4.M FILLtall.M.EMPH/Orundí daqa niinà/Orundí FILL small.M.EMPH“Itwasn’t/Orundíeither,theonetherewas–uh–tall,/Orundíis–uh

–short.”(2.211) DEMONSTRATIVEPRONOUNTOQÁ’

[...]toqá’/awaakwamorqá’taataahhee[...][20150817d.430] toqá’ /awaakw amór =qá’ taataahh-eek PRODEM3.F white.F place.LFR =DEM3remove-IMP.O.SG “Thatwhiteonethere–takeitaway!”Possessiveanddemonstrativepronounsarealsousedtocontributetheirmeaning

toanounwhichhasalreadybeenmodifiedbyananalogoussuffixcarryingoneof

thesemeanings(see§2.4.1).

(2.212) DEMONSTRATIVEPRONOUNKWISÍNGUSEDTOMODIFYANOUNALREADYMODIFIEDBYAPOSSESSIVESUFFIX-ÓK

qwala/uwókkwisíngooumósiwarooamilâ[20150727.49] qwala/ú -ók kwisíngoo umó happiness.LMO -POSS2SG PRODEM2.MANA.M every siwár =oo ∅ milâ time.LFR =TOP AUX what “Whatisthispermanenthappinessofyours?”(lit.happinessofeverytime)InterrogativePronounsInterrogrative pronouns are used in forming wh-questions (see §2.6.3.2).

Morphologically,eachiscomposedofanominalelement,plusthesuffix–(l)â. The

‘nominal element’ for ‘when’ (daqa-~daqi ‘time’), and ‘where’ (di-~di ‘place’) is

2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa

167

transparent. The ‘nominalelements’ (if theyare indeedthat) for ‘who’ (ma’-)and

‘what’ (mi-) are less clear. Interrogative pronouns are glossedwith their English

equivalent.

Why-questionsare formedon the selectorusing thequestioningmoodprefix (see

§2.4.2.6).

Table2.20:INTERROGATIVEPRONOUNSEnglishEquivalent Form

‘who’ ma’â‘what’ milâ‘when’ daqalâ‘where’ dilâ

(2.213) INTERROGATIVEPRONOUN‘WHEN’DAQALÂ

hhayumarókadaqalâ [20150727.31] hhayumár =ók ∅ daqalâ journey.LFR =POSS.2SG AUX when “Whenisyourtrip?”AnaphoricPronounsAnaphoric pronouns occur last on this list because they are somewhat different

fromtheirtoniccounterparts.TheyaredescribedbyMous(2016:66)aspronouns

referring to nouns, rather than directly to a referent. Anaphoric pronouns agree

withthegenderofthenountowhichtheyrefer,masculineandneuterformsareoo,

and feminine formsarear. Theanaphoricpronoun isglossedAna,alongwiththe

genderofitsreferent.

(2.214) ANAPHORICPRONOUN(M)GENDER:OO [...]garmaqá’oodó’isa’[...] [20131108b_20150725j.33]

garmá -qá’ oo dó’ isá’ boy.LMO -DEM3ANA.Mhouse.LMO so-and-so.LMO “[...]thatboyofthehouseofso-and-so[...]”

2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa

168

(2.215) ANAPHORICPRONOUN(N)GENDER:OO Asloótsároodirènnginaohiís.[20150729b.17]

asloó tsár oo dirèn ~`~ ng- i- ∅ -na fires.LN∅ two ANA.N fat.N EMPH A.3- P.N- AUX -IMPRF ohiís

light.M.PST “Helittwogreatfires.”(2.216) ANAPHORICPRONOUN(F)GENDER:AR

[...]qaseearda/aat[20150817d.110] qas -ee ar da/aat put -IMP.Sg.O ANA.Fred.F “[...]putaredone.”2.4.3.2Non-tonicpronouns

Non-tonicpronounsaredifferent fromtheir toniccounterparts inmanyways. As

theirname indicates, theydonotbear stress or tone, and their environments are

highly restrictedwithin the clause.While theymayoccurdirectlybefore theverb

(2.217), other material, such as adverbs (2.218) and direct objects (2.219), may

intervene.

(2.217) NON-TONICPRONOUN:(P)ATIENTARGUMENTMARKERA-(DIRECTLYBEFORETHEVERB)

aníbaahaaada’ayumiít [20150727.43] aní baahaár ∅- a- ∅ da’ayumiít PRO1SG hyaena.LFR A.P- P.F- AUX fear.1.PRES “Iamafraidofthehyaena.”(2.218) NON-TONICPRONOUN:(P)ATIENTARGUMENTMARKERA-(ADVERBINTERVENES

BETWEENPRONOUNANDVERB) aní,garíalowaslaa’akáng[...] [20150808a.161]

aní gár -í ∅- a- ∅ lowa PRO1SG thing.LFR -DEM1A.P- P.F- AUX very slaá’ =akáng

like.1 =NEG.PRES “Me,Ireallydon’tlikethisthing.”

2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa

169

(2.219) NON-TONICPRONOUN:(S)OLEARGUMENTMARKERA-(DIRECTOBJECTINTERVENESBETWEENPRONOUNANDVERB)

aníasleérdiíf [20150724.4] aní ∅- ∅ sleér diíf PRO1SG S.P- AUX cow.LFR hit.1.PRES “Ihitthecow.”Non-tonic pronouns are mandatory in every finite VP. Even if its noun anaphor

(2.220) or a tonic pronoun equivalent (2.221) is present, the non-tonic formwill

occurconcurrentlywithit.

(2.220) NON-TONICPRONOUNSAREMANDATORY:EVENIFNANAPHORAAMARKAISPRESENT

aamarkaideer[...] [20131108b_20150725j.118] aamár -ka i- ∅ deer grandmother.LFR -INDEF.F S.3- AUX be.present.3.PRES “(Once)thereisthisoldlady(2.221) NON-TONICPRONOUNSAREMANDATORY:EVENIFTONICPRONOUNKUÚNGIS

PRESENTkuúngaiwiiwít[20150727.2]

kuúng ∅- ∅ iwiiwít PRO2SG.M S.P- AUX sit.2.PRES “Youaresitting.”2.4.4Prepositions

Prepositions in Gorwaa form a small class: just three forms. Two take a locative

complement,andonetakesanagentivecomplement.Allformsprecedetheelement

theymodify,andmaythusbelabeledprepositions.

2.4.4.1Locativeprepositions

The twomost uncontroversial adpositional elements in Gorwaa are the lative ay

(roughly,‘to’)(2.222),andtheablativewa(roughly,‘from’)(2.223).Thesemaybe

usedinaconcrete,spatialsense,aswellasextendedfiguratively(todescribe,say,

2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa

170

time(2.224)).AyisglossedbyitsEnglishequivalent‘to’,waisglossedbyitsEnglish

equivalent‘from’.

(2.222) LATIVEPREPOSITIONAYgarmainatláyayalú/aslaangw[20160927l74-101.22]

garmá i- ∅ -na tláyay alú boy.LMO S.3- AUX -IMPRFgo.M.PSTto rear.LMO /aslaángw

hut “Theboywenttothebackofthehut.”(2.223) ABLATIVEPREPOSITIONWA

garmainatláywaalú/aslaangw[20160927l74-101.23] garmá i- ∅ -na tláywaalú boy.LMO S.3- AUX -IMPRFgo.M.PSTfromrear.LMO /aslaángw

hut “Theboywentfromthebackofthehut.”(2.224) PREPOSITIONAYEXTENDEDTODESCRIBETIME

aqotantlaaqaydeeloórmibeerítám[20151202d.118] aqo t- a =n tlaaq ay EMPH MP- ∅ =EXPECT cut.SUBJ to deeloór mibeerí tám

days.LFR tens.LMO three “Theywouldcutuntilthirtydays(elapsed).” Asdemonstratedintheexamples,theseprepositionsindicatemotion(i.e.dynamic

location). These two prepositions are commonly combined with a special set of

‘locationalnouns’ inorder togivemoreprecisedescriptionsof static locationand

space(see§2.3.1.3).

2.4.4.2Agentiveprepositionnee

The third peoposition of Gorwaa occurs in constructions in which the agent has

been suppressed from the argument structure of the verb, and serves to re-

2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa

171

introduceanagentasanonliqueargument. It isglossedby itsEnglishequivalent

‘by’.

(2.225) AGENTIVEPREPOSITIONNEE danúkuntleehhiitneeba’aari[20131108b_20150725j.3]

danú t- ng- u- ∅ -n tleehhiit honey.LMO MP- A.3- P.M- AUX -EXPECT make.SUBJ neeba’aarír

bybees.LFR “Honeyismadebybees.”2.4.5Thecoordinativeconjunction

The coordinative conjunction nee is used to connect constituents such as NPs

(2.226),aswellasadjectives(2.227).Instancesofitconnectingclausesinthesame

mannerisnotpresent.Thismaybeduetotheoccurrenceofmorphologywhichcan

express the concepts of simultaneity and consecutiveness (see §2.4.2.5). Nee is

glossedbyitsEnglishequivalent‘and’.

(2.226) COORDINATIVECONJUNCTIONNEE:COORDINATINGTWONPS tunáyngulowakón–garí–tunáyneenaanagí[20150808a.43]

tunáy ng- u- ∅ lowa kón dried.honey.LMO A.3- P.M- AUX very have.M.PRES gár -í tunáy neenaanagitá thing.LFR -DEM1dried.honey.LMO andlarvae.LFT “Ithaslotsofdriedhoney,this-driedhoneyandlarvae.”(2.227) COORDINATIVECONJUNCTIONNEE:COORDINATINGTWOADJECTIVES

hayookin/awakwneebo/abò/ [20151021c.443] hayoó t- ng- i- ∅ -n /awakw feathers.LN∅ MP- A.3- P.N- AUX -EXPECT white.N.PL

nee ~Red~ bò/and ~ATTEN~ black.N.PL.EMPH

“thefeatherswillbewhiteandblackish”2.5Constituents

Thefollowingsubsectionisconcernedwithwordsorwordgroupingswhichactasa

single unit within the structured hierarchy of the larger clause. Following the

2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa

172

presentation of constituent order in main clauses, this subsection will treat verb

phrases,nounphrases,adpositionalphrases,andcomparatives.

2.5.1Constituentorderinmainclauses

BasicconstituentorderinpragmaticallyneutralclausesisSubj.Obj.SelV,where:

Subj.=Subject Obj.=Object P=Patient Sel=Selector(glossedhereasProObjand=Imprf) V=Verb(2.228) BASICCONSTITUENTORDER

garmaSUBJbaahaaOBJnginaSELtaáhhV [20160921i.1]garmá baahaár ng- a- ∅ -na taáhh

boy.LMO hyaena.LFR A.3- P.F- AUX -IMPRFhit.M.PST “Theboyhitthehyaena.” 2.5.2Verbphrase

WithintheVP,theselectoralwaysoccurstotheleftofthelexicalverb.(2.229) SELECTORALWAYSOCCURSTOTHELEFTOFTHELEXICALVERB

a. anímaa’ayiwaáh [20160120q.48]aní ma’aáy ∅- i- ∅ waáhh

PRO1SG water.LN∅ A.P- P.N- AUX drink.PRES “Idrinkwater.”

b. aníahhayuút[...][20150727.30]aní ∅- ∅ hhayuút

PRO1SG S.P- AUX travel.PRES “Iamtravelling[...]”The only free elements obligatory to the VP are the selector (which, itself is

composedofaseriesofdependentaffixes)andthelexicalV.Clausesinimperative

moodlackaselector.

VPsmayfeatureincorporatednouns,orencapsulatednouns.

2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa

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Incorporatednounsarelocatedbetweentheselectorandthelexicalverb,butdonot

exhibitlinkermorphology(asdo‘encapsulated’forms):

(2.230) INCORPORATEDNOUNSLEE

ugaslee-gás [20161119f.34] ∅- u- ∅ -(g)a slee- gás A.P- P.M- AUX -PRF cow- kill.2SG.PST “You(M)killedacowonhim.”(lit.‘Youcow-killedhim.’)According to the literal translationgiven, incorporatedpatientsappear tobenon-

specific (whichwould be consistentwith the semantics of incorporated nouns in

manylanguages).

Nounsmay also be ‘encapsulated’ (so named byWifred H.Whiteley (1958: 31)),

whereapatientoccurstotheimmediateleftofthelexicalV,butunlikeincorporated

nouns,retainsaspecificreading.Encapsulatednounsalwaysshowalinker:

(2.231) ENCAPSULATEDNOUNSLEE aníasleérdiíf [20160927l222-228.26]aní a- ∅ sleér diíf

PRO1SG S.1- AUX cow.LFR hit.1SG.PST“Ihitthecow.”

The vast majority of VP adverbs occur in one of two patterns. First, a set

consistentlyoccursdirectlytotheleftoftheV:

(2.232) VPADVERBSCONSISTENTLYOCCURRINGTOTHELEFTOFTHELEXICALVERB a. [...]imakmaahhát[...] [20131108b_20150725j.179]

i- ∅ makmaahhát S.3- AUX somewhatcrouch.down.F.PRES “Shecrouchesdownsomewhat.” b. [...]agaqarohhaáf [20150817d.161]

∅- a- ∅ -(g)a qarohhaáf A.P- P.F- AUX -PRF alreadylay.out.1.PST “I’vealreadylainitout.”

2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa

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Many of the VP adverbs which occur in this position are those of degree (i.e.

affecting the intensity of the verb), or those of aspect (i.e. affecting the temporal

consistencyoftheverb). OtherVPadverbsarelesslooselybound,oftenoccurring

totherightoftheV,orpossiblyattheverybeginningoftheclause.

(2.233) ADVERBSOCCURRINGCLAUSE-INITIALLY,ORCLAUSE-FINALLY

a. hindíutu/uúm[...] [20150808a.49] hindí ∅- u- ∅ tu/uúm nowA.P- P.M- AUX dig.out.PRES “NowIamdiggingitout[...]”

b. aníaqohardáhhindí[20151021c.139] aní ∅- ∅ -a =qo hardáhhindí PRO1SG S.P- AUX -PRF =EMPHarrive.1.PSTnow “Ihavearrivednow.”2.5.3Nounphrase

When modified, the noun occurs first (2.234), except when modified by the

quantifierumó,whichitselfprecedesthenounitmodifies(2.235).Nounsquantified

byumóobligatorilyoccurwiththetopicmarker.

(2.234) NOUN-MODIFIERORDERgarmaqá’wáktlarantleér[...][20160927l124-128.12]

garmá-qá’ wák ~Red~ tleér boy -DEM3one ~AMP~ tall.M “Thatoneverytallboy[...]”(2.235) SPECIALMODIFIER-NOUNORDERFORUMÓ

[...]umókurkoo[...][20151202d.158] umókurkú =oo everyyear.LMK =TOP “[...]everyyear[...]”Greenberg’sUniversal 20 states that, if demonstratives, numerals, anddescriptive

adjectivesfollowthenoun,thattheyshouldeitheroccurintheorderlisted,orinthe

exact opposite order (i.e. descriptive adjective, numeral, demonstrative). Gorwaa

2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa

175

complieswith thisuniversal, in that theseelements canoccur in the firstof these

orders(demonstrative,numeral,descriptiveadjective)only(2.236).

(2.236) DEMONSTRATIVE-NUMERAL-DESCRIPTIVEADJECTIVEORDER

moro’osítámafahhamít [20131027_20150725c.89] moro’ó -sí tám afahhamít things.LMO -DEM2 three important.M.PL “Thesethreeimportantthings.” 2.5.4Adpositionalphrase

The twomost uncontroversial adpositional elements in Gorwaa are the lative ay

(roughly, ‘to’), and the ablative wa (roughly, ‘from’). These may be used in a

concrete,spatialsense,aswellasextendedfiguratively(todescribe,say,time).

(2.237) ADPOSITIONS a. nireki/á’aydirí [20151202d.136]

ni -re ki/ -á’ ay VENT -CONSEC return.2 -2PL to dír -íplace.LFR -DEM1

“Andyou(pl.)returnedtothisplace.”

b. inaoó’wagawaqá’[...][20131108b_20150725j.78] i- ∅ -na oó’ wagawá-qá’

S.3- AUX -IMPRFsay.M.PST fromon-DEM4“Hesaidfromonthere[...]”

c. aqotantlaaqaydeelórmibeerítám[20151202d.118]

aqo t- ∅ -n tlaaq ay r EMPH MP- AUX -EXPECT cut.SUBJ to deeló mibeerí tám

days.LFR tens.LMO three “Theywouldcutuntilthirtydays(elapsed).” Asdemonstratedintheexamples,theseformsprecedetheelementtheymodify,and

maythusbelabeledprepositions.

2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa

176

Prepositions are commonly combined with a special set of ‘locational nouns’ in

ordertogivemoreprecisedescriptionsofspace.Suchpreposition-locationalnoun

stringscanrunupto3elementslong,andexhibitrestrictionsonorderingandco-

occurrence.Formoreonlocationalnouns,see§2.3.1.3.

Thelativeayisundoubtedlyrelatedtotheadverbialsuffix,-i.-ioccursconsistently

indative-shiftconstructions,inwhichanounwhichmayotherwisebeexpressedas

anadjunctispromotedtoanobjectoftheverbinanowdouble-objectconstruction

(compare(2.238)(non-dative-shift)with(2.239)(dative-shift)).Inthisnewdative-

shiftconstruction,-iencliticisestotheendofthenounwhichwouldhaveservedas

thedirectobjectinthenon-dative-shiftconstruction.

(2.238) DITRANSITIVE(DOUBLE-OBJECT)CONSTRUCTION:NODATIVE-SHIFT mwalimukitaabungwahariísdírdesi [20160928c.44]mwalimú kitaabú ng- u- ∅ -(g)a hariís teacher.LMObook.LMO A.3- P.M- AUX -PRF bring.M.PSTdír desírto girl.LFR“Theteacherbroughtthebooktothegirl.”

(2.239) DITRANSITIVE(DOUBLE-OBJECT)CONSTRUCTION:DATIVE-SHIFT

mwalimudesinginakitaabuwihariís [20160927l23-29.3]mwalimú desír ng- a- ∅ -na teacher.LMOgirl.LFR A.3- P.F- AUX -IMPRFkitaabú -i hariísbook.LMO -LAT bring.M.PST

“Theteacherbroughtthegirlthebook.”Thisencliticformshouldnotbeviewedasacase-markerinGorwaa,asthenounto

whichitaffixesisnotthedative(recipientordestination)noun.Perhapsthemost

explicitroleof-iistoidentifythedouble-objectclauseasonewhichhasundergone

dative-shift.

2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa

177

2.5.5Comparatives

Comparative constructions in Gorwaa place the item being compared to the

standard (inós in (2.240)below) in an adjectival copula construction, followedby

thequalitybywhichcomparisonisbeingmade(inthiscasetleer),followedbythe

comparativemarkerta,andthenthestandard(in thiscasegarma). Thestandard

occurswithtopicmorphology.

(2.240) COMPARATIVECONSTRUCTION inóskatleertagarmawoo [20160927m.1]inós t- ng- a- ∅ tleer ta garmá =oo

she MP- A.3- P.F- AUX tall.FCOMP boy.LMO =TOP “Sheistallcomparedtotheboy.”As may be seen, the construction in Gorwaa features comparative deletion –

obligatory ellipsis in the clause featuring the standard (the elided material

(underlined)in(2.240)aboveisinóskatleertagarmawookutleér‘sheistallerthan

theboyistall’).

2.6Pragmaticallymarkedstructures

Pragmatically marked structures convey salient information structure (focus,

contrast,topicalization),aswellasnegation,andnon-declarativespeechacts.Each

willbeexaminedbelow.

2.6.1Focus,contrast,andtopicalization

An array of different morphosyntactic tools exist for the signaling of salient

informationstructure.First,useofdemonstrative(determinersandpronouns)and

indefinites (determiners) will be examined. Second, comment will be made on

2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa

178

‘topic’ morphology. Third, dislocation and special constituent orders will be

described.Thesubsectionwillconcludewithcommentoncleftsandpseudo-clefts.

2.6.1.1Useofdemonstrativesandindefinites

Perhaps the most common markers of pragmatic status are the series of

demonstratives – suffixes which attach to nouns, or independent pronouns. For

morecommentontheformsofdemonstrativedeterminers,see§2.4.1.2.Formore

ondemonstrativepronouns,see§2.4.3.1.Pragmatically,theseformsareoftenused

togivenounsadefinitereading.

(2.241) DEMONSTRATIVESUFFIX-DÁ’ [...]heeikaáhh,aqogofaangwdá’ootlaqati

[20131108b_20150725j.149-150] heé i- ∅ kaáhh ∅ =qo person.LMO S.3- AUX be.absent.M AUX =EMPH gofaángw -dá’ oo tlaqatír

buck.LMO -DEM4 ANA.M antelope.LFR “[...]therewasnoonetobeeseen,itwasthatantelopebuck.”(i.e.thesamebuckthattheoldwomanhadmetearlierinthestory)(2.242) DEMONSTRATIVEPRONOUNKOQÁ’

Atsa/a/án.Koqá’na/áydetingunatsaát[...][20131108b_20150725j.86-87]

i- ∅ -(g)a ~Red~ tsa/ánkoqá’ S.3- AUX -PRF ~PLUR~ climb.MPRODEM3.M na/áy detitá ng- u- ∅ -na tsaát child.LMO tree.sp.LFT A.3- P.M- AUX -IMPRFcut.M.PST “Heisclimbing.Thatone,cutaseedpodofthedetitree[...]”(i.e.Theantagonistisclimbingupthetree.Theprotagonist–koqá’(lit.thatone)–cutaseedpod.)Inadditiontothedemonstrativedeterminers,whichgivenounsadefinitereading,

there is also an indefinite suffix, which renders the noun in question not-yet-

identified(2.243).Formoreontheformsoftheindefinitedeterminer,see§2.4.1.3.

2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa

179

(2.243) INDEFINITESUFFIX-KO tanahardáhdírxa’anokoyariìr [20131108b_20150725j.53]

t- ∅ -na hardáh dír xa’anó -ko MP- AUX -IMPRFarrive.PST at tree.LMO -INDEF.M yariìr

big.EMPH “Theyarrivedatagreattree.”(i.e.atreethatisbeingmentionedforthefirsttime,andonethatwillfeatureprominentlyinthestory).

2.6.1.2‘Topic’morphology

Anencliticexiststobackgroundinformation.Inthissketch,itwillbereferredtoas

the‘topic’marker.Theformis=oo,=eeifthenountowhichitattachesendsinRPA.

(2.244) TOPICMARKERa. [...]matlatleerooyata/a/amiín[20131108b_20150725j.105]

matlatleér =oo ya t- ∅ ~Red~ /amiín morning.LFR =TOP thus MP- AUX ~PLUR~ cry.PST

“Inthemorningitwasthus:theycried.”

b. idosiyeeugwagwétneerawu [20151202d.31]idór -sí =ee ∅- u- ∅ -(g)a manner.LFR -DEM3=TOP A.P- P.2SG.M- AUX -PRF

gwét neer awúfree.2.PST with bull.LMO“Inthiswayyoufreedwithabull.”

Ascanbeseenfromthelastexample,the‘topic’markercanjointoademonstrative

cliticalreadyattachedtotheheadnoun.

Theterm‘topic’markerisnotparticularlysatisfactoryforthisform,asitoccursin

several,seeminglydisparatemorphosyntacticenvironments,includingontheobject

ofcomparison(2.245),onnounsquantifiedbyumó(2.246),aspartofthenegative

morphologyfornominals(2.247),andonpolarquestions(2.248).

2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa

180

(2.245) TOPICMARKERONTHEOBJECTOFCOMPARISON inóskatleertagarmawoo [20160927m.1]inós t- ng- a- ∅ tleer ta

PRO.3SG MP- A.3- P.F- AUX tall.F COMP garmá =oo

boy.LMO =TOP “Sheistallcomparedtotheboy.”(2.246) TOPICMARKERONNOUNSQUANTIFIEDBYUMÓ

[...]umóqoomaroo [20150730.74] umó qoomár =oo every time.LFR =TOP “[...]allthetime”(2.247) TOPICMARKERASPARTOFNEGATIVEMORPHOLOGYONNOUNS

atsir/ooweekágarí [20151021c.354] ∅ tsir/oór =ee =(a)kágár -í AUX birds.LFR =TOP =NEG thing.LFR -DEM1 “thisisnotatypeofbird”(2.248) TOPICMARKERASPARTOFPOLARQUESTIONS

[...]gáraidórtsir/iroô [20151021c.369] gár ∅ idór tsir/ír =oo ~ˆ~ thing.LFR AUX manner.LFR bird.LFR =TOP -Q “[...]thethingislikeabird?”

2.6.1.2Dislocation

Thissectionwillfirsttreatleft-andright-dislocation,thenrepetition.

Left-andright-dislocationLeft- (2.249) and right-dislocation (2.250) are both commonly employed special

constituentorders.Pragmatically,dislocatedelementsarefocused.Left-dislocation

isnotfronting,becausethereisareferentialpronouninthemainclause.

(2.249) LEFT-DISLOCATION

desirqá’aníanagaás [20131108b_20150725j.83]desír -qá’ aní ∅- a- ∅ -na girl.LFR -DEM3PRO1SG A.P- P.F- AUX -IMPRFgaáskill.1.PST“Thatgirl,Ikilledher.”

2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa

181

(2.250) RIGHT-DISLOCATION ada’ayumiítda’aangoo [20150727.21] ∅- ∅ da’ayumiít da’aángw =ooS.P- AUX fear.1.PRES singing.LMO =TOP“Iamafraidofsinging.”

RepetitionAvariantofdislocation,anounmayberepeated. This tooseems to functionasa

pragmaticfocusoperation. Sometimes, itevenappearsthatmorethananNPmay

berepeated,asin(2.252),wheretheformneeisdoubledaswellasthenoundanú.

(2.251) REPETITIONOFNPDOWÍ

anídowíoodírafeéuruwauslaa’akádowí[20131108b_20150725j.123]

anídó’ -í oo dírafeéuruwárPRO1SGhouse.LMO -DEM1PROMOD.M atbesideroad.LFR∅- u- ∅ slaá’=akádó’ -íA.P- P.M- AUX like.1=NEG.PREShouse.LMO -DEM1“ThishousebesidetheroadIdonotwant–thishouse.”

(2.252) REPETITIONOFPPDANÚNEE danúneeanal/a/ayaandanúnee[20131108b_20150725j.38]

danú nee ∅- a- ∅ -n honey.LMO with A.P- P.F- AUX -EXPECTal/a/áy -aan danú neeeat.together.1-1PL.SUBJ honey.LMO with“Withhoneywewouldeattogether–withhoney!”

2.6.1.3Cleftsandpseudo-clefts

The two cleft-constructions identified in Gorwaa thus far are the it-cleft

construction,aswellasthepseudo-cleftconstruction.it-cleftconstructions(2.253)

feature theauxiliary, followedbyanNP, followedbyadependent clause. TheNP

following the auxiliary is generally in focus. Pseudo-cleft constructions (2.254)

featureawh-relativeclause,anauxiliary,andanNP.TheNPfollowingtheclauseis

infocus.

2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa

182

(2.253) IT-CLEFTCONSTRUCTION hindía/ayto’ooandooslaan[DSC_5354_20150705b.69.6]

hindí∅ /ayto’oór ∅- a- ∅ -n now AUX corn.LFR A.1- P.F- AUX -EXPECT doósl -aan

farm.1-1PL.SUBJ “Now,itiscornthatwefarm.” (2.254) PSEUDO-CLEFTCONSTRUCTION

gárnislaaafa/aa [20160927l159-158.39]gár ni- ∅ slaa ∅

thing.LFR DEP.1SG- AUX want.1SG.SUBJ AUX fa/aár

ugali.LFR “WhatIwantisugali.”

2.6.2Negation

NegationisaccomplishedinGorwaabytheenclitic=ká(ng).Thefollowingprovides

anoverviewofverbalnegation,nominalnegation,andclausalnegation(inGorwaa,

derivationalnegation(suchastheun-inEnglishunhappy),hasnotbeenidentified).

Finally,acreativeusageoftheenclitic=ká(ng)isdescribed.

2.6.2.1Verbalnegation

Negative clauses aremarked by the negative clitic =káng (often reduced to =ká).

Thiscliticattachestoverbrootsonlyiftherootshavebeenextendedbythesuffix-a

(inthepresenttense)and-i(inthepasttense).

(2.255) VERBALNEGATIONINTHEPRESENTTENSE

tammotloongixu’aká [20131108a.191] tammotloo ng- i- ∅ xú’-aká’ eventomorrow A.3- P.N- AUX know.F-NEG.PRES “Shedoesn’tevenknowtomorrow.”(lit.sheisn’tthinkingabouttomorrow)

2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa

183

(2.256) VERBALNEGATIONINTHEPASTTENSE inóstunáynguxu’iká’[20150808a.147]

inós tunáy ng- u- ∅ PRO3SG dried.honey.LMO A.3- P.M- AUX xú’-iká’

know.F-NEG.PST “Shedidn’tknowofdriedhoney.”2.6.2.2Nominalandadjectivalnegation

Onnouns,nounphrases,andadjectivesthenegativeclitic=ká(ng)attachestoforms

extendedwiththetopicclitic.

(2.257) NEGATIONOFNTSIR/OO

garíatsir/irookáge [20151021c.376]gár -í ∅ tsir/iroór =ee =kágething.LFR -DEM1AUX bird.LFR =TOP =NEGEMPH“Thisthingisn’tatypeofbird.”

(2.258) NEGATIONOFNPDIRÍ

/aatsoroókadiriheeká [20150727.17]/aatsoór -ók ∅ dír -í =ee=káplaying.LFR -POSS2SG AUX place.LFR -DEM1=TOP=NEG“Yourplayingisnothere.”

(2.259) NEGATIONOFADJECTIVEBOO/

[...]kaboo/eeká[...] [20150818a.13] t- ng- a- ∅ boo/ =ee =ká

MP- A.3- P.F- AUX black.F =TOP =NEG“[...]itisnotblack[...]”

2.6.2.3Clausalnegation

Entire clausesmaybenegated, inwhich case themorphology attaches to the last

elementintheclause.

(2.260) CLAUSALNEGATION BabatisaweemawósaidórooDawareeká [20150727.64] Babatír saweemá -ós ∅ idór Babati.LFR distance.LN∅ -POSS3SG AUX manner.LFRoo Dawár =ee =káANA.MDawár.LMO =TOP =NEG“ThedistanceofBabatiisn’tlikethedistanceofDawár.”

2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa

184

2.6.2.4Creativeuseofthenegative

Negative morphology may be applied to a constituent not to negate it, but to

emphasizeitssuperlativeorastonishingnature(2.261).

(2.261) NEGATIVEMORPHOLOGYTOEMPHASIZEASUPERLATIVEQUALITY gadá’auru’umisooaká[20150726d.35] gár -dá’∅ uru’umís =oo =aká

thing.LFR -DEM4AUX ululation.LMO =TOP =NEG “Thatthingwasastoundingululation.”(lit.notululation)The formkangokang is a reduplicationof twonegative clitics, tomean something

like‘astonishing’or‘unbelievable’.

(2.262) KANGOKANG:‘ASTONISHING’OR‘UNBELIEVABLE’ akangokang [20150818a.154]

∅ kangokang AUX astonishing “it’sastonishing” 2.6.3Non-declarativespeechacts

Belowisadescriptionofpolarquestions,informationquestions,andimperatives.

2.6.3.1Polarquestions

Polar questions are usuallymarked by the particle xáy, which occurs as the first

elementinthephrase.

(2.263) POLARQUESTIONPARTICLEXÁY a. xáy,do’utlehhanâ [20160120q.9]

xáy dó’ ∅- u- ∅ POLARQ house.LMO A.P- P.M- AUX tleéhh-aán -âmake.1-1PL -Q.PRES“Arewemakingahouse?”

2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa

185

b. xáy,sukaariagaqasîbaráchayiroô [20160120q.7] xáy sukaarír ∅- a- ∅ -(g)a POLARQ sugar.LFR A.P- P.F- AUX -PRF qás-îbará chayír =oo

put.2 -Q.PST in tea.LFR =TOP“Didyouputsugarinthetea?”

2.6.3.2Informationquestions

Information questionwords are predicates in copular constructions (2.264). For

‘why’questions,questionmorphologyisprefixedtotheselector(2.265).

(2.264) INFORMATIONQUESTIONSAREPREDICATESINCOPULARCONSTRUCTIONSa. hareeríama’â [20160111h.22]

hareér -í ∅ ma’âwoman.LFR -DEM1 AUX who“Whoisthiswoman?”

b. tsir/írhatlá’amilâ [20151021c.147]

tsir/ír hatlá’ ∅ milâbird.LFR other AUX what“Whatistheotherbird?”

c. hhayumarókadaqalâ [20150727.31]

hhayumár -ók ∅ daqalájourney.LFR -POSS2SG AUX when“Whenisyourjourney?”

d. diríadilâ [20160111h25]

dir -í ∅ dilâplace.LFR -DEM1AUX where“Whereisthisplace?”

(2.265) ‘WHY’QUESTIONS:QUESTIONMORPHOLOGYISPREFIXEDTOTHESELECTOR

fu’unaymisabo/eemís fu’unáy m- s- ∅- i- ∅ -(g)a

meat.LN∅ Q- REASON- A.P- P.N- AUX -PRF bo/eemís blacken.2.PST “Whydidyoublackenthemeat?”

2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa

186

Inwhyquestionsinwhichthestateofaffairsseemsunexpectedorissurprisingin

some way, the adverb bere may be used as a stronger alternative to question

morphology.ApossibleEnglishtranslationis‘whyever’.

(2.266) BERE:‘WHYEVER’ dowíberekulowaúr[20150817d.491]

do’ -íbere t- ng- u- ∅ lowa house.LMO -DEM1whyever MP- A.3- P.M- AUX very úr big.M “Whyisthishousesodamnbig?”2.6.3.3Imperatives

Imperativesareformedbyagroupofsuffixesaddedtotheverb.Mostimperatives

do not feature a selector, though the two negative imperatives are usedwith the

prohibitiveselectorma.

Table2.21:IMPERATIVESINGORWAA

Meaning SuffixExample

Sg PlImperative -∅

oo’‘speak!’-e’oo’e’‘speak!’(manyaddressees)

Imperativewithobject -ee(k)oo’ee‘sayit!’

-aakoo’aak‘sayit!’(manyaddressees)

Imperativetowardsthespeaker(ventive)

-ángoo’áng‘speaktome!’

-aré’oo’aré’‘speaktome!’(manyaddressees)

Imperativetowardsthespeaker(ventive)withobject

-angoo’ang‘sayittome!’

-are’oo’are’‘sayittome’(manyaddressees)

Negativeimperative ma-aarmaoo’aar‘don’tspeak!’

ma–ara’maoo’ara’‘don’tspeak!’(manyaddressees)

2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa

187

So-called‘firstpersonimperatives’,orhortatives,occurasverbformsmarkedwith

1stpersonpluralmorphology,andnoselector.

(2.267) HORTATIVES:1STPERSONPLMORPHOLOGYONTHEV,NOSELECTOR

tlawaántláw-aán

go.1-1PL ‘let’sgo’2.7Clausecombinations

Belowprovidesanoverviewofrelativeclauses,aswellascoordination.

2.7.1Relativeclauses

Relativeclauses inGorwaaarepostnominal, that is, therelativeclause followsthe

headnoun itmodifies. Theheadnounshowsthe linker. Mous(1993:281)notes

that conditional and prohibitive mood prefixes, as well as imperfect, expectative,

andconsecutiveaspectsuffixescannotbeusedwithinrelativeclauses.

(2.268) SUBJECTRELATIVECLAUSES

a. garmábaahaangataahh [20160928c.32]garmá baahaár ng- a- ∅ -(g)a

boy.LMO hyaena.LFR A.3- P.F- AUX -PRF taahh

hit.M.SUBJ ‘Theboywhohitthehyaena.’ b. desírbaahaangatahh [20160928c.34] desír baahaár ng- a- ∅ -(g)a girl.LFR hyaena.LFR A.3- P.F- AUX -PRF tahh hit.F.SUBJ ‘Thegirlwhohitthehyaena.’

2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa

188

c. na/i’íbaahaangadiifiyi’ [20160928c.36] na/i’í baahaár ng- a- ∅ -(g)a children.LN∅hyaena.LFR A.3- P.F- AUX -PRF diif -iyí’

hit.N -N.PST ‘Thechildrenwhohitthehyaena.’ d. anírkitaabungwahariisdírgarma[20161003.7] anír kitaabú ng- u- ∅ -(g)a PRO1SG book.LMO A.3- P.M- AUX -PRF hariis dírgarmá

bring.1.SUBJ toboy.LMO ‘I(F)whobroughtthebooktotheboy.’ e. kuúngookitaabungwaharisdírgarma[20161003.8] kuúng oo kitaabú ng- u- ∅ -(g)a PRO2SGM ANA.Mbook.LMO A.3- P.M- AUX -PRF haris dír garmá

bring.2.SUBJ to boy.LMO ‘You(M)whobroughtthebooktotheboy.’

f. garmáamamaa/ [20160928c.26] garmá i- ∅ -(g)a mamaa/ boy.LMO S.3- AUX -PRF be.ill.M.SUBJ ‘Theboywhowasill.’

g. desíramama/ [20160928c.27] desír i- ∅ -(g)a mama/ girl.LFR S.3- AUX -PRF be.ill.F.SUBJ ‘Thegirlwhowasill.’PositionsontherelativizabilityhierarchywhichcanberelativizedinGorwaarange

fromsubject(2.269), todirectobject(2.270), to indirectobject(2.271), tooblique

(2.272).

(2.269) SUBJECTRELATIVECLAUSE(B)VERSUSINDEPENDENTCLAUSE(A) a. garmabaahaárnginataáhh [20160921i.1]

garmá baahaár ng- a- ∅ -na boy.LMO hyaena.LFR A.3- P.F- AUX -IMPRF taáhh hit.M.PST ‘Theboyhitthehyaena.’

2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa

189

b. garmábaahaangataahh [20160928c.32] garmá baahaár ng- a- ∅ -(g)a boy.LMO hyaena.LFR A.3- P.F- AUX -PRF taahh hit.M.SUBJ ‘Theboywhohitthehyaena.’(2.270) DIRECTOBJECTRELATIVECLAUSE(B)VERSUSINDEPENDENTCLAUSE(A)

a. mwalimuna/i’inginakitaabuwihariís[20160927l23-29.5]mwalimú na/i’í ng- i- ∅ -na

teacher.MOchildren.LN∅ A.3- P.N- AUX -IMPRF kitaabú -i hariís

book.LMO -LAT bring.M.PST ‘Theteacherbroughtthechildrenthebook.’

b. kitaabúmwalimuahariísdírna/i’i[20160928c.49] kitaabú mwalimú i- ∅ -(g)a book.LMO teacher.LMOMP.S.3- AUX -PRF hariísdír na/i’í bring.M.PSTto children.LN∅ ‘Thebookthattheteacherbroughttothechildren.’ (2.271) INDIRECTOBJECTRELATIVECLAUSE(B)VERSUSINDEPENDENTCLAUSE(A)

a. mwalimuna/i’inginakitaabuwihariís[20160927l23-29.5]mwalimú na/i’í ng- i- ∅ -na

teacher.LMOchildren.LN∅A.3- P.N- AUX -IMPRF kitaabú -i hariís

book.LMO -LAT bring.M.PST ‘Theteacherbroughtthechildrenthebook.’

b. na/i’ímwalimuakitaabuwihariís[...] [20160928c.47]na/i’í mwalimú i- ∅ -(g)a

children.LN∅teacher.LMOMP.S3-AUX -PRF kitaabú -i hariís

book.LMO -VENT bring.M.PST ‘Thechildrentowhomtheteacherbroughtthebook[...]’(2.272) OBLIQUERELATIVECLAUSE(B)VERSUSINDEPENDENTCLAUSE(A)

a. garmatla/anóngunakwaáhhbaráqaymoo[20161004b.1]garmá tla/anó ng- u- ∅ -na boy.LMO stone.LMO A.3- P.M- AUX -IMPRF

kwaáhh bará qaymoórthrow.M.PSTin field.LFR

‘Theboythrewthestoneintothefield.’

2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa

190

b. qaymoórgarmaatla/anowikwaáhh [20161004b.2] qaymoór garmá i- ∅ -(g)a field.LFR boy.LMO MP.S.3- AUX -PRF tla/anó -i kwaáhh

stone.LMO -LAT throw.M.PST ‘Thefieldintowhichtheboythrewthestone.’In each case, the relativized NP is conspicuously absent from the relative clause,

includinginanysortofagreementontheselector.Itisthis‘gapping’phenomenon

whichallowscaserecoverabilityfromtherelative.Subjectagreement(ontheverb

oftherelativeclause)indicatesgenderofthesubject.

(2.273) SUBJECTRELATIVECLAUSE(B)VERSUSINDEPENDENTCLAUSE(A) a. garmabaahaanginataáhh [20160921i.1]

garmá baahaár ng- a- ∅ -na boy.LMO hyaena.LFR A.3- P.F- AUX -IMPRF taáhh hit.M.PST ‘Theboyhitthehyaena.’

b. garmá[∅baahaangataahh] [20160928c.32] garmá [∅ baahaár ng- a- ∅ -(g)a boy.LMO [boy]hyaena.LFR A.3- P.F- AUX -PRF taahh] hit.M.SUBJ ‘Theboywhohitthehyaena.’(2.274) OBJECTRELATIVECLAUSE(B)VERSUSINDEPENDENTCLAUSE(A)

a. mwalimuna/i’inginakitaabuwihariís[20160927l23-29.5]mwalimú na/i’í ng- i- ∅ -na teacher.LMOchildren.LN∅A.3- P.N- AUX -IMPRF kitaabú -i hariísbook.LMO-LAT bring.M.PST

‘Theteacherbroughtthechildrenthebook.’

b. na/i’í[mwalimu∅akitaabuwihariís][...][20160928c.47]na/i’í [mwalimú ∅ i- ∅ -(g)a

children.LN∅teacher.LMO [children] MP.S3-AUX -PRFkitaabú -i hariís]book.LMO -LAT bring.M.PST

‘Thechildrentowhomtheteacherbroughtthebook[...]’

2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa

191

2.7.2Coordination

Asmentioned above (see §2.4.5), the conjunctionnee is used solely to coordinate

constituentssuchnounphrases(2.275)andadjectives(2.276).Forverbalconcepts,

amore complex interplay ofmood andmorphologicalmarking achieves a similar

effectofsimultaneity(2.277)andconsecutiveness(2.278).

(2.275) COORDINATINGCONJUNCTIONNEECOORDINATINGTWONPS

[...]na/a’ínneetiyay’ín [20131027_20150725c.31]na/á’ -ín nee tiyáy -’ín

children.LN∅-POSS.3PL and wives.LN∅ -POSS.3PL “[...]theirchildrenandtheirwives”(2.276) COORDINATINGCONJUNCTIONNEECOORDINATINGTWOADJECTIVES

hayookin/awakwneebo/abò/ [20151021c.443] hayoó t- ng- i- ∅ -n /awakw feathers.LN∅MP- A.3- P.N- AUX -EXPECT white.N.PL nee ~Red~ bò/

and ~ATTEN~ black.N.PL.EMPH “thefeatherswillbewhiteandblackish”(2.277) BACKGROUNDASPECTSUFFIX-WAMARKSSIMULTANEITY

/aatsookwahhe’eéspernatkunadiíf [20150726d.13] /aatsoór t- ng- a- ∅ -wa hhe’eés game.LFR MP- A.3- P.F- AUX -BACKfinish.PST pernató t- ng- u- ∅ -na diíf penalty.LMO MP- A.3- P.M- AUX -IMPRFhit.PST “Whenthegamewasover,thepenaltiesweretaken.”(2.278) CONSECUTIVEASPECTSUFFIX-REMARKSCONSECUTIVENESS [...]yiikwakahúwdó’Dodoód,koqá’Dodósleerósngirehúw

[20151202e.161-163] yiikwá t- ng- a- ∅ húwdó’ cow.LN∅ MP- A.3- P.F- AUX bring.PSThouse.LMO

Dodoód koqá’ Dodó sleér -ós Dodoód.LMO PRODEM3.M Dodoód.LMO cow.LFR -POSS.3SG ng- a- ∅ -re húw A.3- P.F- AUX -CONSEC bring.M.PST “[...]acowwasbroughttoDodoód,andthatperson(i.e.thatrainmaker),Dodoódbroughthimthecow.”

3.Thetheoreticalframework

192

3.Thetheoreticalframework

3.1Introduction

Followingthesketchgrammarpresentedinthepreviouschapter(whichwas

necessarilybothbriefandgeneral)therestofthisworkwillprovidemore

detaileddescriptionandanalysisoftheGorwaanoun.Thischapterisprimarily

concernedwithfurnishingabasicdescriptionofthetheoreticalframework

employedforanalysis:DistributedMorphology(Halle&Marantz1993,1994).

Thiswillprovideabasisforfurtherelaborationandmodificationinthecoming

chapters.

BecauseDistributedMorphology(hereafterDM)islargelypredicatedonsome

modelofsyntax,thenextsection(3.2)ofthischapterintroducesMinimalist

Syntaxasthechosenmodelofsyntaxforthiswork.Section3.3providesa

samplederivationofabasicEnglishphraseusingtheMinimalistmodel.Having

establishedamodelofsyntax,section3.4introducesDMproper.Thesection3.5

summarizesandconcludes.

3.2Amodelofsyntax

Distributedmorphologyis‘distributed’becausethereexistsnosinglerepository

forwords,theirmeanings,andtheirpronunciationsinthegrammar.Rather,

thesefunctionsarespread(distributed)throughoutdifferentpartsofthe

grammar.Itisthesyntax,broadlyconstrued,whichtiesthesedifferentparts

together,allowingabstractbundlesofstructuralprimitivestoreceiveboth

3.Thetheoreticalframework

193

pronunciationandmeaning.Becauseofthecentralrolethesyntaxplaysinthis

system,itisherewhereourintroductiontoDMwillbegin.

Thereexistagreatrangeofframeworksavailabletolinguistswishingtoboth

representsyntacticstructure,aswellasconductsyntacticanalysis,manyof

whichhaveproducedinterestingandusefulinsightonempiricaldata.The

frameworkchoseninthisworkisMinimalism.Thisis,tosomedegree,achoice

ofconvenience:itistheframeworkwithwhichtheauthorismostfamiliar.More

pertinently,itislargelywithinthistraditionofGenerativePhraseStructure

Grammars(e.g.Chomsky1995)thatDMwasconceived.Assuch,Minimalism

andDMarelargelycompatible.

WhatfollowsisbasedheavilyonMerchant(2014)andAdger(2002).Thereader

isreferredtothesetwoworksiffurtherdetailisrequired.

Tobegin,agrammarismadeupoftwosets:asetoflexicalelements,andasetof

operations.

(3.1) THEGRAMMAR

LexicalElements

Charlesyoungfinch

examineGalapagoswrite

T!"#$#%&…

Operations

MergeAdjoinAgreeMove

Eachofthesesetswillbefurtherexaminedinthesubsectionsbelow.

3.Thetheoreticalframework

194

3.2.1 Thelexicalelements

Allutterancesarederivedfromanumeration,whichitselfisasetoflexical

elementsdrawnfromthegrammar’slargersetoflexicalelements,and(possibly)

asetofphrasemarkers,themselvestheresultofseparatederivations1.

(3.2) INITIALNUMERATIONFOR:CharlesexaminesfinchesontheGalapagos

Lexical Elements

examineT!"#$#%&Charlesv!"#$%finches

Phrase Markers PP [on the Galapagos]

Alllexicalelements(andmostphrasemarkers)arecomposedoffeatures.These

featuresareofthreebroadtypes:categorical(cat)features,whichdeterminethe

lexicalcategoryandtheinherentsemanticfeaturesofagivenlexicalitem;

inflectionalfeatures(infl),whicharesensitivetothesyntaxanddeterminethe

particularshapeawordhas;andselectional(sel)features,whichdictatethe

furtherlexicalelementswithwhichthelexicalelementmustoccurtoresultina

grammatical(convergent)structure.

1NotethatitisnotnecessarythatthePP[ontheGalapagos]alreadybederivedatthis

stage.Infact,itislikelythatalltheformswouldfirstexistinthesetoflexicalelements

attheverybeginningofthederivation.ThePPisrepresentedhereaspreviously

derivedsimplyinordertoexemplifywhatmayconstituteaphrasemarker.

3.Thetheoreticalframework

195

(3.3) FEATURESTRUCTURESFORTHELEXICALELEMENTSIN(3.2)

examine cat V,−auxinfl sel N

T!"#$#%&

cat T,+!"#,Tns:!"#$

infl !: N∗

Case:NOMsel v

Charles cat N,!: 3SgMinfl Case: [ ]

sel

v!"#$%

cat v,−aux

infl !: V∗

Infl: Case:ACC sel N,V

finches cat N,!: 3PlMinfl Case: [ ]

sel

Featuresareoftwotypes:interpretable,anduninterpretable.Interpretable

featureshaveaneffectonthesemanticinterpretationofthelexicalitem.For

example,person/number/genderfeatures(abbreviated!)areessentialtothe

interpretationofnouns2,thePl.!-featureonfinches,ensuresthatitwillbe

interpretedasmorethanonefinch.Uninterpretablefeaturesdonothavean

effectonsemanticinterpretationofthelexicalitem.Accusativecaseonthe

transitivelightverbvTRANSisanexampleofanuninterpretablefeature.In

additiontothis,featuresmayenterthenumerationasvalued,orasunvalued.

Charlesisvaluedforcategory(i.e.itisN),butunvaluedforCase,forexample.

Featuresplayanintegralroleinagreementoperations,tobeexaminedbelow.

2Butsee§7.4.2and§7.5.1belowformoreongenderandinterpretability.

3.Thetheoreticalframework

196

Withthenumerationhavingbeenestablishedastwounorderedsets--onesetof

lexicalelementsandonesetofphrasemarkers--wherelexicalitemsare

essentiallybundlesoffeatures,thederivation(i.e.theformationofthe

utterance)maynowproceed.Thisisaccomplishedviatheapplicationofasetof

operations(displayedin(3.1)asthesecondsetofthegrammar).

3.2.2 Theoperations

Minimalismemploysfoursyntacticoperations,eachofwhichwillbebriefly

describedandexemplifiedbelow.Notethattheoperationsgivenbelowdonot

necessarilyoccurinthisorder,nordotheexamples(3.4)-(3.8)represent

sequentialstagesinthederivationoftheclauseCharlesexaminesfinchesonthe

Galapagos.Forthefullderivation,seesubsection3.3.

3.2.2.1Merge

Mergejoinstwosyntacticobjectstogether.Mergebeginswithasyntacticobject

αwhichbearsanuncheckedselectionalfeatureF,andjoinsαwithasyntactic

objectβ bearingamatchingcategoricalfeatureF’.Fischecked(checked

featureswillbewrittenas<F>),andthetwosyntacticobjectsfallunderthenew

label!,ofwhichαisthehead.Allcategoryfeaturesanduncheckedselectional

featuresoftheheadproject,or,inotherwords,areinheritedasfeaturesofthe

newlabel!.Theoperationisdemonstratedin(3.4).

3.Thetheoreticalframework

197

(3.4) MERGEOFEXAMINEANDFINCHES

a. Step1:examine(syntacticobjectα)bearsanuncheckedselectional

featureN,andfinches(syntacticobjectβ)bearsamatchingcategorialfeatureN

examine finches

cat V,−auxinfl sel !

cat !,!: 3PlMinfl Case: [ ]

sel

b. Step2:Mergejoinsthetwosyntacticobjectstogether,andthe

uncheckedselectionalfeatureofexamineischecked

5 examine finches

cat V,−auxinfl

sel < ! >

cat !,!: 3PlMinfl Case: [ ]

sel

c. Step3:Thetwosyntacticobjectsexamineandfinchesfallundera

newlabel(label!)ofwhichexamine(byvirtueofitbeingsyntacticobjectα)ishead,henceitslabelVP.VPinheritsallcategorialanduncheckedselectional

featuresofthehead,examine.

VPexaminefinches

!"# !, -aux!"#$

5 examine finches

cat V,−auxinfl

sel < N >

cat N,!: 3PlMinfl Case: [ ]

sel

3.2.2.2Agree

Agreevaluesunvaluedinflectionalfeatures.Inorderforagreetoapply,both

syntacticobjectsmustbeinarelationshipofc-command.Using(3.5)asan

example,becausevTRANSandVPexaminefinchesaresiblings,andbothexamine

andfinchesaredescendantsofVPexaminefinches,arelationshipcalledc-

commandexistsbetweenthevTRANSandfinches:vTRANSc-commandsfinches,and

finchesisc-commandedbyvTRANS.

3.Thetheoreticalframework

198

(3.5) AGREEBETWEENVTRANSANDFINCHESa. Step1:vTRANSc-commandsfinches

vP

vTRANSexaminefinches

cat v,−auxsel N

5 vTRANS VPexaminefinches

!"# !,−!"#

!"#$ !: !∗

!"#$: !"#$:!""

!"# !,< ! >

cat V,−auxinfl

5 examine finches

cat V,−auxinfl

sel < N >

!"# !,!: !"#$!"#$ !"#$: [ ]

!"#

b. Step2:vTRANShasavaluedcasefeature,andfincheshasan

unvaluedcasefeature

vP

vTRANSexaminefinches

cat v,−auxsel N

5 vTRANS VPexaminefinches

cat v,−aux

infl !: V∗

Infl: !"#$:!""

sel N,< V >

cat V,−auxinfl

5 examine finches

cat V,−auxinfl

sel < N >

cat N,!: 3PlM!"#$ !"#$: [ ]

sel

3.Thetheoreticalframework

199

c. Step3:vTRANS,whichc-commandsfinches,agreesincasewith

finches,valuingtheunvaluedcasefeatureonfinchesasACC.

vP

vTRANSexaminefinches

cat v,−auxsel N

5 vTRANS VPexaminefinches

cat v,−aux

infl !: V∗

Infl: !"#$:!""

sel N,< V >

cat V,−auxinfl

5 examine finches

cat V,−auxinfl

sel < N >

cat N,!: 3PlM!"#$ !"#$: [ !"" ]

sel

3.2.2.3Move

Movemovesasyntacticobjecttoahigherprojection.Thisisexemplifiedin(3.6).

3.Thetheoreticalframework

200

(3.6) MOVETOSATISFYTHEFEATUREV*ONVTRANS

a. Step1:vTRANSisaheadwithastronginflectionalfeatureV*(where

*indicatesafeatureisstrong).examineisaheadwithamatchingcategorial

featureV.

vP

vTRANSexaminefinches

cat v,−auxsel N

5 vTRANS VPexaminefinches

cat v,−aux

infl !: !∗

Infl: Case:ACC

sel N,< V >

cat V,−auxinfl

5 examine finches

cat !,−auxinfl

sel < N >

cat N,!: 3PlMinfl Case: [ ACC ]

sel

b. Step2:vTRANSc-commandsexamine

vP

vTRANSexaminefinches

cat v,−auxsel N

5 vTRANS VPexaminefinches

!"# !,−!"#

!"#$ !: !∗

!"#$: !"#$:!""

!"# !,< ! >

cat V,−auxinfl

5 examine finches

!"# !,−!"#!"#$

!"# < ! >

cat N,!: 3PlMinfl Case: [ ACC ]

sel

3.Thetheoreticalframework

201

c. Step3:examinemovestoahigherprojection,checkingthestrong

featureofV.examineleavesbehindatrace,written<examine>whichgoes

unpronounced.ThenewsyntacticobjectisstillheadedbyvTRANS,andis

thereforestilllabeledvP.

vP

examinevTRANSfinches

cat v,−auxsel N

5 examine vP

vTRANSexaminefinches

cat v,−auxsel N

!"# !,−!"#!"#$

!"# < ! >

5 vTRANS VPexamine

finches

cat v,−aux

infl !: V∗

Infl: Case:ACC

sel N,< V >

cat V,−auxinfl

5 <examine> finches

cat N,!: 3PlMinfl Case: [ ACC ]

sel

3.2.2.4Adjoin

Adjoinattachestwosyntacticobjects,whereneitherhasanyunchecked

selectionalfeaturesremaining.Thisfinaloperationisdemonstratedin(3.7).

3.Thetheoreticalframework

202

(3.7) ADJOININCHARLESEXAMINESFINCHESONTHEGALAPAGOS

a. Step1:TheTPCharlesTPRESENTexaminevTRANS-sfinches(syntactic

objectα)bearsnouncheckedselectionalfeatures,andthePPontheGalapagos

(syntacticobjectβ)alsobearsnouncheckedselectionalfeatures.

TPPP

3 3 CharlesT’ontheGalapagos 3 TPRESENTvP 3 <Charles> v’ 3 examinev

3

vTRANSVP

-s 3 <examine>finches

b. Step2:Adjoinjoinsthetwosyntacticobjectstogether,withtheTP

asthehost.

TP

5 T’PP

3 3 CharlesT’ontheGalapagos 3 TPRESENTvP 3 <Charles> v’ 3 examinev

3

vTRANSVP

-s 3 <examine>finches

3.Thetheoreticalframework

203

c. Step3:ThetwosyntacticobjectsTPCharlesTPRESENTexaminevTRANS

-sfinchesandPPontheGalapagosfallunderanewlabel(label!)ofwhichTPCharlesTPRESENTexaminevTRANS-sfinches(byvirtueofitbeinghost)ishead,hence

itslabelTP.VPinheritsallcategorialanduncheckedselectionalfeaturesofthe

clausalhead,CharlesTPRESENTexaminevTRANS-sfinches.

TP

CharlesTPRESENTexaminevTRANS-sfinchesontheGalapagos

cat[T,+!"#,Tns:!"#$ 5 T’PP

3 3 CharlesT’ontheGalapagos 3 TPRESENTvP 3 <Charles> v’ 3 examinev

3

vTRANSVP

-s 3 <examine>finches

3.3 SamplederivationofanEnglishclause

ThefollowingprovidesadescriptionofthefullderivationfortheclauseCharles

examinesfinchesontheGalapagos.

Thenumerationforthisclausecontainsthelexicalelementsexamine,TPRESENT,

Charles,vTRANS,andfinches,andthephrasemarkersontheGalapagos.This

numerationisshownin(3.2)above.Alllexicalelementsexistasbundlesof

specificfeatures.Featurebundlesforeachlexicalelementinthenumerationare

shownin(3.3)above.

ThefirstoperationtoapplyisMergeofexamineandfinches.Step1:examine

(syntacticobjectα)bearsanuncheckedselectionalfeatureN,andfinches

(syntacticobjectβ)bearsamatchingcategorialfeatureN.Step2:Mergejoins

3.Thetheoreticalframework

204

thetwosyntacticobjectstogether,andtheuncheckedselectionalfeatureof

examineischecked.Step3:Thetwosyntacticobjectsexamineandfinchesfall

underanewlabel(label!)ofwhichexamine(byvirtueofitbeingsyntactic

objectα)ishead,henceitslabelVP.VPexaminefinchesinheritsallcategorial

anduncheckedselectionalfeaturesofthehead,examine.Thisoperationis

illustratedin(3.4)above.

ThesecondoperationtoapplyisMergeofvTRANSandVPexaminefinches.Step1:

vTRANS,atransitivelightverb(syntacticobjectα)bearsanuncheckedselectional

featureV,andexaminefinches(syntacticobjectβ)bearsamatchingcategorial

featureV.Step2:Mergejoinsthetwosyntacticobjectstogether,andthe

uncheckedselectionalfeatureofvTRANSischecked.Step3:Thetwosyntactic

objectsvTRANSandexaminefinchesfallunderanewlabel(label!)ofwhichvTRANS

(byvirtueofitbeingsyntacticobjectα)ishead,henceitslabelvP.vPinheritsall

categoricalanduncheckedselectionalfeaturesofthehead,vTRANS.

ThethirdoperationtoapplyisAgreebetweenvTRANSandfinches.Step1:vTRANSc-

commandsfinches.Step2:vTRANShasavaluedcasefeature,andfincheshasan

unvaluedcasefeature.Step3:vTRANS,whichc-commandsfinches,agreesincase

withfinches,valuingtheunvaluedcasefeatureonfinchesasACC.Thisoperation

isillustratedin(3.5)above.

ThefourthoperationtoapplyisMoveofexaminetosatisfyastrongfeatureV*on

vTRANS.Step1:vTRANSisaheadwithastronginflectionalfeatureV*.examineisa

headwithamatchingcategorialfeatureV.Step2:vTRANSc-commandsexamine.

Step3:examinemovestoahigherprojection,checkingthestrongfeatureofV.

3.Thetheoreticalframework

205

examineleavesbehindatrace,written<examine>whichgoesunpronounced.

ThenewsyntacticobjectisstillheadedbyvTRANS,andisthereforestilllabeledvP.

Thisoperationisillustratedin(3.6)above.

ThefifthoperationtoapplyisMergeofvPexaminevTRANSfinchesandCharles.

Step1:vPexaminevTRANSfinches(syntacticobjectα)bearsanunchecked

selectionalfeatureN,andCharles(syntacticobjectβ)bearsamatchingcategorial

featureN.Step2:Mergejoinsthetwosyntacticobjectstogether,andthe

uncheckedselectionalfeatureofvPvTRANSexaminefinchesischecked.Step3:The

twosyntacticobjectsCharlesandvPvTRANSexaminefinchesfallunderanewlabel

(label!)ofwhichvPexaminevTRANSfinches(byvirtueofitbeingsyntacticobject

α)ishead,henceitslabelvP.VPinheritsallcategorialanduncheckedselectional

featuresofthehead,vPexaminevTRANSfinches.

ThesixthoperationtoapplyisAgreebetweenCharlesandexamine.Step1:

Charlesc-commandsvTRANS.Step2:Charleshasvalued!-features,andvTRANShas

aunvalued!-features. Step3:Charles,whichc-commandsvTRANS,agreesin!-

features with vTRANS,valuingtheunvaluedcasefeatureonvTRANSas3SgM.Since

!-features are interpretable on vTRANS, this will be instantiated as the morpheme

-s.

The seventh operation to apply is Merge of TPRESENTandvPCharlesvTRANS

examinesfinches.Step1:TPRESENT(syntacticobjectα)bearsanunchecked

selectionalfeaturev,andvPCharlesvTRANSexaminesfinches(syntacticobjectβ)

bearsamatchingcategorialfeaturev.Step2:Mergejoinsthetwosyntactic

3.Thetheoreticalframework

206

objectstogether,andtheuncheckedselectionalfeatureofTPRESENTischecked.

Step3:ThetwosyntacticobjectsTPRESENTandCharlesvTRANSexaminesfinchesfall

underanewlabel(label!)ofwhichTPRESENT(byvirtueofitbeingsyntacticobject

α)ishead,henceitslabelTP.TPinheritsallcategorialanduncheckedselectional

featuresofthehead,TPRESENT.

TheeighthoperationtoapplyisAgreebetweenTPRESENTandCharles.Step1:

TPRESENTc-commandsCharles.Step2:TPRESENThasavaluedCasefeature,and

CharleshasanunvaluedCasefeature. Step3:TPRESENT,whichc-commands

Charles,agreesinCase with Charles,valuingtheunvaluedcasefeatureonCharles

asNOM.

TheninthoperationtoapplyisAgreebetweenTPRESENTandvTRANS.Step1:

TPRESENTc-commandsvTRANS.Step2:TPRESENThasaTns:prescategorialfeature,and

vTRANShasanunvaluedinflectionfeature. Step3:TPRESENT,whichc-commands

vTRANSagreesinCase with vTRANS,valuingtheunvaluedinflectionfeatureonvTRANS

aspres.

ThetenthoperationtoapplyisMoveofCharlestosatisfyastrongN*featureon

TPRESENT.Step1:TPRESENTisaheadwithastronginflectionalfeatureN*(where*

indicatesafeatureisstrong).Charlesisaheadwithamatchingcategorial

featureN.Step2:TPRESENTc-commandsCharles.Step3:Charlesmovestoa

higherprojection,checkingthestrongfeatureofN.Charlesleavesbehindatrace,

written<Charles>whichgoesunpronounced.Thenewsyntacticobjectisstill

headedbyTPRESENTandisthereforestilllabeledTP.

3.Thetheoreticalframework

207

TheeleventhoperationtoapplyisAgreebetweenCharlesandTPRESENT.Step1:

Charlesc-commandsTPRESENT.Step2:Charleshasvalued!-features,andTPRESENT

hasunvalued!-features. Step3:Charles,whichc-commandsTPRESENT,agreesin

!-featureswithTPRESENTvaluingtheunvalued!-featuresonTPRESENTas3SgM.

ThetwelfthoperationtoapplyisAdjoinoftheTPCharlesTPRESENTexaminevTRANS-

sfinchesandthePPontheGalapagos.Step1:TheTPCharlesTPRESENTexamine

vTRANS-sfinches(syntacticobjectα)bearsnouncheckedselectionalfeatures,and

thePPontheGalapagos(syntacticobjectβ)alsobearsnouncheckedselectional

features.Step2:Adjoinjoinsthetwosyntacticobjectstogether,withtheTPas

thehost.Step3:ThetwosyntacticobjectsTPCharlesTPRESENTexaminevTRANS-s

finchesandPPontheGalapagosfallunderanewlabel(label!)ofwhichTP

CharlesTPRESENTexaminevTRANS-sfinches(byvirtueofitbeinghost)ishead,hence

itslabelTP.VPinheritsallcategorialanduncheckedselectionalfeaturesofthe

head,CharlesTPRESENTexaminevTRANS-sfinches.Thisoperationisillustratedin

(3.7)above.

3.4DistributedMorphology

Intheprecedingtwosubsections,thesyntaxwasintroducedasthemechanism

whichgiveslexicalelementsstructure.Assuch,fromaninchoatenumeration

suchas(3.2)emergesastructuredclauseCharlesexaminesfinchesonthe

Galapagos.Ourtopic,ofcourse,isthenoun.Whathasbeenrepresentedinthe

examplesthusfarasasinglelexicalelement,nounsare,infact,considerably

morecomplexthanthis.Considerthenounfinches:whatwasaboverepresented

asasinglelexicalelementmayeasilybesubdividedintoatleasttwoidentifiable

elements:finch,andthepluralizingelement-s.Furthermore,suchsub-word

3.Thetheoreticalframework

208

elementsexhibitrestrictionsonordering:*es-finchisasmeaninglessa

correspondenttofinch-esas*examinesfinchesCharlesontheGalapagosisto

CharlesexaminesfinchesontheGalapagos.Itisatthispointthatappealwillbe

madetoDistributedMorphology.

Basedonobservationssuchasfinch,finch-es,*es-finch,andnumerousothers,DM

(Halle&Marantz1993,1994)viewstheprocessofbuildingphrasesfromwords,

andbuildingwordsfrommorphemesasthesame.Thatis,asthewordsin

sections3.2and3.3abovewereformulatedasfeaturebundlesandmanipulated

inthesyntaxbyoperations,sotooaretheindividualmorphemes.Assuch,

finchesmaybereanalyzedasfollows3:

(3.8) INITIALNUMERATIONFOR:finches

Lexical Elements -sfinch

(3.9) FEATURESTRUCTURESFORTHELEXICALELEMENTSIN(3.8)

-s cat F,!:Plinfl sel N

finch cat

N! 3M

infl [Case ]sel

Derivationoffincheswouldproceedthus.4

3Notethatthecategoryofthelexicalelement-sissimplylabeledF(for‘functional’).

Thisisanindicationthattheidentityofthiselementisunknown,andnotofcentral

importancetothecurrentexplanation.

4Notethat,forthisderivation,themorpheme-s(syntacticobjectα)hasmergedasthe

rightmostelement,andthemorphemefinch(syntacticobjectβ) hasmergedasthe

3.Thetheoreticalframework

209

(3.10)FINCHESUNDERDISTRIBUTEDMORPHOLOGY

a. Operation1:Mergeof-s(syntacticobjectα)andNfinch(syntactic

objectβ). FP

finch-s

cat F,!:Pl 5

finch -s

cat N

! 3M

infl Case: [ ]sel

cat [F,!:Plinfl [ ]

sel [< ! >]

Withinthelargerarchitecture,thissyntacticderivationrepresentsonestepin

thelargerprocess.Followingderivation,syntacticitemsare‘spelled-out’,and

simultaneouslytransferredtothephonologicalcomponent,wheretheyreceive

pronunciation(List2),andtothesemanticcomponent,wheretheyreceive

meaning(List3).Harley’s(2014)model,basedHalleandMarantz(1993),isa

classicrepresentation.

leftmostelement.Thisisthefirsttimethatsuchaconfigurationhasbeendisplayed,and

isessentiallyoneofconvenience,inthatmergingtheelementsinthiswayresultsin

finch-s,ratherthan-sfinchand,therefore,eliminatestheneedforaMoveoperation.

Suchadecisionisnotuncontroversial(seeesp.Kayne1994),butislicitundertherules

givenuptothispoint(wherethestructureissensitivetohierarchy,butnotlinearorder).

Thisconfigurationwill,infact,suitthestructureoftheGorwaanounaswell,andwillbe

employedthroughout.

3.Thetheoreticalframework

210

Figure3.1:MODELOFDISTRIBUTEDMORPHOLOGY(BASEDONHARLEY(2014:228)

Asexpositionprogresses,theDMarchitecturewillbemodifiedandfurther

refined.Sufficeittosayatthispointthat,nouns(andotherlexicalelements)

mayhaveacomplexstructure.Resultantly,theirfeaturestructureswillbe

considerablylesscompletethanhasbeenrepresentedin(3.3),andtheirinternal

syntacticstructuresconsiderablymorerich.Thiswillbeacentralassumption

runningthroughouttherestofthework,visitedandre-visitedwiththeDM

architectureasausefulframework.

3.5Summary

ThischapterhasoutlinedDistributedMorphologyasthetheoreticalframework

whichwillbeappliedinthecomingchapterstoanalysethestructureofthe

Gorwaanoun.Thebasisprovidedherewillbefurtherelaboratedandmodified

asnecessary.

Spell-Out

SyntacticOperations:

Merge,Move,Agree,Adjoin

MorphologicalAdjustments:

Linearization,Fusion,etc.

VocabularyInsertion

fromList2

EncyclopedicContribution

fromList3

Phonological

Component

Semantic

Component

Numeration:SubsetofList1

List1:Featurebundles

List2:Instructionsforpronouncingterminalnodesincontext

List3:Instructionsforinterpretingterminalnodesincontext

3.Thetheoreticalframework

211

BecausetheDMarchitectureisbuiltaroundaphrasestructuregrammar,section

3.2providedanintroductiontoMinimalistsyntax,itscomponentsandits

functions.Section3.3providedastepwisederivationofasimplesentenceinthe

languageofexamination:English.Section3.4introducedDMasanarchitecture

withinwhichi)syntaxappliestomorphemesnthesamewayinwhichitapplies

towordsandii)pronunciationandmeaningarefedbyfeaturebundles(List1)

structuredandmediatedbythesyntax.

4.Fundamentals:nominalstructureandnounstems

212

4.Fundamentals:nominalstructureandnounstems4.1Introduction

InChapter3,itwasidentifiedthatEnglishnounsarenotunitarylexical

elements,butdecomposableintosubparts(finches,inarudimentaryexample,

wasrecognizedasbeingcomposedoffinchand-s).Further,itwasestablished

thatthemechanismswhichdictatethecompositionofthewordfincheswerethe

sameasthosewhichdictatethecompositionoflargerunits:finchand-sare

bundlesoffeatureswhichundergoMergeinthesyntaxtoformfinches–the

samemechanismstohowlargerelementsform,say,clauses.Thischapter

examinestheseclaimsatagreaterlevelofdetail,applyingthemtotheGorwaa

noun.

§4.2establishesthepreciseobjectofstudy--theGorwaanoun--andestablishes

itsmajorsubparts.§4.3makessomecommentonthenoun’swordhoodcriteria.

§4.4providesananalysisforthestem(STM).§4.5providesasummary.

4.2Nominalstructure

InthesketchgrammarpresentedinChapter2,nounswereidentifiedasthose

formshighlightedin((4.1))1.

(4.1) a. garmaina/akuút [20160921i.23] garmái- ∅ -na/akuút

boy S.3- Aux -Imprfjump.M.Pst “Theboyjumped.”b. sleeagagaás [20161102b.51]

sleér ∅- a- ∅ -(g)a gaás cow A.P- P.F- Aux -Prf kill.1Sg.Pst “Ikilledthecow.”1Theunboldedformsin((4.1)c)xaa’íandsla/aaarealsonouns.

4.Fundamentals:nominalstructureandnounstems

213

c. xaa’ísla/aaadaawaa [20131108b_20150725j.7] xaa’í sla/aatá i- ∅ -(g)a daawaa trees forest S.3- Aux -Prf medicine “Thetreesoftheforestaremedicine.”

Uptothispoint,theGorwaanounshavebeenpresentedasunitarylexical

elements,evidentinthewayinwhichthenominalglossappearsinaone-to-one

relationshipwiththeformidentified.Infact,nounsareformedofatleastthree

identifiablesubparts:thestem(STM),thesuffix(SFX),andthelinker(L).The

nounsabovemaythereforebereanalyzedasfollows:

(4.2) a. garma garm- -a -ó STM- -SFX -L

!"#

‘aboy’ b. slee sl- -ee -r~´~ STM- -SFX -L

!"#

‘acow’ c. daawaa daaw- -aa -r~´~ STM- -SFX -L

!"#$%$&"

‘medicine’Thedecompositionsmadeheremaynotbeimmediatelyintuitive,andwillbe

motivatedbelow.Inthemeantime,itisimportanttostatethatIadoptan

underbracenotationinordertoindicatethat,atthislevel,themeaningofthe

noun(e.g.‘boy’,‘cow’,or‘medicine’)ispurelycompositional:aswillbeseenin

§4.4,thestemsarenotinterpretableinadenotationalsense(e.g.garm-doesnot

mean‘boy’)unlesstheyarecombinedwiththepropersuffix(inthiscase,-a).

Thisspecialnotationwillbeusedthroughouttherestofthisworkfornounsto

4.Fundamentals:nominalstructureandnounstems

214

whichthereader’sattentionshouldbedrawn.Otherwise,nounswillbegivena

simplifiednotation,asin(4.1).

Thefirstdecompositiontobemadeisbetweenthestem(STM)andthesuffix

(SFX).Thenounsdaawaa‘medicine’anddaawudu‘medicines’suggesttwo

distinguishableparts:thatmeaning‘medicine’,thestem,andthatindicating

number,thesuffix.Thisbasicdecompositionappearsasin(4.3).2

(4.3) a. daawaa ‘medicine’ = daaw- + -aa medicine Sg. b. daawudu ‘medicines’ = daaw- + -udu medicine + -Pl.Furtheroccurrencesofbothsuffixes-aaand-udumaybeobservedonother

nounpairs,includingburaa‘beer’andburdu‘beers’,layaa‘brandingiron’and

laydu‘brandingirons’,andnaadaa‘cattlemarket’andnaadadu‘cattlemarkets’.

Inothercases,-aaentersintopairswithothersuffixes:baahaa‘hyaena’and

bahu‘hyaenas’,forexample.-udumayalsooccurwithothersuffixes:lo’oo

‘curse’andlo’odu‘curses’,forexample.Atotalof42differentsuffixeshavebeen

identifiedinGorwaathusfar,andaretreatedindetailinChapter5.Notethat

suffixesmayalsobenull,suchasgwar/i‘wildebeest’andgwár/‘wildebeests’.

Aswiththesuffixes,thestemsmayalsooccurindifferentcombinationsaswell.

Considerthepairsyaa’ee‘river’andya’eemi‘stream’,andtsifiraangw‘tongue’

andtsifiri‘language’.Stemswillbeexaminedin§4.4below.

2Asexplainedabove,thisisasimplification(i.e.daaw-doesnotmean‘medicine’,nordoes-aamean‘singular’or-udumean‘plural’).Thelabelinghereisusefulforourpurposeofintroducingthesesubpartsofthenoun.

4.Fundamentals:nominalstructureandnounstems

215

Afurtherelementexists,whichhasbeenlabeledthelinker(L).Itsovert

occurrenceisrestrictedtocertainsyntacticenvironments(4.4)a),andelsewhere

iseitherunpronounced(4.4)b)orabsent(4.4)c)3.

(4.4) a. aníasleérdiíf [20160927l222-228.26]aní ∅- ∅ sl- -ee -r~´~diíf

Pro1Sg S.P- Aux !"#- -!"# -! !"#

hit.1Sg

“Ihitthecow.”

b. sleeagagaás [20161102b.51] sl -ee -r~´~ ∅- a- ∅ -(g)a gaás

!"#- -!"# -! !"#

A.P- P.F- Aux -Prf kill.1Sg.Pst

“Ikilledthecow.”

c. ugaslee-gás [20161119f.34]∅- u- ∅ -(g)asl- -ee gás

A.P- P.M- Aux -Prf !"#- -!"# !"#

kill.2Sg.Pst

“You(M)killedacowonhim.”Thisfinaldistinction--thatofwhetherthelinkerisabsentorunpronounced--is

nottrivial,andanalysiswillbeprovidedin§7.3.Incasesinwhichthelinkeris

presentbutunpronounced,itwillberepresentedinboththesecondandthird

lineofthegloss.

Forthepurposesoftheimmediatediscussion,itsufficestopointouttwomajor

propertiesofthelinker.First,whenthelinkerisexpressed,itmakesexplicitthe

agreementpatternsthatthenounwilltriggerontargetssuchastheadjective

(i.e.itsgender).Asshownin(4.5),thenounsdesi‘girl’andbooloo‘day’areboth

(F)gender(triggeringthesameagreementontheadjectivehhoó’‘nice’in(a)and

(b)).Whenthegenderlinkerisovert(asin(c)and(d)),bothdesiandboolooare

3In(4.4)a)theformaní‘I’isapronoun.Theseareconsideredaspecialkindofnoun,andwillnotbeconsideredhere.

4.Fundamentals:nominalstructureandnounstems

216

markedwiththesamemorphology,makingthisgendervalueexplicitonthe

noun4.

(4.5) a. desikahhoo’ des- -i -r~´~ t- ng- a- ∅ hhoo’ STM- -SFX -L

!"#$MP- A.3- P.F- Aux good.F

‘thegirlisgood’ b. boolookahhoo’ bool- -oo -r~´~ t- ng- a- ∅ hhoo’ STM- -SFX -L

!"# MP- A.3- P.F- Auxgood.F

‘thedayisgood’ c. desírhhoo’ des- -i -r~´~ hhoo’

STM- -SFX -! !"#$

good.F

‘agoodgirl’ d. booloórhhoo’ bool- -oo -r~´~ hhoo’ STM- -SFX -!

!"#good.F

‘agoodday’ Second,theformtakenbythelinkeriscontrollednotbythestem,butbythe

suffix.Notethatin(4.6),thestemtlaf-isthesameinboth(a)and(b),butthe

suffixesaredifferent:-iin(a)and-ooin(b).Resultantly,theformofthelinkerin

(a)is-tá,andtheformofthelinkerin(b)isrisingpitchaccent.Itis,therefore,

thesuffixwhichdeterminesthegenderofthelinker.5

(4.6) a. tlafitá/awaakw tlaf- -i -tá /awaakw STM- -!"# -L

!"#$%white.F

‘awhitecloud’

4Whenfurtherdataisconsidered,thepictureisslightlylessstraightforwardthanthis.Moredetaileddiscussionwilltakeplacein§6.3.5.5Furthermore,itisthesuffixthatdeterminesthegenderagreementofallformsbeyondthenoun(suchastheadjective/awaákw‘white’intheexample).ThiswillbemoreexplicitlyestablishedinChapter6below.

4.Fundamentals:nominalstructureandnounstems

217

b. tlafoó/awakw tlaf- -oo ~´~ /awakw STM- -!"# -L

!"#$% white.N.Pl

‘whiteclouds’Thissectionestablishedthenounasmorphologicallycomplex,andidentifiedthe

threemajorelementsintowhicheverynouncanbesubdivided6.Thefollowing

sectionexaminessomecriteriabywhichthesethreeelementsmaybe

consideredaword.

4.3Nounsaswords?Commentsonwordhood

Withabasicstructureforthenounestablished,theformsin(4.1),originally

identifiedasnounsinthesketchgrammar(seeesp.§2.3.1)maybere-glossedas

follows:

(4.7) a. garmaina/akuút [20160921i.23] garm--a -ó i- ∅ -na/akuút

!"#- -!"# -! !"#

S.3- Aux -Imprfjump.M.Pst

“Theboyjumped.”b. sleeagagaás [20161102b.51]

sl- -ee -r~´~ ∅- a- ∅ -ga gaás !"#- -!"# -!

!"#A.P- P.F Aux -Prf kill.1Sg.Pst

“Ikilledthecow.” c. xaa’ísla/aadaawaa[20131108b_20150725j.7] xaa’í sla/atá i- ∅ -(g)a daaw--aa -r~´~ trees forest S.3- Aux -Prf !"#- -!"# -!

!"#$%$&"

“Thetreesoftheforestaremedicine.”

6Thoughsee§5.2.1belowforapossiblefurthersubdivisionofsomesuffixmorphemes.

4.Fundamentals:nominalstructureandnounstems

218

Itiswhennounsappearwithadditionalmorphologythattheissueofidentity

becomesmorecomplex.Why,forexample,shouldtheboldedformsin(4.8)a,c,e)

beanalyzedaspartofthenoun,andtheformsin(4.8)b,d,f)beanalyzedasextra-

nominalmorphology?

(4.8) a. [...]garmátleér [20160927m.35] garm- -a -ó tleér STM- -!"# -!

!"# tall.M

‘Thetallboy.’ b. garmaqá’atlatláy[20161102b.28] garm- -a -ó -qá’ i- ∅ -(g)a STM- -SFX -L

!"# -Dem3 S.3- Aux -Prf

~Red~ tláy~Plur~ go.M.Pst

‘Thatboywasleaving.’

c. aníasleérdiíf [20160927l222-228.26] aní a- ∅ sl- -ee -r~´~ diíf

Pro1Sg S.1- Aux STM- -SFX -! !"#

hit.1Sg

‘Ihitthecow.’ d. Dodósleerósngirehúw[20151202e.161-163] Dodó sl- -ee -r~´~ -ós Dodoód STM- -SFX -L

!"# -Poss.3Sg

ng- a- ∅ -re húw A.3- P.F- Aux -Consec bring.M.Pst ‘[...]Dodoódbroughthimhiscow.’ e. daawaa daaw- -aa -r~´~ STM- -SFX -L

!"#$%$&"

‘medicines’ f. daawaaroô daaw- -aa -r~´~ =oo ~ˆ~ STM- -SFX -L

!"#$%$&" =Top ~Q~

‘medicine?’

4.Fundamentals:nominalstructureandnounstems

219

Thisisclearlyimportantforthescopeofthepresentwork:ifitclaimstotreat

‘thenoun’,thentheremustbesomereasonwhythestem,suffix,andlinkerare

consideredpartofthenoun,whereasformssuchasdemonstratives(suchas=qá’

and=ós)aswellasthetopicandquestionmorphology(e.g.=ooand~ˆ~)arenot.

Tothisend,thissectionexploreswordhoodinGorwaa,arrivingataclusterof

criteriawhichholdwithinaword,butdonotholdelsewhere.Assuch,the

primaryevidenceforconsideringthe-aaofdaawaa(4.8)e)apartofthenoun,

andthe-roôofdaawaroô(4.8)f)asnotpartofthenounisthatcertainrelations

holdbetweendaaw-and-aathatdonotholdbetweendaawaaand-roô.These

relationsdifferbetweenlanguages(c.f.Haspelmath2011),butfourwhichare

commonlycited(andforwhichthereissufficientdatainGorwaa)are

orthographicboundaries,potentialpause,phoneticboundaries,and

indivisibility.Eachofthesecriteriawillbeexaminedinturnbelow,and

evaluatedtodeterminetheirusefulnessforidentifyingwords.

4.3.1Orthographicboundaries

Thefirstcommonly-citedcriterionforidentifyingawordareorthographic

boundaries.Theassumptionisthat,Gorwaa-speakerswhoareacquaintedwitha

writingsystemwhichconventionallyseparateswordswithspaces(suchas

SwahiliandEnglish)willgeneralizethisspacingconventiontoGorwaa,writing

whattheyperceiveaswordswithaspacebeforeandafter.Thedatausedtotest

thishypothesisareexamplesoftheGorwaalanguageaswrittenbyGorwaa-

speakersunacquaintedwitheitherformallinguisticanalysis,orthestandardized

Gorwaawritingsystem.ThroughoutthesamplesofinformalGorwaa

orthographiesrecordedinthecorpus,nounsareconsistentlyseparatedfrom

4.Fundamentals:nominalstructureandnounstems

220

otherlexicalcategoriesbyspaces.Examplesareprovidedin(4.9)below.Note

especiallytheobjectnouns(na/ay‘child’(writtenNAAY)in(a),andyiikwa

‘cattle’(writtenHIKWA)in(b),bothofwhicharerealizedasdistinct

orthographicunits.

(4.9) a. MUNGUNAAYGHWAHUU [20150815m] Muungúna/ayngwahúw Muungú na/ayng- u- ∅ -wahúw God childA.3- P.M- Aux -Imprfbring.Pst ‘Godbroughtachild.’ b. [...]AMAMIIURENONALAQWALIIKANGNEIHIKWAKONAH

[20151127h]

amaami’íurenngunalaqwaalikángneeiyiikwákoná’ amaami’í uren ng- u- ∅ -na grandmothers.LF old.F.Pl A.3- P.M- Aux -Imprf laqwaal-ikáng nee i- ∅ yiikwákoná’ give.birth.F-Neg.Pst and S.3- Aux cattle.LFhave.N.Pst “[...]oldwomenhavenotgivenbirthandtheyhavecattle”However,thewrittenmaterialscollectedalsotendtorepresentadditional

suffixesaspartoftheorthographicunit.

(4.10) a. HEBIRAGWA,HHIYAWOSHARENG’INAL[20151127g] heebiragwaáhhiyawóshareenginaal heebar= i- ∅ -(g)agwaáhhiyá-ós personif= S.3- Aux -Prf die.M.Pstbrother-Poss.3 haree ng- a- ∅ -naal wife A.3- P.F- Aux -Expectinherit.M.Subj “Ifapersondies,hisbrotherwillinheritthewife.” b. AMASIBIRA-HARDATDOOWOSE[20151127h] aamasíbirahardátdowosee aamár -síngbar= i- ∅ -(g)a hardát grandmother -Dem2if=S.3- Aux -Prf arrive.F.Pst dó’ -ós=oo house.LF-Poss.3=Top “Ifthatladyarrivedattheirhouse[...]”Assuch,Gorwaaspeakersseemtoconsistentlyseparatelexicalcategoriesfrom

eachother,butmanyfunctionalcategoriesarewrittentogetherwiththenounas

4.Fundamentals:nominalstructureandnounstems

221

oneorthographicunit.Thiscriterionisthereforenotentirelyusefulfor

distinguishingnoun-internalmorphologyfromextra-nominalmorphology.

4.3.2Pausa

Inslowspeech,subjectnounsoccurwithdistinguishablepost-pause.Defining

pauseas“anyintervaloftheoscillographictracewheretheamplitudeis

indistinguishablefromthatofthebackgroundnoise”(Duez1982:13)fora

periodof100msorlonger,thefollowingpausawereidentifiedandmeasured

usingthePraatsoftwareprogramme(Boersma&Weenink,2016).

(4.11) a. slee(0.1)igalây [20160111h.26] slee(0.1)i- ∅ galây cowPAUSES.3- AUX where “Whereisthecow?” b. [...]ilaá(0.2)tám[...][20150810.15] ilaá(0.2)tám eyesPAUSEthree “threeeyes”However,pausaarenotaparticularlyreliablecriterionofwordhoodinGorwaa.

First,mostnounsendinavowel,which,eveninslowspeech,tendtoeliminate

pausabyfillingthemwithresidualvocalicsound.Second,objectnouns,even

whenconsonant-final,donotshowsignificantpausa.In(4.12)a),thisseemsto

beduebothtotheobjectnounbaahaa‘hyaena’beingvowel-final,andtothe

generaltendencyofthefollowingselectortobeutteredinveryclosesuccession

withtheobjectnoun.In(4.12)b),thisseemstobeduebothtotheobjectnoun

/aaymár‘food’endinginavocalicconsonant,aswellasthegeneraltendencyfor

theencapsulatedobjectnounandthefollowingverbtobeutteredinveryclose

succession.

4.Fundamentals:nominalstructureandnounstems

222

(4.12) a. desi(0.5)baahaa(0.0)nginatáhh [20160921.2] desi(0.5)baahaa(0.0) ng- a- ∅ -na táhh girlPAUSEhyaenaNOPAUSEA.3- P.F- Aux -Imprf hit.Pst “Thegirlhitthehyaena.” b. [...]bar/aaymár(0.0)sla’ [20150808a.117]

bar- ∅- ∅ /aaymár(0.0)sla’if S.P- Aux food.LFNOPAUSEwant.2.Subj

[...]ifyouwantfood.”Pauseisthereforenotareliablecriterionfordistinguishingnoun-internal

morphologyfromextra-nominalmorphology.

4.3.3Word-internalphonologicaloperations

Athirdcriterion(orrather,setofcriteria)toexplorearephonologicaloperations

whichoperatewithinthedomainoftheword.Detailedin§2.2.5.3above,these

word-internaloperationswillberepeatedbrieflybelow.Essentially,these

phonologicaloperationsareoftwokinds:metrical(syllabificationandstress

assignment),andsegmental(vowelepenthesis).

Firstly,itiswithinthewordthattherulesofsyllabificationandstress-

assignmentapply.Thisisespeciallymanifestwhennounsareusedintheir

vocativeforms,whichtargetsthepenultimatesyllableforhightone,followedby

lowtoneonthefinalsyllable.

(4.13) a. [dési] desi! ‘girl!’ b. [hhe:wá:si] Hheewaasi! ‘Mr.Hheewaasi!’ThenouninGorwaaisthereforeametricaldomain.

4.Fundamentals:nominalstructureandnounstems

223

Thesegmentaloperationofepenthesisalsooperatesexclusivelywithinthe

domainoftheword,producinganepentheticvoweltobreakaconsonantcluster

in(4.14)a,b),butnotin(4.14)c).

(4.14) a. hhurahúr ‘bulbul,greenbul’ b. qoonqalumó ‘acrownedcrane’ c. qoonqalsíng ‘thisflockofcrownedcranes’(i.e.qoonqal∅síng)Notethatothersegmentaloperations,notablyvowelcoalescence,vowel

assimilation,andconsonantclustersimplificationalsooperatewithintheword.

Theydonot,however,operatesolelywithintheword,andmayholdbetween

largerelements.(4.15)showsvoweldeletionbetweenanounandits

determiner.

(4.15) a. muukú+-í → muukí‘thesepeople’ b. asltá+-í → asltí‘thesefires’Assuch,thesesegmentaloperations,thoughsometimesword-internal,arenot

exclusivelyso.

4.3.4Indivisibility

Perhapsthemostconsistentcriterionfordeterminingmorphologyinternalto

thenounversusmorphologyexternaltothenounisindivisibility.Word-external

morphologyisseparablefromthenounitself(suchasthedeterminer-dá’in

(4.16),whereasmorphologyinternaltothewordcannotbeseparatedfromit

(suchasthesuffixandlinker-udúin(4.17).

(4.16) a. garmadá’unataáhh[20160927l159-168.21] garmá-dá’ ∅- u- ∅ -nataáhh boy.LF-Dem4 A.P- P.M- Aux -Imprfhit.1.Pst “Ihitthatboy.”

4.Fundamentals:nominalstructureandnounstems

224

b. [...]garmasí-kudá’ooda/alusumo[...][20131108b_20150725j.30-31]

garmá-síkudá’ooda/alusumo boy.LF-Dem2ProDem2.MProMod.Msorcerer “[...]thisboy-thatoneofthesorecerer[...]”(4.17) a. daawudu daawudu medicines “medicines” b. *daawasítoduarda/alusumo daawár -sí to(a)duar da/alusumo medicine.LF-Dem2ProDem.Pl.FProMod.Fsorcerer (intendedmeaning:‘thismedicine-thoseonesofthesorcerer’)Assuch,thatthenounisawordmaybebasedonitsindivisibility.4.3.5Wordhood:summary

Tosummarize,fourtypesofevidencewereexaminedaboveinordertoestablish

thenounasaword:orthographicboundaries,pausa,word-internalphonological

operations,andindivisibility.InformalGorwaaorthographiesconsistentlyplace

boundariesbetweenalllexicalcategories,buttreatlexicalcategorieswith

encliticsasoneorthographicword.Pausaoccurfollowingsubjectnouns,butnot

obligatorily.Furthermore,nosuchpausacanbeidentifiedforobjectnouns.

Phonologically,thenounisreliablyametricaldomainforsyllabificationand

stress-assignment.Thesegmentaloperationofepentheticvowelinsertionisa

consistentword-internaloperation,butvowelcoalescence,vowelassimilation,

andconsonantclustersimplificationmayapplybothwithintheword,aswell

withinelementslargerthantheword(e.g.thenounphrase).Mostconsistently,

noun-internalmorphologycannotoccurseparatefromthenoun,whereasextra-

nominalmorphologymayappearseparatefromthenoun,attachedtoelements

suchasdemonstratives.

4.Fundamentals:nominalstructureandnounstems

225

Assuch,perhapsthebestdefinitionoftheGorwaanounwemaypresentthusfar

isacomplexstructurewhosesubpartsareindivisiblefromeachotherandwhich

servesasametricaldomainforsyllabificationandstressassignment,andisa

domainforepentheticvowelinsertion.Furtherresearch,alongthelinesofDyck

(2009),Haspelmath(2011),andGreenandMorrison(2016)wouldbehighly

usefulbutwillremainadesideratumfornow.

Thisworkislargelyconcernedwiththephenomenawhichfallwithinthenoun

asdefinedabove.Thisincludesthestem,thesuffix,andthelinker.Allother

materialfallsoutsidethescopeofthepresentinquiry.

4.4Thestem

Theremainderofthischapterwilltreattheleftmostsubpartofthenoun:the

stem(STM).Allboldedmaterialin(4.18)belowcorrespondstostems.

(4.18) a. tsir/i tsir/- -i -r~´~ !"#- -SFX -L

!"#$

‘abird’

b. tsifiri tsifir- -i -r~´~ !"#- -SFX -L

!"#$%"$&

‘alanguage’

c. slee sl- -ee -r~´~ !"#- -SFX -L

!"#

‘acow’

4.Fundamentals:nominalstructureandnounstems

226

d. wa/aangw wa/- -aangw -ó !"#- -SFX -L

!""#$#

‘anarroyo’

e. do’ do’ -∅ -ó !"#- -SFX -L

!"#$%

‘ahouse’

Subsection4.4.1offersareviewofthephonotacticconstraintsthatholdwithin

stems.Subsection4.4.2examinesthedifficultyassociatedwithdefiningthe

stem,andconcludesthataunifiedaccountofstemsbasedoneitherphonological

orsemanticidentityisimpossible.Subsection4.4.3appliesaDManalysistothe

stem,decomposingitintoacategorilessroot(√)withinanominalsyntactic

environment.Thisallowsaunifiedsyntacticaccountofthestem.Subsection

4.4.4summarizes.

4.4.1Stem-internalphonotacticconstraints

Stemsarethedomainofseveralphonotacticconstraints.Detailedin§2.2.5.2

above,theywillbebrieflyreviewedhere,asubsetoftheexamplesgivenin

Chapter2havebeenparsedaccordingtotheunderbracenotation,showingthe

stem,suffix,andlinker.

InitialsyllablesofpolysyllabicstemsareusuallyofCVorCVCstructure,withCVV

possible,butusuallybeforeanNCcluster(see(4.5),basedon(2.12.b).CV:,

CVNC,andCV:NCareneverlicitstructuresforpolysyllabicstems.

4.Fundamentals:nominalstructureandnounstems

227

(4.19) daangafi daangaf- -i -tá STM- -SFX -L

!"##$%!!"##$%.!"#$%

“amillet-filledgourd”Vowel-sequencingrestrictionsapplytopolysyllabicstems.Eitheri)thefirst

vowelishighorlow(notmid),andthesecondvoweliseitherepenthetic,low,or

mid(nothigh)(see(4.20)),orii)allvowelsareidentical(see(4.21)).

(4.20) kitangeeri kitangeer- -i -r~´~ STM- -SFX -L

!"#$%&.!"#$

“adryingrack”(4.21) kwe/e/eni kwe/e/en- -i -tá STM- -SFX -L

!"#$%!!"#$"%.!"#$.!"#$%

“ablack-neckedrockhyrax”Exceptionally,forpolysyllabicstemswithalongvowelintheirinitialsyllable,

thisvowelmaybemid(see(4.22)).

(4.22) nee/ár nee/ár- -∅ -ó STM- -SFX -L

!"#$%.!"#$%&

“heavyclouds”4.4.2Phoneticsandsemantics:difficultiesinidentifyingthestem

Thusfarintheanalysis,ourdefinitionofthestemisthati)theyarethepartof

thenounwhichisbothnotthesuffixandnotthelinker,andii)theyaredomains

ofcertainphonotacticconstraints.This,infact,representsthefullextentby

whichthestemmaybedefined.Asweshallsee,whileitispossibletoidentify

twoinstancesofthesamestembyphoneticidentityandbysemanticidentity

somestemscanbeidentifiedonlybyphoneticidentity,andsomecanbe

identifiedonlybysemanticidentity.

4.Fundamentals:nominalstructureandnounstems

228

4.4.2.1Stemsidentifiablebyphoneticidentityandsemanticidentity

Considerthefollowingpairin(4.23),inwhichthestemhasbeenbolded.

(4.23) a. tsir/i tsir/- -i -r~´~ !"#- -SFX -L

!"#$

‘abird’ b. tsir/oo tsir/- -oo -r~´~ !"#- -SFX -L

!"#$

‘birds’Inthisexample,thestemsofbothforms(i.e.‘abird’and‘birds’)maybe

identifiedastwoinstancesofthesamestembyapplyingbothphoneticand

semanticcriteria.Phonetically,thestemshavethesameform:tsir-.

Semantically,thestemshavethesamemeaning:‘bird’.Suchstems,whichmay

beidentifiedbybothphoneticandsemanticcriteria,arecommon,withsome

furtherexamplesbelow.

(4.24) a. daawaa daaw--aa -r~´~ !"#- -SFX -L

!"#$%$&"

‘medicine’ b. daawudu daaw--(a)du ~´~ !"#- -SFX -L

!"#$%$&"'

‘medicine’(4.25) a. awu aw- -u -ó !"#- -SFX -L

!"##

‘abull’

4.Fundamentals:nominalstructureandnounstems

229

b. awee aw- -ee -r~´~ !"#- -SFX -L

!"##$

‘bulls’(4.26) a. qafi qaf- -i -tá !"#- -SFX -L

!"#$

‘bark,shells’ b. qafoo qaf- -oo ~´~ !"#- -SFX -L

!"#$%

‘barks,shells’Basedonthisdataalone,onecouldpositthatthestempossessesbothaphonetic

andasemanticidentity.Thepictureis,however,considerablymorecomplex

thanthis,astheothertwoconfigurationswillmakeclear.

4.4.2.2Stemsidentifiablebyphoneticidentityonly

Considerthefollowingpairin(4.27).(4.27) a. tsifiri tsifir- -i -r~´~ !"#- -SFX -L

!"#$%"$&

‘alanguage’ b. tsifireeri tsifir- -eeri -r~´~ !"#- -SFX -L

!"#$%"$&'

‘languages’Onceagain,itwouldappearthattheboldedformisidentifiableastwoinstances

ofthesameaccordingtobothphonetic(astsifir-)andsemantic(as‘language’)

criteria.Datain(4.28)complicatesthepicture.

4.Fundamentals:nominalstructureandnounstems

230

(4.28) a. tsifiraangw tsifir--aangw-ó !"#- -SFX -L

!"#$%&

‘atongue’(4.28)showsthat,giventherightsuffix,thestemtsifir-meansnotonly

‘language’,butalsomeans‘tongue’.Thisindicatesthattheformtsifir-asit

occursin(4.27)and(4.28)isnolongeridentifiableasthesamestembyusing

semanticcriteria,asitisbeingusedtoexpresstwodifferentmeanings7.Further

examplesareprovidedbelow.

(4.29) a. niinga niing- -a -ó !"#- -SFX -L

!"#$

‘adrum’ b. niingá niing- -á -ó !"#- -SFX -L

!"##$.!"#$%&

‘agreenpigeon’(4.30) a. se’eengw see’- -aangw -ó !"#- -SFX -L

!"#$

‘hair’

b. soo’ay see’- -ay -ó !"#- -SFX -L

!"#

‘adog’(4.31) a. bee/i bee/- -i -r~´~ !"#- -SFX -L

!"##$

‘asheep’7Theargumentmaybemadethatthetwomeanings(i.e.‘language’and‘tongue’)aresufficientlysimilarsoastostillconstitute‘onemeaning’.Exampleswithlessclearsemantictiesaregivenin(4.29)-(4.31).

4.Fundamentals:nominalstructureandnounstems

231

b. bee/amó bee/- -(a)mó-ó !"#- -SFX -L

!"#$.!".

‘asp.ofbird’ c. Bee/á bee/ -á -ó !"#- -SFX -L

[!"#$%&'(.!"#$]

‘a(male)personnamedBee/á’4.4.2.3Stemsidentifiablebysemanticidentityonly

Finally,considerthefollowingpairin(4.32)8:(4.32) a. slee

sl- -ee -r~´~ !"#- -SFX -L

!"#

‘acow’ b. yiikwa yiikw--a’i ~´~ !"#- -SFX -L

!"##$%

‘cattle’

(4.32)showstwoinstancesofasinglestemidentifiablenotbyphoneticform,

butbysemanticmeaning.Furtherexamplesareprovidedbelow9:

(4.33) a. garma garm--a -ó !!"- -SFX -L

!"#

‘aboy’ b. daaqay daaq- -ay -ó !!"- -SFX -L

!"#$

‘boys’8Notethatin(4.32)b)thefinalvowelandtheglottalconsonantofthesuffixarenotpresent.Thisisduetoword-finalapocope-acommonprocessforthissuffix,furtherexplainedin§5.3.4.4.9Withanadditionalcaseoftheapocopedescribedinfn.7in(4.35).

4.Fundamentals:nominalstructureandnounstems

232

(4.34) a. haree har- -ee -r~´~ !!"- -SFX -L

!"#$%

‘awoman’ b. tiyay tiy- -ay ~´~ !!"- -SFX -L

!"#$%

‘women’(4.35) a. lee’i lee’- -i -r~´~ !!"- -SFX -L

!"#$

‘agoat’ b. aara aar- -a’i ~´~ !!"- -SFX -L

!"#$%

‘goats’Tosummarize,thissubsectionshowsusthatthestemisnotconsistentlya

coherententitybyeitherphoneticorsemanticcriteria.Aswillbeshowninthe

followingsubsection,thisconfoundingpatterncanbeaddressedbyappealingto

ahigherlevelofabstractionavailableintheDMarchitecture.

4.4.3Theinternalstructureofthestem

Havingdeterminedabovethatestablishinganytwoinstancesofagivenstemis

notalwayspossibleusingphoneticorsemanticcriteria,wewillbeginthis

subsectionbyposingthequestionofwhetherthestemmayevenbeconsidered

nominalinnature.Alltheexamplesinthissectionthusfar(4.23)-(4.35)would

indicateyes:theelementsidentifiedasstemsconsistentlyoccuraspartofa

largernoun.Consider,however,thefollowing:

4.Fundamentals:nominalstructureandnounstems

233

(4.36) a. wa/aangw wa/- -aangw -ó !"#- -SFX -L

!""#$#

‘anarroyo’ b. agawaá/ ∅- ∅ -(g)a waá/ S.P- Aux -Prf vomit.1.Pst ‘Ivomited’Theboldedmaterialin(4.36)couldreasonablybetwoinstancesofthesame

stem,bothbyphoneticcriteria(wa/-andwaá/arequitesimilar),aswellas

semanticcriteria(anarroyoisadryriverbedwhichoccasionallyfloods,an

actionevocativeofvomiting).However,theexamplein(a)isanoun,andthe

examplein(b)isaverb.Similarexamplesaregivenbelow,where(4.37)isa

noun-verbpair,(4.38)isanoun-adjectivepair,and(4.39)featuresanoun,a

verb,andanadjective.

(4.37) a. da’aangw da’- -aangw -ó !"#- -SFX -L

!"#$

‘asong’ b. agadaá’ a -ga daá’ ProSubjI.P -Prf sing.1.Pst ‘Isang’(4.38) a. diraangw dir- -aangw -ó !"#- -SFX -L

!"#$

‘alion’ b. kudirén ku dirén CopAdj.M big.M.Pl ‘theyarebig’

4.Fundamentals:nominalstructureandnounstems

234

(4.39) a. na/ay na/- -ay -ó !"#- -SFX -L

!"#$%

‘achild’ b. ugana/aás ∅- u- ∅ -(g)a na/aás A.P- P.M- Aux -Prf daub.with.mud.1.Pst ‘Idaubeditwithmud’ c. kunaá/ t- ng- u- ∅ naá/ MP- A.3- P.M- Aux wet.M ‘itiswet,itisunripe’Pairssuchasthisarecommoncross-linguistically,Englishbeingnoexception10.(4.40) a. HansZimmertoscoreSirDavidAttenborough’sBluePlanetII b. [...]IturnedonmytorchandDavidAttenboroughedtheentireincident[...](saidofaneventinwhichtheauthornarratesacateatingarat)(4.41) a. CharlesexaminesfinchesontheGalapagos. b. Theyoungarefedintheusualfringillinemanner,onthepulpfromthecropsoftheparentbirds.Theobviousargumenthereisthattheseformsareallsimplyproductsof

historicalprocesses:tsifiraangw‘atongue’–tsifiri‘alanguage’showa

metonymiclink;slee‘acow’–yiikwa‘cows’areasuppletivepair;niinga‘adrum’

–niingá‘asp.ofpigeon’showalargedegreeofhomophony.Torelyonsuch

descriptions,manyofwhichhavealreadybeenwelldocumentedinworksuchas

KießlingandMous(2003),istomissthepointofthepresentwork,which,rather

thanseekingtodescribesuchphenomenaastheresultofhistoricalchange,aims10Example(4.40)a)istakenfromtheheadlineintheBelfastTelegraphDigitalhttp://www.belfasttelegraph.co.uk/entertainment/film-tv/news/hans-zimmer-to-score-sir-david-attenboroughs-blue-planet-ii-35568331.html(accessed22.10.2017).Example(4.40)b)takenfromEleven,Beck“BeckEleven:Beautyandfearunderthesea.”in:Stuff.(NewZealand)http://www.stuff.co.nz/travel/destinations/pacific-islands/91043821/beck-eleven-beauty-and-fear-under-the-sea(accessed22.10.2017).Example(4.41)b)takenfromanonlinearchiveofthefulltextof“Foreignbirdsforcageandaviary.”https://archive.org/stream/foreignbirdsforc01butl/foreignbirdsforc01butl_djvu.txt(accessed22.10.2017)

4.Fundamentals:nominalstructureandnounstems

235

forasynchronicaccountofhowtheseformsarerepresentedinthegrammarofa

givenspeaker,noneofwhomwouldbeexpectedtoknoworfeelthatmostof

thesepairsareinanywaylinked,eitherhistoricallyorconceptually.

Withtheaimofasynchronicdescriptioninmind,andhavingseentheevidence

in(4.36)-(4.39),avalidquestionthatmaybeaskediswhetherstemsarenominal

atall.Theanswertobedevelopedhereisyes,butnotinaprimitivesense.In

manyworks,includingMarantz(2001),Arad(2003,2005),Borer(2005a,b),and

Merchant(2018),itisarguedthatlexicalitemsenterthederivationwithouta

predeterminedlexicalcategory,andthatthiscategoryisrealizedbytheirlarger

syntacticcontext.Therefore,thepairwa/aangw‘arroyo’andwaá/‘tovomit’are

formedofthesamecategorilessbase,wa/aangwcomingtobeanounthroughits

largernominalstructure,andwaá/comingtobeaverbthroughitslargerverbal

structure.A(rudimentary)exampleofwhatanominalstructureversusaverbal

structuremightlooklikeisofferedbelow,where√xreferstothecategoriless

base(i.e.root)commontobothwa/aangwandwaá/.11

(4.42) CATEGORILESSBASE√xREALIZEDASDIFFERENTLEXICALCATEGORIESBASEDONDIFFERENTSYNTACTICCONTEXTSa. wa/aangw b. waá/ DP TP 2 2 NP D VP T 2-ó 2~´~√xN V’pro

-aangw 2[1,Sg] √x Vintrans

11Thenominalstructurearrivedatinthisworkwill,ultimately,lookverydifferentfromthisone,butthisstructure(basedonAbney1987)isusefulasasimplifiedstartingpoint.

4.Fundamentals:nominalstructureandnounstems

236

Infact,thisanalysiswillnotonlybeabletoaccountfordatasuchas(4.36)-

(4.39),butwillalsoprovideaunifiedaccountforstemswhichdoesnotrelyon

phoneticorsemanticcriteria,thusaddressingdatadiscussedabove,and

exemplifiedin(4.27)-(4.35).AnimplementationoftheDMprincipleoflate

insertionwillbeundertakendirectlybelow,beginningwithadiscussionofthe

rootsasanunspecifiedindex,andfollowedbyadescriptionofhowthese

underspecifiedindicesarerealizedpost-syntactically.

4.4.3.1Theroot

Inthepreviouschapter,theDistributedMorphologyconceptofsyntaxgoverning

boththeconstructionofphrasesandtheconstructionofwordsallowedusto

proposehowtheindividualsubpartsofnounswereputtogether.Inthischapter,

theDMconceptoflateinsertionwillhelpspecifywhat,exactly,thesesubparts

are,andhowtheyarerealized.

Lateinsertionviewssyntacticcategoriesasabstract.Withreferencetothe

modelofDistributedMorphology(seeFigure3.1,§3.4),allelementsinList1

(andresultantly,allelementsintheNumeration)arefeaturebundleslackingin

anyphoneticcontent.Phoneticvaluesareinserted,followingSpellout,atthe

phonologicalcomponent(List2).ThisconceptisextendedbyAcquaviva(2009)

andHarley(2014)tosemanticcontent:allelementsinList1aresemantically

emptyastheyareprocessedinthesyntax,andsemanticallyvaluedfollowing

spellout,atthesemanticcomponent(List3).

4.Fundamentals:nominalstructureandnounstems

237

Inthecaseofthestemsexaminedabove,byputtingtherestofthesyntactic

structureaside,whatisleft(i.e.whatwearecallingtheroot)seemstobean

elementvirtuallyfreeoffeatures.Asidefromthecategorial(cat)feature√,roots

havenoinflectional(infl)features,norselectional(sel)features.Thisseems

uncontroversial(Merchant(2018)arguesthesame,thoughseeLowenstamm

(2014)).Essentially,thesolefunctionofrootsisprovidinginstructionsfor

pronunciationandinterpretation,whichinturn,contributestothe

pronunciationandinterpretationofthelargerstructureofwhichtheyarepart.

Theinstructionsof√xin(4.42)a)are:i)intheenvironmentoftheheadsNandD,

pronounceaswa/andinterpretas‘arroyo’;ii)intheintheenvironmentofthe

headsVintransandT,andaprowiththefeature[1,Sg],pronounceaswaá/and

interpretas‘tovomit’.Ifthisroot--√xof(4.42)--werereplacedbyanother,say

therootof(4.37),letuscallit√y,thentheinstructionswouldbedifferent:i)in

theenvironmentoftheheadsNandD,pronounceasda’andinterpretas‘song’;ii)

intheintheenvironmentoftheheadsVintransandT,andaprowiththefeature[1,

Sg],pronounceasdaá’andinterpretas‘tosing’.Suchinstructionsarelisted(see

Acquaviva2008)inthesensethatthepronunciationsandmeaningscannotbe

reducedtothesyntacticfeatures.Takingthislogictoitsnaturalconclusion,

Acquaviva(2008)adoptsanindexnotation(e.g.√709,√028,etc.)forrootsinthe

syntax,wheretheuniquenumberreferstoan‘entry’inbothList2andList3,

containingtheappropriateinstructionsforpronunciationandinterpretation,

respectively.Assuch,thefeaturestructurefortherootin(4.42)wouldappear

thus:

(4.43) FEATURESTRUCTUREFORTHEROOTIN(4.42) [Let:√364representtherootcommontotheformswa/aangwandwaá/]

4.Fundamentals:nominalstructureandnounstems

238

√364 cat √ Havingarrivedatafeaturestructurefortheroot,itispossibletoinsertitinthe

syntax.Thiswillsatisfythecontextswhichwerespecifiedintheinstructions

above(i.e.thepartoftheinstructionswhichreadintheenvironmentof).These

instructionsarespelloutrules,andwillbediscussedbelow.

4.4.3.2Thepost-syntax

Havingestablishedthattheidentityofthestemasafeaturelessindex√withina

larger(nominal)syntacticcontext,theprocessofitsrealization(inthecaseof

(4.41)a),aswa/aangw‘anarroyo’)post-syntax,cannowbeexamined.

Accordingtotheprincipleoflateinsertion,phoneticandsemanticrealization

canonlybeaccomplishedfollowingspellout,wherethestructuredelements

(whichareatthispointstillfeaturebundles)are‘shippedoff’toboththe

phonologicalcomponentandthesemanticcomponent.Itislikelythatspellout

onlyoccursafterthesyntacticstructurehasreachedacertainpoint(Chomsky

2001),mostlikelyatapointaftermergerwiththesuffixandthelinker.Forthe

sakeofexposition,asimplifiedexampleofhowtheelement√364isvalued

(where√364istherootcommontotheformswa/aangwandwaá/)isgivenin

Table4.1.

Table4.1:Valuationoftherootofthesetwa/aangw,waá/(√364)

PhonologicalComponent(List2) SemanticComponent(List3)RootInput

SyntacticContext

Value Root SyntacticContext

Value

√364

/N,D [waʕ]

√364

/N,D ‘arroyo’

/Vintrans,Tpro[1,Sg]

/Vintrans,Tpro[1,Sg]

‘vomit’

4.Fundamentals:nominalstructureandnounstems

239

Returningtothedatapresentedsubsection4.4.2,itispreciselythisvaluation

processwhichcanaccountforstemsidentifiablebyphoneticidentityonly,and

forstemsidentifiablebysemanticidentityonly.Ineachofthesecases,theroot

ofthestemisthesame:anacategorialelement,devoidofmostsyntacticfeatures,

butwhichservesasareferenceforthephoneticandsemanticcomponentsafter

spellout.Thedifferencecomeswithvaluation.Ascanbeseeninthecaseof

tsifiri‘language’andtsifiraangw‘tongue’(originallygivenin(4.27)above),the

phoneticcomponentvaluestheformsinthesameway,andthesemantic

componentvaluesthemdifferently,dependingonwhichsuffixtheyreceive(in

thistable,representedbyadifferentsubscriptsontheheadN).Conversely,in

thecaseofgarma‘boy’anddaaqay‘boys’(originallygivenin(4.33)above),the

semanticcomponentvaluestheformsinthesameway,andthephonetic

componentvaluesthemdifferently.

Table4.2:Valuationoftherootofthesettsifiriandtsifiraangw(√709)PhonologicalComponent(List2) SemanticComponent(List3)RootInput

SyntacticContext

Value Root SyntacticContext

Value

√709

/N,D

[ts’ifir]

√709

/N1428,Dpro[Sg]

‘language’

/N2528,Dpro[Sg]

‘tongue’

Table4.3:Valuationoftherootofthesetgarmaanddaaqay(√765)

PhonologicalComponent(List2) SemanticComponent(List3)RootInput

SyntacticContext

Value Root SyntacticContext

Value

√765

/N1218,D[Sg]

[garm]

√765

/N1218,D

‘boy’

/N1218,D[Pl]

[da:q]

Bothofthesecasesrepresentextremes:tsifiraangw–tsifiriofarootwitha

strongphonologicalidentity,andgarma–daaqayofarootwithastrong

4.Fundamentals:nominalstructureandnounstems

240

semanticidentity.Moretypically,however,agivenrootwillnotfalltowardone

oftheextremes,butrather,occupyasortofmiddleground:itssuperficial

identitynotstronglyphonological,norstronglysemantic.Agoodexampleofthis

isthefollowingset,wherethestemishighlighted:

(4.44) a. do’ do’- -∅ -ó !"#- -SFX -L

!"#$%

‘ahouse’ b. maráy mar- -ay ~´~ !"#- -SFX -L

!"#$%$

‘houses’ c. mar’i ‘cave’ mar’- -i -r~´~ !"#- -SFX -L

!"#$

‘acave’ d. mar’oo mar’- -oo -r~´~ !"#- -SFX -L

!"#$%

‘caves’Valuationwouldproceedthus.Table4.4:Valuationoftherootofthesetdo’,maray,mar’i,andmar’oo(√201)

PhonologicalComponent SemanticComponentRootInput Syntactic

ContextValue Root Syntactic

ContextValue

√201

/N1510,D[Pl]

[mar] √201

/N1413,D ‘cave’

/N1510,D[Sg]

[doɁ] /N1510,D

‘house’

/N1413,D [marɁ]4.5Remarksandsummary

Thischapterhasprovidedabasisforthosethatfollow,firstbyestablishingthe

Gorwaanounasacomplexstructureandnamingitsmajorparts,andsecondby

4.Fundamentals:nominalstructureandnounstems

241

providingamorphosyntacticanalysisoftheleftmostoftheseparts,thestem.

Subsection4.5.1offerssomefurtherdiscussionofsyntacticcontext,and

subsection4.5.2summarizes.

4.5.1Remarksonsyntacticcontext

In§4.4.3above,itwasestablishedthatacommonconceptualizationoflexical

itemswasthattheyenterthederivationwithoutapredeterminedlexical

category,andthatthiscategoryisrealizedbytheirlargersyntacticcontext.In

thischapter,thesyntacticcontextrelevantfortherealizationofnounshasbeen

presentedasthepresenceofaheadNandaheadD,though(asmentionedin

fn.11),thiscontextisasimplification,usedmainlytointroducethewayinwhich

arootmaycometobenominal.

Infact,mostworksaremuchmoreexplicitaboutthekindofsyntacticcontext

whichresultinarootbecominganounornounstem.Typically(e.g.Marantz

2001,Arad2003,2005,Merchant2017),thisisaccomplishedbyacategorizing

head,N,whichdirectlydominatestheroot.Usingthestructurepositedabove,

thiscategorizingheadcouldbeidentifieddirectlyintheabovestructureasN.

(4.45) √xREALIZEDASNOMINALBYTHECATEGORIZINGHEADN(ASPERMARANTZ2001,ARAD2003,2005,ANDMERCHANT2017)

wa/aangw DP 2 NP D 2-ó √xN

-aangw

Borer(2005a,b),ontheotherhand,eliminatesthecategorizingheadentirely,

arguingthatanominalreadingarisesnotfromanexplicitlynominalizinghead,

4.Fundamentals:nominalstructureandnounstems

242

butfromamorecomplexnominalstructure,ofteninvolvingheadslowerthanD

whichmediatefunctionssuchasdivisonandquantification--headswhichmay

occurinaverbalsyntacticcontexttomediatesimilarfunctions.Evidenceforthis

nominalmorphologywillbepresentedforGorwaa(seeesp.§5.4).Thiswould,

therefore,seemtomotivateanapproachwhicheitherdispensesofthe

categorizingheadcompletely(asintheworkofBorer),orinwhichthe

categorizingheadis(orcanbe)mergedatapointhigherupinthestructure.

Thisworkoptsforthelatterapproach,positingthecategorizingheadn,which,at

itshighestmergepoint(i.e.fornumber-valuednouns)directlydominatesthe#P.

Suchanapproachwillbediscussedin§5.4and§6.5).

Acquaviva(2008:270)providesastructurewithquantificationanddivision

projectionsaswellasacategorizingheadn,butinthisstructure,ndirectly

dominatestheroot,asin(4.45).Assuch,theapproachofthepresentworkis,as

farasIknow,unique.

4.5.2Summary

§4.2establishedthepreciseobjectofstudy--theGorwaanoun--andestablishes

itsmajorsubpartsasthestem(STM),thesuffix(SFX),andthelinker(L).§4.3

reviewedwordhoodcriteriathatmaybeappliedtothenoun,distinguishing

thesecoresubpartsfromextra-nominalmaterialsuchasdemonstrativeenclitics

andtopicmarkers.§4.4appealedtoDMtoprovideananalysisforthestem

(STM),establishingitascomposedofanacategorialroot(√)withinalarger

syntacticcontext(inthecaseoftheSTM,anominalcontext).Phoneticformand

semanticmeaningarerealizedpost-syntacticallyinaprocessofevaluationin

4.Fundamentals:nominalstructureandnounstems

243

whichtheindexprovidedbytherootandthelargersyntacticcontextis

processedbyList2andList3.Inconcluding,section4.5providedsomeclosing

marksonthespecificidentityofthelargersyntacticcontext(tobedevelopedin

somedetailinthecomingchapters),andsummarized.

5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena

244

5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena

5.1Introduction

Inchapter4,thenounwasestablishedasconsistingofthreemajorsubparts:the

stem,thesuffix,andthelinker.Thestemwasanalysedasanacategorialroot(√)

withinalargernominalsyntacticcontext(thedescriptionofwhichwillform

muchofthesubsequentdiscussioninthiswork).Attentionwillnowturntothe

nextelementintheseries:thesuffix(SFX).

(5.1) THESUFFIX(SFX)a. wa/aángwwák

wa/- -!!"#$ -ó wák STM- -!"# -L

!""#$# one

“onearroyo” b. we/eerítsár wa/- -!!"# ~´~ tsár STM- -!"# -L

!""#$#% two

“twoarroyos”Suffixesaremorphosyntacticallycomplexelements:alistoftheirbasic

characteristicsfollowsin(5.2)below.

(5.2) MORPHOSYNTACTICCHARACTERISTICSOFTHEGORWAASUFFIXI. RegularPhenomena:

a. Manysuffixes(identifiedthusfarasSFX)maybedividedintoseparatemorphemes:SFX1andSFX2.AllsuffixesfeaturetheSFX2morpheme,notallsuffixesfeaturetheSFX1morpheme.

b. SuffixeswithaSFX1morphemeareeitherSgorPlinnumber,andcanthereforeoccurwithexternalelements(e.g.adjectives)onlyiftheyshowmatchingagreement.

c. SuffixeswithoutaSFX1morphemeareunvaluedfornumber,andcanthereforeoccurwithexternalelements(e.g.adjectives)whichshoweitherSgorPlagreement.(thoughseeII.d.forexceptions.)

5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena

245

II. ListedPhenomenaa. Agivennounstemtakesasetofsuffixes,knownasa

paradigm.Paradigmsmaybemonads,pairs,ortriads.b. Theparadigmtakenbyanygivennounisunpredictable.c. Agivennounstemmayhavemorethanoneparadigm.

Selectionofparadigmmayormaynotaffectthesemanticinterpretationoftheresultantnoun.

d. Suffixesunvaluedfornumbermayhavethekindsofagreementwithwhichtheymayoccurrestrictedbythecompositionoftheirparadigm.

e. Thegrammaticalgender(i.e.M,F,orN)ofanounisdeterminedbytheSFX2morpheme,whichhasastableassociationwithgender.Ifanounischangedfornumber,itsgendermayalsochange.

Itwillbeobservedthatthemajordivisioninthelistaboveisbetween

phenomenadeemed‘regular’,andphenomenadeemed‘listed’.Usingthe

DistributedMorphologyarchitectureasthepointofreference(Figure3.1in

§3.4),regularphenomenaaredefinedasstablecorrespondenceswhichcan

largelybeexplainedasproductsoffeaturebundles(i.e.materialfromList1)

beingmanipulatedinthesyntax(i.e.thesyntacticoperations),whereaslisted

phenomenarequirerecoursetomoredetailedexplanationsofrealizationrules

post-Spellout(i.e.materialfromList2andList3)--hencethetermlisted.

Eachofthemorphosyntacticcharacteristicsdescribedaboveisrelatively

complex,andafullunderstandingrequiresadetailedlookataratherlargebody

ofdata.Becauseofthesetwofactors,discussionofthesuffixwillspantwo

chapters.Thecurrentchapterwilladdresstheregularphenomenaof(5.2),and

thenextchapter,Chapter6,willaddressthelistedphenomenaof(5.2).

Followingthisintroduction,§5.2ofthischapterwillprovideabriefoverviewof

eachoftheregularphenomenalistedin(5.2)above.§5.3isadetailed

presentationanddescriptionoftheempiricalbasisofthischapter:thesuffixes.

5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena

246

§5.4providesasyntacticanalysistoaccountfortheseregularphenomena.§5.5

summarizes.

5.2Overviewoftheregularphenomena

Thissectionexpandsoneachoftheregularphenomenaassociatedwiththe

Gorwaasuffix.Foreaseofpresentation,thesearerepeatedin(5.3)below.

(5.3) THEREGULARMORPHOSYNTACTICCHARACTERISTICSOFTHEGORWAASUFFIX

a. Manysuffixes(identifiedthusfarasSFX)maybedividedintoseparatemorphemes:SFX1andSFX2.AllsuffixesfeaturetheSFX2morpheme,notallsuffixesfeaturetheSFX1morpheme.

b. SuffixeswithaSFX1morphemeareeitherSgorPlinnumber,andcanthereforeoccurwithexternalelements(e.g.adjectives)onlyiftheyshowmatchingagreement.

c. SuffixeswithoutaSFX1morphemeareunvaluedfornumber,andcantherefore

occurwithexternalelements(e.g.adjectives)whichshoweitherSgorPlagreement.(thoughseeII.d.forexceptions.)

Whatfollowsisadiscussionofeachcharacteristic.Subsection5.2.1treats

characteristic(a):thedecomposabilityofthesuffix.Subsection5.2.2treats

characteristic(b):suffixeswithnumbervalue.Subsection5.2.3treats

characteristic(c):suffixeswithoutnumbervalue.

5.2.1Characteristic(a):thedecomposabilityofthesuffixMous(1993:47)noticedthatseveralsuffixesinIraqwarepresent“asfused

elementsinothersuffixes”.Thisisimportanttotheanalysis,andwillbe

establishedhere.Manysuffixesthemselvesmaybedividedintotwoseparate

morphemes,allofwhichareboldedin(5.4)below1.

1Fromthispointon,SFX1andSFX2willbeindicatedinthegloss.

5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena

247

(5.4) THESUFFIX(SFX):COMPOSEDOFSUBPARTSSFX1ANDSFX2 a. wa/aángwwák

wa/- -!!"#$ -ó wák STM- -!"#$ -L

!""#$# one

“onearroyo”

b. we/eerítsár wa/- -!!" -(a)'! ~´~ tsár STM- -!"#$ -!"#$ -L

!""#$#% two

“twoarroyos”

Asmaybeseenin(5.4)above,whenbothmorphemesarepresent,SFX1occurs

closesttothestem.Additionally,(5.4)showsthat,whileallsuffixesfeaturea

SFX2morpheme,notallsuffixesfeatureanSFX1morpheme.

Theexamplein(5.4)risksimplyingthatSFX1oughttobeinterpretedasplural

marking.Datain(5.5)showsthatthisisnotthecase,withSFX1presentonthe

singularformofthenoun,andabsentontheformusedforplural.

(5.5) SFX1ISPRESENTINSINGULARNOUNS,SUCHASIRE/IMI‘COSMETICSCAR’ a. ire/imitáwák

ire/- -iim -i -tá wák STM- -!"#$ -!"#$ -L

!"#$%&'!.!"#$ one

“onecosmeticscar” b. ire/iíngwtsár ire/- -aangw -ó tsár STM- -!"#$ -!

!"#$%&'!.!"#$! two

“twocosmeticscars”5.2.2Characteristic(b):suffixeswithnumbervalue

TherearetwonumbervaluesinGorwaa:singular(Sg)andplural(Pl).Notably,

theonlycategorythatshowsnumberagreementinGorwaaistheadjective.This

istrueinmodifierconstructions(asin(5.6)),aswellaspredicateadjective

5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena

248

constructions(asin(5.7)).Forafulldescriptionoftheadjectiveandits

agreementpatterns,see§2.3.3.1.

(5.6) NUMBERAGREEMENTONMODIFIERADJECTIVESa. kookumótleér kook- -(a)m -ó -ó tleér STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L

!""#$%! tall.M

‘atallrooster’b. kookumá’tlet kook- -(a)m -a’(!) ~´~ tlet STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L

!""#$%!# tall.N.Pl

‘tallroosters’(5.7) NUMBERAGREEMENTONPREDICATEADJECTIVES

a. kookumokutleér kook- -(a)m -ó -ó t- ng- u- ∅ tleér STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L

!""#$%! MP- A.3- P.M- Aux tall.M

‘theroosteristall’

b. kookuma’kitlet kook- -(a)m -a’(!) ~´~ t- ng- i- ∅ tlet STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L

!""#$%!# MP- A.3- P.N- Aux tall.N.Pl

‘theroostersaretall’SuffixeswithaSFX1morphemeareeitherSgorPlinnumber.Assuch,thesuffix

-(a)móisalwaysSg,andonlyusedwithnounsdenotingsingularentities(see

(5.8)).Conversely,thesuffix-(a)ma’isalwaysPl,andonlyusedwithnouns

denotingpluralentities(see(5.9)).

(5.8) THESUFFIX-(A)MÓISSGINNUMBER

a. kookumó kook- -(a)m -ó -ó STM- -!"#$ -!"#$ -L

!""#$%!

‘arooster’

5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena

249

b. xarmó xarm- -(a)m -ó -ó STM- -!"#$ -!"#$ -L

!"#$

‘ahorn’c. tlaptumó tlapt- -(a)m -ó -ó STM- -!"#$ -!"#$ -L

!"#$%&

‘afalcon’(5.9) THESUFFIX-(A)MA’ISPLINNUMBER

a. kookuma’ kook- -(a)m -a’(!) ~´~ STM- -!"#$ -!"#$ -L

!""#$%!#

‘roosters’b. irindima’ irind- -(a)m -a’(!) ~´~

STM- -!"#$ -!"#$ -L !"#$%&

‘biceps,calves’ c. slahhama’ slahh- -(a)m -a’(!) ~´~ STM- -!"#$ -!"#$ -L

!"!"#!$

‘acacias(Acaciakirkii)’SuffixeswithanSFX1morphemeoccurwithexternalelements,suchas

adjectivesandnumerals,onlyiftheyshowmatchingagreement,orareotherwise

semanticallyconsistentwiththenumbervalueofthenoun.

(5.10) THENOUNKOOKUMÓCANNOTOCCURWITHEXTERNALELEMENTSINCONSISTENTWITHSGNUMBER

a. *kookumótlét kook- -(a)m -ó -ó tlét STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L

!""#$%! tall.M.Pl

(intendedmeaning)‘atallrooster’or‘tallroosters’

5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena

250

b. *kookumótsár kook- -(a)m -ó -ó tsár STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L

!""#$%! two

(intendedmeaning)‘tworoosters’,‘two(groupsof)roosters’(5.11) THENOUNKOOKUMA’CANNOTOCCURWITHEXTERNALELEMENTSINCONSISTENTWITH

PLNUMBERa. *kookumá’tleer

kook- -(a)m -a’(!) ~´~ tleer STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L

!""#$%!# tall.M.Pl

(intendedmeaning)‘atallrooster’,‘tallroosters’ b. *kookumá’wák kook- -(a)m -a’(!) ~´~ wák STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L

!""#$%!# one

(intendedmeaning)‘onerooster’,‘one(groupof)roosters’Configurationsofnounsvaluedfornumberthereforeresultinthehighly

commondistinctionofsingularvs.plural.

(5.12) SINGULARVS.PLURAL ‘ROOSTER’

SINGULAR PLURALkookumó

kookumóúrkook--(a)m-ó-óúrSTM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L

!""#$%!big.M

‘abigrooster’

kookuma’kookumá’urenkook--(a)m-a’~´~urenSTM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L

!""#$%!#big.N.Pl

‘bigroosters’Atthispoint,notingsuchaconfigurationmayseempainfullyobvious.However,

inthecomingsubsection,arangeoflesscommonconfigurationswillbe

introduced,allowingthissingularvs.pluralconfigurationtoactasafamiliar

benchmark.

5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena

251

5.2.3Characteristic(c):suffixeswithoutnumbervalue

SuffixeswithoutaSFX1morphemeareunvaluedfornumber,andcanbeused

withnounsreferringtoentitieswhosenumbervalueiseithernotimportantor

indeterminate(5.13).

(5.13) THESUFFIX-OO(FR)ISUNVALUEDFORNUMBERa. tsir/oo tsir/- -oo -r~´~ STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$%

‘aspecies,kindof,orflockofbirds’,‘birds’ b. daka’oo daka’- -oo -r~´~ STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#!"!$

‘aspecies,kindof,orstandofbaobabs’,‘baobabs’ c. xooroo xoor- -oo -r~´~ STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$%$"&'

‘amultitude(ofpeople)’

Becausethesesuffixesareunvaluedfornumber,theymayoccurwithexternal

elements(suchasadjectivesornumerals)withshowbothSgorPlagreement.

(5.14) THENOUNTSIR/OOCANOCCURWITHEXTERNALELEMENTSSHOWINGBOTHSGORPLAGREEMENT

a. tsir/oórtleer tsir/- -oo -r~´~tleer STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$%tall.F

“atallspeciesofbird” b. tsir/oórwák tsir/- -oo -r~´~wák STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$%one

“onespeciesofbird”

5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena

252

c. tsir/oórtlet tsir/- -oo -r~´~tlet STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$%tall.F.Pl

“tallspeciesofbirds”,“tallbirds” d. tsir/oórtsár tsir/- -oo -r~´~tsár STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$%two

“twospeciesofbirds”,“twobirds”HavingnounformsunspecifiedfornumberisnotuniquetoGorwaaandisalso

describedinCorbett(2000:9)asoccurringintheCushiticlanguageBayso(bsw;

Ethiopia)andotherunrelatedlanguages.Mous2008notesthesame

phenomenoninTsamakko(tsb;Ethiopia)(relevantdatainSavà2005:61)and

K’abeena(alw;Ethiopia)(relevantdatainCrass2005:63).Theformislabeled

byCorbettasgeneralnumber,andthedistinctionbetweenitandnumber-valued

formsisrepresentedasfollows.

Figure5.1:Generalnumberversussingularandplural(fromCorbett2000:11)

Assuch,thenountsir/oo(withthesuffix-oo(Fr))is,onitsown,noncommittalas

tonumber.Perhapsthebesttranslationwouldbe‘bird’inthegeneralsense.

Thatis,ifone‘huntsbird’,itisuncertainastohowmanybirdsareactually

involved:perhapsone,perhapsmany--itissimplynotconveyedinthe

utterance.

Closeexaminationofthetranslationsoftheseformsissalutary.Ineverycasein

whichthenounisunambiguouslyexpressinggeneralnumber(Gen),thenoun

general 5singularplural

5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena

253

referstoakindorgroup,notanindividualorpluralityofindividuals.Thisis

demonstratedinthetranslationsin(5.15).

(5.15) TRANSLATIONSOFGENFORMSa. qoonqál

qoonqal- -∅ -ó STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$%&'.!"#$%

‘aflockofcrownedcrane’,or‘aspeciesofcrownedcrane’,or‘crownedcrane’

b. malmáw

malmaw- -∅ -ó STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$.!"##

‘astandoflimetree’,or‘aspeciesoflimetree’,or‘limetree’

c. nee’ár nee’ar--∅ -ó STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$%"

‘aflockofthrush’,or‘aspeciesofthrush’,or‘thrush’Crucially,then,thesenounsofgeneralnumberinGorwaamaybedefinedas

referringtoakindofundifferentiatedunity,homogeneousinconsistencyand

indeterminateinshapeandboundary.Thisthereforeexplainsqoonqálhaving

theresultantmeaningof‘flockofcrownedcranes’,‘typeofcrownedcrane’,or

‘crownedcrane’toutcourt.Conversely,nounswhichoccurwithSgorPlnumber

agreementrefertodiscreteindividualsorsetsofindividuals,bothwell-defined

intermsofshapeandphysicalboundary(Koptjevskaya-Tamm,2006).

Theintroductionofnounsunvaluedfornumber(i.e.generalnumber)allowsfor

asystemofconsiderablecomplexity.Asnotedinthesketchabove(§2.3.1.2),

muchofthiscomplexityhastodowithnounsbeingarrangedinamannerthat

doesnotalwaysfitwellwiththetraditionalnotionsofsingularversusplural.

5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena

254

Withsingularvs.pluralasabenchmarkin(5.12)above,allpatternsare

examinedindetailbelow.

Alessfamiliarconfigurationisanounstemwhichtakestwodifferentsuffixes,

onetriggeringsingularagreementontheadjective,andtheotherallowingthe

nountooccurwitheithersingularorpluralagreementontheadjective.This

configurationiscalledsingularvs.general.

(5.16) SINGULARVS.GENERAL‘LEAF’

SINGULAR GENERALloo/i loo/oo

loo/írurloo/--i -r~´~urSTM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$big.F

‘abigleaf’

loo/oórurloo/--oo-r~´~ur STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$"%big.F

‘manyleaves(foliage)’

loo/oórurenloo/--oo-r~´~urenSTM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$

big.F.Pl‘bigleaves’

Conversely,anounstemmaytaketwodifferentsuffixes,onetriggeringplural

agreementontheadjective,andtheotheroccurringwitheithersingularor

pluralagreementontheadjective.Thisconfigurationiscalledgeneralvs.plural.

(5.17) GENERALVS.PLURAL‘DRAGONFLY’

GENERAL PLURALpiiró piireema’

piiróúrpiir--ó-óúr STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$%&'()big.M

“abigdragonfly”

piiróurénpiir--ó-óurén STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$%&'()big.M.Pl

“abig(groupof)dragonflies”

piireemá’urenpiir--eem-a'(!)~´~urenSTM- -SFX1-SFX2-L

!"#$%&'()*+big.N.Pl

“bigdragonflies”

Anounstemmaytakethreedifferentsuffixes.Inthisconfiguration,onetriggers

singularagreementontheadjective,anothertriggerspluralagreementonthe

5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena

255

adjective,andthethirdmayoccurwitheithersingularorpluralagreementon

theadjective.Thisconfigurationiscalledsingularvs.generalvs.plural.

(5.18) SINGULARVS.GENERALVS.PLURAL‘CROWNEDCRANE’

SINGULAR GENERAL PLURALqoonqalumó qoonqál qoonqalima’

qoonqalumóuúrqoonqál--(a)m-ó-óúrSTM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L

!"#$%&'.!"#$% big.M

“abigcrane”

qoonqalóuúrqoonqál--∅-óuúrSTM- -SFX2 -L!"#$%&'.!"#$%&

big.M

“abig(flockof)cranes”

qoonqalóurénqoonqál--∅-óurenSTM- -SFX2 -L!"#$%&'.!"#$%&

big.M.Pl

“many(flocksof)cranes”

qoonqalima’urenqoonqál--(a)m-a’(!)~´~urénSTM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L

!"#$%&'.!"#$%& big.M.Pl

“bigcranes”

Whenanountakesonlyonesuffix,itmaybemass,asin(5.19),singularia

tantum,asin(5.20)orgeneral(5.21).PropertiesassociatedwithGorwaamass

nounsrecordedsofar(basedonChierchia1998)aretheirinabilitytotake

cardinalnumeralswithoutuseofanobligatorymeasure(5.22),thechoiceof

adjectivesofquantityavailabletothem(5.23),andtheirindependencefrom

structureofthematterathand(5.24).

(5.19) MASS‘WATER’MASSma’ay

ma’áyyaariirma’--ay~´~yaariirSTM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$% much.N

“muchwater”(5.20) SINGULARIATANTUM

‘SKY’SINGULAR PLURALdawri

dawrírurdawr--i-r~´~urSTM- -SFX2 -L

!"# big.F

“thegreatsky”

5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena

256

(5.21) GENERAL‘EARTHQUAKE’GENERALkuunseeli

kuunseelírurkuunseel--i-r~´~urSTM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$%&'"(! big.F

“abigearthquake”

kuunseelírurenkuunseel--i-r~´~urenSTM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$%&'"(! big.F.Pl

“bigearthquakes”(5.22) MASSNOUNSCANNOTTAKECARDINALSWITHOUTAMEASURE a. *ma’áywák [seecommentin20150810d.8] ma’- -ay ~´~ wákSTM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$% one

(intendedmeaning)‘onewater’

b. [...]ma’aychupadútám[...] [20150810d.10] ma’- -ay ~´~ chupadú támSTM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$% bottles.LN∅ three

“[...]threebottlesofwater[...]”(5.23) MASSNOUNSANDQUANTITYADJECTIVES a. *tseereéruren tseer- -ee -r~´~urenSTM- -SFX2 -L

!"##$ big.F.Pl

(intendedmeaning)‘muchblood’

b. #tseereérur tseer- -ee -r~´~urSTM- -SFX2 -L

!"##$ big.F

(intendedmeaning)‘muchblood’

c. tseereéryaariir tseer- -ee -r~´~yaariirSTM- -SFX2 -L

!"##$much.F

‘muchblood’(5.24) MASSESAREINDEPENDENTOFTHESTRUCTUREOFTHEMATTER karkari vs. naanagumó | naanagí ‘grubs’ ‘a(single)larva’ ‘larvae’Insomecasesnounstemsmaytakeonesuffixandbemass,andtakeanother

suffixandtriggerpluralagreement.Inthislattercase,theycometomeanthe

5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena

257

substanceofthemasshasbeendispersed.Theygainallthepropertiesofcount

nouns.Asdemonstratedin(5.23),themassnountseereemostnaturallytakes

thequantityadjectiveyaariír,andisungrammaticalwiththequantityadjective

uren.In(5.25),thepluralizedformoftseereecangrammaticallytakethe

quantityadjectiveuren.

(5.25) MASSVS.PLURAL‘BLOOD’

MASS PLURALtseeree

tseereéryaariirtseer--ee-r~´~yaariirSTM- -SFX2 -L

!"##$ much.F

“muchblood”

tseerdutseerdúurentseer--(a)d-u(!)-r~´~urenSTM- -SFX1-SFX2 -L

!"##$ big.N.Pl

“manyspots(orpools)ofblood”Forexceptionstothischaracteristic,i.e.situationsinwhichformsmarkedwith

generalnumbersuffixesarerestrictedtoonlySgoronlyPlcontexts,see§6.3.4.

5.3Characterizingthesuffix:datapresentation

Thisisadetailedpresentationanddescriptionoftheempiricalbasisofthis

chapter:thesuffixes.

42differentnounsuffixeshavebeenidentifiedinGorwaathusfar,andare

presentedinTable5.1below.Adetaileddiscussionofeachsuffixfollows.

SuffixeshavebeenorganizedaccordingroughlytotheiroccurrencewithSg

versusPlmorphology:‘Sg’suffixesoccurringtowardthetop,and‘Pl’suffixes

occurringtowardthebottom.Thosesuffixesinbetweenareorganizedonacline

withthosewhichare‘general(Sg-leaning)’bleedingintothe‘general’suffixes,

whichinturnbleedintothesuffixeswhichare‘general(Pl-leaning)’.This

continuumisbasedonfrequencyinthesample:asshownabove,the-oo(F)

5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena

258

suffixoflo/ooin(5.16)andthe-∅(M)suffixofqoonqálin(5.17)canbothtake

eitheraSgoraPladjective:adifferent(orlarger)samplecouldindeedyielda

differentarrangementofthesein-betweencases.Whatiscertainisthatthere

arethreebroadgroups:suffixesthatareconsistentlySgnumber,suffixesthatare

consistentlyPlnumber,andsuffixesthatare,moreorless,generalnumber.

Suffixesareshownwiththeirgender,aswellastheirsubgender.Asdescribed

above(§2.3.1.2),subgenderreferstoadifferentmorphologicalpatternoccurring

withinagivengender,usuallyinaveryrestrictedenvironment.Inthecaseof

Gorwaa,everygenderhastwosubgenderpatterns:MoandMk,FrandFt,andN∅

andNa.Thismorphologyisonlyeverinstantiatedonthegenderlinker,andeach

suffixislinkedwithoneandonlyonesubgender.Thisiswhy,forexample,the

morpheme-aisconsideredthreedifferentsuffixes:onesuffix-atriggersMo

agreement,anothersuffix-atriggersMkagreement,andathirdsuffix-atriggers

Ftagreement.Thereisfurtherevidenceforwhythisdivisionisvalid,andwillbe

dealtwithlaterinthesectionsdescribingtheparadigms(see§6.2,§6.3,and

§6.4).

5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena

259

Table5.1:NOUNSUFFIXES SUFFIX GENDER CONSTITUENTMORPHS EXAMPLE

SFX1 SFX2SG

-(a)mó Mo (a)m ó(M) gasesmó‘ablacksnake’-ito’o Fr it o’o(F) makito’o‘ananimal’-imo Mo iim o(M) nanahhumo‘askull’-iimi Fr iim i(Fr) se’eemi‘astrandofhair’-aaCzi Fr aaCz i(Fr) balaali‘agrainofmillet’

GENERAL

(SG-LEANING)

-o Mo aako‘agrandfather’-í Fr fuufí‘aweasel’-í Ft hhinhhiní‘pumpkins’-ó Mo boohoontó‘ahole’

GENERAL

-a Mk dawa‘ahand’-a Mo niinga‘adrum’-i Ft luki‘areedmat’-i Fr ba’aari‘bees’-∅ Mo gumbayaya’‘akidney’-ay N∅ fu’unay‘meat’-ú Mo /aamú‘fruit’-oo Fr tsir/oo‘birds’-a Ft asla‘fire’-aa Fr /ameenaa‘women’-ee Fr yaa’ee‘ariver’-á Mo niingá‘greenpigeons’-ay Mo na/ay‘achild’-u Mo daawu‘anelephant’-aangw Mo kwu/uungw‘awall’-oo N∅ daqoo‘herds’

GENERAL

(PL-LEANING)

-áy Mo fiitsáy‘brooms’-u! N∅ gamu‘anunderside’-a’(!) N∅ gongoxa’‘elbows’-a’i N∅ tsati’i‘knives’

PL

-náy Mo (a)m áy(M) ga/atanáy‘fevers’-iya’ N∅ iy a’i(N) tsi/iya’‘shins’-(a)ma’ N∅ (a)m a’(!)(N) tla/ama’‘ditches’-iyoo N∅ iy oo(N) kuriyoo‘anuses’-aCzi’i N∅ (a)Cz a’i(N) aamaami’i‘grandmothers’-<ee>-aCzu N∅ ee(t,m,r)+aCz u!(N) tla/eefufu‘livingquarters’-eemooor-<ee>-oo

N∅

eemee(t,m,r)

oo(N)oo(N)

hhafeetoo‘largereedmats’

-aawee Fr aw ee(F) himtaawee‘owls’-eeri N∅ eer (a)’i(N) kwa/eeri‘hares’-eema’ N∅ eem a’(!)(N) murungeema’‘bellybuttons’-(a)du N∅ (a)d u!(N) laydu‘brandingirons’-aCzee Fr (a)Cz ee(F) himtetee‘metalnecklace’-aCzu N∅ (a)Cz u!(N) /ampupu‘platforms’

5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena

260

5.3.1Sg

Asthelabelimplies,thisgroupofsuffixesformnounswhichonlyoccurwith2other

formsshowingSgagreement.Putdifferently,thesesuffixesneveroccurwithPl

agreementontheadjective(5.26).Notethat,crucially,thisisnotthecasewith

othergroupsofsuffixes(5.27).

(5.26) SGSUFFIX-(A)MÓMAYOCCURONLYWITHOTHERFORMSSHOWINGSGAGREEMENT a. gasesmótleér

gases- -(a)m -ó -ó tleérSTM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L

!"#$%.!"#$% long.M

‘alongblacksnake’

b. *gasesmótlét gases- -(a)m -ó -ó tlétSTM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L

!"#$%.!"#$% long.M.Pl

(intendedmeaning)‘longblacksnakes’

c. gasesima’tlet gases- -(a)m -a’(!) ~´~ tletSTM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L

!"#$%.!"#$%! long.N.Pl

‘longblacksnakes’(5.27) GENSUFFIX-ÚMAYOCCURWITHOTHERFORMSSHOWINGEITHERSGORPLAGREEMENT

a. slanútleér slan- -ú -ó tleérSTM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$%& long.M

‘alongpython’ b. slanútlét slan- -ú -ó tlétSTM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$%& long.M.Pl

‘longpython’(i.e.asaspecies,versusshortkindsofpython)2Thechoiceoftheterm‘occurwith’ratherthan‘trigger’isusedadvisedly,asitseemsasifnumberagreement(seenontheadjective)consistentlycomesfromanelementotherthanthenoun.Numberagreement(aswellascasesofgenderagreement‘mismatch’)willbeexaminedfullyinChapter7.

5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena

261

Thisgroupmayalsobedistinguishedbyits‘composed’suffixes.Thatis,allthe

suffixesofthisgroupmaybebrokendownintotwosmallersubcomponents.The

firstsubcomponentisoneofaseriesofmorphemesreadilyidentifiableas

‘derivational’whenusedwithverbstems(c.f.§2.3.2.4).Thesecondsubcomponent

isalwaysanumbersuffixfromthe‘general’group.

Eachmemberofthe‘Sg’groupisfurtherexaminedbelow.5.3.1.1-(a)mó(Mo)

-(a)móisoneofthemostcommonsuffixes,withapproximately190tokens

identified.Theinitialvowelisepenthetic,andthusitssurfaceformmayvary.

(5.28) THESUFFIX-(A)MÓ(MO) a. gasesmó

gases- -(a)m-ó -ó STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L

!"#$%.!"#$%

‘ablacksnake’

b. bee/amó bee/- -(a)m-ó -ó STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L

!"#$%&$'()

‘aflycatcher’ c. piindimó piind- -(a)m-ó -ó STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L

!""#.!"#$%

‘adoorplank’

Theprimarydifferencebetweenthesuffixes-(a)móand-imoisinthepresenceof

risingpitchaccent.

5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena

262

Asimilarform---mo--existsinIraqw(Mous1993:63),whichisprobablycognate,

butdoesnothaverisingpitchaccent.NosuchsuffixisreportedinAlagwa(Mous

2016).

Thesuffixmaybedecomposedintotwoparts:(a)mSFX1,andóSFX2.Notethat

SFX1isrecognizableinthe-VVmofthedurativeverbalsuffix(§2.3.2.4).SFX2isthe

generalsuffix-ó.

5.3.1.2-(i)to’o(Fr)

-(i)to’ooccursonly7timesinthesample.(5.29) THESUFFIX-(I)TO’O(FR)

makito’o mak- -it -o’o -r~´~STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L

!"#$!%

‘ananimal Kießling(2000:8)notedthatamasculinesuffixistypicallyusedtorefertoone

specimenofatreeorshrub,whereasafemininesuffixisusedtorefertoitsflower

orfruit.Whereitisthesuffix-(a)móaccomplishestheformer,itisthesuffix-(i)to’o

whichisoftenusedforthelatter.

(5.30) SUFFIX-(A)MÓ(MO)USEDTODENOTEAPLANT,SUFFIX-(I)TO’O(FR)USEDTODENOTEAFLOWERORFRUIT

a. maangwaré’ maangware’- -∅ ~´~ STM- -SFX2 -L

!.!.!"#$%&'

‘sorghum’

5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena

263

b. maangware’umó maangware’- -(a)m -ó -ó STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L

!.!.!"#$%&'.!"#$%

‘asorghumplant’

c. maangware’ito’o maangware’- -it -o’o -r~´~ STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L

!.!.!"#$%&'.!"#$

‘aheadofsorghum’TheIraqwcognateisidentical(Mous1993:67).NoequivalentexistsinAlagwa.

Thesuffixmaybedecomposedintotwoparts:itSFX1,ando’oSFX2.SFX1is

isomorphicwiththeverbalmiddlevoicesuffix-VVt(§2.3.2.4).SFX2isnot

immediatelyidentifiablewithacurrentsuffixofGorwaa,butIraqwhasafeminine

nominalsuffix-o’o(Mous1993:67),cognatewiththecurrentGorwaageneralsuffix-

oo(F).

5.3.1.3-imo(Mo)

-imoisrare,withjust2occurrencesinthesample.(5.31) THESUFFIX-IMO(MO) a. bambarimo bambar- -iim -o -ó STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L

!"##$%.!"#$%

‘agrainofbulrushmillet’

b. nanahhumo nanahh- -iim -o -ó STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L

!"#$$

‘askull’

5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena

264

InIraqw,theformmayhavebeensubsumedintothemorewidespread-mo.In

Alagwa,thecognate-imoo(Mous2016:98)canbeidentified.

Thesuffixmaybedecomposedinto-imforSFX1(onceagain,recognizableasthe

durative),andthegeneralsuffix-oforSFX2.

5.3.1.4-iimi(Fr)

-iimioccurs10timesinthesample.(5.32) THESUFFIX-IIMI(FR)

a. se’eemi se’- -iim -i -r~´~ STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L

!"#$%&.!".!"#$

‘astrandofhair’

b. ya’eemi ya’- -iim -i -r~´~ STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L

!"#$%&

‘astream’

c. gitsiimi gits- -iim -i -r~´~ STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L

!"#$

‘asingleleaf’ThereisnorecordedcognateinIraqw.InAlagwa,thecognateisidentical,butonly

has1form(Mous2016:96).

Thesuffixmaybedecomposedinto-iimforSFX1(isomorphicwiththedurative),

andthegeneralsuffix-i(Fr)forSFX2.

5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena

265

5.3.1.5-aaCzi(Fr)

Thesuffix-aaCzi(wheretheCzisaconsonantreduplicatedfromthelastinthestem)

occursonasinglenouninthesample.

(5.33) THESUFFIX-AACZI(FR) balaali bal- -aaCz -i -r~´~ STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L

!"#$%&'.!"#$%

‘agrainofmillet’ThecognateisidenticalinIraqw(Mous1993:69),aswellasinAlagwa(Mous2016:

96).

Thesuffixmaybedecomposedinto-aaCzforSFX1,and-iforSFX2.-aaCzis

recognizableinthepluractionalsuffixforverbs(§2.3.2.4),and-iisthe-i(Fr)

generalsuffixbelow.

5.3.2General(Sg-leaning)(GenSG)

Thisgroupofsuffixesaregeneralinnumber,butareoftenusedwithnounsto

denoteSgentities.NounsformedwiththesesuffixesusuallyoccurwithSg

agreementonly(5.34),butwhentheyexistinapairwithanounformedwithaSg

suffix(5.35),oranounformedwithaPlsuffix(5.36),theymayoccurwitheitherSg

orPlagreement.

(5.34) THEGENSUFFIX-I(FR)ISUSUALLYSG a. fuufírtleer fuuf- -í -r~´~ tleer STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$"% long.F

‘alongweasel’

5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena

266

b. *fuufírtlet fuuf- -í -r~´~ tlet STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$"% long.F.Pl

(intendedmeaning)‘longweasels’

c. fuufeemoótlet fuuf- -eem -oo ~´~ tlet STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L

!"#$"%$ long.N.Pl

‘longweasels’(5.35) SGANDGENSG

‘FISH’siyumó siyó

siyumóúrsiy--(a)m-ó-óúrSTM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L

!"#$ big.M

‘abigfish’

siyóúrsiy--ó-óúrSTM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$ big.M

‘abig(speciesof)fish’

siyóurénsiy--ó-óurenSTM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$ big.M.Pl

‘bigfishes’(5.36) GENSGANDPL

‘DRAGONFLY’piiró piireema’

piiróúrpiir--ó-óúrSTM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$%&'() big.M

‘abigdragonfly’

piiróurénpiir--ó-óurenSTM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$%&'() big.M.Pl

‘abig(groupof)dragonflies’

piireemá’urenpiir--eem-a’(!)~´~urenSTM- -SFX1-SFX2 -L

!"#$%&'() big.M.Pl

‘bigdragonflies’

Noneofthesuffixesinthisgroupmaybebrokendownintosmallerconstituent

parts.Indeedoneoftheforms(thesuffix-ó),formspartoftheSgsuffix-(a)mó.

Eachmemberofthe‘general(Sg-leaning)groupisexaminedbelow.

5.3.2.1-o(Mo)

Nounsformedinthesuffix-oarefoundonlytwiceinthesample.

5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena

267

(5.37) THESUFFIX-O(MO) a. aako

aak- -o -ó STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$%&#'()"

‘agrandfather’

b. tsoyo tsoy- -o -ó STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#!"#

‘adikdik’Thissuffixisslightlydifferentfromtherestinthisgroup,inthat,thoughthereare

recordedcasesofitinnounswhichmayoccurwitheitherSgorPlagreement(asthe

examplesin(5.37))therearenorecordedcasesofitoccurringwithinonlySg

agreement.Thistraitmakesitmoresimilartothegeneralsuffixes(tobediscussed

below).Inadditiontothis,thereexistslittleevidenceforformallydifferentiating

thissuffixfrom-u.NocognatesareidentifiedineitherIraqworAlagwa.Ultimately,

thismorphemeisnotwell-representedinthesample,andbecauseofthis,itishard

toclassifyitexactlybasedonitsbehavior.

Thesuffix-oisrecognizableastheSFX2oftheSgsuffix-imo.5.3.2.2-í(Fr)

Thereare23occurrencesofnounstakingthesuffix-í(Fr)inthesample.(5.38) THESUFFIX-Í(FR)

a. bi/iní bi/in- -í -r~´~ STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$%.!"#$%&"

‘asilkyblesmol’

5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena

268

b. loosí loos- -í -r~´~ STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$%

‘beans’

c. fuufí fuuf- -í -r~´~ STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$"%

‘aweasel’Thesuffix-í(Fr)andthesuffix-í(Ft)maybedistinguishedchieflybasedonthe

subgendertheydisplayinthegenderlinker.Thisseemsalegitimatebasisfor

makingthedivision,inthattherearenogeneralpatternsbywhichtopredictwhich

-ísuffixwillbeFrandwhichwillbeFt.

(5.39) THESUFFIX-Í(FR)VS.THESUFFIX-Í(FT) a. loosíruren

loos- -í -r~´~ uren STM- -SFX2 -!

!"#$% big.F.Pl

‘bigbeans’

b. babitáuren bab- -í -táuren STM- -SFX2 -!

!.!.!"#$%&big.F.Pl

‘biginsects’Thesuffix-í(Fr)and-i(Fr)aredifferentbasedsolelyontheirpitchaccent.

Morphologicalramificationsofpitchaccentcanbeseenmostclearlyin‘topic’

morphology,which(amongotherenvironments),occursobligatorilyafterumó

‘every’.Ifanounhasrisingpitchaccent,theformwillbe-ee,ifanounhaslevel

pitchaccent,theformwillbe-oo.

5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena

269

(5.40) THESUFFIX-Í(FR)VS.THESUFFIX-I(FR) a. umóbi/inihee

umó bi/in- -í -r~´~ -oo every STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$%.!"#$%&" -Top

‘everysilkyblesmol’

b. umóba’aariroo umó ba’aar--i -r~´~ -oo every STM- -SFX2 -L

!"" -Top

‘everybee’Kießlingdescribeshightonesuffixesaslexicalizationsofhightoneusedforderiving

onomasticafromexisting,level-toned,suffixes.Assuch,thecommonnounsiigan(d)

‘grasshopper’derivesthepropernameSiigán.Themechanismisextendedfrom

derivingpropernounsfromcommonnouns,toderivingcommonnounsfroman

associatedcommonnoun,thus:xir’ima‘swelling’andxir’imá‘catarrh’(Kießling

2004:10).Thisthenexplainswhyeveryhigh-tonedsuffixhasalevel-toned

counterpart,aswellaswhymanyofthenounswithhigh-tonedsuffixesareforplant

andanimalnames(5.41).Thispatternisnotabsolute,however,andmany

exceptionsoccur(5.42),thusrequiringthe(synchronic)divisionofwhat,

historicallymayhavebeenonlyonesuffixintotwo.

(5.41) HIGH-TONEDSUFFIXESFORPLANTSANDANIMALS a. -í(Fr) bi/iní bi/in- -í -r~´~ STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$%.!"#$%&"

‘asilkyblesmol’ b. -í(Ft) hhinhhiní hhinhhin- -í -tá STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#!$%&

‘pumpkin’

5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena

270

c. -ó(Mo)mootó moot- -ó -ó STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$%&%.!"#$$%&

‘Swahilisparrow’

d. -ú(Mo)puundú puund- -ú -ó STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$%.!".

‘aplant’

e. -áy(Mo)/aráy /ar- -áy -ó STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$%!!"##$%.!"!"#!

‘white-galledacacias’(5.42) a.HIGH-TONEDSUFFIXESFORNON-PLANTSANDANIMALS i. /eetlí /eetl- -í -r~´~ STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#!$%

‘apimple’

ii. duutsú duuts--ú -ó STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$

‘soup’

iii. naqáy naq- -áy -ó STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$%

‘canoe’ b.LEVELPITCHACCENTSUFFIXESFORPLANTSANDANIMALS i. tsoyo tsoy- -o -ó STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#!"#

‘adikdik’

5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena

271

ii. tsarma’i tsarma’- -i -r~´~ STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$%.!".

‘plants’

iii. daawu daaw- -u -ó STM- -SFX2 -L

!"!#$%&'

‘elephant’-í(Fr)doesnotseemtobeseparatedfromthelarger-i(Fr)suffixinMous’(1993)

grammar,butinthedictionary(Mous,Qorro,Kießling:2002),manyformsappear

withthesuffix:awkí(p.17),busí(p.23),andqulmí(probablycognatewiththe

Gorwaaqaalimí)(p.88).NosuchcognateisevidentforAlagwa.

5.3.2.3-í(Ft)

4nounstakethesuffixí(Ft)inthesample.(5.43) THESUFFIX-Í(FT)

a. naanagí naanag- -í -tá STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$"%

‘larvae’ b. ma/a/ayí ma/a/ay- -í -tá STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$%&.!".

‘insects’

c. hhinhhiní hhinhhin- -í -tá STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#!$%&

‘pumpkin’

5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena

272

Asdetailedabove,thesuffixisdistinctfrom-í(Fr)inthesubgenderittakes,andis

distinctfrom-i(Ft)initstone.

Theforms-i(Fr),-í(Fr),-i(Ft)and-í(Ft)arenotdifferentiatedintheIraqw

grammar.AcursorylookthroughtheIraqwdictionarydonotyieldany-í(Ft)

forms.NocognateisevidentforAlagwa.

5.3.2.4-ó(Mo)

Thesuffix-óoccurswith11nounsinthesample.(5.44) THESUFFIX-Ó(MO) a. piiró piir- -ó -ó STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$%&'()

‘adragonfly’

b. loomó loom--ó -ó STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$%.!".

‘aplant’

c. amayó amay- -ó -ó STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$%.!".

‘plants’

-óisdifferentiatedfrom-ointone.Asfor-ovs.-u,thereexistslittleevidencefor

formallydifferentiating-ófrom-ú.NocognatesareidentifiedineitherIraqwor

Alagwa.

5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena

273

-óispresentastheSFX2ofthecommonSgsuffix-(a)mó.

5.3.3General

Thegeneralsuffixesconsistofformswhichmayoccurwithotherformsshowing

eitherSgorPlmorphology(5.45).

(5.45) THEGENSUFFIX-OO(FR)MAYOCCURWITHOTHERFORMSSHOWINGEITHERSGORPLAGREEMENT

a. tsir/oórhatlee tsir/- -oo -r~´~ hatlee STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$% other.F.Pl

‘otherbirds’

b. tsir/oórhatlá’amilá[...] [20151021c.354] tsir/- -oo -r~´~ hatlá’ a milá STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$% other.F.Pl CopN what

‘whatisanotherbird(species)?’Asageneralpattern(andexcludingthesuffixes-i(Fr)and-i(Ft)),thesesuffixesdo

notcommonlyformpairswitheachother.Asanexhaustivelist,thegeneralsuffixes

-úand-aapaironce,and-a(Ft)and-oo(N)pairninetimes(5.46).

(5.46) a.THESINGLE-Ú(MO)AND-AA(FR)PAIR i. puundú puund- -ú -ó STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$%.!"

‘aplant’

ii. puundaa puund- -aa -r~´~ STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$%.!"!

‘plants’

5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena

274

b.EXAMPLEOFAN-A(FT)AND-OO(N)PAIR i. asla asl- -a -tá STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$

‘fire’

ii. asloo asl- -oo ~´~ STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$%

‘fires’Commontoallgeneralformsisthattheyhaveatleastonenounwhichhasnoother

form.Whethersuchformsaremass,singulariatantumorpluraliatantumis

unclear.Theothergroupthatsharesthispatternarethe‘general(Pl-leaning)’

suffixes.

(5.47) EXAMPLESOF‘ONEFORMNOUNS’WITHGENERALSUFFIXES a. bahhi bahh- -i -r~´~ STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#!$$%&!.!"#$%

‘excessivenoise’ b. tsoobú tsoob--ú -ó STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$"%.!"#$%

‘liquidhoney’

c. boohhaa boohh- -aa -r~´~ STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$%&&'.!"#$%&

‘bundleoffirewood’ d. ageengw ag- -aangw -ó STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#.!"#!$%

‘thedryseason’

5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena

275

e. siigan(d) siigand- -∅ -ó STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$$%&''("

‘grasshoppers’Noneofthesuffixesinthisgroupmaybebrokendownintosmallerconstituent

parts.Severalforms:-i(Fr),-oo(N∅),and-eeareusedtoformcomposedsuffixes.

5.3.3.1-a(Mk)

Thesuffix-a(Mk)occurs4timesinthesample.(5.48) THESUFFIX-A(MK)

a. dawa daw- -a -kú STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$

‘ahand’

b. qara qar- -a -kú STM- -SFX2 -L

!"##

‘gall,bile’

c. afa af- -a -kú STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$%

‘mouth’Inanexaminationofnounselicitedinverbalcontexts,the-a(Mk)affixissomewhat

commoner(5.49).Iamhesitanttocalltheseforms‘nominalisations’,becauseitis

notatallclearwhattheentirerangeofsyntacticpropertiesoftheseformsare.

Sufficeittosaythat,thoughthereissignificantoverlapbetweennounsuffixesand

5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena

276

thesetofsuffixesusedforthistypeofnoun,manyofthesuffixesareentirely

differenttothosepresentedhere.

(5.49) THE-A(MK)SUFFIXFORNOUNSELICITEDINVERBALCONTEXTS tsu’a (c.f.tsuú’‘besweet’) tsu’- -a -kú

STM- -SFX2 -L !"##$%#!!

‘sweetness’ Thesuffixes-a(Mk),-a(Mo),and-a(Ft)alltakedifferentgenderlinkers,andcan

thereforebeestablishedasseparatesuffixes.

(5.50) -A(MK),-A(MO)AND-A(FT)AREDIFFERENTSUFFIXES a. afkúúr af- -a -kú úr STM- -SFX2 -!

!"#$% big.M

‘abigmouth’

b. niingóúr niing- -a -ó úr STM- -SFX2 -!

!"#$ big.M

‘abigdrum’

c. asltáur asl- -a -tá ur STM- -SFX2 -!

!"#$ big.F

‘abigfire’Thesuffix-a(Mk)isnotlistedasaseparatesuffixintheIraqwgrammar,butis

attestedonseveralforms(Mous1993:84),allofwhichhaveidenticalcognatesin

Gorwaa.-kisidentifiedasoneofthegenderlinkersinAlagwa(Mous2016:49).

5.3.3.2-a(Mo)

Thesuffix-a(Mo)occurson19nounsinthesample.

5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena

277

(5.51) THESUFFIX-A(MO) a. yaqamba yaqamb- -a -ó STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$

‘abuck’

b. goranga gorang- -a -ó STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$!!.!"#$

‘hero’ssong’

c. hima him- -a -ó STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$

‘rope’Thesuffix-a(Mo)isdifferentfromthesuffixes-a(Mk)and-a(Ft)becauseeach

realizeseparategenderlinkers.Thesuffix-a(Mo)isdifferentfromthesuffix-á

(Mo)becauseofpitchaccent.

(5.52) AMINIMALPAIRFORTHESUFFIXES-A(MO)AND-Á(MO) a. niinga niing- -a -ó STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$

‘adrum’

b. niingá niing- -á -ó STM- -SFX2 -L

!"##$.!"#$%&'

‘green.pigeons’-a(Mo)isnotrecognizedasaseparatesuffixinIraqw,butcursoryexaminationof

theIraqwdictionary(Mous,Qorro,andKießling2002)producesformssuchasbela

(p.21),daanda(p.26),andmusa(p.75),allofwhichseemtobegoodevidenceofa

5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena

278

cognate-a(Mo)inthislanguage.bi/ina(p.275),muuna(p.301),anduma(p.321)

arepossiblecognatesfromtheAlagwagrammar(Mous2016).

5.3.3.3-i(Ft)

Thesuffix-i(Ft)occursonatotalof58nounsinthesample.(5.53) THESUFFIX-I(FT) a. bu’i bu’- -i -tá STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$%&'!.!"#$.!"#$

‘acosmeticburnmark’

b. iingigi iingig--i -tá STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$%&

‘locusts’

c. deli del- -i -tá STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$%&&!

‘amushroom’Thissuffixisdifferentfromtheothergeneralsuffixesinthatitfreelypairswith

othersuffixesofthisgroup.

(5.54) a.THEGENERALSUFFIXES-I(FT)AND-OO(FR)ASAPAIR i. tsisi tsis- -i -tá STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$%

‘aspark’ ii. tsisoo tsis- -oo -r~´~ STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$%!

‘sparks’

5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena

279

b.THEGENERALSUFFIXES-I(FT)AND-AA(FR)ASAPAIR i. kuti kut- -i -tá STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$

‘amole’(i.e.therodent)

ii. kutaa kut- -aa -r~´~ STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$%

‘moles’(i.e.therodents)Asmentionedabove,thesuffix-i(Ft)differsfromthesuffix-í(Ft)inpitchaccent.

Thesuffix-i(Ft)differsfromthesuffix-i(Fr)intheformofthegenderlinkerit

takes.

Thesuffix-i(Ft)isincludedinthesuffix-iintheIraqwgrammar,whichincludes

boththe-i(Ft)andthe-i(Fr)suffixes(Mous1993:68).Thereisnocognatein

Alagwa.

5.3.3.4-i(Fr)

Thesuffix-i(Fr)occursonatotalof194nounsinthesample.(5.55) THESUFFIX-I(FR) a. fiitsi fiits- -i -r~´~ STM- -SFX2 -L

!"##$

‘abroom’

b. ba’aari ba’aar- -i -r~´~ STM- -SFX2 -L

!""#

‘bees’

5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena

280

c. wa’ami wa’am- -i -r~´~ STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$.!"##$%

‘bonemarrow’Thissuffixisdifferentfromtheothergeneralsuffixesinthatitfreelypairswith

othersuffixesofgeneralsuffixgroup.

(5.56) a.THEGENERALSUFFIXES-I(FR)AND-∅(MO)ASAPAIR i. sakweeli sakweel- -i -r~´~ STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$%&'

‘anostrich’

ii. sakwél sakweel- -∅ -ó STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$%&'

‘ostriches’ b.THEGENERALSUFFIXES-I(FR)AND-AA(FR)ASAPAIR

i. /urfi /urf- -i -r~´~ STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$"

‘askink’

ii. /urfaa /urf- -aa -r~´~ STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$"!

‘skinks’Asmentionedabove,thesuffix-i(Fr)isincludedinthesuffix-iintheIraqw

grammar(Mous1993:68).

Thesuffix-i(Fr)ispresentasSFX2intheSgsuffixes-iimiand-aaCzi.

5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena

281

5.3.3.5-∅(Mo)

Thesuffix-∅(Mo)occurson71nounsinthesample.(5.57) THESUFFIX-∅(MO) a. magá’ maga’--∅ -ó STM- -SFX2 -L

!""#$

‘leech’

b. tlangás tlangas- -∅ -ó STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$%&'

‘quivers’

c. poohám pooham- -∅ -ó STM- -SFX2 -L

!"!##$

‘baboon’Togetherwithazerosuffix-∅,thissuffixhastheassociatedsuprasegmentaleffects

ofshorteninglongvowelsandaddinghightone.Thefactthatthesesuprasegmental

featuresarenotpresentinthestemcanbeseeninexaminingtheothermemberofa

pair(5.58).Inmosteverycase,thelongvowelandlevelpitchaccentseemto

indicatethatitisthesuffix-∅(Mo)whichisaddingtheseeffects.

(5.58) LONGVOWEL,LEVELPITCHACCENTINTHEMATEOF-∅(Mo) a. sakweeli sakweel- -i -r~´~ STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$%&'

‘anostrich’ b. sakwél sakweel- -∅ -ó STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$%&'("

‘ostriches’

5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena

282

Kießling(2000:11)describesthesuffix-∅(Mo)asahistoricalprocessofregressive

hightonespreadingandapocope,anexampleisgivenbelow:

(5.55)TONESPREADINGANDAPOCOPERESULTINGIN-∅(Mo)PROTOWESTRIFT PROTO-IRAQWOID GORWAA

HIGHTONESPREAD APOCOPE *masladú‘fruittrees’

*maslárú *maslár maslár

AdaptedfromKießling(2000:11)ThisformisnotmentionedintheIraqwgrammar,butisclearlypresent,inboththe

grammaranddictionary.

5.3.3.6-ay(N∅)

Thesuffix-ay(N∅)occursonthreenounsinthesample.(5.59) THESUFFIX-AY(N∅) a. fu’unay fu’un- -ay ~´~ STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$

‘meat’

b. makay mak- -ay ~´~ STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$!%&

‘animals’

c. maa’ay maa’- -ay ~´~ STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$%

‘water’Itisdifficulttoseethedifferencebetweenthesuffix-ay(N∅)andthesuffixes-ay

(Mo),andthesuffix-áy(Mo)becausethegenderlinker,duetovowelcoalescence,

willoftenappearthesame(i.e.arisingpitchaccentonthefinalvowel).Asshownin

5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena

283

(5.60),whencomparingfu’unay(-ay(N∅)suffix),sookitáy(-áy(Mo)suffix),and

tsa/atay(-ay(Mo)suffix),thegenderagreementontheadjectiveprovidesthemost

salientdifference.

(5.60) THESUFFIXES-AY(N∅),-AY(MO),AND-ÁY(MO)APPEARINGTHESAMEINSURFACEFORM a. fu’unáynaa/ fu’un- -ay ~´~ naa/ STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$ fresh.N

‘freshmeat’

b. sookitáynaá/ sookit--ay -ó naá/ STM- -SFX2 -L

!"##$.!"#"$%&'" fresh.M

‘freshgreens’

c. tsa/atáynaá/ tsa/at--áy -ó naá/ STM- -SFX2 -L

!"".!"#$ fresh.M

‘fresheggyolk’The-ay(N∅)suffixisnotidentifiedasasuffixintheIraqwgrammar,butisclearly

presentincognatesofthethreeformsgivenabove.

5.3.3.7-ú(Mo)

Thesuffix-ú(Mo)occurson34nounsinthesample.(5.61) THESUFFIX-Ú(MO)

a. /aamú /aam- -ú -ó STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$%

‘fruit’

5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena

284

b. /awtú /awt- -ú -ó STM- -SFX2 -L

!"##$%&'(

‘butterfly’

c. du/ú du/- -ú -ó STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#

‘fat’Asmentionedabove,thesuffix-ú(Mo)canbedifferentiatedfromthesuffix-u(Mo)

onthebasisofpitchaccent.Whatislesscertainisthatthesuffix-ú(Mo)andthe

suffix-ó(Mo)aredifferent.

TheIraqwdictionary(Mous,Qorro,Kießling2002)recordsseveralformswiththis

ending,including/awtú(p.17),danú(p.27),andtsamú(p.107),allofwhosesuffixes

arecognatewiththeoneathand.

5.3.3.8-oo(Fr)

Thesuffix-oo(Fr)occurson51nounsinthesample.(5.62) THESUFFIX-OO(FR)

a. tsir/oo tsir/- -oo -r~´~ STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$%

‘birds’

b. daka’oo daka’- -oo -r~´~ STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#!"!.!"##$

‘baobabtrees’

5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena

285

c. hho’oo hho’- -oo -r~´~ STM- -SFX2 -L

!"!#$%

‘sister’Thissuffixcanbedifferentiatedfromthesuffix-oo(N∅)basedonthegender

agreementittriggers.

(5.63) THESUFFIX-OO(FR)VS.THESUFFIX-OO(N∅) a. tsir/oórtsár tsir/- -oo -r~´~ tsár STM- -SFX2 -!

!"#$% two

‘twobirds’

b. dageenoótsár dageen- -oo ~´~ tsár STM- -SFX2 -!

!"#$%.!"#$% two

‘twoyoungwomen’Thecognateofthesuffix-oo(Fr)isidentifiedinIraqwas-o(Mous1993:60),andin

Alagwaas-oo(Mous2016:87).

5.3.3.9-a(Ft)

Thesuffix-a(Ft)occurson15nounsinthesample.(5.64) THESUFFIX-A(FT) a. asla asl- -a -tá STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$

‘fire’ b. hhafa hhaf- -a -tá STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$#%&.!"#$%

‘ceilingpoles’

5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena

286

c. fara far- -a -tá STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$

‘bone’Inanexaminationofnounselicitedinverbalcontexts,the-a(Mk)affixissomewhat

commoner(5.65).

(5.65) THE-A(FT)SUFFIXFORNOUNSELICITEDINVERBALCONTEXTS a. ara (c.f.aár‘tosee’) ar- -a -tá STM- -SFX2 -L

!""#$%

‘seeing’

b. da/a (c.f.daa/‘toburn’) da/- -a -tá STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$%$&

‘burning’

c. kwahha (c.f.kwaáhh‘tothrow’) kwahh- -a -tá STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$%&'(

‘throwing’InIraqw,thesuffix-a(Ft)isgroupedtogetherwiththesuffix-a(Fr)asaproductive

‘nominalizingsuffix’(Mous1993:76).InAlagwa,anidenticalsuffixisalsoidentified

asanominalizer(Mous2016:107).Itsnominalizingstatusforcesonetoreviewthe

stemsofwhatwereconsideredin(5.64)tobeentirely‘nominal’,anddrawsome

interestingassociations:in(5.64).b),thestemhhaf-seemstobethesameasthe

verbhhaáf‘tolayout’;in(5.64).c),thestemfar-andtheverbfaár‘tocount’arealso

temptinglysimilar.Nosuchparallelcouldbefoundbetweenasl-thestemin

(5.64).a)andanyotherverb.

5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena

287

5.3.3.10-aa(Fr)

Thesuffix-aa(Fr)occurson132nounsinthesample.(5.66) THESUFFIX-AA(FR)

a. hhanslaa hhansl- -aa -r~´~ STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$%&'()%

‘cornstalks’

b. deeqwaa deeqw- -aa -r~´~ STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$!

‘razor’

c. /aantaa /aant--aa -r~´~ STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$%!".!"#$%

‘atermitemound’Thesuffix-aa(Fr)isgroupedwiththe-asuffixinIraqw,discussedaboveinits

‘nominalizing’function,anddiscussedinitsfunctionasnounsuffixin(Mous1993:

60).TheonlycomparablesuffixinAlagwaisonceagainthe‘nominalizer’(Mous

2016:107).

5.3.3.11-ee(Fr)

Thesuffix-ee(Fr)occurs19timesinthesample.(5.67) THESUFFIX-EE(FR)

a. bambaree bambar- -ee -r~´~ STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$"%&.!"##$%

‘bulrushmillet’

5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena

288

b. tseeree tseer- -ee -r~´~ STM- -SFX2 -L

!"##$

‘blood’

c. iimpee iimp- -ee -r~´~ STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$%&

‘atrough’Thesuffix-ee(Fr)isthesameaswhatMousidentifiedas-einIraqw(1993:50),and

as-eeinAlagwa(2016:82).

Thesuffix-ee(Fr)isvisibleasSFX2inthePlcomposedsuffixes-aaweeand-aCzee.

5.3.3.12-á(Mo)

Thesuffix-á(Mo)occurson11nounsinthesample.(5.68) THESUFFIX-Á(MO)

a. niingá niing- -á -ó STM- -SFX2 -L

!"##$.!"#$%&'

‘greenpigeons’

b. filá fil- -á -ó STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$!#$%

‘anteater’ c. kuumbá kuumb- -á -ó STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$%&"!!"!!"#

‘brother-in-law’

5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena

289

TheIraqwgrammardoesnotlist-á(Mo)asaseparatesuffix,butacursorylook

throughtheIraqwdictionary(Mous,Qorro,andKießling2002)yieldsformssuchas

aará(p.15)andil/ará(p.55).

5.3.3.13-ay(Mo)

Thesuffix-ay(Mo)occurson34nounsinthesample.(5.69) THESUFFIX-AY(MO)

a. na/ay na/- -ay -ó

STM- -SFX2 -L !"#$%

‘child’

b. tsaxway tsaxw--ay -ó STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$$%&''("

‘agrasshopper’

c. tsuhay tsuh- -ay -ó STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$%.!"#$

‘lowerback’Thesuffix-ay(Mo)isidentifiedinIraqwasthesuffix-aay(Mous1993:48).Nosuch

suffixisidentifiedforAlagwa.

5.3.3.14-u(Mo)

Thesuffix-u(Mo)occurson24nounsinthesample.

5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena

290

(5.70) THESUFFIX-U(MO) a. daawu

daaw- -u -ó STM- -SFX2 -L

!"!#$%&'

‘elephant’

b. desu des- -u -ó STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$%

‘girls’

c. musu mus- -u -ó STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$%"

‘apestle’TheIraqwdictionary(Mous,Qorro,Kießling2002)recordsseveralformswiththis

ending,includingawu(p.17),qaytsu(p.86),andyuundu(p.122).

5.3.3.15-aangw(Mo)

Thesuffix-aangw(Mo)occurson36nounsinthesample.(5.71) THESUFFIX-AANGW(MO)

a. se’eengw se’- -aangw -ó STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$

‘hair’

b. diraangw dir- -aangw -ó STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$

‘alion’

5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena

291

c. kwu/uungw kwu/- -uungw -ó STM- -SFX2 -L

!"##

‘awall’Thesuffix-aangw(Mo)isidentifiedinIraqwas-angw(Mous1993:p.49).No

similarsuffixexistsinAlagwa.

5.3.3.16-oo(N∅)

Thesuffix-oo(N∅)occurson23nounsinthesample.(5.72) THESUFFIX-OO(N∅)

a. dageenoo dageen- -oo ~´~ STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$%.!"#$%

‘youngwomen’

b. daqoo daq- -oo ~´~ STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$%

‘herds’

c. gwe’edoo gwe’ed- -oo ~´~ STM- -SFX2 -L

!"##$%&

‘abuttock’Thesuffix-oo(N∅)isidentifiedas-oinIraqw(Mous1993:57),andas-ooinAlagwa

(p.87).

Thesuffix-oo(N∅)ispresentasSFX2inthePlcomposedsuffixes-iyooand-eemoo

or-<ee>-oo.

5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena

292

5.3.4General(Pl-leaning)(GenPL)

Thisgroupofsuffixesisgeneralnumber,butareusuallyusedtoformnounswhich

denotePlentities(5.73),butwhentheyexistinapairwithanounformedwithaSg

suffix(5.74),oranounformedwithaPlsuffix(5.75),theymayoccurwithother

formsshowingeitherSgorPlagreement.

(5.73) GENPLSUFFIX-AYMAYONLYOCCURWITHOTHERFORMSSHOWINGPLAGREEMENTa. purusáytlét

purus--ay -ó tlét STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$%&.!" long.M.Pl

‘longinsects’

b. *purusáytleér purus--ay -ó tleér STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$%&.!" long.M

(intendedmeaning)‘alonginsect’ c. puruseértleer purus--ee -r~´~ tleer STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$%&.!" long.F

‘alonginsect’(5.74) SGANDGENPL

‘ORPHAN’panimó panáy

panimóúrpan--(a)m-ó-óúrSTM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L

!"#$%&big.M

‘abigorphan’

panáyúrpan--áy-óúrSTM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$%&big.M

‘abig(groupof)orphans’

panáyurénpan--áy-óurénSTM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$%&'big.M.Pl

‘bigorphans’

5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena

293

(5.75) GENPLANDPL‘EVENING’3

xweera xweerduxweerátleerxweer--a’(!)~´~tleerSTM- -SFX2 -L

!"!#$#%long.N

‘alongevening’

xweerátletxweer--a’(!)~´~tletSTM- -SFX2 -L

!"!#$#%long.N.Pl

‘along(seriesof)evenings’

xweerdutletxweer--(a)d-u!~´~tletSTM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L

!"!#$#%long.N.Pl

‘longevenings’(i.e.isolatedevenings,notinseries)

Noneofthesuffixesinthisgroupmaybebrokendownintosmallerconstituent

parts.Infact,alloftheseformsareusedtoformthecomposed‘Pl’suffixes,tobe

discussedbelow.

5.3.4.1-áy(Mo)

Thesuffix-áy(Mo)occurson121nounsinthesample.(5.76) THESUFFIX-ÁY(MO) a. deeláy deel- -áy -ó STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$

‘kids’(i.e.babygoats)

b. fiitsáy fiits- -áy -ó STM- -SFX2 -L

!"##$%

‘brooms’

c. yaaháy yaah- -áy -ó STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$.!"#$

‘softrain’

3Thenounintheexamplexweera‘evening’is,onthesurface,anounendingin-a.However,becauseoftheN∅agreementittriggers,itisassumedthatthesuffixis-a’(!),andthatthefinalglottalstophasundergoneapocope.

5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena

294

Thesuffix-áy(Mo)isidentifiedinIraqwasthesuffix-aay,followingatone-

spreadingoperation.Thissignalsasignificantdifferenceintheclassificationof

suffixestothatundertakeninthiswork,andwillbeexpandedupon.

Mous(1993:49)notesthatthesuffixidentifiedhereas-áy(Mo)isactuallythesuffix

-ay(Mo)(discussedabove),andisrealizedwithrisingpitchaccent(RPA)becauseof

tonespreadingfromhightoneonthelexicalroot(modeledin(5.77)).Theargument

seemsvalidfortwoprimaryreasons:i)ahigh-tonedsuffixmaybepairedwithother

high-tonedsuffixes(5.78),whichcreatestheappearanceofacommonhigh-toned

stemspreadingRPAtothesuffixunderlyingly,andii)whenahigh-tonedsuffixis

pairedwiththesuffix-∅Mo(5.79),whichcouldbeinterpretedasabarerootrather

thanasuffixedform.

(5.77) PROGRESSIVETONESPREADTOTHESUFFIX(Mous1993:49)SURFACESUFFIX STEM+SUFFIX SURFACEFORMFOLLOWINGHIGH

TONESPREAD-ay(Mo) na/+ay(Mo) na/ay‘achild’-áy(Mo) deél+ay(Mo) deeláy‘kids’(i.e.babygoats)(5.78) HIGH-TONEDPAIRS,CREATINGTHEIMPRESSIONOFAHIGH-TONEDSTEM(Mous1993:

49) -u xuuntlú ‘unusualprotuberance’xuúntl- + = -ay xuuntláy ‘unusualprotuberances’

(5.79) HIGH-TONEDSUFFIXPAIREDWITHSUFFIX-∅(Mo),CREATINGTHEIMPRESSIONOFAHIGH-

TONEDSTEM(MOUS1993:49)

-i tsaxweelí ‘springtrap’tsaxweél- + = -∅ tsaxwél ‘springtraps’

5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena

295

Inbothoftheseconfigurations,therisingpitchaccentcouldbeviewedasinherent

tothestem,andundergoingprogressivetonespreadtothesuffix.

Itisarguedinthiswork,contraMous(1993)thattoneis,infact,notapropertyof

thestem,butapropertyofthesuffixes.

Thoughthe‘hightoneonthestem’(demonstratedin(5.77)-(5.79))argumentholds

wellforpairsinwhichtoneisthesameonbothmembers(asabove),itfaresless

wellforpairsinwhichtoneisdifferent(5.80).Thisisrenderedespecially

problematicwheninsomecases,thesuffixcanbearRPA,andinothercases,itdoes

not(5.81).

(5.80) PAIRWITHDIFFERINGTONEVALUE -i bi/iní(RPA) ‘silkyblesmol’bi/ín- + = -aa bi/inaa(LPA) ‘silkyblesmols’

(5.81) ONESUFFIX,TWOTONALREALIZATIONS a.-IOFFIITSI:LEVELPITCHACCENT

-i fiitsi(LPA) ‘springtrap’fiíts- + = -ay fiitsáy(RPA) ‘springtraps’

b.-IOFDO/Í:RISINGPITCHACCENT -i do/í(RPA) ‘canerat’dó/- + = -ay do/áy(RPA) ‘canerats’

Theprogressivetonespreadingargumentcouldbesavedbypositingthat,insome

cases,tonespreadingisblocked,asitmustbeincasessuchas-aain(5.80),butthis

isaharderargumenttomakewhenthesuffixisphonologicallythesame,asinthe-i

offiitsiandthe-iofbi/iní.Essentially,onewouldhavetoposittwodifferentkinds

of-isuffix,onethatallowstonespreading,andonethatdoesnot.Thisyieldsthe

samenumberofsuffixesasproposedinthecurrentwork,buthastheadditional

5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena

296

complexityofeitheri)havingtostoreinformationontoneintheroot/stem(e.g.to

achievethecorrectsurfaceforms,the(otherwiseidentical)niinga‘drum’andniingá

‘greenpigeon’,wouldhavetoexistastwoseparateunderlyingstems,niing-and

niíng-,respectively);orii)havingtostoreonenounofanotherwiseidenticalpairas

alexicalizedentry(e.g.niinga‘drum’andniingá‘greenpigeon’,wouldhavetoexist

astwoseparateunderlyingstems,niing-andniingá,respectively).Thesystem

envisagedinthecurrentworkproposesthattonalinformationisstoredneitheron

theroot,norinitsspell-outrulesinList2,butthatthisworkiscarriedoutbythe

suffixinaprincipled,regularway.Inadditiontothis,lexicalentries(including

manypropernames)areminimized,andlefttobederivedconstructionally(c.f.

§4.4.3).Assuch,sufficeittosayatthispointthatthedifferencebetween-áy(Mo)

and-ay(Mo)(andofotherhigh-tone,low-tonesuffixpairs)isnotduetoprogressive

tonespreading,butisbecausethesuffixesthemselvesaredifferent,andtheirtone

patternisinherenttothem.

Noequivalenttothesuffix-áy(Mo)isidentifiedinAlagwa.Thesuffix-áyispresentasSFX2inthePlcomposedsuffix-náy.5.3.4.2-u!(N∅)

Thesuffix-u!(N∅)occurson34nounsinthesample.(5.82) THESUFFIX-U!(N∅)

a. gamu gam- -u! ~´~ STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$%&'#$

‘underside’

5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena

297

b. bolu bool- -u! ~´~ STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$

‘days’

c. manu maan--u! ~´~ STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$%&'

‘zombies’Togetherwitha-u,thissuffixhasthesuprasegmentaleffectinthepreceeding

syllableofshorteningalongvowel(5.83),eliminatingaglide(5.84)aswellas

changing[w]to[b]and[r]to[d]inaprocessoffortition(5.85).Followinga

conventionbegunbyKießling(1994),thiseffectisrepresentedbythesymbol!.The

factthatthissuprasegmentaleffectisnotpresentinthestemcanbeseenby

examiningtheothermemberofapair.

(5.83) SHORTENINGEFFECTOF-U!(N∅)a. i.booloo

bool--oo -r~´~ STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#

‘aday’ ii.bolu bool- -u! ~´~ STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$

‘days’

b. i.yaa’ee yaa’--ee -r~´~ STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$!

‘ariver’

5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena

298

ii.ya’u yaa--u! ~´~ STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$!%

‘rivers’

(5.84) GLIDE-ELIMINATIONEFFECTOF-U!(N∅) a. qaymoo qaym--oo -r~´~ STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$%

‘field’ b. qamu qaym--u! ~´~ STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$%&

‘fields’(5.85) FORTITIONEFFECTOF-U!(N∅) a. i.siiwaa siiw--aa -r~´~ STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$#%#&

‘protocol’

ii.sibu siiw- -u! ~´~ STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$#%#&'

‘protocols’

b. i.fara far- -a -tá STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$

‘abone’

ii.fadu far--u! ~´~ STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$%

‘bones’

5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena

299

Thesuffix-u!(N∅)isidenticalinIraqw(Mous1993:55),aswellasinAlagwa(Mous

2016:92).

Thesuffix-u!(N∅)ispresentasSFX2inthePlcomposedsuffixes-aCzu,-(a)du,and

-<ee>-aCzu.

5.3.4.3-a’(!)(N∅)

Thesuffix-a’(!)(N∅)occurson37nounsinthesample.(5.86) THESUFFIX-A’(!)(N∅)

a. laqeela’ laqeel--a’(!) ~´~ STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$%&

‘thorns’

b. gongoxa’ gongoox- -a’(!) ~´~ STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$%&

‘elbows’

c. giitsee/a’ giitsee/- -a’(!) ~´~ STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$

‘aface’Thegroupofsuprasegmentaleffects!thataccompanythesuffix-a’donot

consistentlyapply,andarethereforerepresentedas(!).Effectscanbeseenwhen

comparingmembersofapair(5.87).

5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena

300

(5.87) SUPRASEGMENTALEFFECTSOF-A’(!)(N∅) a.EFFECTSOBSERVED i.gongooxi gongoox- -i -r~´~ STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$%

‘anelbow’

ii.gongoxa’ gongoox- -a’(!) ~´~ STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$%&

‘elbows’ b.EFFECTSUNOBSERVED i.akeesi akees- -i -r~´~ STM- -SFX2 -L

!""#$%&.!"#$%

‘acookingstone’

ii.akeesa’ akees- -a’(!) ~´~ STM- -SFX2 -L

!""#$%&.!"#$%!

‘cookingstones’Sometimes,thefinalglottalstopisnotpresent.Thisisduetoword-finalapocope.(5.88) WORD-FINALAPOCOPEOFGLOTTALSTOP a. /ayla /ayl- -a’(!) ~´~ STM- -SFX2 -L

!"##$%&.!"#$

‘weddingsong’ b. xweera xweer--a’(!)~´~

STM- -SFX2 -L !"!#$#%

‘anevening’

5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena

301

Thesuffix-a’(!)isidentifiedintheseforms,asopposedtoother-asuffixes(-a(Ft),

-a(Mk)or-a(Mo))becauseofagreementpatternspresentonthegenderlinkeras

wellasadjective(5.89).

(5.89) AGREEMENTPATTERNSDIFFERENTIATE-A(!)(N∅)WITHWORD-FINALAPOCOPE,-A(MK),-A(MO),ANDA(FT)

a. dungáur (suffix:-a’(!),withword-finalapocope) dung--a’(!)~´~ ur

STM- -SFX2 -L !"#$

big.N

‘abignose’

b. afkúúr (suffix:-a(Mk)) af- -a -kú úr STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$% big.M

‘abigmouth’ c. niingóúr (suffix:-a(Mo)) niing- -a -ó úr

STM- -SFX2 -L !"#$

big.M

‘abigdrum’

d. asltáur (suffix:-a(Ft)) asl- -a -tá ur

STM- -SFX2 -L !"#$

big.F

‘abigfire’Thesuffix-a’(!)isidenticalinIraqw(Mous1993:57),and-ainAlagwa(Mous2016:

94).

Thesuffix-a’(!)(N∅)ispresentasSFX2inthePlcomposedsuffixes-(a)ma’,and

eema’.

5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena

302

5.3.4.4-a’i(N∅)

Thesuffix-a’i(N∅)occurson33nounsinthesample.(5.90) THESUFFIX-A’I(N∅)

a. tloomi’i tloom--a’i ~´~

STM- -SFX2 -L !"#$%&'$(

‘mountains’

b. na/i’i na/- -a’i ~´~ STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$%&'(

‘children’

c. himi’i him- -a’i ~´~ STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$%

‘ropes’Invirtuallyallcases,the[a]ofthesuffixhasundergoneregressiveassimilation

acrosstheglottalconsonant,thusresultinginasuffixwhoseformistypically-i’i.

Insomecases,thefinalvowelandtheglottalconsonantarenotpresent.Thisisdue

toword-finalapocope.

(5.91) WORD-FINALAPOCOPEOFGLOTTALSTOPAND[i] a. bihhi bihh- -a’i ~´~ STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$

‘side’(i.e.ofthebody) b. amsi ams- -a’i ~´~ STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$%

‘night’

5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena

303

Thesuffix-a’iisidentifiedintheseforms,asopposedtoother-isuffixes(-i(Fr),or-

a(Ft))becauseofagreementpatternspresentonthelinkeraswellasadjective

(5.92).

(5.92) AGREEMENTPATTERNSDIFFERENTIATE-A’I(N∅)WITHWORD-FINALAPOCOPE,-I(FR),AND-I(FT)

a. amsítleer (suffix:-a’i,withword-finalapocope) amsi--a’i ~´~ tleer

STM- -SFX2 -! !"#$%

long.N

‘alongnight’

b. mulkírtleer (suffix:-i(Fr)) mulk- -i -r~´~ tleer

STM- -SFX2 -! !"#$

long.F

‘alongscar’

c. lukitátleer (suffix:-i(Ft)) luk- -i -tá tleer

STM- -SFX2 -! !""#.!"#

long.F

‘alongreedmat’ Thesuffix-a’i(N∅)isidenticalinIraqw(Mous1993:52),and-(a)a’iinAlagwa

(Mous2016:83).

Thesuffix-a’i(N∅)ispresentasSFX2inthePlcomposedsuffixes-iya’,-eeri,and

-aCzi’i.

5.3.5Pl

ThisgroupofsuffixesformnounswhichonlyoccurwithPlagreement.These

suffixesnevershowSgagreementontheadjective(5.93).Thisisacrucialdifference

fromallothergroupsofsuffixes(5.94).

5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena

304

(5.93) PL.SUFFIX-EEMA’(N∅)MAYOCCURONLYWITHOTHERFORMSSHOWINGPLAGREEMENTa. tlapteemá’tlet

tlapt- -eem -a’(!) ~´~ tlet STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L

!"#$%&' long.N.Pl

‘tallfalcons’

b. *tlapteemá’tleer tlapt- -eem -a’(!) ~´~ tleer

STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L !"#$%&'

long.N

(intendedmeanings)‘tallfalcons’,‘agroupoftallfalcons’ c. tlaptumótleér tlapt- -(a)m -ó -ó tleér

STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L !"#$%&

long.M

‘atallfalcon’(5.94) GENERALSUFFIX-AA(FR)MAYOCCURONLYWITHOTHERFORMSSHOWINGEITHERSGOR

PLAGREEMENTa. sirooraártleer

siroor--aa -r~´~ tleerSTM- -SFX2 -L

!"#"$%&'tall.F

‘tallcanary’(i.e.asaspecies,versusshortkindsofcanary)

b. sirooraártlet siroor--aa -r~´~ tlet

STM- -SFX2 -L !"#$%&'

long.F.Pl

‘tallcanaries’Thisgroupmayalsobedistinguishedbyits‘composed’suffixes.Thisis,allthe

suffixesofthisgroupmaybebrokendownintotwosmallersubcomponents.Asfor

theSgsuffixes,thesubcomponentsofthisgroupofPlsuffixesshowthesamesortof

composition.Thefirstsubcomponentisoneofaseriesmorphemesreadily

identifiableas‘derivational’whenusedwithverbstems[CROSSREFERENCE],and

whichwillbefurtherdiscussedbelow.Thesecondsubcomponentisalwaysasuffix

fromthegeneralgroup.

5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena

305

(5.95) SUBDIVISIONOF‘COMPOSEDSUFFIXES’INTOSFX1ANDSFX2 murungeema’

murung- -eem -a’(!) ~´~STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L

!"##$!%&&'()

‘bellybuttons’EachofthesuffixesofthePlgroupwillbeexaminedindetailbelow.5.3.5.1-náy(Mo)

Thesuffix-náy(Mo)occursonsixnounsinthesample.(5.96) THESUFFIX-NÁY(MO)

a. ga/atanáy ga/at- -(a)m -áy -ó

STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L !"#"$%

‘fevers’

b. tsetse/imáy tsetse/- -(a)m -áy -ó STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L

!"#$.!"#$%&

‘openplaces’

c. afurtlumáy afurtl--(a)m -áy -ó STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L

!"#$%&.!"#$%

‘simpleknots’Ascanbeseenfrom(5.96).b)and(5.96).c),thesuffixisoftenrealizedwithan[m]

insteadofan[n].

Thesuffix-náy(Mo)hasnoidentifiedequivalentineitherIraqworAlagwa.Thesuffix-áymaybefurtherdecomposedintotwoparts:(a)mSFX1,andáySFX2.

NotethatSFX1isrecognizableinthe-VVmofthedurativeverbalsuffix(see

§2.3.2.4).SFX2istheGenPLsuffix-áy(Mo).

5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena

306

5.3.5.2-iya’(N∅)

Thesuffix-iya’(N∅)occursonfournounsinthesample.(5.97) THESUFFIX-IYA’(N∅)

a. slufiya’ sluf- -iy -a’(!) ~´~ STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L

!"#$

‘lips’

b. tsi/iya’ tsi/- -iy -a’(!) ~´~ STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L

!"#$!

‘shins’ c. tsiniya’ tsin- -iy -a’(!) ~´~ STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L

!"#$

‘ends’Thefourthoccurrenceofthesuffix-iya’(N∅)involvesword-finalapocopeofthe

glottalstop.

(5.98) WORD-FINALAPOCOPEOFTHEGLOTTALSTOPOFTHESUFFIX-IYA’(N∅) laqayiya laqay- -iy -a’(!) ~´~ STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L

!"#$%&

‘thorns’Theequivalentofthesuffix-iya’(N∅)inIraqwisidentical(Mous1993:57).No

similarformisidentifiedinAlagwa.

Mous(1993:57)notesthatthisformisidenticaltotheverbalthirdpersonplural

suffix-iya’.Decompositionispossible,butslightlylesssatisfyingthantheother

decompositions,inthatthefirstelement(SFX1)isnotidentifiablewithan

5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena

307

independentmorpheme.Nevertheless,thetwopartsareasfollows:iySFX1,and

a’(!)SFX2.SFX2istheGenPLsuffix-a’(!)(N∅).

5.3.5.3-(a)ma’(N∅)

Thesuffix-(a)ma’(N∅)occurson61nounsinthesample.(5.99) THESUFFIX-(A)MA’(N∅)

a. tla/ama’ tla/- -(a)m -a’(!) ~´~ STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L

!"#$%&'

‘ditches’ b. kitangeerima’ kitangeer- -(a)m -a’(!) ~´~

STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L !"#$%&.!"#$%

‘dryingracks’

c. kiintima’ kiint- -(a)m -a’(!) ~´~ STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L

!"#$%&!'

‘thickets’Thesuffix-(a)ma’isidentifiedas-ma’inIraqw(Mous1993:52).Thereisno

equivalentforminAlagwa.

Thesuffix-(a)ma’maybefurtherdecomposedintotwoparts:(a)mSFX1,anda’(!)

SFX2.NotethatSFX1isrecognizableinthe-VVmofthedurativeverbalsuffix(see

§2.3.2.4).SFX2istheGenPLsuffix-a’(!)(N∅).

5.3.5.4-iyoo(N∅)

Thesuffix-iyoo(N∅)occursontwonounsinthesample.

5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena

308

(5.100) THESUFFIX-IYOO(N∅) a. kuriyoo

kur- -iy -oo ~´~ STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L

!"#$%$

‘anuses’

b. tsariyoo tsar- -iy -oo ~´~

STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L !"#$%&#'('

‘clitorises’Equivalentstothesuffix-iyoo(N∅)havebeenidentifiedneitherinIraqw,norin

Alagwa.

Decompositionofthesuffix-iyoo(N∅)yields:iyforSFX1(discussedabove),andoo

forSFX2.SFX2isthegeneralsuffix-oo(N∅).

5.3.5.5-aCzi’i(N∅)

Thesuffix-aCzi’i(N∅)(wheretheCzisaconsonantreduplicatedfromthelastinthe

stem)occursontwonounsinthesample.

(5.101) THESUFFIX-ACZI’I(N∅)a. akoki’i

ako- -aCz -a’i ~´~STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L

!"#$%&#'()"*

‘grandfathers’

b. aamami’i aama- -aCz -a’i ~´~

STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L !"#$%&'()*"+

‘grandmothers’NosimilarformisidentifiedinIraqworAlagwa.

5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena

309

ThesuffixmaybedecomposedintoaCzforSFX1,anda’iforSFX2.aCzis

recognizableinthepluractionalsuffixforverbs,anda’iisthe-a’iGenPLsuffix,

describedabove.

5.3.5.6-<ee>-aCzu(N∅)

Thesuffix-<ee>-aCzu(N∅)(wheretheCzisaconsonantreduplicatedfromthelastin

thestem)occursonfournounsinthesample.

(5.102) THESUFFIX<EE>-ACZU(N∅)a. tlaqeesusu

tlaqas--ees -aCz -u! ~´~ STM- -SFX1 -SFX1 -SFX2 -L

!"#$%&'.!"#$%#

‘sorghummashes’ b. hhafeetutu hhaf- -eet -aCz -u! ~´~

STM- -SFX1 -SFX1 -SFX2 -L !""#.!"#$

‘reedmats’

c. tsa/eetutu tsa/at--eet -aCz -u! ~´~ STM- -SFX1 -SFX1 -SFX2 -L

!"#$%

‘yolks’The-<ee>partofthesuffixreferstoaninfixedee,whichbreaksthefinalconsonant

fromthestem.Interestingly,thissuffixisonlyeverappliedwhentheconsonant

concernedist,m,s,allofwhichserveasverbalderivationalmorphemes(-tthe

middle,-mthedurativeand-sthecausative).Itispredictedthattheconsonant-r,

missingfromthecurrentsample,wouldalsoundergothisprocess,asitisalsoa

durativeverbalsuffix.Inhissectiononverbalderivationalmorphemes,Mous

5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena

310

(1993:190)observestheabilityofcertainoperationstoreanalyzethecontentof

theirbases,severaloperationsseemingtotreattheconsonantst,m,sorrasifthey

wereindeedthederivationalmorphemes.Forexample,theverblakiit‘towait’has

nounderivedform(therefore*lak),buttheiitofthestemseemstobereanalyzed

andtreatedasthemiddlesuffix-iitinthereduplicativedurativeconstruction(hence

lakmaamiit‘tobewaiting’).Perhapsthesameoperationistakingplaceinthis

nominaloperation,thusthestemof(5.102).c)tsa/atisreanalyzedastsa/-t.

NosimilarsuffixisidentifiedforIraqworAlagwa.Thesuffix-<ee>-aCzu(N∅)isuniqueinthatitmaybedecomposedintothree

subcomponents,ratherthantwo.Thefirst,asdiscussedabove,isthereanalysisofa

stem-finalt,m,s,orrinto-eet,-eem,-ees,oreer.ThesecondisaCz.Bothoftheseare

labeledSFX1.Thethirdelement,SFX2is-u.Asstatedabove,-eet,-eem,-ees,and-

aarareallsimilartoverbalderivationalsuffixes,asis-aCz,whichalsoservesasa

durativesuffix.Theelement-uistheGenPLsuffix-u!,discussedabove.

5.3.5.7-eemooor-<ee>-oo(N)

Thesuffix-eemo(N)oritsallomorph-<ee>-oo(N)occur21timesinthesample.(5.103) THESUFFIX-EEMOO(N∅) a. uuneemoo uun- -eem -oo ~´~

STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L !"#$

‘laws’

5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena

311

b. fuufeemoo fuuf- -eem -oo ~´~

STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L !"#$"%$

‘weasels’

c. slareemoo slar- -eem -oo ~´~ STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L

!"#$%&'

‘armpits’Theallomorph-<ee>-oo(N)occursonlywhenthefinalconsonantofthestemist,m,

orr.Itispredictedthat-swouldalsobehavethesame,butthisisnotrecordedin

thesample.Reminiscentofthepatterndiscussedabove,thismayrepresentthe

sameoperationofreanalysis.

(5.104) THESUFFIX-<EE>-OO(N∅) a. ya/eetoo ya/at- -<ee> -oo ~´~

STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L !"#$!

‘shoes’

b. wa’eemoo wa’am- -<ee> -oo ~´~

STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L !"#$.!"##$%

‘bonemarrow’

c. anxeeroo anxar--<ee> -oo ~´~

STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L !"#$%&

‘phlegm’Thisoperationdoesnotoccurforeverycaseofastem-finalt,m,orr,however.

5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena

312

(5.105) [t]OF/AANTEEMOOISNOTREANALYSED /aanteemoo

/aant--eem -oo ~´~ STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L

!"#$%!".!"#$%&

‘termitemounds’

AnidenticalsuffixisidentifiedinbothIraqw(Mous1993:58)andAlagwa(Mous

2016:85).

Thesuffix-eemoo(N)canbebrokenintotwosubparts,eemasSFX1,andooasSFX2.

Similarly,itsallomorph-<ee>-oocanbesubdividedintoareanalysisofastem-final

t,m,s,orrinto-eet,-eem,-ees,oraarasSFX1,andooasSFX2.BothSFX1elements

aresimilartoverbalderivationalsuffixes.Thefinalelementoo,however,isslightly

problematic.Inmanycases,thegender-linkerrealizedbythisformisrisingpitch

accent~´~,thismakesthesuffixidenticalwith-oo(N∅),thegeneralsuffixidentified

above(see§5.3.3.16).However,insomecases,thelinkerrealizedbythisformis-á,

makingthesuffixNasubgender.Thissubgenderisnotcommon,andthesuffix-oo

asidentifiedaboveisconsistentlyN∅insubgender.Assuch,itmaybenecessaryto

positanewmorpheme-oo(Na)toaccountforthispattern.

(5.106) TWODIFFERENTSUBGENDERSFOR-EEMOOOR-<EE>-OO a.N∅SUBGENDER

fuufeemoóuren fuuf- -eem -oo ~´~ uren

STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -! !"#$"%$

big.N.Pl

‘bigweasels’

5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena

313

b.NASUBGENDER ayeemáuren ay- -eem -oo -á uren STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -!

!"#$% big.N.Pl

‘biglands’5.3.5.8-aawee(Fr)

Thesuffix-aawee(Fr)occurson16nounsinthesample.(5.107) THESUFFIX-AAWEE(FR)

a. himtaawee himt- -aw -ee -r~´~ STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L

!"#$

‘owls’

b. tsuhaawee tsuh- -aw -ee -r~´~ STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L

!"#$%.!"#$%

‘lowerbacks’

c. xeeraawee xeer- -aw -ee -r~´~ STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L

!"#$%&#'!

‘scorpions’IdenticalsuffixesexistinIraqw(Mous1993:51)andAlagwa(Mous2016:82).Thesuffix-aawee(Fr)maybedecomposedintoaawforSFX1,andeeforSFX2.aaw

isrecognizableintheinchoativesuffixforverbs-uw(see§2.3.2.4),andeeisthe-ee

generalsuffix,describedabove.

5.3.5.9-eeri(N∅)

Thesuffix-eeri(N∅)occurson25nounsinthesample.

5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena

314

(5.108) THESUFFIX-EERI(N∅)a. /areeri

/ar- -eer -(a)’i ~´~STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L

!"#$%%".!"##$

‘tobaccoballs’

b. kwa/eeri kwa/- -eer -(a)’i ~´~ STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L

!"#$%

‘hares’

c. tsifireeri tsifir- -eer -(a)’i ~´~ STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L

!"#$%"$&'

‘languages’IdenticalsuffixesexistinIraqw(Mous1993:53)andAlagwa(Mous2016:80).

Thesuffix-eeri(N∅)maybedecomposedintoeerforSFX1,and’iforSFX2,where

theglottalstopundergoesdeletioninphonologicalclustersimplification.eeris

recognizableinthedurativeinfixforverbs-<ar>(see§2.3.2.4),and‘iisthe-(a)’i

GenPLsuffix,describedabove.

5.3.5.10-eema’(N∅)

Thesuffix-eema’(N∅)occurson35nounsinthesample.(5.109) THESUFFIX-EEMA’(N∅)

a. murungeema’ murung- -eem -a’(!) ~´~ STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L

!"##$!%&&'()

‘bellybuttons’

5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena

315

b. poohameema’ pooham- -eem -a’(!) ~´~ STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L

!"!##$%

‘baboons’

c. tlapteema’ tlapt- -eem -a’(!) ~´~ STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L

!"#$%&'

‘falcons’AnidenticalsuffixexistsinAlagwa(Mous2016:81).Nosuchsuffixisrecordedfor

Iraqw.

Thesuffix-eema’(N∅)maybedecomposedintoeemforSFX1,anda’forSFX2.eem

isrecognizableinthedurativesuffixforverbs-iim(see§2.3.2.4),anda’isthe-a’(!)

GenPLsuffix,describedabove.

5.3.5.11-(a)du(N∅)

Thesuffix-(a)du(N∅)occurson55nounsinthesample.(5.110) THESUFFIX-(A)DU(N∅)

a. baqaydu baqay--(a)d -u! ~´~ STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L

!"#$%&'(

‘chambers’

b. laydu lay- -(a)d -u! ~´~ STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L

!"#$%&$'.!"#$%

‘brandingirons’

5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena

316

c. ga/aledu ga/al- -(a)d -u! ~´~ STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L

!"#$%&!

‘shields’Thesuffix-(a)du(N∅)hasidenticalformsinIraqw(Mous1993:53)andinAlagwa

(Mous2016:89).

Thesuffix-(a)du(N∅)maybedecomposedinto(a)dforSFX1,anduforSFX2.Itis

arguedthat(a)drepresentsahistoricalchangefromthesuffix-aCz(Kießlingand

Mous2003:11),whichisrecognizableasadurativesuffixforverbs(see§2.3.2.4),

anduisthe-u!GenPLsuffix,describedabove.

5.3.5.12-aCzee(Fr)

Thesuffix-aCzee(Fr)occurson23nounsinthesample,whereCzrepresentsa

reduplicationofthefinalconsonantofthestem.

(5.111) THESUFFIX-ACZEE(FR)

a. himtetee himt- -aCz -ee -r~´~ STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L

!"#$%.!"#$%&#"'

‘metalnecklaces’

b. tluwe/e/ee tluwa/- -aCz -ee -r~´~ STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L

!""#$.!"#$

‘upperarms’

5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena

317

c. tuumbebee tuumb- -aCz -ee -r~´~ STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L

!""#$

‘pools’Aprocessofvowelassimilationofthe[a]ofthesuffixallowsaprocessof

haplologicalsyncopetotakeplace(V→∅/Ci___Ci).Thisresultsinmanyofthese

reduplicatedformsreducingtofeaturegeminateconsonants.

(5.112) GEMINATECONSONANTSFORMEDFROMTHESUFFIX-ACZEE(FR)a. *fureree

fur- -aCz -ee -r~´~ STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L

*fureree *fureree→furree ‘twigs’ b. *ufefee uf- -aCz -ee -r~´~ STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L

*ufefee *ufefee→uffee ‘piles’ c. *kanenee kan- -aCz -ee -r~´~ STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L

*kanenee *kanenee→kannee ‘tendons’OneinterestingpieceofevidencethatthisisindeedthepathtogeminatesinGorwaa

existsinaGorwaatextrecordedbyMartinHeepein1930.Kießling(2002:54)was

thefirsttopointoutthat,inthissource,therearereduplicatedformswhere

present-dayGorwaahasgemination.

5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena

318

(5.113) REDUPLICATEDFORMSINHEEPE(1930),GEMINATEFORMSINCURRENTGORWAA a. muunane[e] → muunnee ‘anger’

b. ‘alalee → allee ‘houseposts’

Thesuffix-aCzee(Fr)hasanidenticalforminAlagwa(Mous2016:79).Nosuch

formexistsinIraqw.

Thesuffix-aCzee(Fr)maybedecomposedintoaCzforSFX1,andeeforSFX2.aCzis

recognizableasadurativesuffixforverbs-aCz(see§2.3.2.4),andeeisthe-ee

generalsuffixdescribedabove.

5.3.5.13-aCzu(N∅)

Thesuffix-aCzu(N∅)occurson22nounsinthesample.(5.114) THESUFFIX-ACZU(N∅)

a. /aampupu /aamp- -aCz -u! ~´~ STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L

!"#$!!"#$%&'(.!"#$%&'()

‘bird-watchingplatforms’ b. yandudu yand- -aCz -u! ~´~ STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L

!"##$%&

‘hammers’

c. afeetlatlu afeetl--aCz -u! ~´~ STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L

!"#$%$

‘waists’

5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena

319

Asforthesuffix-aCzeeabove,aprocessofvowelassimilationofthe[a]ofthesuffix

allowsaprocessofhaplologicalsyncopetotakeplace(V→∅/Ci___Ci).Thisresults

inatleasttwoofthesereduplicatedformsreducingtofeaturegeminateconsonants.

(5.115) GEMINATECONSONANTSFORMEDFROMTHESUFFIX-ACZU(N∅)a. kinnu

kin- -aCz -u! ~´~ STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L

kinunu kinunu→kinnu ‘smallclaywaterpots’ b. kunnu kun- -aCz -u! ~´~ STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L

kununu kununu→kunnu ‘mortars’Thesuffix-aCzu(N∅)hasanidenticalforminAlagwa(Mous2016:92).Nosuch

formexistsinIraqw.

Thesuffix-aCzu(N∅)maybedecomposedintoaCzforSFX1,anduforSFX2.aCzis

recognizableasadurativesuffixforverbs-aCz(see§2.3.2.4),anduisthe-u!GenPL

suffixdescribedabove.

5.3.6Anoteonloans

5.3.6.1LoansfromDatooga

17nounsinthesamplehavebeenidentifiedasloansfromDatooga,identifiableby

theirpatternofendinginastopandpossessingRPA.Nounsofthisgroupcanbe

eitherMoorFringender.

5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena

320

(5.116) LOANSFROMDatoogaa.gewoó(d)

‘disease’b.qereé(g)

‘infant’ c.kiinsororó(q) ‘snail’5.3.6.2LoansfromSwahili(andpossiblyEnglish)

Thissecondgroupofloansisnumerous,andisdistributedthroughoutthesample.

Theseloanstendtoexistonacontinuum,fromthosewhoseendingshavebeen

completelyreanalyzedintosuffixes(nativizedloans)(5.117),tothosewhose

endingsaresometimesanalyzedassuffixes,andsometimeanalyzedaspartofthe

stem(unnativizedloans)(5.118).

(5.117) NATIVIZEDLOANS a.DAAWA daawa suffix:-aa ‘medicine’Sw.dawa ‘medicine’ → daaw- daawudu suffix:-(a)du ‘medicines’

b.BAMIYA bamiyito’oo suffix:-(i)to’oo ‘okrafruit’Sw.bamia ‘okra’ → bamiy- bamiya suffix:-aa ‘okra’

(5.118) UNNATIVIZEDLOANS a.SULEE sule suffix:-ee ‘school’Sw.shule ‘school’ → sule- suledu suffix:-(a)du ‘schools’ BUT:[e]still

presentonstem

b.KATAANI BUT:[i]still

presentonstem

kataanimó suffix:-(a)mó ‘sisalplant’Sw.katani ‘sisal’ → kataani- kataani suffix:-i(Fr) ‘sisal’

5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena

321

Thisconcludesthepresentationofthesuffixes.Whatfollowsisasyntacticanalysis

toaccountfortheseregularphenomena.

5.4Analysis

Followingthedatapresentationabove,Gorwaanominalsuffixescanbe

characterizedasasetof42forms.Morphologically,ofthe42suffixes,24are

‘simple’(formedofonlyoneidentifiablemorpheme),and18are‘composed’

(formedofoneofthesimplesuffixes(labeledSFX2)andasecondmorpheme

analogoustotheverbal‘derivationalsuffixes’(labeledSFX1)).Syntactically,there

are2numbervalues:SgandPl.The18‘composed’suffixesmayonlyeveroccur

withoneofthesenumbervalues,hence,ofthis‘composed’groupthereare5Sg

suffixes,and13Plsuffixes.The24‘simple’suffixesareunvaluedfornumber(i.e.

generalnumber),andmayoccurwitheitherSgagreementorPlagreement.

Restrictionsonhowfreelygeneralsuffixesmayassociatewitheithernumbervalue

islargelydependentontheparadigmintowhichthesesuffixesenter,andwillbe

discussedinthefollowingchapter.

Thisgeneral-singular-pluraldistinctiontranslatesintotheminimalistframeworkby

positingthreedifferentfeatures:[individuation],[singular],and[plural].Following

themorphosyntacticfeaturegeometryproposedbyHarleyandRitter(2002),in

orderforaformtobearthe[singular]or[plural]feature,itmustfirstbearthe

[individuation]feature.

5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena

322

ReturningtothemorphologyoftheGorwaanoun,ifnounswhichconsistentlyoccur

withSgagreementandnounswhichconsistentlyoccurwithPlagreement(e.g.

qoonqalumó‘acrownedcrane’andqoonqalama’‘crownedcranes’)arealways

markedbyacomposedsuffix,andifcomposedsuffixesaredifferentfromsimple

suffixesbytheircontainingaSFX1,IproposethatSFX1correspondstoahead

carryingthe[individuation]feature(5.119).Furthermore,giventhatSFX1occurs

closertothestemthanSFX2,itisthisheadwhichprojectsdirectlyabovetheroot

(√)(5.120).

(5.119) FEATURESTRUCTUREFORTHELEXICALELEMENTSFX1(VERSION1)

SFX1 categorial SFX1, Indiv

inflectional ∅selectional √

(5.120) QOONQALUM-(VERSION1)MergeofSFX1(syntacticobjectα)and√qoonqal(syntacticobjectβ). SFX1P √qoonqal-(a)m cat SFX1, Indiv 5 √qoonqal -(a)m

cat √sel [ ] cat SFX1, Indiv

infl ∅sel √

Havingbeenvaluedfor[individuation],theformqoonqalum-willgoontobevalued

foreither[singular]or[plural],mostlikelythroughmergerwithanotherfunctional

head.

5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena

323

Lookingatthemorphology,itistemptingtoassumethatitisthisheadwhichhosts

theSFX2material.However,itshouldbenotedthatSFX2occursonformsboth

specifiedandunspecifiedfornumber.Consider(5.121)below,wheretheSFX2is

sharedonasingularnounwithaconsistentlysingularsuffixqoonqalumó,anda

generalnumbernounwithasuffixsiyó.

(5.121) SFX2OCCURSONNOUNSBOTHSPECFIEDANDUNSPECIFIEDFORNUMBER a. qoonqalumówák qoonqál- -(a)m -ó -ó wák

STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L!"#$%&'.!"#$%

one

“onecrownedcrane”

b. siyówák siy- -ó -ó wák

STM- -!"#$ -L!"#$

one

“onetypeoffish”

c. siyótsár siy- -ó -ó tsár

STM- -!"#$ -L!"#$

two

“twotypesoffish,twofish’

SFX2morphologybeingunrelatedtoexpressionofsingularorpluralnumber,it

cannotbeassociatedwithaheadbearinga[singular]or[plural]feature.However,

formssuchasqoonqalumóandqoonqalama’arevaluedforsingularandplural

number,respectively.Assuch,itispositedthataheadwhichpossessesthese

features[singular]or[plural]mustexist,butthattheheadofthisprojection

(labeledFfornow)isphonologicallynull.Thisheadimmediatelydominatesthe

headhostingthe[individuation]feature.

5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena

324

(5.122) FEATURESTRUCTUREFORTHELEXICALELEMENTF(VERSION1)

F categorial F, Sginflectional ∅selectional SFX1

(5.123) QOONQALUM-(SG.)(VERSION1)MergeofF(syntacticobjectα)andSFX1√qoonqal-(a)m(syntacticobjectβ). FP√qoonqal-(a)m-F

cat F, Sg 5

SFX1P F √qoonqal-(a)m

cat SFX1, Indiv cat F, Sginfl ∅

sel < SFX1 >

5 √qoonqal -(a)m Uptothispoint,thestructureandmechanicsoftheanalysislargelymatchthatof

Borer(2005a),assuch,thelabelsappliedthereinmaybeadopted.SFX1becomesa

classifierhead(Cl),whosefeatureisresponsiblefordividingstuff.Fbecomesa

quantityhead(#),whosefeatureisresponsibleforassigningquantitytostufforto

divisionsofit(p.96).Assuch,thestructurein(5.123)canberewrittenasfollows.

(5.124) QOONQALUM-(SG.)(VERSION2)#P√qoonqal-(a)m-#

cat #, Sg 5

ClP # √qoonqal-(a)m

cat Cl, Indiv cat #, Sginfl ∅

sel < Cl >

5 √qoonqal -(a)m

5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena

325

UnderBorer’s(2005a)model,theprojectionimmediatelydominating#Pisthe

determinerD.Perhaps,then,SFX2morphologyistheinstantiationofthesyntactic

headD.This,however,seemsunlikely:SFX2hasnothingtodowithdefiniteness,

indefiniteness,orreference,featuresheldbyBorertobeintrinsictotheheadD4.

Ratherthanmarkersofdefinitenessand/orindefiniteness,SFX2hasthesamerole

asHarris’(1991:30)word-markers,which“mark[]aderivationallyand

inflectionallycompleteword”.Indeed,anounonlyattainsitsfulllexicalmeaning

whenmergedwithaSFX2.

(5.125) STMTSIFIR-ATTAINSFULLLEXICALMEANINGWHENMERGEDWITHASFX2a. tsifiraangw

tsifir- -aangw -ó !!"- -SFX2 -L

!"#$%&

‘atongue’

b. tsifiri tsifir- -i -r~´~ !!"- -SFX2 -!

!"#$%"$&

‘alanguage’

Additionally, a nounmaybe inserted into larger units of discourseonly once it is

mergedwithanSFX2. Mostnounsalsocontaina linkermorpheme,butthis isnot

essentialtothesyntacticidentityofthenoun.AswillbearguedinChapter7,linkers

arenotpresentinincorporationconstructions,makingthem,tosomedegree,non-

essentialtothecategorialidentityofthenoun. SFX2,however,mustbepresentin

orderforanountobeanoun.

4Fordetailsonhowdefiniteness/indefinitenessisexpressedinGorwaa,see§2.4.1.2,§2.4.1.3,and§2.4.3.

5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena

326

(5.126) NOUNINCORPORATIONCONSTRUCTIONS:LINKERISABSENT,BUTSFX2ISPRESENTa. ugaslee-gás [20161119f.34]

∅- u- ∅ -(g)a sl- -ee gásA.2- P.M- AUX -PRFSTM- -SFX2

!"# kill.2SG.PST

“You(M)killedacowonhim.”(lit.‘Youcow-killedhim.’) b. ngunasaga-taáhh[…] [20131108b_20150725j.89]

ng- u- ∅ -na sag- -a taáhhA.3- P.M- Aux -ImprfSTM- -SFX2

!"#$ hit.M.Pst

“[…]hesmashedhimonthehead[…]”(lit.‘hehead-hithim’)

Inlightofthisevidence,SFX2maybepositedastheinstantiationofsome

projection,dominating#,and,inturn,dominatedbyD.Letuscallthisprojectionn5.

(5.127) FEATURESTRUCTUREFORTHELEXICALELEMENTN(VERSION1)

n categorial ninflectional ∅selectional N;#

5Thechoiceoflabelforthisprojectionisaconsciousone.Formoreonthemotivationbehindthis,see§6.6.1.

5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena

327

(5.128) QOONQALUMÓ(VERSION1)Mergeofn(syntacticobjectα)and√qoonqal-(a)m-#(syntacticobjectβ).

nP√qoonqal-(a)m-#-ó cat n 5 #P n√qoonqal-(a)m-#-ó

cat #, Sg !"# !!"#$ ∅

!"# N; <#>

5ClP #

√qoonqal-(a)m

cat Cl, Indiv cat #, Sginfl ∅

sel < Cl >

5 √qoonqal Cl

-(a)m Asdescribedabove,formsexpressinggeneralnumberareneitherclassifiednor

quantified.Assuch,inthesestructurestheCland#headsareabsent.Inadditionto

this,theremustbeaslightdifferenceintheselectionalfeaturesofthenhead:angen

(nofgeneralnumber)mustselectfor√,whereasannum(nofnumber)selectsfor#6.

(5.129) FEATURESTRUCTUREFORTHELEXICALELEMENTNGENVERSUSTHATOFNNUM

n!"# categorial ninflectional ∅selectional √;N

n!"# categorial ninflectional ∅selectional #;N

6NotethatthefeaturestructureforbothlexicalelementsngenandnnumalsopositacategoryNintheirselectionalfeatures.ThiswillbeimportantinChapter7,butmaybeleftasidefornow.

5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena

328

(5.130) THEGENERALNUMBERFORMQOONQÁL(VERSION1)Mergeofngen(syntacticobjectα)and√qoonqal(syntacticobjectβ). ngenP√qoonqal-∅ cat n 5 √ n √qoonqal -∅

cat N cat ninfl ∅

sel < √ > ; N

Thusfar,thisproposalispromisinginthatitmanagestoaccountfortheordering

anddistributionofthemorphemes.Thatis,SgandPlformsalwaysfeatureaSFX1

becausethismorphemeisinvolvedinclassificationandquantification.General

formsarenotclassifiedorquantified,andthereforelacktheheadsCland#,and

thusSFX1.Theirunderspecificationfornumberallowsanumbervaluetobe

introducedfromelsewhere,aprocesswhichisdiscussedin(§7.4.3).

5.5Remarksandsummary

Thecentralaimofthischapterwastoprovideadescriptionandexplanationofthe

so-called‘regular’characteristicsoftheGorwaasuffix.Repeatedfrom(5.3)above,

theyaregivenin(5.131)here.

(5.131) THEREGULARMORPHOSYNTACTICCHARACTERISTICSOFTHEGORWAASUFFIX

a. Manysuffixes(identifiedthusfarasSFX)maybedividedintoseparatemorphemes:SFX1andSFX2.AllsuffixesfeaturetheSFX2morpheme,notallsuffixesfeaturetheSFX1morpheme.

b. SuffixeswithaSFX1morphemeareeitherSgorPlinnumber,andcanthereforeoccurwithexternalelements(e.g.adjectives)onlyiftheyshowmatchingagreement.

5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena

329

c. SuffixeswithoutaSFX1morphemeareunvaluedfornumber,andcanthereforeoccurwithexternalelements(e.g.adjectives)whichshowbothSgorPlagreement.(thoughseeII.d.forexceptions.)

Asmentionedabove,thesecharacteristicswereinterpretedasregularinthatthey

representstablecorrespondenceswhichcanlargelybeexplainedasproductsof

featurebundles(i.e.materialfromList1)beingmanipulatedinthesyntax(i.e.the

syntacticoperations).

Subsection5.5.1examinesthepossibilityofmultiplesuffixing,andsubsection5.5.2

summarizes.

5.5.1Remarksonmultiplesuffixing

Theaccountaboveconceptualizessuffixingasthemergeroftherootwithaseriesof

heads--Cl,#,andn--eachofwhichoccursmaximallyonceduringthecourseofthe

derivation.Thephenomenonofmultiplesuffixing,inwhichakindofhead

(specificallyn)maymergemorethanonceduringthecourseofthederivation,

conceptualizessuffixinginaslightlydifferentway,andwillbeexaminedforGorwaa

below.

DescribedinLecarme(2002:121-122)forSomali(som:e.g.Somalia)aspluralof

plural,andinKramer(2014:12)forAmharic(amh:Ethiopia)asdoubleplural,

multiplesuffixingseesasecondsuffixattachingtoaformwhichalreadycontainsa

suffix.Thisfirstformiscapableoffunctioningasafullnounonitsown,andthe

secondsuffixmayormaynotresultinachangeinmeaning.

5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena

330

(5.132) MULTIPLESUFFIXINGa.INSOMALI(FROMLECARME2002:121)nín‘man’→nim-án‘men’→niman-yaál‘(groupsof)men’b.INAMHARIC(FROMKRAMER2014:

näfs‘soul’→näfs-at‘souls’→näfsat-ottʃ ‘souls’

Thoughnotexecutedinexactlythesamefashionintheaboveworks,theresulting

structurewouldresemblesomethinglikethatofError!Referencesourcenot

found..

(5.133) THEMULTIPLESUFFIXFORMNIMANYAÁL‘(GROUPSOF)MEN’(SOMALI)

nP 4n’ n

3-yaál√ n

√nín -án

InadditiontoSomaliandAmharic,Mous,inidentifyingformsdescribedasaplural

derivedfromasingularderivedfromabase(2016:70-72),evokesasimilar

mechanisminAlagwa.Assuch,ageneralnumber‘base’formreceivesasingular

suffix,whichthenreceivesapluralsuffix.Thephenomenonisexemplifiedin

(5.134).

(5.134) MULTIPLESUFFIXINGINALAGWA(FROMMOUS2016:70-72)/aantsáa‘(agroupof)figs’→/aantsimoo‘afig’→/aantsima’i‘figs’[/aants-áa] [/aantsaa-imoo] [/aantsaaimoo-a’i]

Immediately,theargumentislesstransparentinAlagwathanineitherSomalior

Amharic,inthatvowel-deletioneliminatesevidenceforthepresenceofmay

suffixes.Butassuminganunderlyingform(giveninsquarebracketsin(5.134)),the

structurein(5.135)maybeposited.

5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena

331

(5.135) THEMULTIPLESUFFIXFORM/AANTSIMA’I‘FIGS’INALAGWA(VERSION1)

nP4n’ n

3 -a’i n’ n 2-imoo √ n √/aants-aa

AseconddifferencebetweenthemultiplesuffixforminAlagwaandthemultiple

suffixformsinSomaliandAmharicisthatformsinAlagwaarebuiltofsuffixeswith

differingnumbervalues.WhereastheformsinSomaliandAmharicarebuiltofa

rootandtwopluralsuffixes,theforminAlagwaisbuiltofaroot,ageneralnumber

suffix,asingularsuffix,andapluralsuffix.Givenwhathasbeenestablishedinthis

chapter,thestructurewouldoccurassomethingakinto(5.136).

(5.136) THEMULTIPLESUFFIXFORM/AANTSIMA’I‘FIGS’INALAGWA(VERSION2)nP 3 #P n3 -a’inP #

4[Pl.] #P n 3-oo ClP# 3 [Sg.]

nP Cl 3 -iim√ n

√/aants-aa

5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena

332

Themostimmediatelyobjectionablecharacteristicofastructuresuchasthisisthat

ithasbeenquantifiedtwice,withtwodifferentvalues,Sg,andPl.Becausenumber

isalwaysaninterpretablefeature,thiswillcausethederivationtocrash.7

Theproposalcould,however,besavedbyadoptingaslightlydifferentapproachto

thefinaln(anapproachwhichwillbeestablishedinChapter6),inwhichthefinal

suffixisnottwoseparateheads,butone,realizedas-oointhepresenceofaSg

feature,andas-a’iinthepresenceofaPlfeature.Thestructurewouldtherefore

occurasin(5.137).

(5.137) THEMULTIPLESUFFIXFORM/AANTSIMA’I‘FIGS’INALAGWA(REVISED)

nP4

#P n 3 -ooSg ClP # -a’iPl 3 [Pl.]

nP Cl 3-iim√ n√/aants-aa

Thestructureis,initself,licit:becausethelowernisofgeneralnumber,nonumber

valueisimposedontherootuntilthatofthehigherCl-#projections.

ThisissignificantinthatGorwaamaybearguedtopossessthesamekindof

patterns.Assuch,theformqoonqalama’‘crownedcranes’,underthemultiplesuffix

proposal,wouldappearasin(5.138).

7Itwillbeproposedin§7.4.2thatDPsmaycontainmorethanonegenderfeature,withonlythehighestabletoaffectagreementoperations.Number,however,isalwaysaninterpretablefeature,whereasgenderisonlyinterpretablewhenreflectingthebiologicalgenderofthereferent(i.e.itssex).ItisduetothisdifferenceininterpretabilitythataDPmaycontainmorethanonegenderfeature,butonlyeveronenumberfeature.

5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena

333

(5.138) QOONQALAMA’‘CROWNEDCRANES’INGORWAA(UNDERTHEMULTIPLESUFFIXPROPOSAL)

nP4

#P n 3 -óSg ClP # -a’iPl 3 [Pl.]

nP Cl 3-iim√ n√qoonqal-∅

Ultimately,itisthesynchronicdatawhichcomplicatethisproposalforSouth

Cushitic.Asmentionedabove,becauseofextensivevowel-deletion,itisoften

impossibletodetermineifasuffixispresentinaformornot.Assuch,undera

multiplesuffixanalysis,theAlagwanoun/aantsima’icouldbedecomposedas

/aants-aa-iim-a’i,itmayjustassatisfactorilybedecomposedunderanon-multiple

suffixanalysisas/aants-iim-a’i.Indeed,fortheGorwaanounqoonqalama’,the

positingofanullsuffixnofgeneralnumberbetweentherootandtheclassifierhead

seemsdifficulttojustify,asitisnotsyntacticallynecessary.

Moreserious,however,areGorwaacasesinwhichthepatternissomehow‘broken’,

thatis,wherepluralformsshowmorphologyfromasingularformthatdoesn’t

exist8.

(5.139) ‘BROKEN’PATTERNS:PLFORMSSHOWMORPHOLOGYFROMASGFORMTHATDOESNOTEXIST(GORWAA)

a. kalambeetú‘honeybadger’ |kalambeetama’‘honeybadgers’b. /aanta‘termitemound’ |/aanteemo‘termitemounds’c. iitsaangw‘jackal’ |iitseema’‘jackals’

8‘Broken’patternsappearmuchlesscommoninAlagwa,theonlyexampleIcouldfindoutsideoftheexamplesgivenbeingtsuuruu‘nest(i.e.forbirds)’|tsuruma’i‘nests’.

5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena

334

Theobviousargumenthereisthat,historically,theformskalambeetamó,/aantamó,

andiitsamóallonceexistedandthat,forwhateverreason,arenolongerinuse.This

is,infact,Mous’argumentinAlagwaforpairsofnumber-valuedformswhichlacka

baseform,suchas/antl-imoo‘molartooth’|/antilim-ay‘molarteeth’.The

problemis,however,thatforasynchronicdescriptiontoaccountforthese

phenomenainacomprehensiveway,agreatdealofunderlyingstructurewould

needtobeassumed-verylittleofwhichcouldbegleanedfromsurfacestructure.

Therefore,whilemultiplesuffixingisaregular,productiveprocessinbothSomali

andAmharic,andwhile,atonepoint,thisappearstohavebeenthecaseinSouth

Cushitic,thecurrentdata(forbothAlagwaandGorwaa)pointtoasystemthatisno

longerproductive,andwhoseremnantshavebeenre-analysedintoasystemin

whichtheonlysyntacticallypermissiblestructuresarethoseinvolvingunique

suffixation.Thissuffixsystemwillbefurtherexaminedinthenextchapter.

5.5.2Summary

Thischaptertookpainstoestablishadetaileddescriptionofthesuffixesbefore

attemptingamoreabstractlevelofanalysis.Assuch,42differentsuffixeswere

identifiedanddividedintotwobroadgroups:thosewhichareindividuatedand

thereforeimposeanumbervalue(SgorPl),andthosewhichareunidividuatedand

maythereforeoccurwitheitherSgorPlagreement(generalnumber).Thechoiceof

theterm‘occurwith’ratherthan‘trigger’isusedadvisedly,asitseemsasifnumber

agreement(seenontheadjective)comesfromanelementotherthanthenoun.This

willbefurtherdiscussedinChapter7.

5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena

335

Theoretically,thesuffixwasdeconstructedintothreemorphosyntactic

subcomponents:theclassifierhead(Cl),thequantityhead(#),andthe‘little-n’head

(n).Suffixesvaluedfornumber(i.e.thosewhichmayonlyoccurwithSgagreement

andthosewhichmayonlyoccurwithPlagreement)featurebothaClanda#.

Suffixesunvaluedfornumber(i.e.thosewhichmayoccurwithSgorPlagreement),

donotfeatureaClora#.SFX2wasshownnottobeinstantiatedoneither#ora

higherDprojection,buton‘littlen’,aprojectionintermediatebetween#andD.

Subsection5.5.1examinedanalternateanalysisprovokedbysomemore

complicateddata,anddecidedtorejectmultiplesuffixinginfavourofasimple

suffixingmodel.

Assuch,theregularcharacteristicsoftheGorwaasuffixhavebeendealtwithusing

thetoolsfordescriptionofregularphenomena:thatis,themanipulationoffeature

bundlesinthesyntax.Thenextchapteraddressesthelistedcharacteristics,andwill

thereforeseegreaterappealtopost-Spelloutoperations.

6.Thesuffix2:thelistedphenomena

336

6.Thesuffix2:thelistedphenomena

6.1Introduction

Onceagain,thecurrentchapterisconcernedwiththesuffix,theconstituent

morphemesofwhichareboldedin(6.1)below.

(6.1) THESUFFIX(SFX):COMPOSEDOFSUBPARTSSFX1ANDSFX2 a. wa/aángwwák

wa/- -!!"#$ -ó wák STM- -!"#$ -L

!""#$# one

“onearroyo”

b. we/eerítsár wa/- -!!" -(a)'! ~´~ tsár STM- -!"#$ -SFX2 -L

!""#$#% two

“twoarroyos”Toreview,themostrelevantpatternsofGorwaasuffixesareasfollowsin(6.2).(6.2) MORPHOSYNTACTICCHARACTERISTICSOFTHEGORWAASUFFIX

I. RegularPhenomena:a. Manysuffixes(identifiedthusfarasSFX)maybedividedinto

separatemorphemes:SFX1andSFX2.AllsuffixesfeaturetheSFX2morpheme,notallsuffixesfeaturetheSFX1morpheme.

b. SuffixeswithaSFX1morphemeareeitherSgorPlinnumber,andcanthereforeoccurwithexternalelements(e.g.adjectives)onlyiftheyshowmatchingagreement.

c. SuffixeswithoutaSFX1morphemeareunvaluedfornumber,andcanthereforeoccurwithexternalelements(e.g.adjectives)whichshowbothSgorPlagreement.(thoughseeII.d.forexceptions.)

II. ListedPhenomenaa. Agivennounstemtakesasetofsuffixes,knownasa

paradigm.Paradigmsmaybemonads,pairs,ortriads.b. Theparadigmtakenbyanygivennounisunpredictable.c. Agivennounstemmayhavemorethanoneparadigm.

Selectionofparadigmmayormaynotaffectthesemanticinterpretationoftheresultantnoun.

d. Suffixesunvaluedfornumbermayhavethekindsofagreementwithwhichtheymayoccurrestrictedbythecompositionoftheirparadigm.

e. Thegrammaticalgender(i.e.M,F,orN)ofanounisdeterminedbytheSFX2morpheme,whichhasastable

6.Thesuffix2:thelistedphenomena

337

associationwithgender.Ifanounischangedfornumber,itsgendermayalsochange.

Thepreviouschapteraccountedforthosephenomenalistedasregular:stable

correspondenceswhichcanlargelybeexplainedasproductsoffeaturebundles

(i.e.materialfromList1)beingmanipulatedinthesyntax(i.e.thesyntactic

operations).Eachofthe42SFXsofGorwaawerepresentedandsubdividedinto

twotypes:thosewhicharenotspecifiedfornumber,andonlyconsistofaSFX2,

andthosewhicharespecifiedfornumber,andconsistofaSFX1andaSFX2.

SFX1wasdescribedsyntacticallyasaclassifierhead(Cl),whoseroleitisto

individuate,(i.e.dividestuff).Havingbeenclassified,nounsmaythenbe

quantified.ThisisaccomplishedinGorwaathroughanullquantityhead(#),

whichdominatestheclassifierhead.Itwasarguedthatthisquantificationhead

cannotbethelocusoftheSFX2morpheme,whichmustbelocatedatahigher

pointinthestructure.ItwasalsonotedthattheSFX2morphemecouldalsonot

belocatedatD.Instead,itwaspositedthatSFX2wasaninstantiationofthe

syntactichead‘littlen’,directlydominating#,anditselfdominatedbyD.The

structuresarrivedatthusfarisgivenin(6.3)below,(6.3)a)foranumber-valued

(inthiscaseSg)form,and(6.3)b)forageneralnumberform.

6.Thesuffix2:thelistedphenomena

338

(6.3) a. THENUMBER-VALUEDFORMQOONQALUMÓ(VERSION1) nP√qoonqal-(a)m-#-ó cat n 5 #P n√qoonqal-(a)m-#-ó

cat #, Sg !"# !!"#$ ∅

!"# N; <#>

5ClP #

√qoonqal-(a)m

cat Cl, Indiv cat #, Sginfl ∅

sel < Cl >

5 √qoonqal Cl

-(a)m

b. THEGENERALNUMBERFORMQOONQÁL(VERSION1)

ngenP√qoonqal-∅ cat n 5 √ ngen √qoonqal -∅

cat N cat ninfl ∅

sel < √ > ; N

ThischapteraddressesthosepatternsofGorwaasuffixeswhichare‘listed’:

requiringrecoursetomoredetailedexplanationsofrealizationrulespost-

Spellout(i.e.materialfromList2andList3).Embick(2003)notesthat“[a]ll

approachestogrammarmustassumethatsomeinformationissimplylisted”

(144).Essentially,inEnglish,thedifferenceingrammaticalitybetweentwomen

and*twomancanbeexplainedbyrecoursetothesamesortofsyntactic

structuresasdiscussedinChapter5.However,thedifferenceingrammaticality

betweenmenand*mansisofadifferentnature.Thatis,itisnottheexpression

6.Thesuffix2:thelistedphenomena

339

ofnumbervalue[plural]onthenounwhichisillicit(asmenisavalidplural

form),butratherthemannerinwhichitisexpressedforthisparticularnoun.

Whereassingular-pluralpairssuchasban|bans,can|cans,fan|fansarelicit,

man|mansisnot.Theman|manserrorisnotoneoffeaturebundlesbeing

manipulatedbysyntacticoperations(ban|bansillustratesthatsucha

configurationissyntacticallylicit),rather,itisanerrorofhowthatstructuredset

offeaturebundlescomestoberealizedforthatparticularform.Inorderto

recognizetheungrammaticalityofman|*mans,andthegrammaticalityofman|

men,onemustsimplyknowthatthisisthewaythisparticularwordworks.

Knowledgeisnotofthesyntax,butoftheparticularlexicalitem:itislisted.

Embickgoesontostatethat“[h]owthisinformationislisted,andwhetherornot

listednesscorrelateswithgrammaticalphenomenainasystematicfashion,isa

significantresearchquestion”(2003:144).

Gorwaanounsuffixesareanappropriatesubjectinthisregard,bothinthat

listednessisextensive,andinthatlistedmaterialhassignificant

morphosyntacticramifications.Followingthisintroduction,§6.2providesan

introductiontoconceptoftheparadigm:atoolcentraltomuchofthefollowing

discussion.§6.3givesanoverviewofeachofthelistedphenomenaincludedin

(6.2).§6.4isadetailedpresentationanddescriptionoftheempiricalbasisof

thischapter:theparadigm.§6.5providesananalysisintheDistributed

Morphologyarchitecturetoaccountforlistedphenomena.§6.6givesafinal

remark,andsummarizes.

6.Thesuffix2:thelistedphenomena

340

6.2.Theparadigm

Asmaybeobservedin(6.2)themajorityofthelistedphenomenaassociated

withtheGorwaasuffixmakereferencetotheconceptoftheparadigm.Giventhe

highdegreeofunpredictabilityassociatedwiththeparadigms--howmuch

relatingtotheiridentitymust‘simplybelearned’andhowmuchistherefore

post-syntactic--wonderingiftheyareworthanysortofanalysisatalldoesnot

seemanentirelyflippantproposition.

However,evenifparadigmsarepredominantlypost-syntacticintheircontent,

theyarenotexternaltothegrammar.Askingquestionsofhowtheparadigms

cometorealizetheinformationtheyencodeisimportantforunderstanding

grammarpost-Spellout.Moreintriguingly,itwillbeseenthataproper

understandingofparadigmsallowsfornovelapproachestonominalstructure,

aswellascommonphenomenasuchasgenderandagreement.

Firstly,inthiswork,‘paradigm’willbeusedtomeantheinstructionsforsuffix

realizationtakenbyagivennounstem.Forexample,theformfor‘rooster’in

Gorwaaiskookumó,andtheformfor‘roosters’iskookuma’.Putcrudely,the

nounstemkook-isgiventheinstructions:forsingular,realizethesuffixas-(a)mó

(Mo);forplural,realizethesuffixas-(a)ma’(N∅).Thisspecificsetofinstructions

isreferredtointhisworkastheparadigm-(a)mó(Mo)|-(a)ma’(N∅).

Paradigmsareabstract:thenounkookumó‘rooster’,onitsown,givesnoovert

indicationthatitisoftheparadigm-(a)mó(Mo)|-(a)ma’(N∅).Itisonlyby

observingthepluralformkookuma’‘roosters’(aswellasbylearningthataform

6.Thesuffix2:thelistedphenomena

341

ingeneralnumberisnonexistent)thattheparadigm-(a)mó(Mo)|-(a)ma’(N∅)

mayfinallybediscerned.

Furthermore,thisparticularparadigmisnotveryenlightening:asasuffixofthe

Sgtype,-(a)mó(Mo)couldnevermeansomethinglike‘roosters’or‘groupof

roosters’,and,asasuffixofthePltype,-(a)ma’(N∅)couldnevermean

somethinglike‘arooster’or‘groupofroosters’.Alltheinformationnecessaryis

presentinthesuffixes.

However,therelationshipbetween-(a)mó(Mo)to-(a)má(N∅)isnotone-to-

one.Thenoun/itsimó‘intestinalworm’hasthepluralform/itseemi‘intestinal

worms’,andthenounmahhatimó‘shadow’hasthepluralformmahheetitu

‘shadows’.Itis,thereforenecessarytostipulatethat,whilethenounstemkook-

pluralizesin-(a)ma’(N∅),thenounstem/its-pluralizesin-<ee>-i(N∅),andthe

nounstemmahhat-pluralizesin-<ee>-aCzu(N∅).

Thelackofone-to-onerelationshipsbetweensingularandpluralsuffixes

operatesintheotherdirectionaswell.Whilethenounkookuma’‘roosters’has

thesingularformkookumó‘rooster’,thenounya’eema’‘streams’hasthesingular

formya’eemi‘stream’.Itisthereforeequallynecessarytostipulatethat,while

thenounstemkook-singularizesin-(a)mó(Mo),thenounstemya’-singularizes

in-iimi(Fr).

ThefactthatmorethanonesuffixmayparticipateinmarkingtheSgandthePl,

andthatthereisnoprincipledwayofpredictingwheneachsuffixmayormay

6.Thesuffix2:thelistedphenomena

342

notapply(see§6.3.2)meansthateverynounstemmustcomewithinstructions

forwhatsuffixitwillberealizedwith,inbothSgandPl.Theparadigmis

thereforegrammaticallyindispensible.

Furthermore,agivensuffixmayencodedifferentnumbervalues.Forexample,

whenthesuffix-í(Fr)occursonthenounstemfuuf-,theresultantnounfuufícan

mean‘aweasel’.Whenthesamesuffix-í(Fr)occursonthenounstemloos-,the

resultantnounloosícanmean‘beans’.Onitsown,thesuffix-í(Fr)hasno

inherentvaluationfornumber:onlyinparadigmaticcombinationwithother

suffixescanitcometosemanticallyconveyeithersingularorplural.Inthecase

offuufí‘aweasel’,-í(Fr)isinaparadigmwithaPltypesuffix:-í(Fr)|-eemoo

(N∅).Inthecaseofloosí‘beans’,-í(Fr)isinaparadigmwithaSgtypesuffix:-

(a)mó(Mo)|-í(Fr).

Oneresponsetopatternssuchasthisistheparadigmapproach.Articulatedin

workssuchasCobbinah2013andWatson2015,andusefullyappliedtoseveral

WestAfricanlanguages,theparadigmapproachproposesthatthenounsuffixes

ofGorwaaarenotindependentformativesperse,butachievetheirfunction

compositionallyaspartofparadigms.Thesuffixesarethereforemorphological

primitives,enteringintoanynumberofstructuredpatternsandexpressing

featuresbasednotentirelyontheirform,butonthepositiontheyoccupywithin

aparadigmaticstructure.Inhisdiscussionofthenounclassprefixesof

BaïnounkGubëeher(mis;Senegal),(similartothesuffixesherein)Cobbinah

providesausefulmetaphorforthisconcept.

6.Thesuffix2:thelistedphenomena

343

“Justasatomsarethebuildingblocksofmatter,bondinginvariousfashions to form complex molecules, the noun class prefixescombine to form paradigms. Stretching the metaphor a littlefurther, it is of little explanatory value if one tries to explain theproperties of matter, to know that a substance contains forexample hydrogen and carbon atoms ‒ an information [sic] thatpertains to thousands of substances with widely differingproperties‒withoutknowingwhichkindofbondsandmoleculesareformedbytheseatoms.”

p.111

6.3Overviewofthelistedphenomena

Thissectionexpandsoneachofthelistedphenomenaassociatedwiththe

Gorwaasuffix.Thesearerepeatedin(6.4)below.

(6.4) THELISTEDMORPHOSYNTACTICCHARACTERISTICSOFTHEGORWAASUFFIX

a. Agivennounstemtakesasetofsuffixes,knownasaparadigm.Paradigmsmayoccurinthreedifferentshapes:monads,pairs,ortriads.Paradigmsmaybecomposedofdifferenttypesofsuffixes.

b. Theparadigmtakenbyanygivennounstemisunpredictable.c. Agivennounstemmayhavemorethanoneparadigm.Selectionof

paradigmmayormaynotaffectthesemanticinterpretationoftheresultantnoun.d. Suffixesunvaluedfornumbermayhavethekindsofagreementwith

whichtheymayoccurrestrictedbytheshapeandcompositionoftheirparadigm.e. Thegrammaticalgender(i.e.M,F,orN)ofanounisdeterminedby

theSFX2morpheme,whichhasastableassociationwithgender.Ifanounischangedfornumber,itsgendermayalsochange.Eachcharacteristicwillbediscussedinitsownsubsectionbelow.Subsection

6.2.1treatscharacteristic(a):theparadigm:content,shape,andtexture.

Subsection6.2.2treatscharacteristic(b):theunpredictabilityoftheparadigm.

Subsection6.2.3treatscharacteristic(c):multipleparadigmsforagivenstem.

Subsection6.2.4treatscharacteristic(d):paradigmaticeffectsonnumbervalue.

Subsection6.2.5treatscharacteristic(e):gender‘polarity’.

6.Thesuffix2:thelistedphenomena

344

6.3.1Characteristic(a):theparadigm:content,shape,andtexture

Asmentionedabove,aparadigmisthesetofinstructionsforsuffixrealization

takenbyagivennounstem.Paradigmsmaybeidentifiedaccordingtotheir

shape,content,andtexture.Forexample,thestemkook-takesthesuffixes-

(a)mó(Mo)and-(a)ma’(N∅),formingkookumó‘rooster’andkookuma’

‘roosters’,respectively.Theshapeoftheparadigmdiscussedaboveisapair,its

contentis-(a)mó(Mo);-(a)ma’(N∅),anditstextureisSg.|Pl.

Thespecificsuffixesfeaturedinagivenparadigmwillbereferredtoasits

content.Asmentionedabove,thecontentoftheparadigmintowhichthenoun

stemkook-entersis-(a)mó(Mo)and-ama’(N∅).Amongthethreecriteriaof

content,shape,andtexture,thecriterionofcontentismostsalienttotheidentity

oftheparadigm.Forexample,thenounstemga/at-takesthesuffixes-imi(Fr)

and-náy(Mo),formingga/atimi‘highfever’andga/atanáy‘highfevers’,

respectively.Thisparadigm-imi(Fr)|-náy(Mo)hasboththesameshape(i.e.a

pair)andthesametexture(i.e.Sg.|Pl.)astheparadigmintowhichkook-enters

above,butisdifferentbecauseofitscontent.

Agivennounstemmaytakeaparadigmofone(amonad),two(apair),orthree

(atriad).Thesearereferredtothe‘shape’oftheparadigm.Asmentionedabove,

thestemkook-takesthesuffixes-(a)mó(Mo)and-ama’(N∅),formingkookumó

‘rooster’,andkookuma’‘roosters’,respectively.Theparadigmforthenounstem

kook-istherefore-(a)mó(Mo)|-eema’(N∅):aparadigmaticpair.Thestem

qoonqaal-takesthesuffixes-(a)mó(Mo),-∅(Mo),and-(a)ma’(N∅),forming

qoonqalumó‘acrownedcrane’,qoonqál‘crownedcrane(asagrouporspecies)’,

6.Thesuffix2:thelistedphenomena

345

andqoonqalima’‘crownedcranes’,respectively.Theparadigmforthenounstem

qoonqaal-istherefore-(a)mó(Mo)|-∅(Mo)|-(a)ma’(N∅):aparadigmatictriad.

Thestemmaa’-takesthesuffix-ay(N∅),formingmaa’ay‘water’.Theparadigm

forthenounstemmaa’-istherefore-ay(N∅):aparadigmaticmonad.

Paradigmtexturereferstothetypeofsuffixeswithwhichagivenparadigmis

composed.In§5.3,the42nominalsuffixesofGorwaaweredividedinto5types:

singular,general(Sg-leaning),general,general(Pl-leaning),andplural.

Therefore,theparadigm-(a)mó(Mo)|-(a)ma’(N∅)--composedofthesingular

suffix-(a)mó(Mo)andthepluralsuffix-(a)ma’(N∅)--isofthetextureSg.|Pl.

Theparadigm-í(Fr)|-aa(Fr)(ofthenounstembi/in-,formingbi/iní‘silky

blesmol’andbi/inaa‘silkyblesmols’)iscomposedofthegeneral(Sg-leaning)

suffix-í(Fr)andthegeneralsuffix-aa(Fr),andisthereforeofthetexture

general-Sg.|general.

6.3.2Characteristic(b):theunpredictabilityoftheparadigm

Theparadigmtakenbyanygivennounislargelyunpredictable.Thisrefers

equallytotheidentitycriteriaofparadigmcontent,paradigmshape,and

paradigmtexture.

6.3.2.1Paradigmcontentisunpredictable

Firstly,itisimpossibletodeterminethesuffixesanounstemwilltake(i.e.

paradigmcontent).

Paradigmcontentisunpredictablebasedthephonologicalshapeofitsstem

(6.5).

6.Thesuffix2:thelistedphenomena

346

(6.5) SHAPEOFTHESTEMDOESNOTPREDICTTHEPARADIGMCONTENT a.CV:C(WHEREV:ISAMID-VOWEL) see/ see/i‘plantsp.’(oneofagroup)

see/aa‘plantsp.’ vs. gee/ gee/áy‘slope’ gee/aawee‘slopes’ b.CVCVC(WHERETHEVISTHESAME) ma/al ma/ali‘asheep’sdewlap’

ma/aláy‘sheep’sdewlaps’ vs. pa/al pa/alimó‘wickerwork’(onepiece)

pa/ali‘wickerwork’pa/alaa‘wickerworks’

Second,thoughweakpatternsexist,thesuffixanountakesforanyonenumber

valueisnotpredictiveofthesuffixthatnounwilltakeforanyothernumber

value(6.6).

(6.6) ONENUMBERSUFFIXDOESNOTPREDICTANOTHERNUMBERSUFFIX a.-AANGWDOESNOTPREDICT-EERI(ORVICE-VERSA) diraangw‘lion’ | direeri‘lions’ mahaangw‘hare’ | meheeri‘hares’ slehheengw‘month’ | slehheeri‘months’ But: xooyaangw‘francolin’| xooyaawee‘francolins’ kwu/uungw‘wall’ | kwu/u/ee‘walls’ bohoongw‘hole’ | bohi’i‘holes’ Andvice-versa: /arumó‘atobaccoball’| /areeri‘tobaccoballs’ afqurmó‘awarthog’ | afqureeri‘warthogs’ tsifiri‘alanguage’ | tsifireeri‘languages’

6.Thesuffix2:thelistedphenomena

347

b.-AADOESNOTPREDICT-U!(ORVICEVERSA)1 doofaa‘rhinoceros’ | dofu‘rhinoceroses’ /oonaa‘darkness’ | /onu‘darknesses’ fa/aa‘ugali’ | fa/o‘ugali’(indifferentplaces) But: gixsaa‘town,city’ | gixsadu‘towns,cities’ tloomaa‘hill’ | tloomi’i‘hills’ slinxaa‘bridgeofnose’| slinxuxu‘bridgesofnoses’ Andvice-versa: xooslumó‘vessel,tool’| xoslu‘vessels,tools’ waqaasi‘aceilingbeam’| waqasu‘ceilingbeams’ qweetsoo‘wrinkle’ | qwetsu‘wrinkles’

6.3.2.2Paradigmshapeisunpredictable

Second,itisimpossibletodeterminehowmanysuffixesthenounstemwilltake

(i.e.paradigmshape).

Forexample,manynounsreferringtoplantsandanimalsarepartof

paradigmatictriads.Thenounstemqoonqaal-entersintotheparadigm

-(a)mó(Mo)|-∅(Mo)|-(a)ma’(N∅),yieldingtheresultantnounsqoonqalumó‘a

crownedcrane’,qoonqál‘(agroup,species,orkindof)crownedcranes’,and

qoonqalima’‘crownedcranes’.However,manyothernounsreferringtoplants

andanimalsmaybepartofparadigmaticpairs.Asmentionedabove,thenoun

stemkook-entersintotheparadigm-(a)mó(Mo)|-(a)ma’(N∅),yieldingthe

resultantnounskookumó‘rooster’,andkookuma’‘roosters’.Furthermore,nouns

whichdonotrefertoplantsandanimalsmayalsoparticipateinparadigmatic

triads.Thenounstemqutur-entersintotheparadigm-(a)mó(Mo)|-∅(Mo)|-

(a)ma’(N∅),yieldingtheresultantnounsquturmó‘aweddingbracelet’,qutúr‘(a

grouporkindof)weddingbracelets’,andquturma’‘weddingbracelets’.

1The!ofthe-u!suffixrepresentsaphonologicaloperationwhichaccompaniesthesuffix,oneeffectofwhichisvowelshortening.Thisisexplainedin§5.3.4.2.

6.Thesuffix2:thelistedphenomena

348

6.3.2.3Paradigmtextureisunpredictable

Inadditiontoparadigmcontentandshape,thetypeofsuffixesanounstemwill

takeisalsounpredictable.

Repeatingawell-wornexample,thenounstemkook-entersintotheparadigm

-(a)mó(Mo)|-(a)ma’(N∅),yieldingtheresultantnounskookumó‘rooster’,and

kookuma’‘roosters’.ThetextureoftheparadigmisSg|Pl.Thenounstemsakar-

entersintotheparadigm-i(Fr)|-oo(Fr),yieldingtheresultantnounssakari

‘guineafowl’,andsakaroo‘groupofguineafowl’,‘guineafowls’.Thetextureofthe

paradigmisGenSG|Gen.Assuch,twostemswhichproducewhatare

semanticallyverysimilarnouns,areformedofparadigmswithentirelydifferent

textures.

6.3.3Characteristic(c):multipleparadigmsforagivenstem

Associatedwiththelastcharacteristicischaracteristic(c):agivennounstem

mayhavemorethanoneparadigm.

Incases,suchasthosegivenin(6.7)below,thechoiceofparadigmhasnoeffect

onthesemanticinterpretationoftheresultantnoun.Infact,onespeakermay

usethesedifferentparadigmsofagivensteminterchangeably,withnoseeming

differenceinmeaning,register,etc.

6.Thesuffix2:thelistedphenomena

349

(6.7) NOUNSTEMSWITHMORETHANONEPARADIGM:NOOBSERVEDSEMANTICEFFECTS

Conversely,incasessuchasthosegivenin(6.8)below,thechoiceofparadigm

doesaffectthesemanticinterpretationoftheresultantnoun.

(6.8) NOUNSTEMSWITHMORETHANONEPARADIGM:OBSERVEDSEMANTICEFFECTS

6.3.4Characteristic(d):paradigmaticeffectsonnumbervalue

Suffixesunvaluedfornumber(i.e.general)mayhavethekindsofagreement

withwhichtheymayoccurrestrictedbytheshapeandtextureoftheirparadigm.

Thisrestrictionmaybecharacterizedasakindofcollapsewhichmayoccurin

oneoftwowaysi)thegeneralandsingulardistinctioncollapses,leavingatwo-

STEM PARADIGM RESULTANTNOUNS

/iliw--i(Fr)|-oo(Fr) /iliwi‘aleopard’

/iliwoo‘leopards’-i(Fr)|-áy(Mo) /iliwi‘aleopard’

/iliwáy‘leopards’

goof--aangw(Mo)|-eeri(N∅) goofaangw‘anantelope’

goofeeri‘antelopes’-aangw(Mo)|-aawee(Fr) goofaangw‘anantelope’

goofaawee‘antelopes’

hhalhhal-

-i(Ft)|-a’(!)(N∅)|-ima’(N∅)

hhalhhali‘anextrafinger’hhalhhala’‘akindofextrafinger’hhalhhalima’‘extrafingers’

-i(Ft)|-áy(Mo)|-ima’(N∅)

hhalhhali‘anextrafinger’hhalhhaláy‘akindofextrafinger’hhalhhalima’‘extrafingers’

STEM PARADIGM RESULTANTNOUNSsee’-

-iimi(Fr)|-aangw(Mo) se’eemi‘hair(onestrand)’se’eengw‘hair’

-ay(Mo)|-aawee(Fr) soo’ay‘adog’soo’aawee‘dogs’

yaa’-

-ee(Fr)|-u!(N∅) yaa’ee‘ariver’ya’u‘rivers’

-eemi(Fr)|-eema’(N∅) ya’eemi‘astream’ya’eema’‘streams’

tsifir-

-aangw(Mo)|-eeri(N∅) tsifiraangw‘atongue’tsifireeri‘tongues’

-i(Fr)|-eeri(N∅) tsifiri‘alanguage’tsifireeri‘languages’

6.Thesuffix2:thelistedphenomena

350

wayoppositionofgeneral/singular-plural(asinFigure5.2),orii)thegeneral

andpluraldistinctioncollapses,leavingatwo-wayoppositionofsingular-

general/plural(asinFigure5.3).2Eachwillbediscussedbelowindetail.

Figure6.1:‘General/singular’versusplural(fromCorbett2000:13)

Thispatternofcollapseispresentinparadigmssuchas-í(Fr)|-aa(Fr),a

paradigmaticpairofthetexturegeneral-Sg.|general.

Thefirstdetailtonoteisthatthesuffix-í(Fr)isgeneral(Sg-leaning),andmay

usuallyoccurwithexternalelementsshowingbothSgorPlagreement.

(6.9) THESUFFIX-Í(FR)MAYTYPICALLYOCCURWITHEXTERNALELEMENTSSHOWINGBOTHSGORPLAGREEMENT

a. NOUNFUUFÍ(PARADIGM-Í(FR)|-EEMOO(N∅))MAYOCCURWITHBOTHSGORPLAGREEMENT i.fuufírur fuuf--í -r~´~ ur STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$"%big.F

‘abigweasel’,‘abigkindofweasel’ ii.fuufíruren fuuf--í -r~´~uren STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$"%big.F.Pl

‘bigkindsofweasels’

2Thisphenomenonof‘generalnumbercollapse’isdescribedinCorbett(2000)fortwoCushiticlanguages,Arbore(arv;Ethiopia),andBoranaOromo(gax;Ethiopia,Kenya).

general 5singularplural

6.Thesuffix2:thelistedphenomena

351

b. NOUNLOOSÍ(PARADIGM-(A)MÓ(MO)|-Í(FR))MAYOCCURWITHBOTHPLORSGAGREEMENT i.loosíruren loos--í -r~´~ uren STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$%big.F.Pl

‘bigbeans’,‘bigkindsofbeans’ ii.loosírur loos--í -r~´~ ur STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$%big.F

‘abigkindofbean’ However,whenthesuffix-í(Fr)isinaparadigmaticpairwiththegeneralsuffix-

aa(Fr),itmaynolongeroccurwithelementsshowingPlagreement.Itsfunction

asasuffixofgeneralnumberhasbeenrestricted,anditisnowcapableofonly

expressingsingularnumber.

(6.10) NOUNBI/INÍ(PARADIGM-Í(FR)|-AA(FR))MAYOCCURWITHEXTERNALELEMENTS

SHOWINGSGAGREEMENTONLY

a. bi/inírtleer bi/in- -í -r~´~ tleer STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$ tall.F

“alongsilkyblesmol”

b. *bi/inírtlet bi/in- -í -r~´~ tlet STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$ tall.F.Pl

(intendedmeaning)“along(kindof)silkyblesmol” c. bi/inaártlet bi/in- -aa -r~´~ tlet STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$ tall.F.Pl

“longsilkyblesmols”,“longkindsofsilkyblesmols”

6.Thesuffix2:thelistedphenomena

352

Figure6.2:singularversus‘general/plural’(fromCorbett2000:16)

Thispatternofcollapseispresentinparadigmssuchas-aa(Fr)|-a’i(N∅),a

paradigmaticpairofthetexturegeneral|general-Pl.

Notethatthesuffix-a’i(N∅)isgeneral(Pl-leaning),andmayusuallyoccurwith

externalelementsshowingbothSgorPlagreement.

(6.11) NOUNBIHHI(PARADIGM-A’I(N∅)|-ACZEE(FR))MAYOCCUREXTERNALELEMENTS

SHOWINGBOTHSGORPLAGREEMENT

a. bihhítleer bihh- -a’i ~´~ tleer STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$ tall.N

“alongflank”,“alongkindofflank”

b. bihhítlet bihh- -a’i ~´~ tlet STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$ tall.N.Pl

“longkindsofflanks”However,whenthesuffix-a’i(N∅)isinaparadigmaticpairwiththesuffix-aa

(Fr),itmaynolongeroccurwithelementsshowingSgagreement.Itsfunctionas

asuffixofgeneralnumberhasbeenrestricted,anditisnowcapableofonly

expressingpluralnumber.

(6.12) NOUNTLOOMI’I(PARADIGM-AA(FR)|-A’I(N∅))MAYOCCUREXTERNALELEMENTSSHOWINGPLAGREEMENTONLY

a. tloomi’ítlet tloom--a’i ~´~ tlet STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$%&'$ tall.N.Pl

“tallmountains”

general 5singularplural

6.Thesuffix2:thelistedphenomena

353

b. *tloomi’ítleer tloom--a’i ~´~ tleer STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$%&'$ tall.N

(intendedmeaning)“tallkindsofmountains” c. tloomaártleer tloom--aa -r~´~ tleer STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$%&'$ tall.F

“atallmountain”,“atallkindofmountain”Notethatbothoftheserestrictionpatternsoccuronlyinparadigmaticpairs

eitherofthetexturegeneral-Sg|generalorofthetexturegeneral|general-Pl.

Theparadigm-í(Fr)|-aa(Fr)of(6.10)aboveandtheparadigm-aa(Fr)|-a’i

(N∅)of(6.12)areexamplesofeachtexture,respectively.Notefurtherthatthe

suffixwhichlosesitsgeneralvalueandcollapseseitherintoSgorPlisalwaysthe

lessprototypicallygeneralsuffix.Oftheparadigm-í(Fr)|-aa(Fr),itisthesuffix

-í(Fr)whichlosesthegeneralvalue.Similarly,oftheparadigm-aa(Fr)|-a’i

(N∅),itisthesuffix-a’i(N∅)whichlosesthegeneralvalue.

6.3.5Characteristic(e):gender‘polarity’

Thegrammaticalgenderofanoun(M,F,orN)3isdeterminedbytheSFX2

componentofthesuffix.EachSFX2hasafixedgendervalue.Ascanbeseen

below,theSFX2-iconsistentlytriggersFagreement(6.13),theSFX2-ó

consistentlytriggersMagreement(6.14),andtheSFX2-a’iconsistentlytriggers

Nagreement(6.15).

3Itwillberememberedthatgenderreferstoapropertyofthenounwhichdeterminestheformofelementsbeyondthenounitself.Thisisexaminedindetailin§7.2.

6.Thesuffix2:thelistedphenomena

354

(6.13) SFX2:-ITRIGGERSFAGREEMENT a. sakweelírtleer

sakweel- -i -r~´~ tleer STM- -!"#$ -L

!"#$%&' long.F

“atallostrich” b. se’eemírtleer

see’- -i -r~´~ tleer STM- -!"#$ -L

!"#$%&' long.F

“alonghair” c. balaalírur bal- -aaCz -i -r~´~ ur STM- -SFX1 -!"#$ -L

!"#$%&'.!"#$% long.F

“abiggrainofsorghum” (6.14) SFX2:-ÓTRIGGERSMAGREEMENT a. loomótleér loom- -ó -ó tleér STM- -SFX2 -L

!"##.!" long.M

‘atalltree’(Tremaorientalis)

b. siyumótleér siyo- -(a)m -ó -ó tleérSTM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L

!"#$ long.M

‘alongfish’

c. sandukumótleér sanduku- -(a)m -ó -ó tleérSTM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L

!"# long.M

‘alongbox’(6.15) SFX2:-A’ITRIGGERSNAGREEMENT

a. bihhítleer bihh- -a’i ~´~ tleer STM- -!"#$ -L

!"#$tall.N

“alongflank” b. tsi/iyá’tlet tsi/- -iy -a’i ~´~ tlet STM- -SFX1 -S!"# -L

!"#$! tall.N.Pl

6.Thesuffix2:thelistedphenomena

355

“longshins” c. kwa/eerítlet kwa/- -eer -a’i ~´~ tlet STM- -SFX1 -S!"# -L

!"#$% tall.N.Pl

“tallhares”Assuch,whenanounischangedfornumber(necessarilyresultinginachangeof

suffix),thegenderofthenounmaychange,dependingontheidentityofthenew

suffix(specifically,SFX2).

(6.16) SAKWEELI‘OSTRICH’IS(F)GENDER,SAKWÉL‘OSTRICHES’IS(M)GENDER i. sakweelírtleer

sakweel- -i -r~´~tleerSTM- -!"#$ -L

!"#$%&'long.F

‘atallostrich’ ii. sakweelótlét sakweel- -∅ -ó tlétSTM- -!"#$ -L

!"#$%&'(" long.M.Pl

‘tallostriches’ b.DIGIRMÓ‘FOOTPRINT’IS(M)GENDER,DIGIRMA’‘FOOTPRINTS’IS(N)GENDER

i. digirmótleér digir- -(a)m -ó -ó tleér STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L

!""#$%&'# long.M

‘alongfootprint’

ii. digirmá’tlet digir- -(a)m -a’(!) ~´~ tletSTM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L

!""#$%&'# long.N.Pl

‘alongfootprint’c.DUUKAA‘SHOP’IS(F)GENDER,DUUKANÁY‘SHOPS’IS(M)GENDER i. duukaártleer

duuk- -aa -r~´~tleerSTM- -!"#$ -L

!"#$ long.F

‘along(ortall)shop’

6.Thesuffix2:thelistedphenomena

356

ii. duukanáytlét duuk- -a(m) -áy -ó tlét STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L

!"#$! long.M.Pl

‘long(ortall)shops’ ThissectiondiscussedeachofthelistedphenomenaassociatedwiththeGorwaa

suffix,providingsomediscussionandexamples.

6.4TheParadigms

Themostnumerousandbest-attestedparadigmshape--thepair--willbe

examinedfirst,followedbythetriad.Themonadwillbeexaminedlast.

AllparadigmsarepresentedinTables3.2and3.3.WhenreadingTable3.2the

followingshouldbekeptinmind.

First,theverticalplanehasbeenlabeled“Sg”andthehorizontalplanehasbeen

labeled“Pl”.Thisisasimplificationbecauseofspaceandtherestrictionsoftwo-

dimensionaldiagrams.Asseenabove,inmanycases,eithermemberofapair

couldappearwitheitherSgorPlagreement.Whatthenotationismeantto

signifyisthat,inaconfigurationwherebyamemberofapaironlyoccurwithSg,

itwillbefromthecolumnlabeledSg;inaconfigurationwherebyamemberofa

paironlyoccurwithPl,itwillbefromtherowlabeledPl.Therefore,takingthe-

ay(M)|-a’(!)paradigm,thoughmembersofthisgroupsuffixedin-ay(M)can

occurwitheitherSgorPlagreement,membersofthisgroupsuffixedin-a’(!)can

onlyoccurwithPlagreement.Assuch,thesuffix-a’(!)islocatedinthehorizontal

plane.Itisaconventionthroughoutthisworktolistparadigmpairsbeginning

withthesuffixtheytakefromtheverticalplane,followedbythesuffixtheytake

6.Thesuffix2:thelistedphenomena

357

fromthehorizontalplane.Thus,thenounna/ay|na/a’isamemberofthe-ay

(Mo)|-a’(!)paradigm.

Second,Plsuffixeshavebeenleftoffoftheverticalplanebecausetheynever

enterintoaparadigmaticrelationshipinwhichtheycanoccurwithSg

agreement.Sgsuffixeshavebeenleftoffthehorizontalplanebecausetheynever

enterintoaparadigmaticrelationshipinwhichtheycanoccurwithPl

agreement.

Lineshavebeendrawnwhichgroupthesuffixesintotheirgroupsasdiscussed

above:Sg,general(usuallySg),general,general(usuallyPl),andPl.

Numbersintheintersectboxesrepresentthenumberofnounsidentifiedinthe

samplewhichwerefoundtoenterintothatparadigm.Forexample,forthe

paradigmpair-ay(M)|-a’(!),N=3.Intersectboxesareshadedincreasingly

darkerasNincreases.

Intersectboxeswhoseverticalandhorizontalvaluesaredifferentrepresentpair

paradigms.Onceagain,theintersectboxof-ay(M)|-a’(!)representswhatwas

givenin(5.120.b)aboveas‘thepattern-ay(M)|-a’(!)’,repeatedhereasthe

paradigm-ay(M)|-a’(!).

358

Table6.1Thepairsandthemonads

Table6.2Thetriads

6.Thesuffix2:thelistedphenomena

359

(6.17) THEPARADIGM-AY(MO)|-A’(!)(N∅)

-AY(MO)|-A’(!)(N∅)

Stems(N=3) -AY(MO) -A’(!)(N∅)

tsaxw- tsaxwáyúr‘abiggrasshopper’

tsaxwáyurén‘abiggroupof

grasshoppers’

tsaxwa’uren‘biggrasshoppers’

na/- na/áyúr‘abigchild’

na/áyurén‘abiggroupof

children’

na/a’uren‘bigchildren’

daqw- daqwáyúr‘abigdonkey’

daqwáyurén‘abiggroupof

donkeys’

daqwá’uren‘bigdonkeys’

Intersectboxeswhoseverticalandhorizontalvaluesarethesamerepresentmonad

paradigms.Forexample,theintersectboxof-oo(F)|-oo(F)representsthe

paradigmbelow.

(6.18) THEPARADIGM-OO(F)-OO(F)

Stems(N=3) -OO(F)

am- amoórur

‘abigplace’

amoóruren

‘bigplaces’

heel- heeloórur

‘abigfarmingsong’

heeloóruren

‘bigfarmingsongs’

kil- kiloórur‘abigweight’

kiloóruren‘bigweights’

UnlikeTable3.7,thecolumnsofTable3.8docorrespondtotheagreementwith

whichagivensuffixmayappear.Thus,inthetriad-(a)mó(Mo)|-oo(F)|-(a)du(N),

theformsuffixedwith-(a)mócanoccurwithSgagreementonly,theformsuffixedin

-(a)ducanoccurwithPlagreementonly,andtheformsuffixedin-oocanoccurwith

both.

6.Thesuffix2:thelistedphenomena

360

6.4.1Paradigmsoftwo:thepair

Ingeneral,pairsmaybecharacterizedby3basicconfigurations.1)Oneformwhich

canonlyoccurwithSgagreement,andtheotherformwhichcanonlyoccurwithPl

agreement(thiswasnamedsingularandpluralabove,andtheparadigmisgivenin

(6.19)).2)OneformwhichcanoccurwithbothSgandPlagreement,andtheother

formwhichcanonlyoccurwithPlagreement(thiswasnamedgeneralandplural

above,andtheparadigmisgivenin(6.20)).3)Oneformwhichcanonlyoccurwith

Sgagreement,andtheotherformwhichcanoccurwithbothSgandPlagreement

(thiswasnamedsingularandgeneralabove,andtheparadigmisgivenin(6.21)).

(6.19) THEPARADIGM-(A)MÓ(MO)|-(A)MA’(N∅)

-(A)MÓ(MO)|-(A)MA’(N∅)

Stems(N=52) -(A)MÓ(MO) -(A)MA’(N∅)

kook- kookumóúr

‘abigrooster’

kookumá’uren

‘bigroosters’

gwehh- gwehhimóúr‘abigrib’

gwehhimá’uren‘bigribs’

sweet- sweetumóúr‘abigsweater’

sweetimá’uren‘bigsweaters’

NotethattheshapeofthepairaboveisalwaystheresultofaSgsuffixpairingwitha

Plsuffix.

(6.20) THEPARADIGM-Ó(MO)|-EEMA’(N∅)

-Ó(MO)|-EEMA’(N∅)

Stems(N=2) -Ó(MO) -EEMA’(N∅)

piir- piiróúr

‘abigdragonfly’

piiróurén

‘abig(groupof)

dragonflies’

piireemá’uren

‘bigdragonflies’

boohont- boohontóúr

‘abighole’

boohontóurén

‘abiggroupof

holes’

boohoonteemá’

uren

‘bigholes’

6.Thesuffix2:thelistedphenomena

361

(6.21) THEPARADIGM-I(FR)|-OO(F)-I(FR)|-OO(F)

Stems(N=18) -I(FR) -OO(F)

loo- loo/írur

‘abigleaf’

loo/oórur

‘abiggroupofleaves’

loo/oóruren

‘bigleaves’

qan’- qan’írur

‘abigegg’

qan’oórur

‘abiggroupofeggs’

qan’oóruren

‘bigeggs’

foor- foorírur

‘abigflute’

fooroórur

‘abiggroupofflutes’

fooroóruren

‘bigflutes’

Alesscommonconfigurationforapairisthatofthemassnounbeingmadecountby

theadditionofaPlsuffix,suchasthemasstseeree‘blood’becomingtseerdu‘spotsor

poolsofblood’.Theoperationoccurringinthe‘oppositedirection’(i.e.amassnoun

becomingcountbytheadditionofaSgsuffix)doesn’toccurinthesample,butthere

doesnotseemtobeanyreasonwhyitshouldnotexist.

Ahandfulofsuppletivepairsexist.Theirdistributionisunsurprising:allare

conceptsofhighfrequencyineverydaylife.

(6.22) SUPPLETIVEPAIRSa. hee ‘person’ | muu ‘people’b. haree ‘woman’ | tiyay ‘women’

c. garma ‘boy’ | daaqay ‘boys’

d. slee ‘cow’ | yiikwa ‘cows’(cattle)e. lee’i ‘goat’ | aara ‘goats’

f. do’ ‘house’ | maray ‘houses’g. gaa ‘thing’ | moro’ ‘things’

151differentpairswereidentifiedfromthesample,withall42suffixesentering

intoparadigmsofthisshape.

6.Thesuffix2:thelistedphenomena

362

6.4.2Paradigmsofthree:thetriad

Unlikepairs,triadshaveaconsistent‘shape’,alwaysmadeupofoneformwhichcan

onlyoccurwithSgagreement,oneformwhichcanoccurwithSgandPlagreement,

andoneformwhichcanonly(orcanusuallyonly)occurwithPlagreement(this

wasnamedsingular,general,pluralabove,andaparadigmisgivenin(6.23)below.

(6.23) THEPARADIGM-(A)MÓ(MO)|-∅(MO)|-(A)MA’(N∅)

-(A)MÓ(MO)|-∅(MO)|-(A)MA’(N∅)

Stems(N=8) -(A)MÓ(MO) -∅(MO) -(A)MA’(N∅)

qoonqal- qoonqalumóúr

‘abigcrowned

crane’

qoonqalóúr

‘abigflockof

crownedcranes’

qoonqalóurén

‘manyflocksof

crownedcranes’

qoonqalamá’

uren

‘bigcrownedcranes’

malmaw- malmawmóúr‘abiglime

tree’

malmáwúr‘abigstandof

limetrees’

malmáwurén‘manystands

oflimetrees’

malmawmá’uren

‘biglimetrees’

nee’ar- nee’armóúr‘abigthrush’

nee’árúr‘abigflockof

thrushes’

nee’árurén‘manyflocksof

thrushes’

nee’armá’uren‘bigthrushes’

Sevendifferenttriadswereidentifiedfromthesample,withatotalnumberof27

stemsenteringintothissortofparadigm.Becauseofthewayinwhichmuchofthe

datawascollected(i.e.elicitingwithSwahiliasthecontactlanguage),itisexpected

thatmanymoretriadparadigmsexistthanwererecorded,andthatmanynouns

(especiallythosereferringtoplantsandanimals)maybemembersofthissortof

paradigm.

6.4.3Paradigmsofone:themonad

MonadsarealwaysmadeupofaformwhichcanoccurwithSgorPlagreement(this

wasnamedmassabove,andaparadigmisgivenin(6.24)below).

6.Thesuffix2:thelistedphenomena

363

(6.24) THEPARADIGM-AY(MO)

-AY(MO)

Stems(N=4) -AY(MO)

maa’- maa’áyyaariir

‘muchwater

bo/- bo/áyúr

‘abigcrowd’

bo/áyurén

‘bigcrowds’

tluw- tluwáyyaariir‘muchrain’

Itshouldbenotedherethatthestemswhichfallunderthismonadhavetwo

differentstructures:thatofmaa’ayandtluway(massnounswhichcannotbe

individuated),andthatofbo/ay(anounwhichiscountablebuttakesnoother

suffix).

Infact,athirdshapeformonadsalsoexists:foruniquenouns(alsoknownas

singulariatantum)forwhichthereisonlyonerealworldreferent.Thisthirdshape

isgivenin(6.25)forthestemdawr-.

(6.25) THEPARADIGM-I(FR)-I(FR)

Stems(N=8) -I(FR)

ba/- ba/íryaariir‘muchmud’

dawr- dawrírur

‘thegreatsky’

kuunseel- kuunseelírur

‘abigearthquake’

kuunseelíruren

‘bigeathquakes’

Onceagain,stemswhichfallunderthismonadshowthreedifferentshapes.

Thismultiplicityofshapesinternaltooneparadigmisundesireable:amoredetailed

treatmentwouldseparateeachoftheseshapesintotheirownmonad(i.e.there

wouldbeonemonad-i(Fr)formasses,onemonad-i(Fr)forcountnounswhich

takenoothersuffixes,andonemonad-i(Fr)forsingularetantum).Becauseithas

6.Thesuffix2:thelistedphenomena

364

yettobefullydeterminedwhichnounsinmonadsaremass,whicharecount,and

whicharesingularetantum,thisdivisionhasnotbeenfullyimplementedhere.

Twentydifferentmonadswereidentifiedfromthesample,withatotalnumberof50

stemsenteringintothissortofparadigm.Interestingly,allsuffixesclassedas

generalandgeneral(Pl-leaning)haveamonad(resultinginthedistinctive

‘staircase’patterninTable3.7).

6.5Analysis

Followingthedatapresentationabove,Gorwaanominalsuffixescanbedescribedas

enteringintoatleast178differentparadigms:151pairs,20monads,and7triads.

Theparadigmtakenbyanygivennounstemisunpredictable.Agivennounstem

mayhavemorethanoneparadigm:choicebetweenwhichparadigmthestemtakes

mayormaynotaffectsemanticinterpretationoftheresultantnoun.Suffixesof

generalnumbermayhavethekindsofagreementwithwhichtheymayoccur

restrictedbasedontheshapeandtextureoftheirparadigm.Finally,the

grammaticalgenderofanounisdeterminedbytheSFX2morpheme.Assuch,ifa

nounischangedfornumbervalue,itsgendermayalsochange.

ThissectionprovidesananalysisintheDistributedMorphologyarchitectureto

accountforlistedphenomena.Firstly,ifrootsaretobeconsideredtrulyacategorial,

thismustbeaccomplishedwithoutresortingtorootdiacriticsindicating

declensionalclass(Acquaviva2008:1-3).Theinitialchallenge,therefore,isto

ensurethatthenominalparadigm(akadeclensionclass)issomehowavailablepost-

6.Thesuffix2:thelistedphenomena

365

spellout,butnotaspartofthelexicalroot.Thisisaddressedinsubsection6.4.1.

Subsection6.4.2proposesthatthe178paradigmsofGorwaaareencodedas178

differentversionofn,providesarevisedtreestructurewhichconsolidatesthe

Gorwaasuffixparadigmintothesyntax,andgivesaninitialdescriptionofhow

paradigmaticmaterialisrealizedpost-Spellout.Subsection6.4.3returnstotheCl

headandaccountsforitspost-Spelloutrealization.Subsection6.4.4addressesthe

finallistedphenomenon:characteristic(e):gender‘polarity’,specifically,how

genderisrealizedpost-Spellout,andhowAgreemustthereforebeakindof

postsyntacticoperation.

6.5.1Theplaceoftheparadigm

Theparadigmwasdescribedin§6.2aboveastheinstructionsforsuffixrealization

takenbyagivennounstem.Tobeclear,itisimportanttohighlightthatthe

paradigmreferstotheinstructionsfortherealizationofsuffixes,andnottothe

suffixesthemselves.InDMterms,thegrammardoesnotmakereferencetothe

explicitcontentsofparadigms,butinsteadmakesreferencetoitsconstituentpieces

(i.e.featuresandvocabularyitems)(Bobaljik2002).Thedifferencebetweenthe

‘paradigmasforms’vs.‘paradigmasinstructions’viewsisgivenin(6.26)below.

(6.26) DISTRIBUTEDMORPHOLOGYDOESNOTREFERENCEEXPLICITFORMSWITHINAPARADIGM,BUTREFERENCESTHECONSTITUENTPIECESOFITSSTRUCTURE(ADAPTEDFROMBOBALJIK2002:2)

PARADIGMASFORMS PARADIGMASINSTRUCTIONS

Present PastPers Sg. Pl. Sg. Pl.

1 play-∅ play-∅ play-d play-d

2 play-∅ play-∅ play-d play-d

3 play-[z] play-∅ play-d play-d

[past]↔ ︎-d[![3, Sg]]↔ -z default/elsewhere ↔ -∅

6.Thesuffix2:thelistedphenomena

366

Whatmaybeobservedaboveisthat,ratherthantheentiretableofforms,whatDM

makesreferencetoisthefeaturesrelevanttotheinstructions.Under‘paradigmas

instructions’theorderedlistin(6.26)makesexplicitthattheparadigmisonein

whichthefeature[past]isarelevantfactorcontributingtoitsshape,andthat,for

example,partofitscontentisthevocabularyitem-d.

TheconfigurationsoftheGorwaaparadigmsexaminedinthisworkareactually

somewhatsimplerthantheEnglishexampleabove,inthattheydealwithless

features.Anexampleisgivenin(6.27)below4.

(6.27) ‘PARADIGMASFORMS’VS.DM‘PARADIGMASINSTRUCTIONS’:KOOKUMÓ|KOOKUMA’

PARADIGMASFORMS PARADIGMASINSTRUCTIONS

Sg Pl

kook-(a)m-ó kook-(a)m-a’

[Pl]↔ -a’idefault/elsewhere↔-ó

Toconcludethisintroductoryclarification,whatisbeingreferredtoasanominal

suffixparadigminthisworkwouldtranslatetootherDMaccountsasadeclensional

class:thatis,apatternwhichdictateshowafeatureorsetoffeatureswillbe

realizedbythegrammarpost-Spellout.ReturningtotheEnglishexamplein(6.26),

thefeature[past]isnotrealizedonallverbsbythevocabularyitem-d.Theverb

sing,forexample,isrealizednotassing-d,butassang.Becausetheverbsing

realizesitsfeaturesinadifferentwayfromplay,thetwoverbsmustbelongto

differentdeclensionalclasses.Inthiswork,onewouldsaythattheybelongto

4Thevocabularyitemgeneratedbya[plural]featureisobviouslynotgeneratedhereinitsfinalform.Theadaptationof-a’ito-a’wouldhavetobeaccomplishedinthismodel

throughareadjustmentrule.

6.Thesuffix2:thelistedphenomena

367

differentparadigms.Anexampleof5differentGorwaaparadigmsisprovidedin

(6.28)below.

(6.28) 5DIFFERENTGORWAAPARADIGMS(AKADECLENSIONALCLASSES)FORMS

(EXAMPLE)

PARADIGM

-(a)mó(Mo)|-(a)ma’(N∅)

kookumó kook--(a)m-ó ‘arooster’

kookuma’ kook--(a)m-a’i ‘roosters’

[Pl]↔ -a’idefault/elsewhere↔-ó

-(a)mó(Mo)|-áy(Mo)

daambumó daamb--(a)m-ó ‘aweaverbird’

daambáy daamb--áy ‘a(kindof)weaverbird’ ‘weaverbirds’

[Sg]↔-ó

default/elsewhere↔ -áy

-(a)mó(Mo)|-∅(Mo)|-(a)ma’(N∅)

qoonqalumó qoonqal--(a)m-ó ‘acrownedcrane’qoonqál qoonqal--∅ ‘a(kindof)

crownedcrane’qoonqalima’ qoonqal--(a)m-a’i ‘crownedcranes’

[Sg]↔-ó

[Pl]↔-a’i

default/elsewhere↔-∅

-í(Fr)|-aa(Fr)

bi/iní bi/in--í ‘asilkyblesmol’bi/inaa bi/in--aa ‘a(kindof)silkyblesmol’

‘silkyblesmols’

[Sg]↔-í

default/elsewhere↔-aa

-ay(N∅)maa’aymaa’--ay‘water’

default↔-ay

PreviousDistributedMorphologyanalyses(e.g.OltraMassuet(1999))would

encodeanoun’sparadigmmembership(i.e.declensionclass)asadiacriticonthe

root.Diacriticsareakindoffeature“relevantformorphologicalspellout,but

[which]donothaveanysemanticinterpretation”(EmbickandNoyer2007:16).The

rootwouldthereforebepredeterminedastowhatconjugationclassitwouldenter.

Asarudimentaryimplementationofthisconcept,therootofthenounstemkook-

(describedaboveasformingthenounskookumó‘arooster’andkookuma’

‘roosters’),wouldbemarkedwiththediacriticfeature[-ó|-a’i].FollowingSpellout,

6.Thesuffix2:thelistedphenomena

368

thisfeaturewouldtheninstructthemorphologytorealizethefeature[Pl]bythe

morpheme-a’i,andinallothercases,producethemorpheme-ó.

Thisisproblematicforbothempiricalandconceptualreasons(Acquaviva2008:1-

3),themostsalientofwhichwillbediscussedbelow.

InGorwaa,thegreatestempiricalissuefortheroots-with-diacriticsviewexistsin

listedcharacteristic(c):agivennounstemmayhavemorethanoneparadigm.For

example,(andasshownabovein(6.7)),thenounstemgoof-may,usingthe

paradigm-aangw(Mo)|-a’i(N∅),formthenounsgoofaangw‘anantelope’and

goofeeri‘antelopes’.Likewise,thenounstemgoof-may,usingtheparadigm

-aangw(Mo)|-ee(Fr),formthenounsgoofaangw‘anantelope’andgoofaawee

‘antelopes’.Asthetranslationsshow,theresultantnounsofbothparadigmshave

thesamemeaning.Furthermore,suchalternateformsareregularlyemployed

interchangeablybythesamespeaker,withnoobservedsemanticeffects.Ifthe

paradigmexistsasadiacriticinherenttotheroot,theneverysituationinwhicha

givennounstemusesmorethanoneparadigmtoformanounmustthereforebe

ascribedtoaseparaterootwiththespecificparadigmencodedasaninherent

diacritic.Procedurallythen,undertheroots-with-diacriticsview,therootwhich

formsthepairgoofaangw|goofeeriisdifferentfromtherootwhichformsthepair

goofaangw|goofaawee.Semanticandformaloverlapbetweentheseformshasno

explanationinthissystemotherthanbeingaccidental.

6.Thesuffix2:thelistedphenomena

369

Regardingthemostseriousconceptualissuewiththeroots-with-diacriticsview,

Acquavivaarguessuccinctlythat“[…]ifaroothasafeaturethatpresupposesa

category,thenitisnotreallycategory-free”(2).Inotherwords,ifaGorwaarootis

positedasexistingwithadiacriticdictatingtheparadigmofitsnounsuffixes,thenit

hasalreadybeen,tosomedegree,conceivedofasanoun:exactlywhattheconcept

ofrootsdiscussedinChapter4wasdesignedtoruleout.

BothAcquaviva(2008)andHarley(2014)argueconvincinglythatsuchroot

diacriticsdonotexist,butinsodoing,providenoalternateexplanationforhow

paradigmsareassociatedwithgivennounstems.Thisisacknowledgedin

Acquaviva(2008),whichconcludesthat:

“The approach I have outlined [...] does not provide a formal

expressionof thestableassociationofmostrootswithgender,class,orotherdiacritics.Thisseemstobeaweakness,insofarasanoun’s

idiosyncraticmarkingshouldhaveaformalgrammaticalencoding.”

p.16

Thissectionhasadoptedtheargumentthatparadigmscannotbeencodedas

diacriticsonthelexicalroot,andhasacceptedthisargument’sassociatedcost:that

nogoodalternativetoencodingparadigmshassofarbeenoffered.Thefollowing

subsectionproposesasolutionconsistentwiththeGorwaadata,anddetailshow

thisisborneoutbothpre-andpost-Spellout.

6.5.2Paradigmsasversionsofn

Inthelastsection,theargumentthatparadigmswereencodedasspecialdiacritic

featuresontherootwasjettisonedinfavourofpreservingtheacategorialnatureof

6.Thesuffix2:thelistedphenomena

370

theroot.However,thoughtheimplementationoftheroots-with-diacriticsviewis

problematic,itsintentisinsightful.Paradigmsareinstructionsforsuffixrealization,

relevanttothephonologicalandsemanticcomponentofthegrammar,butentirely

irrelevanttothesyntax(c.f.Harris1991,andAlexiadou2004).Comparethe

valuationofthefollowingtwoGorwaaparadigmstakenbythenounstemtsifir-in

(6.29)below.Theproductofdifferingparadigmshasbothphonologicaland

(sometimes)semanticramifications,buthasnodifferencewhatsoeverinthesyntax.

(6.29) VALUATIONOFTHEPARADIGM-I(FR)|-A’I(N∅)VSVALUATIONOFTHEPARADIGM-AANGW(MO)|-A’I(N∅)

PhonologicalComponent(List2) SemanticComponent(List3)

ParadigmInput

SyntacticContext

Value ParadigmInput

SyntacticContext

Value

-i(Fr)|

-a’i(N∅)

/tsifir-+[Sg] [i] -aangw(Mo)|

-a’i(N∅)

/tsifir-+[Sg] ‘alanguage’

/tsifir-+[Pl] [i] /tsifir-+[Pl] ‘languages’

-aangw(Mo)|-a’i(N∅)

/tsifir-+[Sg] [a:ŋw] -aangw(Mo)|-a’i(N∅)

/tsifir-+[Sg] ‘atongue’

/tsifir-+[Pl] [e:] /tsifir-+[Pl] ‘tongues’

Again,theparadigm-i(Fr)|-a’i(N∅)realizesasetofsoundsandasetofmeaning

differentfromthoserealizedbytheparadigm-aangw(Mo)|-a’i(N∅).Syntactically,

however,theproductsofbothvaluationsarenouns:singularifthesyntacticcontext

suppliesthefeature[Sg],andpluralifthesyntacticcontextsuppliesthefeature[Pl].

Paradigmsarethereforeinerttothesyntax,andactivetothephonologyand

semantics.

Inthepreviouschapter,theSFX2wasdescribedastheinstantiationofsome

projection(identifiedinthisworkasn),dominating#and,inturn,dominatedbyD.

Inordertoaccountforthelistedphenomena,thischaracterizationwillberevised.

RatherthanSFX2itself,itistheSFX2paradigmwhichexistsatn.178SFX2

6.Thesuffix2:thelistedphenomena

371

paradigmshavethusfarbeenidentifiedforGorwaa,and,assuch,thereare178

differentversionsofn.TheSFX2itselfisinstantiatedviaaprocessofrealization

post-Spellout.Therevisedstructureispresentedin(6.30),andthevaluation

processispresentedinTable5.4,where-n135correspondstotheparadigm-ó(Mo)|

-∅(Mo)|(a)’i(N∅).

(6.30) QOONQALUMÓ(VERSION2)Mergeofn135(syntacticobjectα)and√qoonqal-(a)m-#(syntacticobjectβ).

nP

√qoonqal-(a)m-#-n135 cat n 5 #P n√qoonqal-(a)m-#-n135

cat #, Sg

!"# !!"#$ ∅

!"# N; <#>

5ClP #

√qoonqal-(a)m

cat Cl, Indiv

cat #, Sginfl ∅

sel < Cl >

5 √qoonqal Cl

-(a)m

Table6.3:Valuationofn135(Version1)

PhonologicalComponent SemanticComponent

Input Syntactic

Context

Value Input Syntactic

Context

Value

n135

/Sg [ó] n135

/Sg singular

/Pl [aɁ] /Pl plural

elsewhere ∅~´~ elsewhere general

HavingarrivedatthischaracterizationfortheSFX2morpheme,discussionwill

brieflyreturntoSFX1inordertoprovideasimilaraccount.

6.Thesuffix2:thelistedphenomena

372

6.5.3RealizationofthemorphemeCl(i.e.SFX1)

Itwillbenotedthatthroughoutthissection(i.e.§6.4),analysisoftheparadigmhas

focusedonthecontentofSFX2,whereas,priortothis(i.e.§6.2-6.3),thenotionof

paradigmhasalsoincludedtheSFX1.Thoughsyntacticallydistinct(SFX1was

identifiedasbeingtheinstantiationoftheheadCl,andSFX2astheinstantiationof

oneelementoftheparadigm,itselfaninstantiationoftheheadn),thetwoare

clearlyinterrelatedintheirrealizations:theSFX1-(a)mandtheSFX2-ó(Mo)may

berealizedtogether,suchasinqoonqalumó,butthesameSFX1-(a)mandtheSFX2-

ee(Fr)areneverrealizedtogether--hencetheabsenceoftheform-amee.

AfurthercharacteristicofSFX1morphemesisalsoworthrestating.Itwas

identifiedinthedatapresentationabove(see§5.3)thatallClsuffixes(i.e.SFX1)

couldbeidentifiedasderivationalsuffixeswhichoccurinaverbalcontext.For

example,whenrealizedaspartofanoun,-(a)misaclassifier;whenrealizedaspart

ofaverb,-(a)misdurativeaspect:thereforeqoonqalumó‘acrownedcrane’,andaga

hubiím‘Iwasbringingit’.

Thefirstcharacteristic,thatofcertainformsofSFX1combiningwithonlycertain

formsofSFX2,istheresultoffinalrealizationoftheClmorphemebeingdependent

onthevarietyofnpresentinthesyntacticstructure.Assuch,ifthevarietyofn

presentis-n135(i.e.theparadigmofqoonqalumó,qoonqál,qoonqalama’),thentheCl

morphemewillberealizedas-(a)m;ifthevarietyofnpresentis-n150(theparadigm

of,say,tsifiraangw,tsifireeri),thentheClmorphemewillberealizedas-eer.The

instructionsforpost-SpelloutrealizationinthiscasearegiveninTable5.4,where

6.Thesuffix2:thelistedphenomena

373

-n135correspondstotheparadigm-ó(Mo)|-∅(Mo)|(a)’i(N∅),and-n150

correspondstotheparadigm-aangw(Mo)|-(a)’i(N∅).

Table6.4:ValuationofCl

PhonologicalComponent SemanticComponent

Input SyntacticContext

Value Input SyntacticContext

Value

Cl

/n135

[am]

Cl

/n135

[individuation]

/n150

[e:r]

/n150

Thesecondcharacteristic,thatoftheSFX1playingdouble-dutyaseithernominal

classifiermorphologyorverbalaspectualmorphology,requiresrecoursetothe

conceptthattheseformsmaybethesame,but,indifferentsyntacticcontexts,are

functioninginslightlydifferentways(i.e.the‘allosemy’ofMarantz2013,andWood

&Marantz,2017).Thus,inanominalsyntacticenvironment,SFX1isrealizedas

individuation,andinaverbalsyntacticenvironment,SFX1isrealizedasdurative,

causative,etc.Table5.5belowpresentsanexamplevaluationofSFX1.

Table6.5:ValuationofSFX1

PhonologicalComponent SemanticComponent

Input Syntactic

Context

Value Root Syntactic

Context

Value

SFX1

elsewhere

[am]

SFX1

/n

indivduation

/v

durative

6.5.4Asummary

Arevisedversionofthederivationthusfarispresentedin(6.31):where√735isthe

rootwhichrealizesqoonqal-,ClistheheadwhichrealizestheSFX1-(a)m,andn135is

theparadigmwhichrealizestheSFX2-ó.

6.Thesuffix2:thelistedphenomena

374

(6.31) QOONQALUMÓ(VERSION3) nP

√qoonqal-(a)m-#-n135 cat n 5 #P n135√qoonqal-(a)m-#(-ó)

cat #, Sg

cat ninfl ∅

sel N; <#>

5ClP #

√qoonqal-(a)m

cat Cl, Indiv

cat #, Sginfl ∅

sel < Cl >

5 √735 Cl (qoonqal) (-(a)m)

Giventhissyntacticconfiguration,thepost-syntacticvaluationof√735willresultin

qoonqal,thepost-syntacticvaluationofClwillresultin-(a)m[individuation],and

thepost-syntacticvaluationofn135willresultin-ó(Mo).

Thismoredetailedlevelofrepresentationnowallowsanupdatetobemadetothe

descriptionofhowarootsuchas√735isvalued.Recallthat,inthediscussionin

§4.4.3,itwasassumedthattherootspositedthereinwereconditionedinthe

syntacticcontextofindividualsuffixes(seeTables4.1,4.2,4.3,and4.4).Thegroup

qoonqalumó|qoonqál|qoonqalima’isarathersimplisticcasetopursue,astheroot

onlytakesoneparadigm,instead,amorecomplexformwillbechosen.Considerthe

following:

(6.32) a.soo’ay|soo’aawee ‘dog,dogs’

b.se’eemi|se’eengw ‘hair(onestrand),hair’

6.Thesuffix2:thelistedphenomena

375

AccordingtotheconclusionsdrawninChapter4,thevaluationofthecommonroot

whichrealizesalloftheseforms(letitbe√561),wouldproceedasinTable6.6

below.

Table6.6:Valuationof√561(version1)

PhonologicalComponent SemanticComponent

RootInput SyntacticContext

Value Root SyntacticContext

Value

√561

/-ay [so:Ɂ]

√561

/-ay ‘dog’

/-aawee /-aawee

/-iimi [seɁ] /-iimi ‘hair’

/-aangw /-aangw

Thisarrangementisobviouslyproblematic.Thefirstproblemisthatthetablefails

totakeintoaccountthatnoneofthesyntacticcontextswould,atthispoint,be

valuedphonologically.Thisinterpretationcouldperhapsbesavedbyabstracting

awayfromthesuffixes,andassigningeachofthemanabstractindex,tobevaluedat

alaterpoint(thiswouldbetheequivalentofpositingthesuffixesassyntacticheads,

ratherthantheparadigms).

However,thisanalysiseventuallyrunsintotroubleaswell.Considerthefollowing:

(6.33) a.tsifiraangw|tsifireeri ‘tongue,tongues’

b.tsifiri|tsifireeri ‘language,languages’

Theformsofthepluralineachcaseisthesame.Assuch,thesemanticcomponentof

thevaluationwouldhavenowaytodistinguishthetwo.

Whatthisapproachfailstoidentifyisthatthesuffixesthemselvesdonotcontribute

totheoverallmeaningbuttheparadigmsinwhichtheyexistdo.Assuch,the

6.Thesuffix2:thelistedphenomena

376

elementstobeconsideredasthesyntacticcontextwithinthevaluationarethe

paradigms.Valuationof√561wouldproceedthus(lettheparadigm

-ay(Mo)|-aawee(F)ben118,andtheparadigm-iimi(F)|-aangw(M)ben197)

Table6.7:Valuationof√561(version2)

PhonologicalComponent SemanticComponent

RootInput SyntacticContext

Value Root SyntacticContext

Value

√561 n118 [so:Ɂ] √561 n118 ‘dog’

n197 [seɁ] n197 ‘hair’

Theaboverepresentsacaseinwhichthechoiceofparadigmeffectsthesemantic

interpretationoftheresult.Inmanycases,however,suchsemanticeffectdoesnot

occur.Considerthefollowing:

(6.34) a.goofaangw|goofeeri ‘antelope,antelopes’ b.goofaangw|goofaawee ‘antelope,antelopes’

Thekindofvaluationproposedabovehandlesthiskindofcaseequallywell.Letthe

rootcommontoalltheseformsbe√238.Lettheparadigm-aangw(Mo)|-eeri(N∅)

ben279,andlettheparadigm-aangw(Mo)|-aawee(F)ben6835.

Table6.8:Valuationof√238

PhonologicalComponent SemanticComponent

RootInput SyntacticContext

Value Root SyntacticContext

Value

√238 n279 [go:f] √238 n279 ‘antelope’

n683 n683

Toconcludethissubsection,whatthisanalysisproposesisamechanismbywhich

paradigmsmaybetreatedunderaDistributedMorphologyframework.By

5Notethat,inthiswork,theindexicalvaluegiventolittlens(inthiscase,683)arearbitrarynumbers,oftenconsiderablyhigherthanthetotalnumberofparadigmsidentified(178).

Thisisdonesimplytoensurethatnumericalvaluesofnandnumericalvaluesofroots(√)

donotcoincide(itselfnotatheoreticalproblem,giventhattheindicesarebeingusedfor

entirelydifferentelements),mainlyforeasierreading.

6.Thesuffix2:thelistedphenomena

377

identifyingeachparadigmasitsownversionofn,subjecttovaluationconditioned

bythesyntacticcontext,itallowstheregularitieswhichholdwithinthemto

functionasapartofthegrammar,andnotasanexception.

Whatmustremain‘exceptional’(atleastforGorwaa),isthemannerinwhichagiven

rootcomestobeassociatedwithagivenparadigm.Itseemstomethattheselection

ofrootsbyparadigmsislexical,bothinthesensethattheparadigmandtheroot

bothcontributetothemeaningofanoun(e.g.soo’ay‘dog’vs.se’eengw‘hair’),aswell

asinthesensethat,likematchinganappropriatenounwithanappropriateverbto

constructacoherentsentence,sotoomustaspeakermatchanappropriateroot

withanappropriateparadigm.

Thefollowingsubsectiontreatstherelationofthesuffixtogender.

6.5.5Therealizationofgender

Anothercharacteristicwhichaddstothe‘lexicality’oftheparadigmsrepresentedin

theSFX2morphemeisthefactthateachindividualsuffixhas(toborrow

Acquaviva’sphrase)a‘stableassociation’withgender.Forexample,thesuffix-ee

alwaystriggersFagreement,andthesuffix-u!alwaystriggersNagreement.Thisis

soconsistentthatsuchsuffixescanbelistedwiththeirattendantgender.

IfitistheSFX2morphemewhichdeterminesgender,andiftherealizationofSFX2is

aprocessofvaluationofaparadigminthesyntacticcontextofnumberfeatures,

thengenderisnecessarilyafeaturegeneratedpost-syntactically:specificallyinthe

phonologicalcomponent(i.e.List2).Arevisedversionofthevaluationofn135(i.e.

6.Thesuffix2:thelistedphenomena

378

theparadigmwhichfeaturesinthesuffixes-(a)mó(Mo)|-∅(Mo)|-(a)ma’(N∅))is

giveninTable6.9below.

Table6.9:Valuationofn135(revised)

PhonologicalComponent SemanticComponent

Input SyntacticContext

Value Input SyntacticContext

Value

n135

/Sg [ó][Mo]

n135

/Sg singular

/Pl [aɁ][N∅] /Pl plural

elsewhere ∅~´~[Mo] elsewhere general

Notethatthegenderfeaturesarerealizedinthephonologicalcomponent,andare

thereforeinaccessibletothesemanticcomponent.Thisisdesirableinthatthese

gendervalueshavenobearingonthesemanticinterpretationofthenoun.Indeed,

thereisnothinginherentlymasculineaboutqantsá‘greenchyme’,noristhere

anythingfeminineaboutsaankaa‘chyme’--bothrefertoasomewhatsimilarreal

worldentity,buthavedifferentgender.Thedikdik,eveniffemale,isreferredtoby

themasculinenountsoyo,whereasthehippopotamus,evenifmale,isreferredtoby

thefemininenounhawweé(d).

Perhapsthemostsignificantconsequenceoftheanalysisaboveisthat,ifgender

featuresarerealizedonlypost-syntactically,andifthesefeaturesaretheinputfor

agreement,thenagreementmustalsooccurpost-syntactically,followingthe

valuationoftheserootsinList2.Atthesametime,however,theAgreeoperation

hasbeenproventorelyonrelationshipsthataresyntacticinnature,suchasc-

command.Ifthisisthecase,thenanewversionofAgreemustoperatepost-

syntactically,butstillbecapableofaccessingthesyntacticstructure.

6.Thesuffix2:thelistedphenomena

379

Infact,itisexactlythistypeofAgreethathasbeenproposedinBobaljik(2008).

ThedatausedinthepaperisatoncequitedifferentfromGorwaa,butalsoquite

similar.Assuch,amomentwillbetakentoconsidertheempiricalbasisonwhich

theargumentisbuilt.

InIcelandic(isl;Iceland),thereexistaseriesofconstructionsinwhichthe

morphologicalcaseassignedtothesubjectisnotnominative.Thisisknowninthe

literatureasquirkycase.Onesuchconstructionoccurswithexperiencerpredicates,

inwhichthesubjectisassigneddativecase.

(6.35) QUIRKYCASEINICELANDIC(FROMBOBALJIK(2008:298) a.Jónilíkuðuþessirsokkar Jon.DATlike.Plthesesocks.NOM “Jonlikesthesesocks.”

(fromJónsson1996:143) b.Þaðlíkuðueinhverjumþessirsokkar

EXPLliked.Plsomeone.DATthesesocks.NOM “Someonelikedthesesocks.”

(fromJónsson1996:153)

Itisshownthat,thoughmorphologicallymarkedfordativecase,thesequirky

subjectsare,byallcriteria,grammaticalsubjects.Becauseofthis,itisconcluded

thatthesystemresponsibleforassigningstructuralcase(i.e.caseaccordingto

grammaticalfunction),andthatresponsibleforassigningmorphologicalcaseare

different.InlanguagessuchasGermanandRussian,thesystemofmorphological

case“tracks[casebasedongrammaticalfunction]fairlyneatly”(303).Inthecaseof

Icelandic,thetwosystemsdonotcoincidesoneatly,hencetheoccurrenceofquirky

case.

6.Thesuffix2:thelistedphenomena

380

Furthermore,becausetheassignmentofmorphologicalcasemakesreferencetothe

syntacticstructure(i.e.inassigningdativetothesubject,andnominativetothe

remainingcaselessNP),itmustoccurafterthesyntax,butbesensitivetoit.Itis

arguedthatthispost-syntacticstageisthemorphology,which“takesasyntactic

structureasitsinputandincrementallyaltersthatstructureinordertoproducea

phonologicalform”(296).Thus,quirkycaseandthosephenomenasimilartoitare

calledm-Case(mformorphological).Basedontheargumentthat,

crosslinguistically,itism-Case(andnotanysyntacticrelationsuchasgrammatical

function)whichdeterminestheaccessibilityofagivenNPforcontrollingagreement

onthepredicate,agreementmustbeapostsyntacticoperation.

EventhoughthedatainGorwaaarenotrelatedtocase,thesameargumentapplies.

AsquirkycaseinIcelandicisassignedlexically,sotooissuffixalgenderinGorwaa

assignedlexically(i.e.bytheparadigm).AsquirkycaseinIcelandichasnoeffecton

the(semantic)interpretationofthegrammaticalrelations,sotoodoessuffixal

genderinGorwaahavenoeffectonthesemanticinterpretationofthenoun.Finally,

asquirkycasedictatesagreementoperations,sotoodoessuffixalgenderinGorwaa

controlagreementoperations.Gorwaasuffixalgenderism-gender,m-genderis

postsyntactic,andagreementmustbepostsyntacticasaresult.

Theresultofasystemsuchastheoneproposedisnounsforwhichgenderhasno

semanticfunctionshowinggenderregardless,assignedlexicallybasedontheform

6.Thesuffix2:thelistedphenomena

381

ofthesuffix(6.36),aswellasentitieswhichhaveabiologicalgendersometimes

showingagreementforamismatchinggender(6.37).

(6.36) SEMANTICALLYGENDERLESSNOUNSTRIGGERINGGENDERAGREEMENT a. qantsákuyaariir qants--á -ó t-ng-u-∅ yaariir

STM- -SFX2 -L !"##$.!"#$%

MP-A.3-P.MAux much

‘Thereismuchgreenchyme.’ b. saankaakayaariir saank--aa -r~´~ t-ng-a- ∅ yaariirur

STM- -SFX2 -L !"#$%

MP-A.3-P.F-Aux much

‘Thereismuchchyme.’

(6.37) NOUNSWITHBIOLOGICALGENDERTRIGGERINGMISMATCHINGAGREEMENT a. tsoyóúr tsoy- -ó -ó úr

STM- -SFX2 -L !"#!"#

big.M

‘abigdikdik’(possiblyafemaledikdik)

b. hawweérur haww--ee -r~´~ ur

STM- -SFX2 -L !"##$#$%&'()

big.F

‘abighippopotamus’(possiblyamalehippopotamus)6.6Remarksandsummary

Thischapter,aswellastheonebeforeit,hastreatedthenominalsuffix,anelement

whichismorphologicallyhighlycomplex,andtheoreticallyveryinteresting.§5.5.1

providessomefurthercommentonthenatureofn,and§5.5.2summarizes.

6.6.1Remarksonthenatureofn

ItwasnotedinChapter5(fn.5)thatthelabelingofSFX2asnwasaconscious

choice.Atthis,point,someremarksmaybegivenonwhy,exactly,thisisso.

6.Thesuffix2:thelistedphenomena

382

First,theletterlabel‘n’isarecognitionthattheSFX2functionsasthecategorizing

head,equivalent,moreorless,tothevariousNsproposedintheliterature(Marantz

(2001),Arad(2003,2005),andMerchant(2018)).AsestablishedinChapter4and

Chapter5,themajorityofnominalmaterialmayalsoappearintheverbaldomain.

Nounstemsarecommonlyisomorphicwithverbstems(see§4.4.3),SFX1

morphologyisvirtuallyalwaysisomorphicwithdurative,middlevoice,and

pluractionalverbalderivationalsuffixes(see§2.3.2.4,and§5.3).Thefirstelement

thatdoesclearlynotbelongtotheverbaldomainistheSFX2morphology.Itis

thereforethismorphologythatisidentifiedasnominalizingthestructure.(6.38)

belowyieldsaroughcomparisonofastructurecontaininganominalcategorizing

headn,versusonecontainingaverbalcategorizingheadv.Strikingly,in(6.38)a)

thenominalmorphologyinvolvedinclassifyingandquantifying--structuringthe

conceptoftherootinspace--isthesamemorphologyinvolvedintheprojectionsX

andYin(6.38)b)structuringtheconceptoftherootintime.Thisdissertationdoes

notdiscussverbalmorphologyandthereforetheidentityoftheseprojectionswill

remainvague,butcompareasimilaruniversalproposalmadeinBorer(2005a,b).

(6.38) THENOUNXOOSLUMÓ‘VESSEL,TOOL’VS.THEVERBXOOSLIÍM‘TOGRIND’:SOLEDIFFERENCEISTHECATEGORIZINGHEAD

a. xooslumó b. xoosliím nP vP 2 2 #P n XP v 2-ó 2~LongVowel,RPA~ClP# YPX 2 2√291Cl √291Y -(a)m -(a)m

6.Thesuffix2:thelistedphenomena

383

Thefactthatthenislittlehererepresentsafurthernodtoverbphrasestructure,

andwaschosenspecificallybecause‘littlev’isoftendescribedasintroducingan

externalargument.Tobediscussedin§7.4.2,aslittlevintroducesanexternal

argumenttotheverbphraseintheformofthesubjectargument,itislittlenthat

introducesanexternalargumenttothenounphraseintheformoftheargumentR.

Asaseparateremark,itisworthnotingthatnandtherootfunctionautonomously

insomerespects(e.g.the√-ncombinationmaybeseparatedbyCland#

morphology,asin(6.39)b)),butthattheyalsohavethelinguisticpropertiesofa

singledomain(e.g.√-ncombinationshaveidiomaticmeanings,asoutlinedin§6.2.3

above).

(6.39) NANDTHEROOTFUNCTIONAUTONOMOUSLYINSOMERESPECTS a. /aráy ‘white-galledacacias’

[√-n]b. /armó ‘white-galledacacia’

[√-Cl-#-n]

(6.40) NANDTHEROOTHAVETHELINGUISTICPROPERTIESOFASINGLEDOMAIN a. soo-ay ‘adog’

[√-n] b. se’-eengw ‘hair’

[√-n]

Thesebehaviorsarealsocharacteristicofverb-particleconstructionsinGermanic

(e.g.Ramchand&Svenonius2002),andpreverbconstructionsinOldIrish(sga:

Ireland†)(e.g.Adger2006).Examples(fromRamchandandSvenonius(2002:101)

areprovidedin(6.41)and(6.42)below.

(6.41) THEVERBANDTHEPARTICLEFUNCTIONAUTONOMOUSLYINSOMERESPECTS a. Theymarchedoffthehangover b. Theymarchedthehangoveroff.

6.Thesuffix2:thelistedphenomena

384

(6.42) THEVERBANDTHEPARTICLEHAVETHELINGUISTICPROPERTIESOFASINGLEDOMAIN a. Theyletupthepressure. b. Theyletthepressureup.

Atthispoint,nofurtherinsightwillbegivenintotheparallelsinsyntacticbehavior

forthe√-nrelationshipandtheV-particlerelationshipsmentionedabove.Withthat

said,itisworthnotingthesimilaritiesatthispoint,inhopeoffurtherinsightinthe

future.

6.6.2Summary

Thissubsectionconcludestwochapterswhichfocusonthesuffix.Wherechapter

fivetreatedtheregularcharacteristicsofthesuffix,thecurrentchaptertreatedthe

listedcharacteristics.Basedonadetailedanalysisoftheparadigmaticpatternsof

Gorwaa,thisworkespousestheviewthatitistheparadigmitselfwhichactsasa

grammaticalformative,withinwhichsuffixes(grammaticalprimitiveslackingin

syntacticfeatures)arearranged.Itisthestructureoftheparadigmitselfwhich

dictateswhatmeaningsthesesuffixeswillberealizedwith.Post-syntactically,

suffixesarerealizedwithadiacriticgenderfeature--inorderforthisgenderfeature

toaffectmorphosyntacticagreementoperations,Agreemustbeapost-syntactic

operation.

Section6.2introducedtheconceptoftheparadigm,andprovidedsomemotivation

fortheparadigmasagrammaticalformative.Section6.3discussedthelisted

phenomenaoftheGorwaasuffix,providingexamplesforeach.Section6.4wasa

detailedpresentationanddescriptionoftheparadigmsofGorwaa.Section6.5

6.Thesuffix2:thelistedphenomena

385

furnishedaDManalysis:nisthelocusoftheparadigminGorwaa,whichare

realizedpost-Spelloutascombinationsofsuffixes,eachofwhichbearingitsown

diacriticgenderfeature.Crucially,thisapproachisvalidonlyifAgreeisapost-

syntacticoperation.Section6.6offeredabriefremarkonthenatureofn,and

summarized.

Empirically,thischapterhasidentified42differentsuffixes,whichmaybedivided

intothreebroadgroups:thosethatmayoccurwithonlySgagreement,thosethat

mayoccurwithonlyPlagreement,andthosethatmayoccurwitheitherSgorPl

agreement.Thechoiceoftheterm‘occurwith’ratherthan‘trigger’isused

advisedly,asitseemsasifnumberagreement(seenontheadjective)comesfroman

elementotherthanthenoun.Thiswillbefurtherdiscussedinthefollowingchapter.

Eachsuffixhasastableassociationwithagendervalue--thatis,itisthenominal

suffixwhichusuallytriggerstheagreementonformsbeyondthenoun(again,

exceptionswillbediscussedinthefollowingchapter).These42suffixesenterinto

atleast178groups,termedparadigms.Paradigmsmaybemadeupoftwosuffixes

(apair),threesuffixes(atriad),oronesuffix(amonad).Theparadigmtakenbyany

givenstemislargelyunpredictable.

Theoretically,thesuffixwasdeconstructedintothreemorphosyntactic

subcomponents:theclassifierhead(Cl),thequantityhead(#),andthe‘littlen’(n).

Suffixesvaluedfornumber(i.e.thosewhichmayonlyoccurwithSgagreementand

thosewhichmayonlyoccurwithPlagreement)featurebothaClanda#.Suffixes

6.Thesuffix2:thelistedphenomena

386

unvaluedfornumber(i.e.thosewhichmayoccurwithSgorPlagreement),donot

featureaClora#.nisthelocusoftheparadigm--thatis,itisrealizedpost-

syntacticallyastheappropriatesuffixbasedonacombinationofitsindexicalvalue,

aswellasitssyntacticcontext.Cl,whichcanalsobedescribedasafunctionalhead

whosesyntacticenvironmentdeterminesbothitsphonological,aswellassemantic

(i.e.individuationvs.aspect)identity.Crucially,theparadigmswhichmergeatnare

allrealizedasindividualsuffixesatList2withgenderfeatures.Thesesuffixal

genderfeaturesaremorphologicalinnature,anddonotcontributetothesemantic

interpretationofthenoun.Inordertoaccountforagreementphenomena,Agree

mustthereforebeapost-syntacticoperation.

7.Thelinker

387

7.Thelinker

7.1Introduction

Thischapterisconcernedwiththeformknownintheliterature(e.g.Mous1993)

asthelinker,andisexemplifiedin(7.1).

(7.1) a. slufitáwák sluf- -i -tá wák STM- -SFX2 -!

!"# one

‘onelip’

b. desir’eé’ des- -i -r~´~ =’eé’ STM- -SFX2 -!

!"#$=POSS.1SG

‘mygirl’

c. hhawatóbaabá hhawat- -a -ó baaba STM- -SFX2 -!

!"# father

‘father’sman’

d. kurkí kur- -u -kú =í STM- -SFX2 -!

!"#$ =DEM1

‘thisyear’

e. ayeemáuren ay- -eem -oo -á uren STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -!

!"#$% big.N.PL

‘biglands’

f. /aylátleer /ayl- -a’(!) ~´~ tleer STM- -SFX2 -!

!"##$%&.!"#$ long.N

‘alongweddingsong”Thefirststepintreatingthissuffixisadiscussionofgender,buildingonthe

introductiongivenin§2.3.1.2.Presentationofthedatafollows,focusingonthe

7.Thelinker

388

contextsinwhichthelinkeroccursandthoseinwhichitdoesnot.The

remainderofthechapterdrawsonthisdata,aswellassomemorechallenging

casesinordertomotivateasyntacticanalysisofthelinkerasadeterminer

obligatoryonallnounswithreference,whosepronunciationis

morphophonologicallyconditioned.

7.2Characterizingthelinker:genderrevisited

OneofthefirstassertionsmadeintheinitialdescriptionofgenderinGorwaa

wasthatthesystemiscomposedofthreevalues:(M)asculine,(F)eminine,and

(N)euter(see§2.3.1.2).ThisisconsistentwithMous’analysisforIraqw(1993,

2007,2008),butdiffersfromothers,includingCorbett(e.g.2005:126-129),and

DiGarbo(2014:119)forwhomgenderintheselanguageshastwocomponents:

MandF.NgenderissubsumedunderPlnumbermarking.

Underatwo-genderanalysis,agreementmorphologyontheverbbecomesa

divisionbetweenMandFgender,andPlnumber.Assuch,averbformsuchas

qwala/amiis‘makehappy’(levelpitchaccent,longvowel)isM,theform

qwala/amís(risingpitchaccent,shortvowel)isF,andtheformqwala/amisiyá’

(suffix-iyá’)isPl.Thisanalysisbreaksdown,however,whenadjectivesare

introduced,whichshowagreementforbothgenderandnumber.Considerthe

following,inwhichhhaysooin(7.2)a)isNgender,andtheadjectivetleershows

NgenderandSgnumber,andhhaysusuin(7.2)b)isNgenderandtheadjective

tletshowsNgenderandPlnumber.Underatwo-genderanalysis,bothnouns

areplural(asshownbythe-iyá’agreementontheverb),andsothereisno

principledwaytojustifythetwodifferentadjectivalforms.In(7.2)b),itcouldbe

7.Thelinker

389

arguedthattheadjectiveissomehowdouble-markedforPlnumber,butin

(7.2)a),theadjectivewouldhavetobesimultaneouslymarkedforbothSgandPl

number--ahighlycuriousstateofaffairsindeed.

(7.2) a. hhaysoótleeriqwala/amisiyá’ hhays--oo ~´~ tleeri- ∅ qwala/amiis-iyá’

STM- -SFX2 -L !"#$

long.NS.3- AUX make.happy.3-N.PRES

“Alongtailmakesonehappy.” b. Hhaysusútletiqwala/amisiyá’ hhays--aCz -u! ~´~ tleti- ∅ STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L

!"#$ long.N.PLS.3- AUX

qwala/amiis-iyá’make.happy.3-N.PRES

“Longtailsmakeonehappy.”Furthermore,recentpsycholinguisticworkontheCushiticlanguageKonso(kxc:

Ethiopia)investigatedhownativespeakersprocessgrammaticalgenderand

number(Tsegaye2017).Usingpicture-wordinterferenceandsimplepicture

namingtaskstodeterminewhethertheequivalentofGorwaaNgenderinthis

languagewasprocessedasagendervalueoranumbervalue,itisarguedthat:

“[ifN]isavalueofgenderinKonso,namingutteranceswith[N]

gendershouldproducesimilarcongruencyeffectsasmasculineand

femininegenders.Conversely,ifsucheffectswereabsentinnaming

utteranceswith[N]genderbutpresentonlyinmasculineand

femininegender,[N]wouldnotbetreatedasavalueofgender.

Combined,comparedtothegender-congruentcondition,gender-

incongruentdistractorwordssloweddownthelatenciesofthe

targetpicturessignificantly.Crucially,theresultsofthetwo

experimentsdisplayedthat[N]gendernounsshowgender

congruencyeffectslikemasculineandfemininenouns.Thisindicates

that[N]isprocessedinthesamewayasmasculineandfeminine

genders,whichsupportstheanalysisthat[…Ngender]isindeed

partofthesystemofgenderfeaturesinKonso.”(22)ItisimportantheretonotethatevidenceforKonsocannotbegeneralizedtoall

Cushiticlanguages(SomaliandOromo,forexample,aresystemswith

straightforwardlyMvs.Fgenders).However,withinCushitic,Mous(2008)

7.Thelinker

390

identifieswhatisessentiallythesamepatternofKonsoinBayso(bsw:Ethiopia),

Dirayta(gdl:Ethiopia),Ts’amakko(tsb:Ethiopia),Rendille(rel:Kenya),Boni

(bob:Kenya),aswellasIraqw,Alagwa,andBurunge.Itisonthebackofthis

experimentalevidence,aswellasonthebasisthatpositingNasagendervalue

makesforanoverallsimpleranalysisforGorwaa,thatthisthree-genderanalysis

willbeadopted.

InadditiontothreegendervaluesM,F,andN,eachofthesegendersexhibittwo

internalsubgenders:asecondagreementpatternwithinthelargerpatternthat

functionswithasubsetofnouns,andinasubsetofenvironments(Corbett1991:

163).Relevanttothecurrentdiscussion,theoneenvironmentinwhich

subgenderfunctionsisthelinkeritself,asdisplayedin(7.1).Inallother

environments,thisdistinctioncollapses(6.3).Mo-typesubgenderisinstantiated

bythemorpheme–ó(6.1.c).Mk-typesubgenderisinstantiatedbythe

morpheme–kú(6.1.d).Fr-typesubgenderisinstantiatedbythemorpheme–r,

plusrisingpitchaccent(6.1.b).Ft-typesubgenderisinstantiatedbythe

morpheme–tá(6.1.a).Na-typesubgenderisinstantiatedbythemorpheme–á

(6.1.e).N∅-typesubgenderisinstantiatedbythemorpheme-∅,plusrisingpitch

accent(6.1.f).Subgenderisdiscussedabovein.

(7.3) SUBGENDERDISTINCTIONCOLLAPSESINVERBAGREEMENT a.FTANDFRDISTINCTIONCOLLAPSES i.slufitáwákiqwala/amís sluf- -i -tá wák i- ∅ qwala/amís STM- -SFX2 -L

!"# one S.3- AUX make.happy.F.PRES

‘onelipmakesonehappy’

7.Thelinker

391

ii.desírwákiqwala/amís des--i -r~´~ wák i-∅ qwala/amís

STM- -SFX2 -L !"#$

one S.3-AUXmake.happy.F.PRES

‘onegirlmakesonehappy’

b.MOANDMKDISTINCTIONCOLLAPSES i.hhawatówákiqwala/amiis hhawat- -a -ó wák i- ∅ STM- -SFX2 -L

!"# one S.3- AUX

qwala/amiismake.happy.M.PRES‘onemanmakesonehappy’

ii.kurkúwákiqwala/amiis kurk- -u -kú wák i- ∅

STM- -SFX2 -L !"#$

one S.3- AUX

qwala/amiismake.happy.M.PRES‘oneyearmakesonehappy’

c.NAANDN∅DISTINCTIONCOLLAPSES i.ayeemátsáriqwala/amisiyá’ ay -eem -oo -á tsár i- ∅ STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L

!"#$% two S.3- AUX

qwala/amiis -iyá’make.happy. -NPRES‘twolamdsmakeonehappy’

ii./aylátsáriqwala/amisiyá’ /ayl--a’(!) ~´~ tsári- ∅ qwala/amiis-iyá’ STM- -SFX2 -L

!"##$%&.!"#$! twoS.3 AUX make.happy.-NPRES

‘twoweddingsongsmakeonehappy’HavingestablishedthegendersysteminGorwaaasfeaturing3values(M,F,and

N),eachofwhichexhibittwominorvalues(Mo,Mk,Fr,Ft,Na,andN∅),attention

maynowturnfullytothelinker.

7.Thelinker

392

7.3Characterizingthelinker:datapresentation

Thissectionestablishesthelinkerona(largely)pretheoreticbasis,thoughsome

assumptionsastothestructureofseverallargersyntacticenvironmentsare

made.Itwillbearguedthatthelinkerisanobligatory,integralpartofnouns

withreference,butwhichgoesunpronouncedincertainwell-defined

environments.Thefirstsubsectionwilldiscussthedistributionofthelinker,and

thesecondsubsectionwillexaminesomeofthepastanalysesandtheproblems

inherenttherein.Thethirdsubsectionwillpresentanewanalysisofthelinker:

thatitisasuffixwhichundergoeselisionwhenitoccursattheendofa

phonologicalphrase.

7.3.1Distributionofthelinker

Nounsdonotshowthelinkerinthefollowingenvironments:1)unmodifiedsubjects:(7.4) LINKERUNPRONOUNCEDONUNMODIFIEDSUBJECTS a. garmaina/akuút [20160921i.23] garm- -a -ó i- ∅ -na /akuút

STM- -SFX2 -L !"#

S.3- AUX -IMPRF jump.M.PST

‘Theboyjumped.’

b. desibaahaanginatáhh [20160921i.2] des- -i -r~´~ baahaár ng- a- ∅ -na

STM- -SFX2 -L !"#$

hyaena.LFr A.3- P.F- AUX -

IMPRFtáhhhit.F.PST‘Thegirlhitthehyaena.’

c. na/i’iaGorwaa na/- -a’i ~´~ ∅ Gorwaá

STM- -SFX2 -L !"#$%&'(

AUX Gorwaa.people.LN∅

7.Thelinker

393

‘ThechildrenareGorwaa.’2)unmodifieddirectobjectsin‘secondposition’(i.e.beforetheselector)

(7.5) LINKERUNPRONOUNCEDONUNMODIFIEDDIRECTOBJECTSIN‘SECONDPOSITION’ a. desibaahaanginatáhh [20160921i.2] des- -i -r~´~ baahaár ng- a- ∅-na

STM- -SFX2 -L !"#$

hyaena.LFr A.3- P.F- AUX-IMPRF

táhhhit.F.PST

‘Thegirlhitthehyaena.’ b. sleeakoóm [20150818a.1] sl- -ee -r~´~ ∅- a- ∅ koóm

STM- -SFX2 -L !"#

A.1- P.F- AUX have.1.PRES

‘Ihaveacow.’ c. garmana/i’inginadiíf[20160927l168-171.10] garmá na/ -(a)’i ~´~ ng- i- ∅-na

boy.LMoSTM- -SFX2 -L !"#$%&'(

A.3- P.N- AUX-IMPRF

diífhit.M.PST‘Theboyhitthechildren.’

3)incorporatedobjects(7.6) LINKERNOTPRESENTONINCORPORATEDNOUNS a. ngwaslee-gaás[20161102b.52] ng- u- ∅ -a sl- -ee gaás

A.3- O.M- AUX -PRFSTM- -SFX2 !"#

kill.M.PST

‘Hekilledacowonhim.’(lit.“hecow-killedhim”)

b. [...]ngunasaga-taáhhneerna/áydeti[20131108b_20150725j.89]

ng- u- ∅ -na sag- -a taáhh A.3- O.M- AUX -IMPRFSTM- -SFX2

!"#$hit.M.PST

neer na/áy detiwith child.LN∅ <deti>.tree‘[...]hesmashedhimontheheadwiththeseedpodofthe<deti>tree.’(lit.“hehead-smashedhim”)

7.Thelinker

394

c. [...]asmataarahee-gás[20151202d.116] asma t- ∅ ar ∅ hee -∅

because MP- AUX see AUX STM- -SFX2 !"#$%&

gás kill.2Sg.PRES ‘becausetheysawyoukillaman’(lit.“man-kill”)

Nounsdoshowthelinkereverywhereelse,someillustrativeexamplesinclude:

1)modifiedsubjects:(7.7) LINKERPRONOUNCEDONMODIFIEDSUBJECTS1 a. garmáúrina/akuút [20160921i.27] garm- -a -ó úr i- ∅ -na /akuút

STM- -SFX2 -L !"#

big.M S.3- AUX -IMPRF

jump.M.PST ‘Thebigboyjumped.’ b. desírdooslbaahaanginatáhh [20160927l110-124.2] des- -i -r~´~ doosl baahaár

STM- -SFX2 -L !"#$

farm.ADN.F hyaena.LFr

ng- a- ∅ -na táhhA.3- P.F- AUX -IMPRFhit.F.PST ‘Thefarminggirlhitthehyaena.’

c. na/i’íbaahaangadiifiyí’ [20160928c.36] na/- -(a)’i ~´~ baahaár ng- a- ∅-a

STM- -SFX2 -L !"#$%

hyaena.LFr A.3 P.F- AUX-PRF

diif -iyí’hit.3 -3Pl.SUBJ

‘Thechildrenwhohitthehyaena.’2)modifieddirectobjects:(7.8) LINKERPRONOUNCEDONMODIFIEDDIRECTOBJECTS hhawatagarmáwákngunataáhh [20160119f.45] hhawató garm- -a -ó wák ng- u- ∅-naman.LMo STM- -SFX2 -L

!"# one A.3- P.M- AUX-IMPRF

taáhhhit.M.PST

‘Themanhitoneboy.’1In(7.7)a),thenoungarma‘boy’isirregularinthattheformdoesnotshowthefinal-oofthelinker,butonlythehightone.Ineveryotherrespect,however,garmaisaregular,(Mo)noun.

7.Thelinker

395

3)directobjectsin‘encapsulatedposition’(i.e.betweentheselectorandthe

lexicalverb)

(7.9) LINKERPRONOUNCEDONENCAPSULATEDOBJECTS a. moro’osíngiharimaárkón [20131027_20150725c.81] moro’ó -síng i- ∅ harim--aa-r~´~ things.LMo -DEM2S.3- AUX STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$%&'

kón have.M.PRES

‘Thesethingsarejust.’b. [...]bar/aaymaársla’ [20150808a.117]

bar- ∅- a- ∅ /ayim--aa -r~´~ sla’ if- A.P- P.F- AUX STM- -SFX2 -L

!""#want.2.SUBJ

‘[...]ifyouwantfood.’c. [...]tareyiikwáhuw[20151202e.124]

t- ∅ -re yiikw--a ~´~ huw MP- AUX -CONSEC STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$ bring.SUBJ

‘[...]andtheybroughtcows.’4)nounswhichoccurwithtopicandquestionmorphology(7.10) a.LINKERPRONOUNCEDONTOPIC-MARKEDNOUNS i.[...]umódiroo[...][20131027_20150725c.195] umó d- -i -r~´~ -ooevery STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$% -TOP

‘[...]everyplace[...]” ii.[...]umoqó/ayitoo[...] [20131108b_20150725j.9] umó =qo /ay- -i -tá -ooevery =EMPH STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$%& -TOP

‘[...]everyflower[...]’ b.LINKERPRONOUNCEDONQUESTIONEDNOUNS i.wagawtoô [20150817d.225] wa gaw- -a -tá -oo ~ˆ~PREP.ABL.STM- -SFX2 -L

!"# -TOP ~Q~

‘fromthetop?’

7.Thelinker

396

ii.basokoô [20161109b.15]bas- -a -kú -oo ~ˆ~

STM- -SFX2 -L !"#$%

-TOP ~Q~

‘south?’

7.3.2Pastanalyses

Themostcommonwaytodescribethelinkerisasconstructstatemorphology

(e.g.Mous1993:94).Thisreferstoaspecialmorphologicalformtakenbynouns

whenpossessed,andischaracteristicofmanyAfro-Asiaticlanguages.Thislabel

handlesperhapsthemostfrequentconstructioninwhichthelinkeroccurs.

(7.11) LINKERPRONOUNCEDINPOSSESSIONCONSTRUCTIONS

a. [...]garmáBura [20160927m.36] garm- -a -ó Burá STM- -SFX2 -L

!"# Bura.LMo

‘Bura’sboy’

b. [...]balaángwhee[...] [20150727.52] bal- -aangw -ó heé STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$%&' person.LMo

‘[...]aperson’ssorghum[...]’

c. asltábaabá [20150807.17] asl- -a -tá baabó STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$ father.LMo

‘father’sfire’Othermodificationconstructionsalsoseemtobecomfortablycoveredby

extendingtheideaofpossession.EveninEnglish,onecanusethegenitiveto

conveysuchconceptsasnoun-numeral“anarmyofone”,noun-pronoun“afriend

ofmine”,andnoun-adjective“acapeofred”.

7.Thelinker

397

However,theconstructstateanalysishandlestheremainingdatalesswell.After

all,itishardtoseehowtheobjectnounsleein(7.12)b)belowcouldbe

interpretedassomehowpossessed.

(7.12) a. anísleeanataáhh [201609271222-228.25]

aní sl- -ee -r~´~ ∅- a- ∅ -na Pro1SgSTM- -SFX2 -L

!"#A.1- P.F- AUX -IMPRF

taáhhbeat.1.PST

‘Ibeatthecow.’ b. aníasleérdiíf [20160927l222-228.26]

aní ∅- ∅ sl- -ee -r~´~ diíf PRO1Sg S.P- AUX STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#beat.1.PST

‘Ibeatthecow.’Similarly,nounsintopicalizationsorquestionsareequallyhardtocharacterize

aspossessed.

Thisevidenceseemsadequatemotivationforanattempttocharacterizethe

linkeraccordingtoabroadercriterion.Thiswillbetheapproachfollowedinthe

followingsubsection.

7.3.3Linkersaremorphophonologicallyconditioned

Followingpresentationofthedataabove,Iproposethatthelinkerisa

morphemewhichobligatorilyoccursonanynounwithreference,butgoes

unpronouncedwhenitoccursattherightedgeofaphonologicalphrase.

Essentially,thephenomenonisoneofsandhi,analogoustoraddoppiamento

sintatticoinItalian(ita:e.g.Italy)(Nespor&Vogel1986:165-184),rendakuin

Japanese(jpn:Japan)(Kubozono2005),andintonationinBengali(ben:e.g.

7.Thelinker

398

Bangladesh)(Truckenbrodt2003).Thephonologicalphrasesimportanttothis

particularworkarethoseequivalenttothesyntacticphrasesDPandTP2.

Becauseofthisappealtohigher-levelstructure,examinationofthisclaim

thereforerequiressomecommentontheclausalsyntaxofGorwaa.Thiswillbe

undertakenbrieflybelow.WiththeshapeoftheGorwaaclauseproperly

motivated,discussionwillreturntothespecificenvironmentsoflinkers

presentedabove.

7.3.3.1Clausalsyntax

Anyin-depthdescriptionoftheclausalsyntaxofGorwaaliesoutsidethescopeof

thiswork.Assuch,thissubsectioncanonlyestablishthefactsrelevanttothe

discussionathand.Therefore,iftheargumentbeingpresentedabovesees

linkersasgoingunpronouncedonlywhenattherightedgeofphonological

phrases(DPand/orTP),thenitmustbeestablishedthatthenounsleein

(7.12)a)isattherightedgeofaphonologicalphrase,andthatthenounsleérin

(7.12)b)iswithinaphonologicalphrase.Thecaseofsleér(7.12)b)willbe

addressedfirst,followedbyslee(7.12)a).

Thatsleériswithinaphonologicalphrasein(7.12)b)seemsasimpleassertionto

make:asthedirectobjectfinchesin§3.3wasmergedastheinternalargumentof

theverbexamineintheEnglishexample,sotooissleérmergedastheinternal

argumentoftheverbdiíf.UnliketheEnglish,however,thenounsleérmovestoa

2NotethatDPiscommonlyidentifiedasasyntacticphase(e.g.Adger2002),and,TP,whilenotasyntacticphase,isidentifiedbyChomsky(2001)asaCoreFunctionalCategory.ForsomecommentonCoreFunctionalCategoriesandphasalproperties,seeRichards2007.

7.Thelinker

399

positionbetweentheselectoraandtheverb.Lookingatthefunctionsof

selectors(theymaymarkclausetype,deixis,subject,object,aspect,mood,and

adverbialcase),itmaybeassumedthattheyareaformofhighlyinflected

auxiliary(cf.Anderson,2011).Indeed,Mous(2005:308)identifiestheselector

asmarking“thelefthandedgeofasyntacticunit”,asyntacticunitwhichIwill

interpretasTP.Assuch,anythingbetweentheselectorandthelexicalVis

thereforewithintheTPand,furthermore,iflocatedbetweentheselectorandthe

lexicalV,withinaphonologicalphrase,hencethepronunciationofthelinkeron

nounsinthisposition.

Asimilarlineofargumentmaybeusedtoestablishthatsleein(7.12)a)isnot

withinTP.Giventhatthisnounoccurstotheleftoftheselector,itistherefore

outsideofthesyntacticunit.Thisraisesamorefundamentalquestion:ifnouns

suchassleein(7.12)a)arenotpartoftheTP,thenwhere,exactly,arethey?I

arguethat,withtheexceptionofnounssuchasthosein(7.12)b)described

above,allovertnominalexpressionsinGorwaaarebase-generatedoutsideofthe

TPasadjuncts.Evidenceforthisclaimwillbeprovidedinexaminingfreeword

order,syntacticallydiscontinuousexpressions,andpervasiveNP-drop:allkey

characteristicsofnon-configurationality(Jelinek1984).

FreeWordOrderThefirstpieceofevidencethatmostnounsarebase-generatedoutsideoftheTP

isthattheyarenotsensitivetotheorderingrestrictionsimposedbythe

UniformityofThetaAssignmentHypothesis(Baker1988),whichstatesthatlike

thematicrelationsbetweenitemsarerepresentedbylikestructural

7.Thelinker

400

relationships.Forexample,in§3.3finches,aspatientoftheverbexamine,will

alwaysbegeneratedastheinternalargumentoftheverb,whereasCharles,the

agentoftheverbexamine,willalwaysbegeneratedastheexternalargumentof

theverb.ThisresultsinastrictSVOwordorderinEnglish.InGorwaa,though

SOVwordorderiscommonenoughtobeconsideredcanonical,Gorwaanouns

mayappearinanyorderrelativetoeachother,andrelativetotheverb.

(7.13) SOVWORDORDER(CANONICAL) anísleeanataáhh [201609271222-228.25]

aní sl- -ee -r~´~ ∅- a- ∅ -nataáhh PRO1SGSTM- -SFX2 -L

!"#A.P- P.F- AUX -IMPRFbeat.1.PST

‘Ibeatthecow.’(7.14) OSVWORDORDER

desirqá'kuúngansla' [20131108b_20150725j.84] des- -i -r~´~ -qá’ kuúng STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$-DEM3 PRO.2SG.M

∅- a- ∅ -n sla’ A.P- P.F- AUX -EXPECT want.2.SUBJ

‘Youlovethatgirl.’(7.15) VSWORDORDER inatláygofaangw[20131108b_20150725j.152] i- ∅ -na tláy goof- -aangw -ó S.3- AUX -IMPR go.M.PST STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$

“Thebuckwent.”(7.16) VOWORDORDER gwéhaansiimaánya'eérhatlá'[20150817d.106] gwéh ∅- a- ∅ ansiim-aán ya’--ee-r~´~ let’s.goA.P- P.F- AUX begin.1-1PL.PRESSTM- -SFX2 -L

!"#

hatlá’other “Let’sgo--wearestartinganotherleg.”

7.Thelinker

401

SyntacticallyDiscontinuousExpressionsThesecondpieceofevidencethatmostnounsarebase-generatedoutsideofthe

TPisthattheyarenotsensitivetothethetacriterion(Chomsky1981),which

statesthatallargumentsmustreceiveoneandonlyonethematicrole,andthat

eachthematicrolemustbeassignedtooneandonlyoneargument.Sincemost

nounsinGorwaaexistexternaltotheargumentstructure,morethanonenoun

phrasemaybeassociatedwithagiventhematicrole.Theseareinterpretedas

discontinuousexpressions.

(7.17) DISCONTINUOUSSUBJECT

a.[...]balaangwdá'ninaákwideeroo/awaàkw[DSC_5354_20150705b.69.4]

balaángw-dá’ninaákwi- ∅ deer millet.LMo-DEM4small.MS.3- AUX be.present.M.PRES

oo /awaákw~`~ANA.M white.M~EMPH~“[...]thatsmallwhitemilletisthere.”b.baráayawooEndabeggadiyeéikáhhqomasíarMuungú

[20131027_20150725c.19]

baráayá -ooEndabég gadiyeéri- ∅

inland.LMo -TOPEndabeg.LMo work.LFrS.3-AUX

káhh qomár -sí arMuungúbe.absent.F.PRES time.LFr -DEM2 ANA.F God.LMo“InEndabegtheworkofGodisn’thereatthattime.”

(7.18) DISCONTINUOUSOBJECT a.daawaanginamosíleehharseehhaa[...][20151202d.171]

daawaár ng- a- ∅ -namór-símedicine.LFr A.3- P.F- AUX -EXPECTplace.LFr-DEM2leehh ar seehhaárfetch.M.SUBJ ANA.F tsetse.flies.LFr

“Hewouldfetchtsetseflymedicine.”

7.Thelinker

402

b.dinku'umaríatleehhaánar/ameenaa[20131027_20150725c.56]

dinku’umár-í ∅- a- ∅ -a meeting.LFr-DEM1 A.P- P.F- AUX -PRF tleéhh-aán ar /ameenaármake.1-1PL.PST ANA.F women.LFr“Wemadethiswomen’sunion.”

PervasiveNP-droppingThethird,andperhapsmostcompellingpieceofevidencethatmostNPsare

generatedoutsidetheTPisthefactthatvirtuallyallofthemareoptional.As

adjuncts,mostovertNPsmaybeomittedfromaphraseinGorwaa,withnoeffect

onthegrammaticalityoftheutterance.

(7.19) PERVASIVENP-DROPPING a.NONPSDROPPED hhawatagarmangunataáhh [20160119f.39] hhawató garmá ng-u-∅-na taáhh man.LMo boy.LMo A.3-P.M-Aux-Imprfhit.Pst “Themanhittheboy.” b.PATIENTNPGARMADROPPED hhawatangunataáhh [20160119f.52] hhawató ng-u-∅-na taáhh man.LMo A.3-P.M-Aux-Imprfhit.Pst “Themanhithim.”(Mayalsobeinterpretedas“Hehittheman.”) c.AGENTNPHHAWATADROPPED garmangunataáhh [20160119f.57] garmá ng-u-∅-na taáhh boy.LMo A.3-P.M-Aux-Imprfhit.Pst “Hehittheboy.”(Mayalsobeinterpretedas“Theboyhithim.”) d.BOTHARGUMENTNPSDROPPED ngunataáhh [20150813.55] ng-u-∅-na taáhh A.3-P.M-Aux-Imprfhit.Pst “Hehithim.”Whatisemphaticallyrejectedbyspeakersistheomissionoftheargument-markingintheselector.SuchutterancesareungrammaticalevenifbothovertargumentNPsarepresent.

7.Thelinker

403

(7.20) ARGUMENTMARKINGINTHESELECTORISOBLIGATORY *hhawatagarmaanataáhh hhawató garmá ∅ -na taáhh man.LMo boy.L.Mo Aux -Imprf hit.Pst “Themanhittheboy.”[Intendedmeaning](Alsoungrammatical

with“Theboyhitthemanastheintendedmeaning.)

Inlightofthedatapresentedabove,nounswhichoccurtotheleftoftheselector

canbeinterpretedasadjunctDPs,andthereforeoutsideofrestrictions

associatedwithargumentstructure3.IftheseDPsareunmodified,thenthe

linkerandtheright-edgeofthephonologicalphrasealign,resultinginthenon-

pronunciationofthelinker.

Summary:clausalsyntaxThedatapresentedabovemayberepresentedasfollows,wherethe

phonologicalphrasesmapontothe(simplified)syntacticstructures,definingthe

environmentsinwhichthelinkerispronouncedandthoseinwhichitis

unpronounced.Theidentityofthehighestphrasewillbeleftvagueandlabeled

XP.BracketedelementsmarkedwiththesubscriptΦinthephonologylineare

phonologicalphrases.

3Notethat,thoughtheseadjunctDPsarenotargumentsperse,theymustbeassociatedwiththe(assumedlypronominal)argumentsgeneratedwithintheTP,viasomesortofA-bardependency.

7.Thelinker

404

(7.21) SECONDPOSITIONUNMODIFIEDDIRECTOBJECT:LINKERUNPRONOUNCEDanísleeanataáhh

aní sl!"#

ee!"#

r~´~!∅- a- ∅ -nataáhh

Pro1Sgcow A.P. P.F Aux-Imprfbeat.1.Pst “Ibeatthecow.” XP 4DPXP ! 4aní DP TP! #sleéranataáhhSyntax:[DPaní][DPsleér][TPanataáhh]Phonology:[Φaní][Φsleér][Φanataáhh]r~´~→∅(7.22) ENCAPSULATEDDIRECTOBJECT:LINKERPRONOUNCED

aníasleérdiíf aní ∅- ∅ sl

!"#ee!"#

r~´~!diíf

Pro1SgA.P- Auxcow beat.1Sg.Pst‘Ibeatthecow.’XP 3DPTP ! $aníasleérdiífSyntax:[DPaní][TPasleérdiíf]

Phonology:[Φaní][Φasleérdiíf]Theotherclausalenvironment,shownabove(7.6)butnotyetdiscussed,isthe

incorporatedobjectconstruction.Thiswillbetreatedintheanalysis§7.4.1.1.

7.3.3.2Summary:linkersasmorphophonologicallyconditionedTheremainderofenvironmentscanbehandledontheleveloftheDP,the

mechanismbeingessentiallythesame.Whenthelinkeroccursattherightedge

ofthephonologicalphrase,itisunpronounced.Elsewhere,thelinkeris

pronounced.

7.Thelinker

405

(7.23) UNMODIFIEDNOUN:LINKERUNPRONOUNCED

na/i’ina/

!"#(a)′i!"#

~´~!

children“children”DP@ na/i’íSyntax:[DPna/i’í]Phonology:[Φna/i’í]~´~→∅(7.24) MODIFIEDNOUN:LINKERPRONOUNCEDna/i’íbaahaangadiifiyí’ na/

!"#(a)′i!"#

~´~!baahaa ng- a- ∅ diif-iyí’

children hyaena A.3- P.F Aux hit.3-3Pl.Subj“Thechildrenwhohitthehyaena.”DP3 D’CP@ % na/i’íbaahaangadiifiyí’Syntax:[DPna/i’í[CPbaahaangadiifiyí’]Phonology:[Φna/i’íbaahaangadiifiyí’](7.25) TOPICANDQUESTIONMORPHOLOGY:LINKERPRONOUNCED

basokoô bas!"#

a!"#

kú!-oo~ˆ~

south-Top~Q~“south?”DP3 D’FP@ @ basakú-oôSyntax:[DPbasakú[FP-oô]Phonology:[Φbasokoô]

7.Thelinker

406

Thesyntacticstructuresrenderedabovearerudimentary,butgiveabasicideaof

howthemechanismofrealizingthelinkerworks.Whatfollowsisacloser

examinationoftheDP--morespecifically,thesyntacticidentityofthelinker.

7.4Syntacticidentityofthelinker:theanalysis

Thepresentationaboveestablisheslinkersasobligatorysuffixesfornounswith

referencewhichoccurin6differentforms,dependingonthesubgenderofthe

noun.Thepronunciationoflinkersismorphophonologicallyconditioned:they

arenotpronouncedwhentheiroccurrencecoincideswiththerightedgeofa

phonologicalphrase,andtheyarepronouncedelsewhere.

Thissubsectionestablishesthesyntacticidentityofthelinker,andisdividedinto

threesubsections.Thefirstsubsectionestablishesthelinkerasagreement

morphologyonD.Thisallowsasatisfactorydescriptionofincorporatedobjects.

Thesecondsubsectiontreatscasesofmismatchbetweenthem-genderofthe

nominalsuffixandtheformofthelinker.Thethirdsubsectionextendsthis

treatmenttoexplainnumbervaluationofgeneralnumbernouns.

7.4.1ThelinkerasD

DeterminersinGorwaaareconsiderablydifferentfromdeterminersinEnglish.

Possessives,demonstratives,andindefinitesaside--allofwhichcouldbe

analyzedinotherways,suchasthecategoryAdjorN(c.f.Leu2008)--theonly

elementwhichcouldbetakenasadeterminerispossiblythequantifierumó.

Otherwise,semanticallysignificantdeterminerssuchastheandadonotexist.

Followingtheassertionthatallgrammarsmediatereferencethroughthe

7.Thelinker

407

functionalprojectionD(Borer2005a:68),Iarguethatthelinkeristhe

instantiationofDinGorwaa.Specifically,linkersareagreementmorphology,

whichagreewiththegendervalueofthespecificSFX2realizedpost-Spelloutat

n.AssumingthatAgreetakesplacepost-syntactically(see§6.5.5),the(abridged)

derivationofslufitá‘lip’proceedsasin(7.26).Let√119representtheroot

commontotheformsslufi‘lip’andsluúf‘topraise’.Letn150representthe

paradigm-i(Ft)|-iya’(N∅),representedinthepairslufi‘lip’|slufiya’‘lips’.

(7.26) DERIVATIONOFSLUFITÁ(VERSION1)

a. Step1:MergeofD(syntacticobjectα)andnP DP √119-n150-D cat D 4 nP D√119-n150

cat n

cat Dinfl !

Case [GEN]sel < n >

5 √119 n150

cat √ cat ninfl ∅

sel < √>

b. Step2:(Postsyntactic)valuationofformsinList2andList3

A:Valuationof√119

PhonologicalComponent SemanticComponentRootInput Syntactic

ContextValue RootInput Syntactic

ContextValue

√119 /n150 [sluf] √119 /n150 ‘lip’/V [slu:f] /V ‘praise’

B:Valuationofn150

PhonologicalComponent SemanticComponentRootInput Syntactic

ContextValue RootInput Syntactic

ContextValue

n150

/Pl [aɁ][N∅] n150

/Pl plural/elsewhere [i][Ft] /elsewhere general

7.Thelinker

408

c. Step3:Realisationofdiacriticfeature[Ft]intheagreement

domain(i.e.thecurrentsyntacticstructure)

DP √119-n150-D cat D 4 nP D√119-n150

cat n

cat Dinfl ! !"

Case [GEN]sel < n >

5 √119 n150

cat √ cat ninfl ∅

sel < √>

d. Step4:Agree

Dc-commandsn150,valuedwiththediacriticgenderfeature[Ft],andDhasanunvaluedgenderfeature.Dagreeswithn150,andobtainsthegenderfeature[Ft].

D cat D

infl ! !" Case [GEN]

sel < n >

e. Step5:ValuationofDPhonologicalComponent SemanticComponent

Input SyntacticContext

Value Input SyntacticContext

Value

D

/[Mo] ó D

elsewhere

referringexpression

/[Mk] kú/[Fr] r~´~/[Ft] tá/[N∅] ~´~/[Na] á

Thisanalysisnowallowstheincorporationconstructionleftundescribedabove

tobeproperlyaddressed.

7.Thelinker

409

7.4.1.1Incorporationconstruction

Incorporationconstructionswereexemplifiedin(7.6),andfeatureanoun

betweentheselectorandthelexicalverbwithnolinkermorphology.

(7.27) ugatsir/i-gaás[20161102b.83]∅- u- ∅ -ga tsir/- -i gaás

A.P- P.M- Aux -Prf STM- -SFX2!"#$

kill.1.Pst

“Ikilledabirdonhim.”(lit.“Ibird-killedhim”)Notethattheseconstructionsareessentiallydifferentfromthoseinwhichthe

directobjectis‘encapsulated’(i.e.islocatedbetweentheselectorandthelexical

verb,butdoesoccurwithlinkermorphology).Anexampleisgivenbelow.

(7.28) aníasleérdiíf [20160927l222-228.26] aní ∅- a- ∅ -(g)a sl- -ee -r~´~ diíf Pro1SgA.P- P.F- Aux -Prf STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#beat.1Sg.Pst

‘Ibeatthecow.’Semantically,thenountsir/ioftheincorporationconstructiondoesnotfunction

asanargumentoftheverb.Ifthegenderoftheobjectintheselectorisswitched

tomatchthatofthebird(thus/u/P.Mto/a/P.F),thebirdwillstillnotbethe

grammaticalobjectoftheverbkill.

(7.29) agatsir/i-gaás[20161102b.83] ∅- a- ∅ -ga tsir/- -i gaás A.P- P.F- Aux -Prf STM- -SFX2

!"#$kill.1.Pst

“Ikilledabirdonher.”(lit.“Ibird-killedher”)ThistypeofnounincorporationisbestcharacterizedasMithun’s“TypeIINoun

Incorporation”(1984:856).

Crucially,iftheincorporatednounherecanneverbeinterpretedasanargument,

andifnounscanonlybeargumentswhenheadedbyaD(Borer2005a:67),then

7.Thelinker

410

itmaybeassumedthatnounsintheseconstructionslackDaltogether,andwill

thereforelacklinkermorphology.

7.4.1.2Summary:thelinkerasD

ThissubsectionestablishesthelinkerastheinstantiationofDinGorwaa.Itwas

arguedthatlinkersareagreementmorphology,agreeingwiththe(postsyntactic

anddiacritic)m-gendergeneratedonthesuffixesaftertheirvaluationinList2.

However,thisgeneralizationdoesnotholdinallcases,andmustthereforebe

revised.Thiswillbeundertakeninthenextsubsection.

7.4.2TheRargument

Inthelastchapter,itwasestablishedthatpostsyntacticm-genderservesasa

triggerforgenderagreementonformsbeyondthenoun.Becausem-genderis

generatedinList2,nounsthataresemanticallygenderless(i.e.notinherently

maleorfemale)triggergenderagreement(7.30),andnounsthatmighthave

biologicalgender(e.g.animals)maytriggeragreementcontrarytothisbiological

gender(7.31).

(7.30) SEMANTICALLYGENDERLESSNOUNSTRIGGERINGGENDERAGREEMENT saankaakayaariir saank--aa -r~´~ yaariir STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$% much

‘Thereismuchchyme.’(7.31) NOUNSWITHBIOLOGICALGENDERTRIGGERINGMISMATCHINGAGREEMENT tsoyókuúr tsoy- -ó -ó ku úr STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#!"# CopAdj.M big.M

‘thedikdikisbig’(possiblyafemaledikdik)

7.Thelinker

411

However,theconceptofm-genderasthesoletriggerforgenderagreementis

complicatedbypatternspresentinasubsetofnouns.Comparethepersonal

nameformsin(7.32)withthecommonnounsin(7.30)and(7.31).

(7.32) a. Saankaakuúr saank--aa -ó ku úr STM- -SFX2 -L

!""#$"" CopAdj.M big.M

‘Saankaaisbig.’(whereSaankaisaman)

b. Saankaakaur saank--aa -r~´~ ka ur STM- -SFX2 -L

!""#$"" CopAdj.F big.F

‘Saankaaisbig.’(whereSaankaisawoman)

c. Tsoyokuúr tsoy- -ó -ó ku úr STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$# CopAdj.M big.M

‘Tsoyoisbig’(whereTsoyoisaman)

d. Tsoyokaur tsoy- -ó -r~´~ ka ur STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$# CopAdj.F big.F

‘Tsoyoisbig’(whereTsoyoisawoman)Agreementpatternsforpersonalnameswillbeusedassupportfortheexistence

ofareferentialpronoun(R)astheexternalargumentofnP.Beforethis,

however,amoredetailedexaminationofGorwaapersonalnamesisrequired.

7.4.2.1Personalnames

PersonalnamesinGorwaa(discussedbrieflyin§2.3.1.3)maybedividedinto

twobroadgroups:formsofGorwaaorigin,andformswithnoclearGorwaa

origin(ofthissecondgroup,manyborrowingsfromDatooga,Rangi,andSwahili

havebeenidentified).Thisdiscussionwillfocusontheformergroup,arguing

7.Thelinker

412

thatthesepropernamesarenotstoredaslexicalentriesinList1,butareformed

fromunderspecifiedrootsinexactlythesamemannerascommonnouns.

Asestablishedabove,manynamesinGorwaacanbeusedforbothwomenand

men,triggeringdifferentagreementpatternsdependingonthebiologicalgender

ofthereferent.Therefore,thecommonnounawee‘bulls’triggersfeminine

agreement,henceaweérYaya‘Yaya’sbulls’.Thepropernamemaytaketheform

AweérYaya‘Awee,daughterofYaya’,orAweéYaya‘Awee,sonofYaya’.

Onewaytoaccountfortheagreementpatternsin(7.32),versusthosein(7.30)

and(7.31),istoassumethatpropernamesarestoredinList1,predetermined

forgender.Assuch,whilesaankaain(7.30)isstoredinList1asoneunspecified

root(fortheportionrealizedassaank-)onlyvaluedforgenderfollowingmerge

withthenominalparadigm-aa(Fr)|-u!(N∅)atnandpostsyntacticvaluation(in

thiscaseas-aa(Fr)),Saankaain(7.32)a)isstoredasSaankaa(Mo)inList1,and

Saankaain(7.32)b)isstoredasSaankaa(Fr).

Thisisundesirableforseveralreasons.Firstofall,itresultsinalargenumber

lexicalpropernameentriesthatareotherwiseidenticaltotheircommonnoun

counterparts.Inthecaseofsaank--aa(Fr)|Saankaa♂|Saankaa♀above,the

numberofentriesinList1havebeenmultipliedbythree.

Second,allpropernamescanbedeconstructedinamannerthatisregular,

principled,andlargelyconsistentwiththesystemdevelopedforcommonnouns.

Thisisillustratedin(7.33).

7.Thelinker

413

(7.33) a.PROPERNAMEGEENÁY i.geenaangw geen- -aangw -ó STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$%&

‘falcon’

ii.geenaawee geen- -aw -ee -r~´~ STM- -SFX2 -SFX1 -L

!"#$%&'

‘falcons’

iii.Geenáy geen- -áy -ó STM- -SFX2 -L

!""#á%

“Geenáy”(namegiventoaboy,perhapsafterafalconisseen)

iv.Valuation(let:√176=therootcommonto(i-iii),n224=theparadigm-aangw|-aawee,andn570=theparadigm-ay)

PhonologicalComponent SemanticComponentRootInput Syntactic

ContextValue Root Syntactic

ContextValue

√176

elsewhere

[ge:n]

√176

n224 ‘falcon’

n570‘person

bornwhenfalconseen’

b.PROPERNAMEAMSÍ i.amsi ams--(a)’i ~´~ STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#$%

‘night’

ii.Amsí ams--(a)’i -r~´~ STM- -SFX2 -L

!"#í

‘Amsí’(namegiventoaboyorgirl,usuallybornatnight)

7.Thelinker

414

iii.Valuation(let:√039=therootcommonto(i-ii),n964=theparadigm-(a)’i,andn221=theparadigm-í(Fr))

PhonologicalComponent SemanticComponentRootInput Syntactic

ContextValue Root Syntactic

ContextValue

√039

elsewhere

[ams]

√039

n964 ‘night’

n221‘personbornatnight’

Third,thisstipulationfailstorecognizethebasicpatternpresentingender

agreementmismatchwithpropernames:whenanamereferstoafemale,it

alwaystriggersfeminineagreement;whenanamereferstoamale,italways

triggersmasculineagreement.Ifitisacceptedthatpropernamesmake

agreementwitharealworldentity,thenstipulationofgenderinList1is

unnecessary.

7.4.2.2GendermismatchandR

Casesofmismatchbetweensuffixalm-genderandsemanticgenderofthe

referentcanbedescribedintermsofoverride:whensemanticgenderandm-

genderhavedifferentvalues,itissemanticgenderthattriggersagreement.M-

gendertriggersagreementelsewhere.Allpossibleconfigurationsaregivenin

Table7.1.

7.Thelinker

415

Table7.1:GendermismatchM-

GENDERSEMANTICGENDER

GENDERFORAGREEMENT

EXAMPLE DESCRIPTION

X

X

X

hareekaurwomanCopAdj.Fbig.F“Thewomanisbig”

Anounwithm-genderFissemanticallyfemale

X

Y

Y

SaankaakuúrSaankaaCopAdj.Mbig.M“Saankaisbig.”

Anounwithm-genderFissemanticallymale

X

0

X

qariyandikaurk.o.gourdCopAdj.Fbig.F“Thegourdisbig.”

Anounwithm-genderFhasnosemanticgender

Thismismatchdynamiccanbeaccountedforbypositinganullreferential

pronoun(R)astheexternalargumentofnP,asproposedbyWilliams(1981),

Higginbotham(1985),andGrimshaw(1990).GeneratedinthespecifierofnP,

thispronounisabundleofinterpretablefeaturesonly,andrepresentsthe

referentofthenoun.Beginningwitharguablythemoststraightforward

configuration--acaseinwhichthenounhasm-genderbutnosemanticgender--

thederivationofthenounsluficanberevisedasfollows.Onceagain,let√119

representtherootcommontotheformsslufi‘lip’andsluúf‘topraise’.Letn150

representtheparadigmslufi‘lip’|slufiya’‘lips’.

7.Thelinker

416

(7.34) DERIVATIONOFSLUFITÁ(REVISEDFROM(7.26))

a) Step1:MergeofnP(syntacticobjectα)andproR nP √119-n150-pro cat n 4 n’ pro√119-n150

cat n cat Ninfl ∅sel ∅

5 √119 n150

cat √ cat ninfl ∅

sel < √>

b) Step2:MergeofD(syntacticobjectα)andnP

DP √119-n150-pro-D cat D 4 nP D√119-n150-pro

cat n

cat Dinfl !

Case [GEN]sel < n >

4 n’ pro√119-n150

cat n cat Ninfl ∅sel ∅

5√119 n150

cat √ cat ninfl ∅

sel < √>

7.Thelinker

417

c) Step3:(Postsyntactic)valuationofformsinList2andList3A:Valuationof√119

PhonologicalComponent SemanticComponentRootInput Syntactic

ContextValue RootInput Syntactic

ContextValue

√119 /n150 [sluf] √119 /n150 ‘lip’/V [slu:f] /V ‘praise’

B:Valuationofn150

PhonologicalComponent SemanticComponentRootInput Syntactic

ContextValue RootInput Syntactic

ContextValue

n150

/Pl [aɁ][N∅] n150

/Pl plural/elsewhere [i][Ft] /elsewhere general

d) Step4:Realisationofdiacriticfeature[Ft]intheagreement

domain(i.e.thecurrentsyntacticstructure)

DP √119-n150-pro-D cat D 4 nP D√119-n150-pro

cat n

cat Dinfl !

Case [GEN]sel < n >

4 n’ pro√119-n150

cat n cat Ninfl ∅sel ∅

5√119 n150

cat √ cat ninfl !"sel < √>

7.Thelinker

418

e) Step5:Agreei)Dc-commandsbothproandn150.Thereferentofprohasno

semanticgender,soproisnotvaluedforgender.n150isvaluedwiththediacriticgenderfeature[Ft],andDhasanunvaluednumberfeature.Dagreeswithn150,andobtainsthegenderfeature[Ft].

D cat D

infl ! !" Case [GEN]

sel < n >

f) Step6:ValuationofDPhonologicalComponent SemanticComponent

Input SyntacticContext

Value Input SyntacticContext

Value

D

/[Mo] ó D

elsewhere

referringexpression

/[Mk] kú/[Fr] r~´~/[Ft] tá/[N∅] ~´~/[Na] á

Thederivationof(7.34)providesanintroductiontothemechanism,butgiven

thatprowasnotvaluedforgender,nomismatchoccurred.Theroleofthe

syntacticstructurebecomessharperinacasesuchasTsoyór,whenthem-gender

ofthenounhasavalueX,andthesemanticgenderofthereferenthasadifferent

valueY.Itisinthesecaseswhentherearetwopossiblegoals(proandthe

paradigmn)fromwhichtheprobe(D)mayobtainitsfeatures.Inthiscase,pro

mustbeabletoserveasanintervener,effectivelyblockingagreementbetweenD

andnfromtakingplace.Therelevantgeneralizationforstructurescapableof

beingintervenersstipulatesthatthespecifierofagivenheaddoesnotintervene

inprobe-goalrelationstargetingthecomplementofthesamehead.Thisis

statedinanotherwayastheEquidistanceCondition.

EquidistanceCondition(Chomsky1995,2000;Collins1997) Ifαandβareintheminimalsearchdomainofthesamehead,thenα

andβneverinterveneinrelationstargetingoneanother.

7.Thelinker

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Reexaminingtherelationshipofproandtheparadigmninrelationtothesearch

domainofD(seeFigure7.1),itisclearthatproisthespecifierofn,butthatthe

probe-goalrelationinquestion(i.e.agreebetweenDandn)doesnotinvolvethe

complementofn(whichis√),butinvolvesnitself.Assuch,theEquidistance

Conditiondoesnotapply,andpromayserveasanintervenertoagreement

operationsofDtargetingtheparadigmn.

FIGURE7.1:FULLSTRUCTUREOFAGENERALNUMBERNOUN

DP5nPD

4 n’ pro 3 √n DerivationofTsoyórwillthereforeproceedasin(7.35)(where,forconcision,the

derivationpicksupfromtheequivalentofStep4,in(7.34)).Let√834represent

therootcommontotheformsTsoyo‘personalname’|tsoyo(Mo)‘dikdik’|

tsoyeema’(N∅)‘dikdiks’,andn178representtheparadigmoftheSFX2pair

-o(Mo)|-eema’(N∅).

7.Thelinker

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(7.35) DERIVATIONOFTSOYÓRa) Step4:Realisationofdiacriticfeature[Mo]intheagreement

domain(i.e.thecurrentsyntacticstructure).NotealsotheFfeatureon

pro. DP √834-n178-pro-D cat D 4 nP D√834-n178-pro

cat n

cat Dinfl ! !

Case [GEN]sel < n >

4 n’ pro√834-n178

cat n cat Ninfl ∅sel ∅

5√834 n178

cat √ cat ninfl !"sel < √>

b) Step5:Agree

i)Dc-commandsbothproandn178.ThereferentofprohassemanticgenderF,soproisvaluedforgender.n178isvaluedwiththediacriticgenderfeature[Mo].Dhasanunvaluednumberfeature.Dprobesforagenderfeatureandisvaluedbyprofirst.AssuchDagreeswithpro,andobtainsthegenderfeature[Fr].proisanintervenerbetweenDandn178,soDcannotbevaluedas[Mo].

D cat D

infl ! !" Case [GEN]

sel < n >

7.Thelinker

421

c) Step6:ValuationofDPhonologicalComponent SemanticComponent

Input SyntacticContext

Value Input SyntacticContext

Value

D

/[Mo] ó D

elsewhere

referringexpression

/[Mk] kú/[Fr] r~´~/[Ft] tá/[N∅] ~´~/[Na] á

7.4.2.3Summary:theRargument

Thissubsectionhasaddressedcasesofmismatchbetweenm-gender,aproperty

ofthesuffix,andsematicgender,apropertyofthenullreferentialpronoun.pro

isstructurallyanintervener,andblocksagreementbetweenDandn.promay

onlyactasanintervenerforgenderagreementwhenitbearsasemanticgender

featureand,assuch,whenareferentdoesnothavesemanticgender,agreement

withm-genderresults.

When,exactly,agivennounwillbearasemanticgenderfeatureseemslargely

downtohowsalientagivenreferentisinGorwaa.Assuch,mosthumansare

assignedgenderinR,aswellascommondomesticanimals,suchassheep(ram

vs.ewe),cattle(bullvs.cow),andchickens(roostervs.hen).Humans

consideredsomehowdeficientarenotassignedgenderinR(hencedaktani‘fool’,

alwaysshowsagreementforFr(m-gender)).

7.4.3ExtendingRtonumber

Followingtheestablishmentofthenullreferentialpronounproasanimportant

triggerofgenderagreement,itsfunctionmaybeextendedtoalsoaccountfor

number:specifically,casesofnumberagreementonnounsofgeneralnumber.

7.Thelinker

422

Aspositedabove,thereferentialpronounmayonlybearfeaturesthatare

interpretable,i.e.relevanttothesemanticinterpretationofthenoun.Thiswas

whynounslackingsemanticgender(suchas‘chyme’in(5.139),‘gourd’inTable

6.1,and‘lip’in(7.34))showagreementforsuffixalm-gender.Essentially,gender

isonlysometimesinterpretable(i.e.whenitisasalientbiologicalfeatureofa

noun).Number,ontheotherhand,isalwaysinterpretable,andistherefore

alwaysvaluedonpro.Thisresultsingeneralnumberforms(unvaluedfor

number)showingagreementonadjectivesforeitherSgorPlnumber.Returning

totheformqoonqál‘crownedcrane’,arevisedderivationwouldappearasin

(7.36).

(7.36) THEGENERALNUMBERQOONQÁL(REVISEDFORSGNUMBERAGREEMENT)

a) Step4:Realisationofdiacriticfeature[Mo]intheagreementdomain

(i.e.thecurrentsyntacticstructure).NotealsotheSgfeatureonpro.

DP √735-n135-pro-D cat D 4 nP D√735-n135-pro

cat n

cat Dinfl ! !"

Case [GEN]sel < n >

4 n’ pro√735-n135

cat n cat Ninfl ∅sel ∅

5√735 n135

cat √ cat ninfl !"sel < √>

7.Thelinker

423

b) Step5:Agree

i)Dc-commandsbothproand∅[Mo]inthetraceofnP(<nP>),thereferentofprohasnosemanticgender,soproisunvaluedforgender,andcanthereforenotactasaninterveneringenderagreement.∅[Mo]hasasuffixalgenderfeature[Mo].Dprobesforagenderfeatureandisvaluedby∅[Mo]AssuchDagreeswith∅[Mo],andobtainsthegenderfeature[Mo].

D cat D

infl ! !"Case [GEN]

sel < n >

ii)Dc-commandspro,thereferentofprohassemanticnumberSg,

soproisvaluedfornumber.nPisconfiguredforageneralnumbernoun,andthereforedoesnotbearanumberfeature.Dprobesforanumberfeatureandisvaluedbypro.AssuchDagreeswithpro,andobtainsthenumberfeatureSg.

D cat D

infl ! 3,Mo, !" Case [GEN]

sel < n >

iii)Dhasanunvaluedpersonfeature,andprobesallpossiblegoals

inthestructureforpersonfeatures.Nopossiblegoalscontainapersonfeature.Agreefails,butthestructureislicitbecauseprobehassucceeded(Preminger2010).LackofpersonfeaturesonDwillbeinterpretedas3rdPerson(seeHarley&Ritter2002).

c) Step6:ValuationofDPhonologicalComponent SemanticComponent

Input SyntacticContext

Value Input SyntacticContext

Value

D

/[Mo] ó D

elsewhere

referringexpression

/[Mk] kú/[Fr] r~´~/[Ft] tá/[N∅] ~´~/[Na] á

Notethat,inthisexample,thenounqoonqálrefersto‘a(kindof)crownedcrane’,

hencetheSgfeatureonpro..Ifqoonqálwereinsteadtoreferto‘(kindsof)

7.Thelinker

424

crownedcrane’,thefeatureonprowouldbePl.Theoperationwouldproceedin

exactlythesameway.

Critically,numberfeatures(SgorPl)playnoroleinthe‘syntacticcontext’

columnforthevaluationofD.Assuch,thoughDbearsnumberfeatures,theyare

notinstantiatedphonologicallyonD.Becauseofthis,ifnoadjectiveispresent

(toexplicitlyshoweitherSgorPlagreement),thenthenumbervalueofthenoun

musteitherbedeterminedbythewidercontextoftheutterance,orsimply

interpretedasunimportant.

7.5Remarksandsummary

ThischaptertreatedthefinalelementoftheGorwaanoun:thelinker.Subsection

7.5.1turnstoaslightlydifferenttreatmentofgender,developedinKramer

(2014),andevaluatesthisapproachincomparisontotheoneproposedherein.

Section7.5.2summarizes.

7.5.1RemarksonKramer(2014)

Kramer(2014)takesasimilarapproachtothecurrentwork,inthather

proposedanalysisattemptstorepresentbiologicalsexsyntactically.Lexical

approaches(e.g.Harris1991forSpanish,Ferrari-Bridgers2007forItalian,and

Alexiadou2004forSpanish,Italian,Hebrew,andGreek)seeallnounsaslistedin

thelexicon,andeitherspecifiedforgenderorunspecified.Unspecifiednouns

receivegenderviaalexicalrulewhichdependsonthebiologicalsexoftheir

discoursereferent.Forreasonsmentionedabove(c.f.Acquaviva2009),and

giventhat“nearlyhalfofthelanguageswithgendersurveyedbyCorbett(2011)

7.Thelinker

425

have‘semantic’genderassignmentsystemsbasedprimarilyorpredominantlyon

biologicalsex[…]”(6),Kramerarguesthatgendermustbeaddedtoroots

syntactically,andinstantiatedasafeatureofaheadorsomesyntacticprojection.

Theproposalisthatbothbiologicalsexandgrammaticalgenderfeaturesare

locatedonthesamenominalizinghead(equivalenttowhathasbeenestablished

inthisworkasthecategorizingheadn).ForAmharic--whichpossessestwo

gendervalues:MandF--thisresultsinfourtypesofn:twoofwhichbear

interpretablegenderfeatures(ni[F]andni[M]),andtwowhosegenderfeatures

areuninterpretable(nu[F]andnu[M]).4Interpretablegenderfeaturesreferto

thebiologicalsexofthenoun’sreferent,anduninterpretablegenderfeatures

refertogrammaticalgender.Assuch,theAmharicnounwänbär‘chair’(M),is

representedasanacategorialroot,dominatedbythecategorizingheadnofthe

kindu[M].Kramer’sproposedstructureisgivenin(7.37)below,alongwithan

additionalprojection,meanttoshowD,whichagreeswithningender(-uifM,

and-waifF).Thestepwiseprocess,notgiveninKramer(2014)isgivenhereto

beconsistentwiththerestofthecurrentwork.

(7.37) AMHARICNOUNWÄNBÄR‘CHAIR’(M),ASPERKRAMER(2014)

a. MergeofD(syntacticobjectα)andnP

DP3nP D

3 [! [ ]] √wänbärnu[M]

b. Agreei)Dc-commandsn.nhasagenderfeatureu[M].Dprobesfora

genderfeatureandisvaluedbynu[M].AssuchDagreeswithu[M],andobtainsthegenderfeature[M].

4Actually,Kramer’ssystemseesthegendervaluesasprivative.Therefore,[M]isrepresentedas[-F],orasadefault.Thiswillnotaffecttheexaminationathand.

7.Thelinker

426

D cat D

infl ! !Case [GEN]

sel < n >

c. ValuationofDPhonologicalComponent SemanticComponent

Input SyntacticContext

Value Input SyntacticContext

Value

D /[M] -u D elsewhere referringexpression /[F] -wa

Inamorecomplexexample,theAmharicnounayt’‘mouse’isFingenderwhen

itsbiologicalsexisunknown(orunimportant),andthereforeisarootdominated

bytheheadnu[F].Ifbiologicallyfemale,thenounayt’‘femalemouse’isFin

gender:arootdominatedbytheheadni[F].Ifbiologicallymale,thenounayt’

‘malemouse’isMingender:arootdominatedbytheheadni[M].Kramer’s

proposedstructuresaregivenin(7.38)below.

(7.38) THREEFORMSOFTHEAMHARICNOUNAYT’,ASPERKRAMER(2014)

a.AYT’‘MOUSE’(F)

i) MergeofD(syntacticobjectα)andnP

DP3nP D

3 [! [ ]] √ayt’nu[F]

ii) Agreei)Dc-commandsn.nhasagenderfeatureu[F].Dprobesfora

genderfeatureandisvaluedbynu[F].AssuchDagreeswithu[F],andobtainsthegenderfeature[F].

D cat D

infl ! !Case [GEN]

sel < n >

7.Thelinker

427

iii) ValuationofDPhonologicalComponent SemanticComponent

Input SyntacticContext

Value Input SyntacticContext

Value

D /[M] -u D elsewhere referringexpression /[F] -wa

b.AYT’‘FEMALEMOUSE’(F)

i) MergeofD(syntacticobjectα)andnP

DP3nP D

3 [! [ ]] √ayt’ni[F]

ii) Agreei)Dc-commandsn.nhasagenderfeaturei[F].Dprobesfora

genderfeatureandisvaluedbyni[F].AssuchDagreeswithi[F],andobtainsthegenderfeature[F].

D cat D

infl ! !Case [GEN]

sel < n >

iii) ValuationofDPhonologicalComponent SemanticComponent

Input SyntacticContext

Value Input SyntacticContext

Value

D /[M] -u D elsewhere referringexpression /[F] -wa

c.AYT’‘MALEMOUSE’(M)

i) MergeofD(syntacticobjectα)andnP

DP3nP D

3 [! [ ]] √ayt’ni[M]

7.Thelinker

428

ii) Agreei)Dc-commandsn.nhasagenderfeaturei[M].Dprobesfora

genderfeatureandisvaluedbyni[M].AssuchDagreeswithi[M],andobtainsthegenderfeature[M].

D cat D

infl ! !Case [GEN]

sel < n >

iii) ValuationofDPhonologicalComponent SemanticComponent

Input SyntacticContext

Value Input SyntacticContext

Value

D /[M] -u D elsewhere referringexpression /[F] -wa

ThebiggestchallengeforapplyingKramer’sapproachtoGorwaaisrepresented

bymorphosyntacticcharacteristicIIeoftheGorwaasuffix,repeatedbelow:

(7.39) MORPHOSYNTACTICCHARACTERISTICIIEOFTHEGORWAASUFFIX

Thegrammaticalgender(i.e.M,F,orN)ofanounisdeterminedbytheSFX2

morpheme,whichhasastableassociationwithgender.Ifanounischangedfor

number,itsgendermayalsochange.

Addressedindetailin§6.3.5,itsufficestoremindreadersoftheconsistently

stableassociationofspecificsuffixeswithspecificgendervalues,tothepointof

whichanygivenGorwaaSFX2maybelistedwithitsattendantgender.Assuch,

theSFX2-itriggersFagreement,theSFX2-ótriggersMagreement,andtheSFX2

-a’itriggersNagreement.Resultantly,ifanounischangedfornumber

(necessarilyresultinginachangeofsuffix),thegenderofthenounmaychange,

dependingontheidentityofthenewsuffix(specificallySFX2).Sakweeli‘ostrich’

isFgender,andsakwél‘ostriches’isMgender;digirmó‘footprint’isMgender,

anddigirma’‘footprints’isNgender;duukaa‘shop’isFgender,andduukanáy

‘shops’isMgender.

7.Thelinker

429

ItisdifficulttoseehowKramer’sproposalwouldworkhere(evenbyincreasing

Kramer’snheadstofiveinordertoaccommodateuninterpretableNgender).

Thefirststepwouldbe,inevitably,replacingindividualgenderedsuffixesatn

withparadigms,withinwhichthefivegendervalues(ni[F]andni[M],andn

u[F],nu[M],andnu[N])wouldberealizedpost-Spellout.Butevenhaving

adoptedthismechanism,theapproachfailstocapturetheprecisenatureofhow

semanticgender‘overrides’grammaticalgender.Asmaybeseenin(7.38),

semanticoverrideisaccomplishedinKramer’sanalysisasaprocessbywhichan

entirelydifferentsuffixismergedwiththeroot(onewithinterpretablegender,

ratherthanuninterpretable).Infact,theprocessisnotoneof‘override’atall,as

thestructuresinvolveentirelydifferentformatives.Themotivationforthis

analysisisunderstandable:themajorityoftheproposednmorphemesin

Amharicareformallyidentical(-∅inmostcases,nomatterthefeaturevalues).

InalanguagelikeGorwaa,whereanouncanretainitssuffix’s(phonetic)

identity,butassumethebiologicalsexofthereferent(asincasesdiscussedin

§7.4.2.2),theargumentthattheheadatnhasbeenchangedbecomes,empirically

speaking,lesssound.

Conversely,theproposaldevelopedinthepresentworkseemstodealwithmost

oftheAmharicdatainKramer(2014)quitewell.Specifically,bypositinganR

argumentwhichbearsthesemantic(interpretable)genderfeatures,andleaving

grammatical(uninterpretable)genderfeatures(i.e.m-gender)tobeexponed

post-Spelloutatthenhead,thedatarepresentedin(7.38)canberevisedthus,

(where,forconcision,eachderivationpicksupfromtheequivalentofStep4,in

(7.34)):

7.Thelinker

430

(7.40) THREEFORMSOFTHEAMHARICNOUNAYT’(REVISEDASPERTHETHECURRENT

WORK)

a.AYT’‘MOUSE’(F)

a) Step4:Realisationofdiacriticfeature[F]intheagreementdomain(i.e.thecurrentsyntacticstructure).Notealsothat,because

genderiseitherunknownorunimportantinthiscase,thereisnogenderfeatureonpro.

DP √621-n3-pro-D cat D 4 nP D√621-n3-pro

cat n

cat Dinfl !

Case [GEN]sel < n >

4 n’ pro√621-n3

cat n cat Ninfl ∅sel ∅

5√621 n3

cat √ cat ninfl !

sel < √>

b) Step5:Agree

i)Dc-commandsbothproandn[F].Thereferentofprohasnosemanticgender,soproisunvaluedforgender,andcanthereforenotactasaninterveneringenderagreement.n[Fhasasuffixalgenderfeature[F].Dprobesforagenderfeatureandisvaluedbyn[F].AssuchDagreeswithn[F],andobtainsthegenderfeature[F].

D cat D

infl ! !Case [GEN]

sel < n >

7.Thelinker

431

c) Step6:ValuationofDPhonologicalComponent SemanticComponent

Input SyntacticContext

Value Input SyntacticContext

Value

D /[M] -u D elsewhere referringexpression /[F] -wa

b.AYT’‘FEMALEMOUSE’(F)

a) Step4:Realisationofdiacriticfeature[F]intheagreementdomain(i.e.thecurrentsyntacticstructure).Notealsothat,becausethemouse’sbiologicalsexisfemale,thereisagenderfeatureFonpro.

DP √621-n3-pro-D cat D 4 nP D√621-n3-pro

cat n

cat Dinfl !

Case [GEN]sel < n >

4 n’ pro√621-n3

cat n cat Ninfl !sel ∅

5√621 n3

cat √ cat ninfl !

sel < √>

b) Step5:Agree

i)Dc-commandsbothproandn[F].Thereferentofproisbiologicallyfemale,soprohasgenderfeatureF,andcanthereforeactasaninterveneringenderagreement.n[F]hasasuffixalgenderfeature[F].Dprobesforagenderfeatureandisvaluedbypro.AssuchDagreeswithpro,andobtainsthegenderfeature[F].

D cat D

infl ! !Case [GEN]

sel < n >

7.Thelinker

432

c) Step6:ValuationofDPhonologicalComponent SemanticComponent

Input SyntacticContext

Value Input SyntacticContext

Value

D /[M] -u D elsewhere referringexpression /[F] -wa

c.AYT’‘MALEMOUSE’(M)

nP 3√ayt’ni[M]

a) Step4:Realizationofdiacriticfeature[F]intheagreementdomain(i.e.thecurrentsyntacticstructure).Notealsothat,becausethemouse’sbiologicalsexismale,thereisagenderfeatureMonpro.

DP √621-n3-pro-D cat D 4 nP D√621-n3-pro

cat n

cat Dinfl !

Case [GEN]sel < n >

4 n’ pro√621-n3

cat n cat Ninfl !sel ∅

5√621 n3

cat √ cat ninfl !

sel < √>

7.Thelinker

433

b) Step5:Agreei)Dc-commandsbothproandn[F].Thereferentofprois

biologicallymale,soprohasgenderfeatureM,andcanthereforeactasaninterveneringenderagreement.n[F]hasasuffixalgenderfeature[F].Dprobesforagenderfeatureandisvaluedbypro.AssuchDagreeswithpro,andobtainsthegenderfeature[M].

D cat D

infl ! !Case [GEN]

sel < n >

c) Step6:ValuationofDPhonologicalComponent SemanticComponent

Input SyntacticContext

Value Input SyntacticContext

Value

D /[M] -u D elsewhere referringexpression /[F] -wa

TakingKramer’s‘additionalevidence’(2014:12-15)intoaccount,theanalysis

presentedinthecurrentworkhandlesnominalizationsequallyaswellas

Kramer’sproposal.However,Iprovidenoexplanationforthephenomenaof

‘interactionofgenderandnumber’,aswellas‘distributionofthefemininesuffix

-it’.Iexpectthatthisismoreashortcomingofmyfamiliaritywiththefactsof

Amharic,thanashortcomingoftheanalysisproposedinthecurrentwork.

7.5.2Summary

UsingbothempiricaldatafromGorwaa,aswellasresultsfrompsycholinguistic

experimentsintherelatedlanguageKonso,§6.2establishedtheGorwaagender

systemasfeaturingthevaluesM,F,andN,eachofwhichdisplaytwosubgenders.

§6.3proposedthelinkerasobligatorilypresentonallnounswithreference,but

unpronouncedwhenitalignswiththerightedgeofaphonologicalphrase.§6.4

proposesasyntacticanalysisofthelinkerasagreementmorphologypresentat

7.Thelinker

434

theheadD.ThroughexaminationofGorwaapropernamemorphology,

agreementphenomenacouldbeexplainedastheinteractionofsemanticgender

featurespresentontheexternalargumentofn-R,andsuffixalgender(m-

gender)featuresonn.Thenullreferentialpronoun(R)analysiswasextendedto

accountfornumberagreementoccurringwithotherwisenumberless(general)

nounforms.

8.Conclusion

435

8.Conclusion

8.1Summaryofthethesis

ProductofseveralyearsofGorwaalanguagedocumentation,thisthesishadtwo

primarygoals.Thefirstofthesegoalswastoprovideafirstdescriptionofthe

Gorwaalanguage,withparticularattentiongiventothenoun.Thiswasmotivated

bythenotablecomplexityoftheGorwaanoun,andaimedtodetailtheuncommon

patternspresentinthishithertoundocumentedlanguage.Thisworkhasincluded

extensivepresentationsofdatapertainingtothenounand,throughthis,increases

theempiricaldataavailabletothefieldofCushiticstudiesspecifically,and

linguisticsingeneral.

Thesecondgoalofthisworkwastoprovideananalysisofnounmorphosyntax.In

contrastwithfunctionalaccountsinSouthCushitic,thisthesisattemptedaformal

analysis,adoptingtheDistributedMorphologyarchitecture,andMinimalism.By

adoptingthisframework,itwasshownthattheGorwaanounisitselfacomplexof

severalsubparts,thestructureofwhichisdictatedbythesamerulesappliedto

largerphrases.Theresultantstructure,andtherelationswhichholdwithinits

subparts,providesareadyaccountofmanyofthepeculiaritiesoftheGorwaanoun

describedinthedatapresentations.

Thethesisstructurereflectsthetwofoldnatureofitsgoals:Chapter2isan(entirely

descriptive)introductiontothelanguage,andChapter3isan(entirelyformal

8.Conclusion

436

theoretical)introductiontothemethodofanalysis.Theremainingfourchapters

eachfeaturedescriptivesections,followedbysectionsofanalysis.

Chapter2offersagrammaticalsketchofGorwaa.Asalanguagewithnoprevious

description,thisismeantasanempiricalcontributiontounderstandingthe

languageingeneral.Second,thesketchoughttogroundthereaderinabasic

understandingofthenounphraseandassociatedphenomenasuchasagreement–

thetheoreticalandanalyticalfocusofthethesis.

Chapter3introducedthereadertoMinimalismandDistributedMorphology:the

frameworkuponwhichmuchoftheformalanalysisinthethesisisbased.

Chapter4establishedtheGorwaanounasacomplexofsubparts,andconsiders

someoftheempiricalcriteriabywhichthesesubpartsmaybeconsideredaunit:i.e.

thenoun.Theremainderofthechapterisconcernedwiththefirstofthese

subparts:thestem.Specifically,ananalysisisproposedwhichacknowledgesboth

thephoneticsimilaritiesbetweennounssuchastsifiri‘language’andtsifiraangw

‘tongue’,aswellasthesemanticsimilaritiesbetweennounssuchasgarma‘boy’and

daaqay‘boys’.Syntactically,thestemisformedofanunspecifiedelement(aroot),

manyofwhosecharacteristics(includingphoneticandsemantic)aredeterminedby

thelargersyntacticstructureinwhichtheyarefound.Itisalsomentionedthat

lexicalcategoryisdeterminedbysyntacticcontext,accountingforsimilarities

betweenformssuchasthenounwa/aangw‘anarroyo’andtheverbwaá/‘vomit’.

8.Conclusion

437

Thespecificsyntacticcontextinwhichnounsarerealizedformsthemaincontentof

thefollowingchapters.

ThefollowingtwochapterstreatedthesecondsubpartoftheGorwaanoun:the

stem.Distinguishedbytwobroadgroupsofmorphosyntacticcharacteristics,

Chapter5addressedthosecharacteristicsidentifiedas‘regular’(i.e.stable

correspondenceswhichcanlargelybeexplainedasfeaturebundlesbeing

manipulatedinthesyntax),andChapter6addressedthosecharacteristicsidentified

as‘listed’(i.e.irregularpatternswhichrequirerecoursetomoredetailed

explanationsofrealizationrulespost-Spellout).

Chapter5beganwithtwodetailedpresentationsofdata:thefirstoutliningand

exemplifyingtheregularcharacteristicsoftheGorwaasuffix,andthesecond

organizingand(whereapplicable)decomposingeachofthe42suffixes.The

analysiswhichfollowedproposedthatthesuffixisformedof(maximally)three

syntacticheads:Cl(classifier),#(quantifier),andn(‘littlen’).Inordertobeara

numbervalue,nounsmustbeclassifiedandquantified.Assuch,nounsofSgorPl

numberalsobearclassifiermorphology(quantifiermorphologywasdeterminedto

benull).Nounsunvaluedfornumber(‘general’numbernouns)areneither

classifiednorquantified,andthereforelackthesesyntacticheadsintheirstructure.

ThelittlenheadisthesiteofSFX2morphology,whichcontributestothelexical

meaningofthenoun.

8.Conclusion

438

First,Chapter6establishedtheconceptoftheparadigm:atoolcentraltomuchof

thefollowingdiscussion.Followingthisweretwodetailedpresentationsofdata:

thefirstoutlinedandexemplifiedthelistedcharacteristicsoftheGorwaasuffix,and

theseconddescribingtheparadigmsofGorwaa.Inthefollowinganalysis,the

paradigmwasestablishedasagrammaticalformative,instantiatedonthelittlen

head,andrealizedasaspecificsuffixthroughinstructionspost-Spellout.The

realizationofthemorphemeClwasalsodescribedasavaluationprocesspost-

Spellout.Grammaticalgenderwasdescribedasadiacriticfeature,alsorealized

post-Spellout,makingAgreeanecessarilypost-Spelloutoperation(asarguedin

Bobaljik2008).

Chapter7treatsthethirdandfinalsubpartoftheGorwaanoun:thelinker.

FollowingashortsectionrevisitingGorwaagenderandreassertingthatthereare

threegendervaluesinGorwaa,eachofwhichexhibittwosubgenders,Chapter7

presentsdataonthedistributionofthelinker.Usingevidencefromlargerclausal

syntax,itisarguedthatthelinkerisobligatoryforallnounsofreference,butgoes

unpronouncedattheendofaphonologicalphrase.Intheanalysisthatfollows,the

linkerisestablishedasagreementmorphologyonthesyntacticheadD.Inorderto

accountforcasesofmismatchbetweentheformtakenbythelinkerandthegender

valueofn,theRargumentisintroduced.Externalargumentofthenounand

mergedasthespecifierofn,Rrepresentstheinterpretable(semantic)featuresof

thereferentofthenoun,andmayserveasasyntacticintervenerinagreement

8.Conclusion

439

relationsbetweenDandn.Thismechanismisextendedtoaccountforadjectival

numberagreementonnounsofgeneralnumber(i.e.nounsunvaluedfornumber).

8.2Descriptiveinsights,andimplicationsforSouthCushitic

Giventhat,tothispoint,Gorwaahadbeenwithoutadedicatedlinguisticdescription,

itmaybearguedthatallofthematerialhereinrepresents,toanextent,descriptive

insight.Thespecificobservationsthatbearparticularattentionarediscussed

below,alongwiththeirpossibleramifications.

Theelementtreatedwiththemostdescriptivedetailwasdoubtlessthesuffix.

Gorwaasuffixesnumber42intotal,andmaycombineinatleast178patterns(or

paradigms):151pairs,20monads,and7triads.ObservedfirstinMous(1993:47),

andgivenafullexaminationhere,somesuffixesareformedofonemorpheme

(identifiedhereasSFX2),whereasothersareformedoftwomorphemes(identified

hereasSFX1andSFX2).SFX1morphologyisformallyanalogoustoaspectual

morphologyintheverbaldomain.Forthefirsttime,thisworkidentifiedan

importantcorrelation:nounswithSFX1morphologyarealwaysvaluedfornumber

(SgorPl),andcanthereforeoccurwithexternalelements(e.g.adjectives)onlyif

theyshowmatchingagreement;conversely,nounswithoutSFX1morphologyare

unvaluedfornumber,andcanthereforeoccurwithexternalelements(e.g.

adjectives)whichshoweitherSgorPlagreement.Sometimes,theselatternounsof

generalnumbermayhavetheiragreementrestrictedbytheparadigminwhichthey

occur.

8.Conclusion

440

Fromawiderperspective,thispatterncanbeextendedtoIraqw,Alagwa,and

(probably)Burunge.Thisissignificant,andwillnecessitate(andperhapsaid)a

morenuancedapproachtonumberinitseverymanifestation.Forexample,the

Iraqw-EnglishDictionary(Mous,Qorro&Kießling2002)makesconsistentuseof

‘singular’versus‘plural’,whereasthegrammaticalrealityismuchmorecomplex.

Thenounafee‘mouths’islistedasPl(9),whereasitisshowntooccurwitheitherSg

orPladjectivalagreementinMous(1993:204).Arevisedtreatmentseesafeeasa

generalnumbernounandlabelsitassuchinthedictionary.Inthisway,theuser

expectstoencountertheformafeewitheitherSgorPladjectives,inthecaseofthe

former,interpretingitas‘kindofmouths’or‘groupofmouths’,andinthecaseofthe

latter,interpretingitas‘mouths’.

Equallyimportantwastheidentificationofthelinkerasanobligatoryelementofall

nounswithreference,butwhichismorphosyntacticallyconditionedtobe

unpronouncedwhentheright-edgeofthenounphrasecorrespondstotheright-

edgeofaphonologicalphrase.Thisisanovelanalysisandisempiricallypreferable

tothosepreviouslyproposedforanalogousmorphologyinIraqw.

LinkermorphologyinAlagwaissomewhatdifferent,andIdonotknowthesituation

inBurunge,but,forIraqw,thisnewanalysisoflinkersmaybeappliedwithno

modifications.Mostimmediately,thiswillnecessitateareassessmentofthe

constructstateinSouthCushitic(perhapsalongthelinesofBorer(1999)),aswell

asthesyntaxofnounphrasesmoregenerally.

8.Conclusion

441

8.3Formalstructure,andimplicationsforformalsyntax

Thesyntacticstructuresdevelopedforthenounsexaminedinthisworkareas

follows:

(8.1) NUMBER-VALUEDNOUN

DP

4 nP D 3

n’ pro 3 #P n 3ClP # 2√ Cl

(8.2) GENERAL-NUMBERNOUN

DP

4 nP D 3

n’ pro 3 √ n Nounsthatdonotbearreference(i.e.incorporatednouns),donothaveeitherDorR

(pro).

(8.3) NUMBER-VALUEDNOUN(NON-REFERRING)

nP 3 #P n 3ClP # 2√ Cl

(8.4) GENERAL-NUMBERNOUN(NON-REFERRING)

nP

3 √ n

8.Conclusion

442

Thebuildingofthesestructuresisincremental,relyingonthefeaturestructuresof

thelexicalelementspresentinthenumeration.Asamplederivationforthesingular

(i.e.number-valued)nounqooqalumó‘crownedcrane’isprovidedbelow.Forthis

derivation,itisalsoassumedthatqoonqalumóinthiscasebearsreference.

(8.5) NUMERATIONFORQOONQALUMÓ‘CROWNEDCRANE’

Lexical Elements

√735Cl#n!"#proD

Where:

√735=therootcommontothe

formsqoonqalumó‘crownedcrane’|qoonqál‘(agroupof)crownedcranes’|qoonqalama’‘crownedcranes’

Cl=thesuffixcommontothe

formsqoonqalumó‘crownedcrane’,andagahubiím‘Iwasbringingit’

n135=theparadigmrealizing

thesuffixes-(a)mó(Mo)|-∅(Mo)|-ama’(N∅)

8.Conclusion

443

(8.6) FEATURESSTRUCTURESFORTHELEXICALELEMENTSIN(8.5)

√735 cat √

Cl cat Clinfl ∅sel √

# cat #infl Sgsel Cl

n!"# cat n

infl ! [ ]sel N;#

pro cat N

infl ! ∅ Sg

sel ∅

D cat D

infl ! [ ]Case [GEN]sel n

NotethattheRargumenthere(i.e.pro)isunvaluedforgender.Thisisbecause,in

Gorwaa,thisparticularentity(i.e.thecrownedcrane)doesnotreceiveabiological

sexfeature.Typically,suchfeaturesarereservedforhumans,aswellassome

domesticanimals.

Havingestablishedthelexicalelementsinvolvedandthefeaturestherein,the

derivationmaynowproceed.

8.Conclusion

444

(8.7) DERIVATIONOFQOONQALUMÓa) Step1:MergeofCl(syntacticobjectα)and√735(syntacticobjectβ)

ClP

√735-Cl

[cat[Cl]] 4√735 Cl

[cat[√]]

cat Clinfl ∅

sel < √>

b) Step2:Mergeof#(syntacticobjectα)andClP(syntacticobjectβ)

#P

√735-Cl-#

[cat[#]] 4

ClP #

√735-Cl

[cat[Cl]]

cat #infl Sg

sel < Cl >

4√735 Cl

[cat[√]]

cat Clinfl ∅

sel < √>

8.Conclusion

445

c) Step3:Mergeofn135(syntacticobjectα)and#P(syntacticobjectβ)

nP

√735-Cl-#-n135

cat nsel N

4 #P n135

√735-Cl-#

[cat[#]]

cat ninfl ! [ ]

sel N; < # >

4 ClP #

√735-Cl

[cat[Cl]]

cat #infl Sg

sel < Cl >

4√735 Cl

[cat[√]]

cat Clinfl ∅

sel < √>

8.Conclusion

446

d)Step4:Mergeofn135(syntacticobjectα)andproR(syntacticobjectβ)

nP

√735-Cl-#-n135-pro

[cat[n]] 4 n’ pro

√735-Cl-#-n135

cat n

sel < N >

cat Ninfl ! ∅

Sgsel ∅

4 #P n135

√735-Cl-#

[cat[#]]

cat ninfl ! [ ]

sel < N > ; < # >

4 ClP #

√735-Cl

[cat[Cl]]

cat #infl Sg

sel < Cl >

4√735 Cl

[cat[√]]

cat Clinfl ∅

sel < √>

8.Conclusion

447

e) Step5:MergeofD(syntacticobjectα)andnP(syntacticobjectβ)

DP

[cat[D]]

√735-Cl-#-n135-pro-D 5 nP D

√735-Cl-#-n135-pro

[cat[n]]

cat Dinfl ! [ ]

Case [GEN]sel < n >

4 n’ pro

√735-Cl-#-n135

cat n

sel < N >

cat Ninfl ! ∅

Sgsel ∅

4 #P n135

√735-Cl-#

[cat[#]]

cat ninfl ! [ ]

sel < N > ; < # >

4 ClP #

√735-Cl

[cat[Cl]]

cat #infl Sg

sel < Cl >

4√735 Cl

[cat[√]]

cat Clinfl ∅

sel < √>

f) Step6:(Postsyntactic)valuationof√735inList2andList3

Valuationof√735

PhonologicalComponent SemanticComponent

RootInput Syntactic

Context

Value RootInput Syntactic

Context

Value

√735 elsewhere [q’o:nqal] √735 elsewhere ‘crownedcrane’

8.Conclusion

448

g) Step7:(Postsyntactic)valuationofClinList2andList3

ValuationofCl

PhonologicalComponent SemanticComponent

Input Syntactic

Context

Value Root Syntactic

Context

Value

SFX1

/n135

[am]

SFX1

/nindivduation

/n150

[e:r]

/v

durative

h) Step8:Agreebetweenproben135andgoal#

n135c-commands#.#isvaluedwiththenumberfeature[Sg],andn135hasanunvaluednumberfeature.n135agreeswith#,andobtainsthenumber

feature[Sg].

n135 cat n

infl ! !" sel < N > ;< # >

i) Step9:(Postsyntactic)valuationofn135inList2andList3

Valuationofn135

PhonologicalComponent SemanticComponent

Input Syntactic

Context

Value Input Syntactic

Context

Value

n135

/Sg [ó][Mo]

n135

/Sg singular/Pl [aɁ][N∅] /Pl plural

elsewhere ∅~´~[Mo] elsewhere general

8.Conclusion

449

j) Step10:Realizationofdiacriticfeature[Mo]intheagreementdomain

(i.e.thecurrentsyntacticstructure)

DP

[cat[D]]

√735-Cl-#-n135-pro-D 5 nP D

√735-Cl-#-n135-pro

[cat[n]]

cat Dinfl ! [ ]

Case [GEN]sel < n >

4 n’ pro

√735-Cl-#-n135

cat n

sel < N >

cat Ninfl ! ∅

Sgsel ∅

4 #P n135

√735-Cl-#

[cat[#]]

cat ninfl ! !"

Sgsel < N > ; < # >

4 ClP #

√735-Cl

[cat[Cl]]

cat #infl Sg

sel < Cl >

4√735 Cl

[cat[√]]

cat Clinfl ∅

sel < √>

k) Step11:AgreeforD

i)Dc-commandsbothproandnP,thereferentofprohasnosemantic

gender,soproisunvaluedforgender,andcanthereforenotactasan

interveneringenderagreement.∅[Mo]hasasuffixalgenderfeature[Mo].D

probesforagenderfeatureandisvaluedby∅[Mo]AssuchDagreeswith

∅[Mo],andobtainsthegenderfeature[Mo].

8.Conclusion

450

D cat D

infl ! !"Case [GEN]

sel < n >

ii)Dc-commandspro,thereferentofprohassemanticnumberSg,so

proisvaluedfornumber.nPisconfiguredforanumber-valuednoun,and

thereforebearsanumberfeature[Sg].Dprobesforanumberfeatureandis

valuedbypro.AssuchDagreeswithpro,andobtainsthenumberfeatureSg.

D cat D

infl ! Mo, !" Case [GEN]

sel < n >

iii)Dhasanunvaluedpersonfeature,andprobesallpossiblegoalsin

thestructureforpersonfeatures.Nopossiblegoalscontainapersonfeature.

Agreefails,butthestructureislicitbecauseprobehassucceeded(Preminger2010).LackofpersonfeaturesonDwillbeinterpretedas3rdPerson(see

Harley&Ritter2002).

D cat D

infl ! 3,Mo, !" Case [GEN]

sel < n >

l) Step12:(Postsyntactic)valuationofDinList2andList3

ValuationofD

PhonologicalComponent SemanticComponent

Input Syntactic

Context

Value Input Syntactic

Context

Value

D

/[Mo] ó

D

elsewhere

referringexpression

/[Mk] kú

/[Fr] r~´~

/[Ft] tá

/[N∅] ~´~

/[Na] á

Atitsmostgeneral,theformalanalysisundertakeninthisworkissignificantinthat

ithasshownthatthenominalmorphosyntaxofGorwaamayberepresentedunder

DistributedMorphologyandMinimalismbyroughlythesamemethodscommonly

8.Conclusion

451

usedforawidearrayofotherlanguages.Throughoutthecourseoftheanalyses

offered,manyoftheexplanationshaveanestablishedprecedentinpastwork.

PerhapsmostimmediatelystrikingiswayinwhichSFX1morphologyinthenominal

domainresemblesaspectualmorphologyintheverbaldomain.Analyzedasthe

instantiationofCl,Borer(2005a,b)identifiesCland#morphologyofanominal

structureasthedirectequivalentofAspinaverbalstructure.Theempirical

similarityofformsinGorwaamustlendsomefurthersupporttothisinsight.

Withthatsaid,thisworkdiffersfromBorer(2005a,b)inthatitcouldnotdispense

with‘littlen’.Inthisway,thisworksupportstheexistenceofanominalcategorizing

head,asemployedinMarantz(2001),Arad(2003,2005),andMerchant(2017).

Elaboratingfurther,andsubsumingtheinsightofCobbinah(2013),andWatson

(2015),thisworkestablishedlittlenasthelocusofthenominalparadigm,the

suffixesofwhicharerealizedpost-Spellout.Grammaticalgender(m-gender),

establishedasadiacriticfeaturerealizedonindividualsuffixes,isavailablefor

agreementbyapplyingBobaljik’s(2008)versionofAgreeasapost-Spellout

operation.

Tohandlecasesofwherebiologicalsexaffectsmorphologicalagreement,appeal

wasmadetothenullreferentialpronounR(Williams(1981),Higginbotham(1985),

andGrimshaw(1990)).MergedasexternalargumenttonP,Rmayserveasan

intervenerinagreementbetweenDand(m-)genderfeaturesonn.Asan

afterthought,itwasbrieflyexplainedthat,forGorwaa,thisapproachseemed

preferabletothatofKramer(2014),butinordertodecidewhetherananalysislike

8.Conclusion

452

thisonecould,infact,handleKramer’sAmharicdataequallyaswellasGorwaa,

moredetailedexaminationofAmharicisnecessary.

8.4Prospects

Themostimmediatestepfollowingfromthisthesisisfurtherdescriptivework.

Detailedexaminationofnominalmorphosyntaxhasuncoveredaplethoraof

fascinatingpatterns,relevantforthewritingofaGorwaagrammar,aswellas

lexicographicwork.Doubtless,thesamesortofattentiontothemorphosyntaxof

theverb,orindeedlargerphrasaldomainswillbeequallyfruitfulandrelevant.

Ithasbeenestablishedinthisworkthatnounsaretypicallynotargumentstothe

verb.In§7.3.3.1,freewordorder,syntacticallydiscontinuousexpressions,and

pervasiveNP-droppingwereshowntoexistinGorwaa--eachkeycharacteristicsof

apronominalargumentlanguage(Jelinek1984,Hale2003).

(8.8) FREEWORDORDER

a. SOVWORDORDER(CANONICAL)

anísleeanataáhh [201609271222-228.25]

aní sl- -ee -r~´~ ∅- a- ∅ -nataáhh

PRO1SGSTM- -SFX2 -L !"#

A.P- P.F- AUX -IMPRFbeat.1.PST

‘Ibeatthecow.’

b. OSVWORDORDER

desirqá'kuúngansla' [20131108b_20150725j.84]

des- -i -r~´~ -qá’ kuúng

STM- -SFX2 -L !"#$

-DEM3 PRO.2SG.M

∅- a- ∅ -n sla’

A.P- P.F- AUX -EXPECT want.2.SUBJ

‘Youlovethatgirl.’

8.Conclusion

453

c. VSWORDORDER

inatláygofaangw[20131108b_20150725j.152] i- ∅ -na tláy goof- -aangw -ó

S.3- AUX -IMPR go.M.PST STM- -SFX2 -L !"#$

-

“Thebuckwent.”

d. VOWORDORDER

gwéhaansiimaánya'eérhatlá'[20150817d.106] gwéh ∅- a- ∅ ansiim-aán ya’- -ee -r~´~

let’s.goA.P- P.F- AUX begin.1-1PL.PRES STM- -SFX2 -L !"#

hatlá’

other

“Let’sgo--wearestartinganotherleg.”

(8.9) SYNTACTICALLYDISCONTINUOUSEXPRESSIONS

a. DISCONTINUOUSSUBJECT

i.[...]balaangwdá'ninaákwideeroo/awaàkw[DSC_5354_20150705b.69.4]

balaángw-dá’ninaákwi- ∅ deer

millet.LMo-DEM4small.MS.3- AUX be.present.M.PRES

oo /awaákw~`~

ANA.M white.M~EMPH~

“[...]thatsmallwhitemilletisthere.”

ii.baráayawooEndabeggadiyeéikáhhqomasíarMuungú[20131027_20150725c.19]

baráayá -ooEndabég gadiyeéri- ∅

inland.LMo -TOPEndabeg.LMo work.LFrS.3-AUX

káhh qomár -sí arMuungú

be.absent.F.PRES time.LFr -DEM2 ANA.F God.LMo

“InEndabegtheworkofGodisn’thereatthattime.”

b. DISCONTINUOUSOBJECT

i.daawaanginamosíleehharseehhaa[...][20151202d.171]daawaár ng- a- ∅ -namór-sí

medicine.LFr A.3- P.F- AUX -EXPECTplace.LFr-DEM2

leehh ar seehhaár

fetch.M.SUBJ ANA.F tsetse.flies.LFr

“Hewouldfetchtsetseflymedicine.”

8.Conclusion

454

ii.dinku'umaríatleehhaánar/ameenaa[20131027_20150725c.56]dinku’umár-í ∅- a- ∅ -a

meeting.LFr-DEM1 A.P- P.F- AUX -PRF

tleéhh-aán ar /ameenaár

make.1-1PL.PST ANA.F women.LFr

“Wemadethiswomen’sunion.”

(8.10) PERVASIVENP-DROPPING a.NONPSDROPPED

hhawatagarmangunataáhh [20160119f.39]

hhawató garmá ng-u-∅-na taáhh

man.LMo boy.LMo A.3-P.M-Aux-Imprfhit.Pst

“Themanhittheboy.”

b.PATIENTNPGARMADROPPED hhawatangunataáhh [20160119f.52]

hhawató ng-u-∅-na taáhh

man.LMo A.3-P.M-Aux-Imprfhit.Pst

“Themanhithim.”(Mayalsobeinterpretedas“Hehittheman.”)

c.AGENTNPHHAWATADROPPED garmangunataáhh [20160119f.57]

garmá ng-u-∅-na taáhh

boy.LMo A.3-P.M-Aux-Imprfhit.Pst

“Hehittheboy.”(Mayalsobeinterpretedas“Theboyhithim.”)

d.BOTHARGUMENTNPSDROPPED

ngunataáhh [20150813.55]

ng-u-∅-na taáhh

A.3-P.M-Aux-Imprfhit.Pst

“Hehithim.”

FullunderstandingoftheargumentstructureofGorwaathereforerestsinafuller

understandingofthepronominalargumentsofGorwaa.Inthiswork,thesewere

describedastheargumentmarkingpresentintheselector.Theselector,so-named

byW.H.Whiteley(1958),isamorphologicalcomplexwhich,asstatedin§2.4.2,can

formallymark:clause-type(independentvs.dependent),voice(activevs.

mediopassive),deixis(movementtowardvs.movementawayfromtheorigo),

argumentstructure(soleargumentversusagentandpatient),person,gender,and

8.Conclusion

455

numberofarguments,aspect(perfectvs.imperfectivevs.expectationalvs.

consecutivevs.background),mood(indicativevs.conditionalvs.prohibitivevs.

questioning),andadverbialcase(reasonvs.lativevs.ablativevs.instrumental).

Focusingonargumentstructure,thebehaviorofselectorsisinterestinginseveral

respects.Firstly,themorphosyntacticalignmentissplit,dependingonwhetherthe

argumentisthirdperson,oraspeechactparticipant(i.e.1stor2ndperson).For

thirdpersonarguments,alignmentistripartite:thatis,the(S)oleargumentofan

intransitiveclause,the(A)gentofatransitiveclause,andthe(P)atientofatransitive

clauseareallrealizeddifferently.Thiscanbeseenin(8.11)(repeatedfrom

§2.4.2.1),wherethenoungarma‘boy’isrealizedinthreedifferentways,depending

onwhetheritisS(a),A(b),orP(c).

(8.11) TRIPARTITEALIGNMENTFOR3RDPERSONARGUMENTSa. GARMAAS(S)ARGUMENT:REALIZEDASI-

garmainamaamaá/[20160921i.33] garmá i- ∅ -na maamaá/

boy.LMO S.3- AUX -IMPRFbe.ill.M.PST

“Theboywasill.”

b. GARMAAS(A)ARGUMENT:REALIZEDASNG- garmabaahaanginataáhh [20160921i.1] garmá baahaár ng- a- ∅ -na

boy.LMO hyaena.LFR A.3- P.F- AUX -IMPRF

taáhh

hit.M.PST

“Theboyhitthehyaena.”

c. GARMAAS(P)ARGUMENT:REALIZEDASU- hhawatagarmangunataáhh [20160119f.39]

hhawató garmá ng- u- ∅ -na man.LMO boy.LMO A.3- P.M- AUX -IMPRF

taáhh

hit.M.PST

“Themanhittheboy.”

8.Conclusion

456

Forargumentswhicharespeechactparticipants(i.e.1stor2ndperson),alignmentis

accusative:the(S)oleargumentofanintransitiveclauseandthe(A)gentofa

transitiveclausearemarkedinoneway,andthe(P)atientofatransitiveclauseare

isrealizeddifferently.Thiscanbeseenintheexamplesin(8.12)(repeatedfrom

§2.4.2.1,wherethe1stpersonpronounaníisrealizedintwodifferentways,

dependingonwhetheritisS(a),A(b),orP(c).

(8.12) ACCUSATIVEALIGNMENTFORARGUMENTSWHICHARESPEECHACTPARTICIPANTS(I.E.1STOR2NDPERSON)

a. ANÍAS(S)ARGUMENT:REALIZEDAS∅- aníanamamaá/ [20160921i.38]

aní ∅- ∅ -na mamaá/

PRO1SG S.P- AUX -IMPRFbe.ill.1SG.PST

“Iwasill.”

b. Anías(A)argument:Realisedas∅- aníbaahaaanataáhh aní baahaár ∅- a- ∅ -na

PRO1SG hyaena.LFR A.P- P.F- AUX -IMPRF

taáhh

hit.1SG.PST

“Ihitthehyaena.”

c. Anías(P)argument:Realisedasi- hhawataaníinataáhh hhawató aní i- ∅ -na taáhh

man.LMO PRO1SG P.1SG- AUX -IMPRFhit.M.PST

“Themanhitme.”

Cross-linguisticallyspeaking,tripartitealignmentofthissortisincrediblyrareand,

assuch,requiresfurtherexploration,bothfromasynchronicandhistoricalpointof

view.

Second,whentheobjectargumentislocatedbetweentheselectorandtheverb(a

configurationknownas‘encapsulation’),itisnotmarkedontheselector.Thatisto

8.Conclusion

457

say,aselectorwhichotherwisewouldhavemarkedanAandaPforatransitive

verb(8.13)a),willnowonlymarkoneargument.Thisargumentwillbemarkedasif

itwereS,andthereforeasiftheclausewereintransitive(8.13)b).(Exampleis

repeatedfrom§2.4.2.1.

(8.13) ENCAPSULATIONOFDIRECTOBJECTBALAANGWREDUCESVVALENCY

a. garmabalaangwngudoosl [20161109c.29] garmá balaángw ng- u- ∅ doosl

boy.LMO millet.LMO A.3- P.M- AUX farm.M.PRES

“Theboyisfarmingmillet.”

b. garmaibalaángwdoosl [20160927l222-228.1]

garmá i- ∅ balaángw doosl

boy.LMO S.3 AUX millet.LMO farm.M.PRES

“Theboyisfarmingmillet.”

EncapsulationseemsbestcharacterizedasMithun’s“TypeIIINounIncorporation”

(1984:859),inwhichincorporatednounsareusedtobackgroundinformation.

Whatmakesencapsulationdifferentisthatmateriallargerthanasinglenounmay

beencapsulated.

(8.14) ENCAPSULATONOFMATERIALLARGERTHANANOUNa. baragadiyeérMuungúkáw [20131027_20150725c.158]

bar- ∅- ∅ -(g)a gadiyeérMuungúkáwif- A.P- Aux-Prf work.LFrGod.LMogo.to.1.Pst“IfIwentontheworkofGod.”

b. [...]in'índaqanei/uurú/abénkoná'[20131027_20150725c.188]in’ín daqanei- ∅ /uurú /abénkoná’Pro.3Plthen A.3- Aux strength.LF new.Mhave.3.Pres“[...]thentheyhavenewstrength.”

Putsimply,ascentralaspronominalargumentmarkingistounderstandingGorwaa

syntax,sotooarethepatternscomplexandnovel.Furtherinsightmayonlybe

gainedthroughexaminationofsimilarphenomenainrelated(Svolacchia&Puglielli

1999)aswellasunrelatedlanguages(Baker1996,Barrie&Mathieu2016,Adger,

8.Conclusion

458

Harbour,&Watkins2009),aswellasdetailedworkinGorwaa,furtheranalyzingthe

recordedtexts,andconductingtargetedelicitation.

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Wood,Jim,andAlecMarantz(2017)‘Theinterpretationofexternalarguments’.In:D’Alessandro,R.etal.(eds.)TheVerbalDomain.OxfordUniversityPress,Oxford.255–278.

AppendixA:ParticipantInformation

473

AppendixA:ParticipantInformation

AppendixA:ParticipantInformation

474

AppendixA:ParticipantInformation

475

AppendixB:Swahiliversionofconsentdialogue

476

AppendixB:SwahiliversionofconsentdialogueKablakuanzakazi,natakatuogeekuhusuvitukadhaa,ilitukubalianekwakilakitu,natuelewekaziyetuvizuri.Ikosawa?Kwanza,unawezakuachakufanyakazinamimudayoyote,nasiolazimakuniambiasababuunatakakuacha.Ikosawakamakaziyetuinarekodiwakwanjiayakinyasasautiaukamera?Natumiakinyasasautinakamerailinawezakuhakikishakwambanimeandikamanenovizuri,nailiwatuwanawezakusikilizamanenonahadithibaadaye.Kamahusikiivizurikurekodiwa,kwasababuyoyote,unawezakuniambiahivyo,nanitazimakinyasasautinakamera.Utalipwa[hourlyrate]aubidhaazenyethamanihiiwakatitunapofanyakazi.Ikosawa?Ikosawakamawatuwanasikilizaauwanaangaliakazihiiambapoimerekodiwa?(Kwamfano,familiayako?watuwenginekutokaeneohili?mtuyoyote?)IkosawanikiwaambiawatuwenginekwambaweweunafanyakazinamikwalughayaKigorowa?Kwamfano,ikosawanikiwekajinalakokwenyeorodhayawatuambaowamechangiakwenyekazihii?Ikosawanikiwekakaziyetukwenyebenkiyalugha?Yaani,benkiyalughanimahaliunapowekasautinavideoiliikae,hatakamakopizanguzinaharibiwa.IkosawanikiandikavitabukuhusulughayaKigorowa?Ikosawanikitumiakazihikwamashaurimengine?Kwamfano,labdaleo,lengolangundokutengenezakamusi.IkosawanikirudikwahiikazisikunyinginekuitumiakujifunzakuhususautizaKigorowapia?Minimemalizamaswaliyangu.Sijuikamaweweunamaswalikuniulizamimikablatuanzekaziyetu?

NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural

477

/Aambalakú(Mo) /Aambalakú PlaceName

/aamí(Fr) /aamú(Mo)fruit;glandularswellingoncattle

/aampaa(Fr) /aampupu(N∅)bird-watchingplatform

/Aamú /Aamú PersonalName(♂/♀)/Aando /Aando PersonalName(♂)/Aanguwa /Aanguwa PersonalName(♂)

/aantaa(Fr)/aanteemo(N∅)/aantadu(N∅) termitemound

/aantlinó(Mo) /aantlina'(N∅) molartooth /aarú(Mo) /aareema'(N∅) chunkoffood /aatloo(N∅) /aatltlee(Fr) jaw

/aawi(Fr) /aawáy(Mo) /aaweedima'(N∅)mammalsp.Spotted-neckedotter(Hydrictismaculicollis)

/aayma(Fr) eatingMassDeverbal(sourceverb,</aayiím>)

/afumó(Mo) /afó(M)/afeema'(N∅) birdsp. anysp.ofBushBarbet

/Aláy /Aláy PersonalName(♂);c.f./aláy

/alumó(Mo)/aláy(Mo) /aláy(Mo) birdsp.

oxpeckers(whitebodies,redbeaks);alsoateasingnameforapersonwitharedmouth

/amaangw(Mo) heat Mass/aambalaki(Fr) /aambalakú(Mo) k.o.tuber /ambalmó(Mo) /ambalaángw(Mo) plantsp. Rhuslongipes

/ambalumó(Mo)/ambál(Mo)/ambalú(Mo) /ambaleema'(N∅) reptilesp. anysp.ofmonitorlizard

/ameeni(Fr) /ameenaa(Fr) woman /Ankwáy /Ankwáy PersonalName(♂);c.f./ankwáy

NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural

478

/ankwi(Fr) /ankwáy(Mo) plantsp.

eitherasmallplantwithaverticalhabit,oralargeforesttree;thefirsttypeof</ankwí>isusedtomaketheshaftsofarrows;thesecondtypeisusedforbuilding

/Ankwí /Ankwí PersonalName(♀);c.f./ankwi

/antsumo(Mo) /antsí(Fr)/antsaa(Fr) plantsp. SycamoreFig(Ficussycomorus)

/api(Ft)spentcoarsemilletflour Mass

/Ara'i /Ara'i PersonalName(♂/♀)

/ara/antumó(Mo) /ara/anti(Fr)/ara/antaa(Fr) plantsp. Fire-BallLily(Scadoxusmultiflorus)

/aráydesumó(Mo) /aráydesu(Mo) plantsp. Terminalia(Terminaliabrownii)/Ari(Ft) /Ari PlaceName/Arí /Arí PersonalName

/armó(Mo) /aráy(Mo) plantsp.White-GalledAcacia,Whitethorn(Acaciaseyal)

/arumó(Mo) /areeri(N∅)/arrima'(N∅) tobaccoball

/Asla /Asla PersonalName;c.f./aslaangw

/aslaangw(Mo) /asleeri(N∅)hut;plantsp.;comb(i.e.ofchicken)

CandelabraTree,TreeEuphorbia(Eurphorbiasp.);apieceofthe</asla>plantmaybecutandplacedintheearthontopoftheroofofthetraditionaltembehouse,whereitwillcontinuetogrow.Thisisoftendonetoprovideritualprotectiontothehousehold

/aslaángwkuma(Mo) /asleeríkuma(N∅) plantsp. pricklypearcactus

NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural

479

/atso(Fr) playing;gameMassDeverbal(sourceverb,</aáts>)

/atú(Mo)

/attee(Fr)/atetee(Fr)/atelee(Fr) milk(curdled)

</atetee>and</atelee>'crumbs','scatteredcurds'

/awaakeema'(N∅) whiteness

/Awaakí /AwaakíPersonalName(♀);(evenadarkwomanmaybenamed</Awaakí>)

/Awtu PersonalName(♂);c.f./awtú

/awtú(Mo)/awteema'(N∅) monkey;butterfly

/awú(Mo) /aweema'(N∅) birdsp.anylargeraptor,esp.bearingahooked-beakandcrest(eagles,etc.)

/ayi(Ft) /ayoo(Fr) flower /Ayi /Ayi PersonalName(♂)

/ayla(N∅) weddingsong /Ayla /Ayla PersonalName(♂);c.f./ayla

/aymu(Mo) /aymeeri(N∅) word /Ayti'i PersonalName(♂/♀) Possiblyderivedfrom/ayti'imó

/ayti'imó(Mo) /ayto'oo(Fr)corn(onekerneloroneplant)

/Ayto'oo /Ayto'oo PersonalName(♂/♀);c.f./ayto'oo/Eendú /Eendú PersonalName(♂)/eetlimó(Mo) /eetlí(Fr) pimple

/eetloo(Fr)difficultyinfindingfood Mass

/éw(Na) west

/Iinkáy /Iinkáy

PersonalName(♂);c.f.v.</iinkí>:tocomeataslowpace(perhapsbecauseoftirednessorbeingdistractedbyotherthings)

NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural

480

/ilintimó(Mo) /ilintima'(N∅) mammalsp. Bohorreedbuck(Reduncaredunca)

/iliwi(Fr)/iliwoó(Fr)/iliwaa(Fr) /iliwáy(Mo)leopard

/itsi(Ft) /itsaa(Fr) /itseemi(N∅) insectsp. /itsimó(Mo) /itseemi(N∅) intestinalworm

/o/oo(Fr) /o/oodu(N∅) excrement /Oo/ím /Oo/ím PersonalName(♂)

/oonaa(Fr) /onu(N∅) darkness /Oru'oo /Oru'oo PersonalName(♀);c.f./oruru'umó

/oruru'umó(Mo) /oruru'uma'(N∅) plantsp.

Vitexdoniana;alternatepronunciation</orru'umó>,</orru'uma'>

/oyee(Fr) /oyeedu(N∅)advertismentofacomingdance

/Oyee /Oyee PersonalName(♂);c.f./oyee/Oyi /Oyi PersonalName(♂/♀);c.f./oyee/umi(Ft) /umáy(Mo) hump(e.g.ofacow)

/untla(Mo) /untleema'(N∅) cheek /urfi(Fr) /urfaa(Fr) reptilesp. anysp.ofskink

/uu/umoo(Fr)lowingofcattleindistress Mass

/Uukú PersonalName(♂)/uuru(Mo) /uureema'(N∅) strength

/uyá(Mk) north SingulariaTantum/uyáy(Mo) /uyeema'(N∅) right(side) </uyeema'>isuncommon

aahhamoo(Fr) lowing(ofcattle) Massaako(Mo) akoki'i(N∅) grandfather

Aakó Aakó PersonalName(♂);c.f.aakoaali(Fr) inheritance

Aalitó Aalitó PersonalName(♂);c.f.v.aal

NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural

481

Aaloo Aaloo PersonalName(♂);c.f.aaliaalutumo(Mo)aaluto'o(Fr) aalutee(Fr)

inheritor(♂,♀respectively) also<aalusumo>or<aaluso'o>

aama(Fr) aamami'i(N∅) grandmother Aamí Aamí PersonalName

aari(Fr) prophecy Mass

aaxisa(Fr) axama(Mk)satisfaction,fulfilment Deverbal(sourceverb,<aáx>)

Abayí Abayí PersonalName(♀)Abo'oo Abo'oo PersonalName(♀);c.f.abo'ooabo'oo(Fr) abu'u(Fr) newlywed(♀)

afa(Mk) afi'i(N∅) mouth afáda/aát ? birdsp. afaoha(Fr) afiohiingw(Mo) smothering

afa'uray(Mo) annoyance Massafa/ay(Mo) afa/i'i(N∅) thigh

Afa/ay Afa/ay PersonalName(♂);c.f.afa/ayafada/aatumó(Mo) afada/aát(Mo) birdsp. anysp.ofOrioleorOxpecker

afahho'aa(Fr) eloquence Massafawa/i(Ft) afawa/áy(Mo) windfall

afeeni(Fr)afeenaa(N∅)afeenáy(Mo) afeenadu(N∅) outside

afeetloo(N∅)afeetloo(N∅)afeetla'(N∅)

afeetlatlu(N∅)afeetlutlu(N∅)afeetludu(N∅) waist

afoo(Fr) voice,sound

afqurmó(Mo)

afqurma'(N∅)afqureema'(N∅)afqureeri(N∅) warthog

afurtlimi(Ft) afurtlumáy(Mo) simpleknot

NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural

482

afusa(Fr) afuumis(Mo) curse ageengw(Mo) dryseason

ahaarimó(Mo) ahaarima'(N∅) k.o.gourd Ahhamá PersonalName(♂);c.f.ahhamo

akeesi(Fr) akeesa'(N∅) cookingstone Alawaa Alawaa PersonalName(♂);c.f.Alawaa

Alawumo(Mo)Alawito'o(Fr) Alawaa

personofAlagwaethnicity(♂,♀respectively)

ale/isay(Mo) help alesleemu(Mo) ability Mass

alhhe'esáy(Mo) alhhe'esusu(N∅) end alki/it(Mo) story

Allee Allee PersonalName(♂);c.f.alleeallimó(Mo) allee(Fr) housepost

Alót Alót

PersonalName(♂);thiswasreportedtobeaveryrarename,ofasemi-mythicalancestor

alqadoo(Fr) alqadidiingw(Mo) agreeing Deverbal(sourceverb?<alqaát>)alu(N∅) behind Mass

Aluto'o PersonalName(♀);c.f.aluto'oalutumo(Mo)aluto'o(Fr) alutee(Fr)

last-bornchild(♂,♀respectively) [t]maybepronouncedas[s];c.f.alu

ama'ari(Fr) ama'aráy(Mo) reptilesp.anyslender,non-venomous,greensnake

amafa/umó(Mo) amafa/á(Fr) plantsp. (Parinariacuratellifolia)amageenda'i(Fr) amageendá'(Mo) plantsp. (Combretumzeyheri)

amama'umó(Mo) amama'ó(Fr) amama'odu(N∅) birdsp.Fork-tailedDrongo(Dicrurusadsimilis)

amanaani(Fr) amanaanáy(Mo) reptilesp.anyslender,venomous,greensnake(esp.Boomslang(Dispholidustypus))

NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural

483

Amaslukú(Fr) Amaslukú PlaceNameamato/i(Fr) amato/áy(Mo) snake amaxingi(Fr) amaxingaa(Fr) amaxingáy(Mo) crab Amay Amay PersonalName(♂)amayimó(Mo) amayó(Fr) plantsp. (Gynandropsisgynandra)Amayo Amayo PersonalName;c.f.amayóamayto'o(Fr) amayó(Mo) plantsp. (GynandropsisGynandra)ambaraki(Fr) ambarakáy(Mo) birdsp. anysp.ofdove

amoo(Fr) place Amowa Amowa PersonalName(♀)

amsi(N∅) night Amsí Amsí PersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.amsi

anxari(Ft) anxeroo(N∅) phlegm ara(Ft) ara'ar(Mo) seeing Deverbal(sourceverb,<ár>)Aroyá(Fr) Aroyá PlaceNameasfoolusumo(Mo)asfooluso'o(Fr) asfoolusee(Fr)

shitdisturber(♂,♀respectively)

askaarimó(Mo) askár(Mo) askaaráy(Mo)soldier askoofumó(Mo) askóf(Mo) askoofáy(Mo)bishop asla(Ft) asloo(N∅) fire Questionedform<aslatoô>Aweé PersonalName(♂);c.f.awee

Awish Awish

PersonalName(♂);thiswasreportedtobeaveryrarename,ofasemi-mythicalancestor

awu(Mo) awee(Fr) bull Axisa Axisa PersonalName(♀)

axweesani(Ft) axweesanáy(Mo) conversation aya(Mo) ayeemo(Na) land

Ayá/Abén(Mo) Ayá/Abén PlaceNameAyá/Awaákw(Mo) Ayá/Awaákw PlaceName

NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural

484

AyáHayshi(d)(Mo) AyáHayshi PlaceNameAyáTla/aa(Mo/Fr) AyáTla/aa PlaceNameAyamaango(M) Ayamaango PlaceNameAyasanda(Mo) Ayasanda PlaceNameAyaslakí(Fr) Ayaslakí PlaceNameAyaxoxo(ngw)(Mo) Ayaxoxo PlaceName

ayí(Fr) amu(N∅) mother(one'sown) ayishagá(Fr) ayishagadu(N∅) father'ssister ayoo(Fr) amu(N∅) mother(general) ba'aa(Fr) ba'u(N∅) grave

ba'aarimó(Mo) ba'aari(Fr) bee ba'aarimó(Mo) ba'ár(Mo) fly ba'animó(Mo) ba'aní(Fr) ba'anaa(Fr) reptilesp. anysp.ofgecko

ba'at(Mo) ba'ateema'(N∅) mammalsp.Greaterkudu(Tragelaphusstrepsiceros)

Ba/a Ba/a PersonalName(♂)ba/aata(N∅) fatigue Mass

Ba/aatá PersonalName(♀) PersonalName(♀);c.f.ba/aataba/i(Fr) mud Mass

Ba/i Ba/i PersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.ba/ibaabá(Mo) baabi'i(N∅) father baahaa(Fr) bahu(N∅) hyaena

Baahaa BaahaaPersonalName(♂,lesscommonly♀);c.f.baahaa

baahaárMaandaa(Fr) Maandaa'shorn baahhi(Fr) excessivenoise Mass

baalusmo(Mo)baaluso'o(Fr) baalusee(Fr)

master(♂,♀respectively)

baambari(Fr) baambár(Mo) bell Baambay(Mo/Fr) Baambay PlaceName

NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural

485

Babati(Fr) Babati PlaceNamebabi/i(Fr) baba/aa(Fr) insectsp. babumó(Mo) babi(Ft) insectsp. Bacho Bacho PersonalName(♂)Badináy Badináy PersonalName(♂)Badó Badó PersonalName

bafú(Mo) drizzle MassBagara(Fr) Bagara PlaceNameBagari(Fr) Bagari PlaceNameBagayí Bagayí PersonalName(♂)bahhaymó(Mo) bahháy(Mo) plantsp. (Syzigiumcordatum)Baahhi Baahhi PersonalName(♂);c.f.baahhi

balaali(Fr) balaangw(Mo) milletbalaalirefersto'onegrain'or'oneplant'ofmillet

Balaalí Balaalí PersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.balaaliBalaangw Balaangw PersonalName(♂);c.f.balaangwBalabalá PersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.balbalá

balasumó(Mo) balasi(Fr) pigeonpeabalasumórefersto'onepea'or'oneplant'

Balawá PersonalName(♂);c.f.Swahili'barua':'letter'

balbalá(Ft) balbaldu(N∅) road Balisaa Balisaa PersonalName(♂/♀)Balowá(Fr) Balowá PlaceNameBambaray Bambaray PersonalName(♂);c.f.bambaray

bambarimo(Mo) bambaree(Fr)bulrushmillet(onegrainoroneplant)

bami'ito'o(Fr) bamiya(Fr) okrafruit bamiyumó(Mo) bamiya(Fr) okraplant

NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural

486

bangilito'o(Fr)bangili(Fr)

bangiláy(Mo) k.o.bracelet bangimó(Mo) bangi(Fr) plantsp. (Tagetesminuta)Bani Bani PersonalName(♂)Banka Banka PersonalName(♂)Baqayoo Baqayoo PersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.baqayoo

baqayoo(Fr) baqaydu(N∅) court,chamber baqumó(Mo) baq(Mo) housepartition

bara(Ft) badu(N∅) side Questionedform<baratoô>bara/'(Mo) k.o.dance

Bara/ee PersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.bara/'orbara/i

bara/umó(Mo)bara/i(Fr)bará/'(Mo) plantsp.

bara/usumo(Mo)bara/uso'o(Fr) bara/usee(Fr)

dancer(♂,♀respectively)

barakaa(Fr) badu(N∅) piece Barán Barán PersonalName(♂)Barandí Barandí PersonalName(♂/♀)baranqumó(Mo) baranqú(Mo) baranquma'(N∅) plantsp. <baranqú>collectiveBardáy Bardáy PersonalName(♂)Bardee Bardee PersonalName(♂/♀)barisumo(Mo)bariso'o(Fr) barisee(Fr)

elder(♂,♀respectively)

bariyaa(Fr) bariyadu(N∅) k.o.disease Bariyeé Bariyeé PersonalName(♂)bariyomodi(Fr) bariyomodaa(Fr) plantsp. basa(Mk) south

basáy(Mo) left Bashaqee Bashaqee PersonalName(♂)

NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural

487

Basoo Basoo PersonalName(♂);c.f.GidabasooBasori Basori PersonalName(♀)

Basoroo BasorooPersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.derivedfrombasoroo

basorumó(Mo) basoroo(Fr)sorghum(onegrainorplant)

Basosideé(d) Basosideé PlaceNamebata(Fr) bata(Fr) duck Bata Bata PersonalName;c.f.bata

batlitimo(Mo)batlito'o(Fr)

batli(Ft)batláy(Mo) batlitima'(N∅)

younganimal,youngperson(♂,♀respectively)

Bay Bay PersonalName(♂)Bayjók Bayjók PersonalName(♂)baynimó(Mo) baynoo(Fr) pig

Bayo Bayo

PersonalName(♂);thiswasreportedtobeaveryrarename,ofasemi-mythicalancestor

Bee/á Bee/áPersonalName;possiblyderivedfrombee/aangw

bee/amó(Mo) bee/aángw(Mo) birdsp.White-eyedSlatyFlycatcher(Melaenornisfischeri)

bee/i(Fr) bee/aangw(Mo) sheep Bee/i Bee/i PersonalName(♂);c.f.bee/iBeekoo Beekoo PersonalName(♂/♀)

beerá(Mo) milk(fresh) MassBeerimi(Ft) Beerimi PlaceName

beerumó(Mo) beerimi(Fr)beerimáy(M)plantsp.(Dodoneaviscosa)

Bereqo(Fr) Bereqo PlaceName

NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural

488

bi/iní(Fr)bi/inaa(Fr)bi/ináy(Mo)

mammalsp.Silkyblesmol(Heliophobiusargenteocinereus)

bibilia(Fr) bibiliadu(N∅) bible Bichá Bichá PersonalName(♂)

bihhi(N∅) bihhihhee(Fr) side(ofthebody) biintlaa(Fr) wave Mass

bila(Mo)muddepositedbywater Mass

Bilaari BilaariPersonalName;c.f.theSwahili'bilauri':'drinkingglass'

Bilo Bilo PersonalName(♂)Binday Binday PersonalName(♂)

biriri/imó(Mo) birirí/(Mo) birdsp.Red-facedCrimsonwing(Cryptospizareichenovii)

Bisiye Bisiye PersonalName(♂)biyashara(Mo) commerce

Biyay Biyay PersonalName(♂)Biyedá Biyedá PersonalName(♂/♀)

bo/ay(Mo) multitude(ofpeople) MassBo/ay(Mo) Bo/ay PlaceNameBo/oo Bo/oo PersonalName(♂);c.f.boo/Bo/umo Bo/umo PersonalName(♂);c.f.boo/boksi(Mo) boksáy(Mo) bokseema'(N∅) box Bolos Bolos PersonalName(♂)

bomba(Fr) bombadu(N∅) pipe bombó(t)(Fr) bombodu(N∅) oldbeer

Bombó(t) Bombó(t) PersonalName;c.f.bombó(t)Bonga(Fr) Bonga PlaceName

NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural

489

Bonga BongaPersonalName(♂);c.f.theplacename<Bonga>

Bongani Bongani PersonalName(♂)Boo/í Boo/í PersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.bo/áy

Booga BoogaPersonalName(♂);c.f.theSwahili'boga':'pumpkin'

boohhaa(Fr) bundleoffirewood MassBoohhá PersonalName(♂);c.f.boohhaa

boohoongw(Mo) boohi'i(N∅) hole;crater

boohontó(Mo)boohonte'eeri(N∅)boohontima'(N∅) smallhole

Bookí Bookí PersonalName(♂)booloo(Fr) bolu(N∅) day

Bootá Bootá PersonalName(♂)

boyimó(Mo) boyáy(Mo)colonial-erasubvillageleader

bu'i(Ft) bu'áy(Mo) cosmeticburnmark

Bu'í Bu'íPersonalName(♂);c.f.bu'iorbu'uungw

Bu'u Bu'u PersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.bu'uungwbu'uungw(M) bu'uungw(Mo) harvest(harvesting?) Bubu(Mo/Fr) Bubu PlaceName

bubuka(Mo) insectsp. Massbuhha(N∅) quarrel Mass

Buhha PersonalName(♂);c.f.buhhaBunga(Mo) Bunga PlaceName

buraa(Fr) burdu(N∅) beer Buraá Buraá PersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.buraaburi(Ft) buráy(Mo) forehead

NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural

490

Burí BuríPersonalName(♀);c.f.buraaorBuraá

bursli(Fr) burslaa(Fr) plantsp. busla(Mo) whiteclay Mass

Buslá PersonalName(♂);c.f.buslabuunqaa(Fr) marsh Mass

Buuta PersonalName(♂)

chaabú(Mo) ichaabú(Mo)chaabú(Mo) louse

Chakala Chakala PersonalName(♂)Chalo Chalo PersonalName(♂)

chayi(Fr) tea Cheempoó Cheempoó PersonalName(♀)Chemchem(Mo/Fr) Chem-Chem PlaceNameChepa Chepa PersonalName(♂)chirimo(Mo) chirima' birdsp. anysp.ofblueandrufouskingfisher

chupaa(Fr) chupadu(N∅) bottle chupi(Fr) chupáy(Mo) underwear

da'aangw(Mo) song;singing da'ayee(Fr) fear

da'ayee(Fr) da'ayeedu(N∅) liver da'ayusumo(Mo)da'ayuso'o(Fr) da'aysee(Fr)

coward(♂,♀respectively)

da/a(Ft) da/a/aangw(Mo) burning Deverbal(sourceverb,<daá/>)da/alusumó(Mo) da/alusuma'(N∅) insectsp. da/alusumó(Mo) da/alusáy(Mo) plantsp. (Osyriscompressa)da/alusumo(Mo)da/aluso'o(Fr) da/alusee(Fr)

sorcerer(♂,♀respectively)

Da/araa Da/araa PersonalName(♂);c.f.da/araada/araa(Fr) ashes Mass

NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural

491

da/ari(N∅) witchcraft Da/atá Da/atá PersonalName(♂);c.f.da/ataDa/atí Da/atí PersonalName(♀);c.f.da/atada/áw(Fr) east da/eboo(N∅) da/awi(N∅) da/ebubu(N∅) chest daa'i(Fr) daa'aa(Fr) plantsp. Bamboo(Bambusavulgaris)

Daadú

PersonalName(♂);itwasnotedthatthismaybeaborrowingfromRangiword'duudu'(meaningunknown)

daafi(Fr) dafifiingw(Mo)bringingthecowshome Deverbal(sourceverb,<daáf>)

Daafí Daafí PersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.daafiDaahhí PersonalName(♂) PersonalName(♂);c.f.daahhi

daahhumó(Mo) daahhí(Fr) daahháy(Mo)birdsp.anysp.ofstarling

daama'umo(Mo) daamá(Mo) mammalsp. Commoneland(Taurotragusoryx)Daambáy Daambáy PersonalName(♂);c.f.daambáydaambumó(Mo) daambáy(Mo) birdsp. anysp.ofweaverdaamó(g)(Fr) daamó(g)(Fr) daamogadu(N∅) beard

daanda(Mo) daandeemo(Na) back Daanda/áy(Mo/Fr) Daanda/áy PlaceName

daangafi(Ft) daangafáy(Mo) k.o.gourd Daasham Daasham PersonalName(♂)

daasloo(Fr) daslisliingw(Mo)grindingmillet(roughly,forbeer) Deverbal(sourceverb,<daásl>)

Daasloó Daasloó PersonalName;c.f.daaslooDaatá Daatá PersonalName(♂)

daawaa(Fr) daawudu(N∅) medicine Daawee Daawee PersonalName(♀);c.f.daawu

NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural

492

daawu(Mo) daawee(Fr)elephant(Loxodontasp.)

daaxoo(Fr) daaxuxuungw(Mo) drawingblood Deverbal(sourceverb<daáxw>)dageenito'o(Fr) dageenoo(N∅) youngwoman Dago Dago PersonalName(♂)dahamu(Mo) darah(Mo) entering Deverbal(sourceverb,<dáh>)

dahasiingw(Mo) seeds Dahayeé PersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.dahayeedahaymo(Mo)dahayto'o(Fr) dahayee(Fr)

visitor(♂,♀respectively)

dahhaangw(Mo) dehheeri(N∅) k.o.gourd dahhami(Ft) dahhamáy(Mo) gully

daka'umó(Mo) daka'oo(Fr) plantsp. Baobab(Adansoniadigitata)Daka'umó(Mo) Daka'umó PlaceName

dakeeti(Fr) dakeetima'(N∅) mammalsp. anyzebrasp.daktani(Ft) daktanaa(Fr) fool(both♂ and ♀)

daktu'uma(Fr) stupidity Massdakw(Mo) dakwi'i(N∅) procedure

dalgaasi(Ft) dalgás(Mo) dalgaasáy(Mo) birdsp. Dalo Dalo PersonalName(♂)dama(Fr) damay(N∅) calf c.f.theSwahili'ndama':'calf'Damá Damá PersonalName(♂);c.f.damaDama'í Dama'í PersonalName(♂)damito(Fr) damaraangw(Mo) waiting Deverbal(sourceverb,<damaraám>)Damsi Damsi PersonalName(♂)

danú(Mo) dannee(Fr) honey Danú Danú PersonalName(♂);c.f.danúdaqa(Ft) daqoo(N∅) herd Daqanoó Daqanoó PersonalName(♂)

NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural

493

daqarmo(Mo)daqarito'o(Fr) daqaree(Fr)

richperson(♂,♀respectively)

daqaro(Fr) daqaangw(Mo) skinning Deverbal(sourceverb,<daáq>)Daqaro Daqaro PersonalName(♂);c.f.daqarodaqeemu(Mo) daqaqaangw(Mo) going Deverbal(sourceverb,<daqáy>)

daqway(Mo)

daqwa'(N∅)daqwi'i(N∅)daqwayee(Fr)

donkey;15-gallonmeasure

Daqway Daqway PersonalName(♂);c.f.daqway

daqwáysla/aa(Mo) daqwásla/aa(N∅)mammalsp.anyzebrasp.

Darabe DarabePersonalName(♂);possiblyfromDatooga

daráy(Mo) mane MassDarbaidú Darbaidú PersonalName

dari(Ft) daráy(Mo) comb(ofrooster) darma(Mo) grassland Mass

Datí Datí PersonalName(♂);c.f.dati

datumó(Mo) dati(Ft)dataa(Mo) plantsp. SausageTree(Kigeliaafricana)dawa(Mk) dabee(Fr) daba'(N∅) hand Dawár(Mo/Fr) Dawár PlaceNamedaweelimó(Mo) dawél(Mo) insectsp. Dawí Dawí PersonalNamedawri(Fr) sky,heavens SingulariaTantum

dawutimee(Fr) fatigue Dayo Dayo PersonalName(♂)De'emáy De'emáy PersonalName(♂);c.f.de'eengw

de'emisi(Ft) de'emisáy(Mo) birdsp.anysp.ofWagtail(esp.AfricanPiedWagtail(Motacillaaguimp))

NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural

494

de/arumó(Mo) de/ár(Mo) vein,root de/eeboo(N∅) de/eebubu(N∅) chest

deede/i(Fr) deedé/(Mo) birdsp. anysp.oflarkand(esp.)cisticoladeelimó(Mo) deeláy(Mo) kid(i.e.babygoat)

deeloo(Fr) delu(N∅) day deemu(Mo) beingpresent c.f.v.deer'bepresent'

deeqwaa(Fr) dequ(N∅) razor Deerimó(Mo) Deerimó PlaceNameDeleku Deleku PersonalName(♂)deli(Ft) delaa(Fr) mushroom Delí Delí PersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.delidesi(Fr) desu(Mo) girl di(Fr) yaamu(N∅) place

di/i(Ft) di/áy(Mo) oil Di/í Di/í PersonalName(♀);c.f.di/idifta(Fr) difiifiingw(Mo) hitting Deverbal(sourceverb,<diíf>)Difta Difta PersonalName(♂);c.f.diftadigirmó(Mo) digír(Mo) digirma'(N∅) footprint diimarusmo(Mo)diimaruso'o(Fr) diimarusee(Fr)

senileperson(♂,♀respectively)

diingi(Fr) diingoo(Fr) birdsp. diinku'uma(Fr) diinku'umadu(N∅) meeting

diinqi(Fr) diinqáy(Mo) slipknot,noose Diinyá Diinyá PersonalName(♂)

diitsaa(Fr) diitsa'(N∅) finger diqitádawa(Fr) diqiyádaba(N∅) forearm diraangw(Mo) direeri(N∅) lion

Diraangw Diraangw PersonalName(♂);c.f.diraangwditoo(Fr) ditoodu(N∅) enclosure

Ditoo Ditoo PersonalName(♀);c.f.ditoo

NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural

495

diwi(Ft) diwáy(Mo) salt

do'(Mo) maray(N∅)mar'i(N∅) house

do/í(Fr) do/áy(Mo) canerat do/ita(Fr) do/imit(Mo) scurryingaway Deverbal(sourceverb,<do/iít>)Do/ita PersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.do/itadohhisa(Fr) dohhimis(Mo) fining Deverbal(sourceverb,<dohhiís>)Dohom(Mo) Dohom PlaceName

doloodumó(Mo) doloó(d)(Mo) doloodima'(N∅) birdsp.SouthernGround-hornbill(Bucorvusleadbeateri)

Doofaa Doofaa PersonalName(♂);c.f.doofaadoofaa(Fr) dofu(N∅) rhinoceros

Doohhoo Doohhoo PersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.doohhoodoohhoo(Fr) dohhu(N∅) fine

Doloó Doloó PersonalName(♂);c.f.doloó(d)doomu(Mo) doomi'i(N∅) rainyseason

Doongo Doongo PersonalNamedoosla(Fr) doslit(Mo) farming Deverbal(sourceverb,<doósl>)Dooslá Dooslá PersonalName(♂);c.f.dooslaDorobo Dorobo PersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.durboodorowumó(Mo) dorowáy(Mo) bastard

du'uma(Mo) du'eemi(N∅) leopard,cheetah Du'uma Du'uma PersonalName(♂);c.f.du'uma

du/ú(Mo) fat Massdu/uma'ú(Mo) plantsp.

dugunó(Mo) dugeeni(N∅) thumb,bigtoe Dulay Dulay PersonalName(♂)

dunga(N∅) dungugu(N∅) nose duqusa(Fr) duqumis(Mo) throwing Deverbal(sourceverb<duúq>)

NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural

496

durboo(Fr) durbodu(N∅)colonial-eraforestclearing

c.f.theSwahili'mdarobo'(?):'tsetsefly';alsopronounced<darbo>

duukaa(Fr)duukadu(N∅)duukanáy(Mo) shop

Duuqay Duuqay PlaceNameduura'i(Fr) duura'áy(Mo) flame

Duuru(Mo) Duuru PlaceName

Duuru DuuruPersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.eitherDuuru,orduura'i

duutsú(Mo) soup Massduuxa(Fr) duxut(Mo) takingout Deverbal(sourceverb,<duúx>)

duwa(N∅) sap Mass

duwa/i(Fr) duwa/aa(Fr) duwa/áy(Mo)

mammalsp.anysp.oflong-snoutedmouse-likerodent(sengi,etc.)

Duwanqeedimo(Mo)Duwanqeedito'o(Fr) Duwanqeé(t)

personofMaasaiethnicity(♂,♀respectively)

duxoo(Fr) duxuxuungw(Mo)duxut(Mo) marriage

<duxuxuungw>(Men)<duxut>(Women):actofmarryingorbeingmarriedmanytimes,ormanymarriages

Duxoo Duxoo PersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.duxooEero Eero PersonalNameEnda Enda PersonalName(♂/♀)Endabég(Fr) Endabég PlaceNameEndadimeé(d)(Fr) Endadimeé PlaceNameEndadoósh(Fr) Endadoósh PlaceNameEndadu(Fr) Endadu PlaceNameEndagidingee(Fr) Endagidingee PlaceName

NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural

497

Endagile(Fr) Endagile PlaceNameEndagwee(Fr) Endagwee PlaceNameEndahobariye(d)(Fr) Endahobariye PlaceNameEndakiso(Fr) Endakiso PlaceNameEndamaqee(Fr) Endamaqee PlaceNameEndamutungay(Fr) Endamutungay PlaceNameEndanachán(d)(Fr) Endanachán PlaceNameEndarbo(Fr) Endarbo PlaceNameEndare(Fr) Endare PlaceNameEndarqadát(Fr) Endarqadát PlaceName

fa/aa(Fr) fa/oo(N∅) ugali

faanfe'(Mo) faanfe'eeri(N∅) reptilesp.anylarge,striped,venomous,brownsnake

Faante Faante PersonalName(♂)faara(Ft) fadu(N∅) bone

faari(Fr) faaroo(Fr) counting c.f.faaraFaheli(Fr) Faheli PlaceName

fala(Ft) faloo(N∅) cowhide(rope) faltádaqway(Fr) faloódaqwa'(N∅) saddlebag

farasmó(Mo) farás(Mo) horse Farayo Farayo PersonalName(♂)

fe'o(Fr) fe'i'iingw(Mo)harvestinglightlyforhouseholdfood

Fe'o Fe'o PersonalName(♂);c.f.fe'ofeehhimi(Ft) feehhimáy(Mo) crevice

fi'it(Mo)heedingthealarmcall(<oyee>) Deverbal(sourceverb<fi'iít>)

Fi'itá PersonalName(♀);c.f.fi'itfiisoo(Fr) fisiisiingw(Mo) stealing Deverbal(sourceverb,<fiís>)

NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural

498

fiisusumo(Mo)fiisuso'o(Fr) fiisusee(Fr)

thief(♂,♀respectively)

fiitsi(Ft) fiitsáy(Mo) broom

filá(Mo)fileemo(N∅)fileema'(N∅)

anteater(Orycteropusafer)

Filalí Filalí PersonalName(♀)Firimeni Firimeni PersonalName(♂)

firimo(Fr) fiririingw(Mo)firoo(Fr)

asking,praying,prayer Deverbal(sourceverb,<firiím>)

fitsimó(Mo) fitsi(Fr)fitsaa(Fr)

plantsp.(Acaciahockii)

foola(Fr) folit(Mo) burying Deverbal(sourceverb,<foól>)foolusumo(Mo)fooluso'o(Fr) foolusee(Fr)

burier(♂,♀respectively)

foori(Fr) fooroo(Fr) flute

fooxaa(Fr)foxu(N∅)fooxanáy(Mo) hole(small)

Fooyá Fooyá PersonalName(♂)Fu'unáy PersonalName(♂);c.f.fu'unayfu'uni(Fr) fu'unay(N∅) meat(onepiece) Fula Fula PersonalName

fulanamó(Mo)fulana(Mo)fulanáy(Mo) fulanama'(N∅)shirt

fuqi(Ft) adultery Mass

fuqumó(Mo) fuqi(Ft)fuqaa(Fr) plantsp.

WhistlingThornorBlack-GalledAcacia(Acaciadrepanolobium)

fuqunádaqwáy(Mo) plantsp.

fuqunó(Mo) fuqeeni(N∅)nail(i.e.finger-,toe-),claw

fur'a(Fr) wind MassFurijí Furijí PersonalName(♂)

NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural

499

furu(Mo) furree(Fr) twig,toothbrush furúiitsaangw(Mo) furúiitsaawe(Mo) plantsp. (Tragiabrevipes)

furutlutlu'a(Ft) furreetlutlu'uungw(Mo) brushingone'steeth fuufí(Fr) fuufeemo(N∅) mammalsp. ga(Fr) moro'(Mo) thing

ga/alee(Fr) ga/aledu(N∅) shield ga/atini(Ft) ga/atanáy(Mo) fever(high)

ga/awngw(Mo)looking(i.e.foralongtime)

MassDeverbal(sourceverb<ga/áw>)

ga/awusmo(Mo)ga/awuso'o(Fr) ga/awusee(Fr)

colonialoverseer(♂,♀respectively)

gaanslay(Mo) speed,pace Massgaari(Fr) gaaridu(N∅) car,motorvehicle

gaasa(Fr) gaamis(Mo)killing,extinguishing,breaking Deverbal(sourceverb,<gaás>)

Gaché Gaché PersonalName(♂)

Gadi GadiPersonalName(♂);c.f.theEnglish'God'

Gadiyee Gadiyee PersonalName;c.f.gadiyeé(d)gadiyeé(d)(Fr) gadiyeedu(N∅) work,labour

galapi(Fr) galapoo(Fr) plantsp. (Piliostigmathonningii)Galapoo(Fr) Galapoo PlaceName

galaxandimó(Mo)galaxandito'o(Fr) galaxandáy(Mo) galaxandima'(N∅)

personwithasmallbody(esp.achild)(♂,♀respectively)

Galaxoo Galaxoo PersonalName(♀);c.f.galaxandí

Gamahha GamahhaPersonalName(♂);possiblyfromAlagwa(etymonunknown)

gamiaa(Fr) gamiadu(N∅) camel

NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural

500

gamu(N∅) gammee(Fr)

underneath(n.),foot(e.g.ofatree,mountain,etc.)

gangalhhimó(Mo) gangalhhima'(N∅) weddingbracelet garaangw(Mo) gareeri(N∅) mouse,rat

Garaangw Garaangw PersonalName;c.f.garaangwgarma(Mo) daaqay(Mo) boy,youngman Garo Garo PersonalName(♂)gasesmó(Mo) gasesáy(Mo) gasesima'(N∅) reptilesp.

gawá(Ft) up(n.) Questionedform<gawatoô>Gawday PersonalName(♂);c.f.gawdigawdi(Fr) gawdaa(Fr) plantsp. (Acacianilotica)Gayuw(Mo) Gayuw PlaceNameGedabósh(Fr) Gedabósh PlaceNameGedamár(Fr) Gedamár PlaceName

gee/ay(Mo) gee/aawee(Fr)slope,shelfinatraditionalhouse

Gee/ay Gee/ay PersonalName(♀);c.f.gee/aygee/umó(Mo) gee/ó(Mo) birdsp. anysp.ofRock-thrushGeejay Geejay PersonalName(♂)Jeela Jeela PersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.jeela

geenaangw(Mo) geenaawee(Fr) birdsp.

anymedium-sizedraptorwhichhuntsprimarilybyrapidlysnatchingitsprey(goshawks,etc.)

Geenáy Geenáy PersonalName(♂);c.f.geenaangwgeenda'i(Fr) geendá'(Mo) plantsp. Geendí(Fr) Geendí PlaceNameGeeni/i(Ft) Geeni/i PlaceName

geera(N∅) front(n.) Mass

NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural

501

geeraharusumo(Mo)geeraharuso'o(Fr) geeraharusee(Fr)

leader,guide(♂,♀respectively)

Geeso GeesoPersonalName(♂);c.f.theDatooga<geeso>:atypeoftraditionalbeer

Geeta'í Geeta'í PersonalName(♂)Geetalongoó(d)(Fr) Geetalongoó PlaceNameGeetará(Fr) Geetará PlaceNameGeewee Geewee PersonalName(♂)Gesbeé(d)(Fr) Gesbee PlaceName

gewoó(d)(Fr) disease MassGiahalo Giahalo PersonalName(♂)

Gichame GichamePersonalName(♂);perhapsderivedfromDatooga(etymonunknown)

Gidabaqár(Fr) Gidabaqár PlaceNameGidabaso Gidabaso PersonalName(♂);c.f.BasoGidahababiyeé(d)(Fr) Gidahababiyeé PlaceName

Gidahoonda GidahoondaPersonalName(♂);perhapsderivedfromDatooga(etymonunknown)

Gidahuta GidahutaPersonalName(♂);perhapsderivedfromDatooga(etymonunknown)

Gidale GidalePersonalName(♂);perhapsderivedfromDatooga(etymonunknown)

Gidamondo(Fr) Gidamondo PlaceName

Gidangoo GidangooPersonalName(♂);perhapsderivedfromDatooga(etymonunknown)

Gidaqalle(Fr) Gidaqalle PlaceNameGidaqarbu(Mo) Gidaqarbu PlaceNameGidás(Fr) Gidás PlaceNameGideeme Gideeme PersonalName(♂)Gideeráy Gideeráy PersonalName(♂)

NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural

502

Gideshaán(d)(Fr) Gideshaan PlaceName

Gidira GidiraPersonalName(♂);perhapsderivedfromDatooga(etymonunknown)

Gidisoo Gidisoo PersonalName(♂)gidondoori(Fr) gidondór(Mo) gidondoráy(Mo) gidondoori Gidonga Gidonga PersonalName(♂)

giheerií(d)(Fr) giheeridima'(N∅) mammalsp. Stripedhyaena(Hyaenahyaena)Giicharo Giicharo PersonalName(♂)Giilago Giilago PersonalName(♂)Giinawe Giinawe PersonalName(♂)giiroo(Fr) gigidiingw(Mo) ambushing Deverbal(sourceverb,<giír>)

giirwaangw(Mo) giirweeri(N∅) plantsp. (Catunareganspinosa)Giirwawee Giirwawee PersonalName(♂);c.f.giirwaangwGiisá Giisá PersonalName(♀)Giisana Giisana PersonalName(♂)Giisini Giisini PersonalName(♂)Giitiyá Giitiyá PersonalName(♂)

giitsee/a'(N∅) giitsee/u/u(N∅) face,forehead gila(N∅) quarrel Mass

gilá'(Mo) gil'eeri(N∅) hide(undried)

Gilacha GilachaPersonalName;perhapsderivedfromDatooga(etymonunknown)

Gilangoy Gilangoy PersonalName(♂)Gilika Gilika PersonalName(♂)Gilooyá Gilooyá PersonalName

Ginaná GinanáPersonalName(♂);perhapsderivedfromDatooga(etymonunknown)

Ginyaba GinyabaPersonalName(♂);perhapsderivedfromDatooga(etymonunknown)

Giroo PersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.giroo

NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural

503

Giroyí(Fr) Giroyí PlaceNamegisaangi(Fr) gisaangá'(N∅) k.o.gourd

Gisboy Gisboy PersonalName(♂)

Giseemboo GiseembooPersonalName(♂);perhapsderivedfromDatooga(etymonunknown)

Giseerí PersonalName(♂);c.f.giseerí(d)

giseerimó(Mo) giseerí(d)(Mo)

giseeridu(N∅)giseerima'(N∅)giseeridima'(N∅) potforspecialbeer

Gishingde GishingdePersonalName(♂);perhapsderivedfromDatooga(etymonunknown)

Gitariyo GitariyoPersonalName(♂);perhapsderivedfromDatooga(etymonunknown)

gitlahharimó(Mo) gitlahheeri(Fr)gitlahharima'(N∅) entranceposts

Gitorí(Fr) Gitorí PlaceNameGitsiimi(Fr) Gitsiimi PlaceNamegitsimi(Fr) gitsoo(Fr) leaf,bladeofgrass Gitsoo Gitsoo PersonalName(♂);c.f.gitsoo

Giturú GiturúPersonalName(♂);perhapsderivedfromDatooga(etymonunknown)

giwti(Fr) darkness Mass

gixsaa(Fr)gixsadu(N∅)gixseema'(N∅) town,city

Giyambay Giyambay PersonalName(♂)Giyee Giyee PersonalName(♂);c.f.giyeé(d)

giyeé(d)(Fr) famine Gobaré Gobaré PersonalName(♂)Godawn(Fr) Godawn PlaceNameGongá Gongá PersonalName(♂)

NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural

504

gongooxi(Fr) gongoxa'(N∅) elbow gonoxumó(Mo) gonoxuma'(N∅) ankle

Goodí PersonalName(♂);c.f.theSwahili'kodi':'tax"

goofaangw(Mo)goofaawee(Fr)goofeeri(N∅) antelopesp.

gooli(Fr) gooláy(Mo) goal(infootball) Goombáy Goombáy PersonalName(♂)Gootí Gootí PersonalName(♂)gootlumó(Mo) gootló(Mo) birdsp. anysp.ofRobin-ChatsGora Gora PersonalName;c.f.gorangaGoranga(Mo) Goranga PlaceName

goranga(Mo) songforhero

Gormo(Mo)Gorto'o(Fr) Gorwaa(N∅)

personofGorwaaethnicity(♂,♀respectively)

<Gorwaa>maybereducedto<Goraa>

gotla(Mo) gootlitiingw(Mo)gotlit(Mo) insulting Deverbal(sourceverb?<goótl>)

Goyandí GoyandíPersonalName;perhapsderivedfromDatooga(etymonunknown)

gu'ute(Fr)

gu'usa(Fr)guugu'usa(Fr)gugu'umis(Mo) sleeping

Deverbal(sourceverb,<guú'>);<gugu'umis>repeatedlylaying(someone)downtosleep

Gu/uloo Gu/uloo PersonalName(♂);c.f.gu/aGu/umá Gu/umá PersonalName(♂);c.f.gu/umá

gudoo(N∅) guddee(Fr) testicle gufu(Mo) guffee(Fr) smoulderingstick

guhhulay(Mo) guhhuli'i(N∅) club(i.e.aweapon) Gujonjó Gujonjó PersonalName(♂)Guldáy Guldáy PersonalName(♂)

NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural

505

gulguchaandi(Fr) gulguchandaa(Fr) plantsp. (Zanhaafricana)

gulungulita gulungulimit(Mo)making(sth.)intoasphere Deverbal?

gumbayayá'(Mo) gumbayaya'ee(Fr) kidney

Gunakí GunakíPersonalName;perhapsderivedfromDatooga(etymonunknown)

gura'(Mo) gur'i(N∅) stomach gureendi(Fr) gureendáy(Mo) donkeycolt

gurhami(Fr) misgiving Massgurhhoo'a(Fr) good(n.) Mass

gurkwa/ama(N∅) encouragement Massguro'óslee(Mo) guri'íyiikwa(N∅) unborncalf Guronjó Guronjó PersonalName(♂)

gurtlakwee(Fr) malevolence Massgurtleemu(Mo) pity,mercy Mass

gurtu(Mo) gurtaawee(Fr) malegoat Gurtu Gurtu PersonalName(♂);c.f.gurtu

gurungura'(Mo)gurungure'i(N∅)gurungureeri(N∅) knee

guta/ati(Fr) guta/atoo(Fr) plantsp. (Dombeyasp.)

gutlá'(Mo)mucilagenousside-dish

guundurufi(Fr) guundurufaa(Fr) reptilesp. RoyalPython(?)(Pythonregius)gwa'ara(Fr) gwa'ardu(N∅) death Deverbal(sourceverb<gwaá'>)gwa'ara(Fr) gwagwa'aangw(Mo) dying,breaking Deverbal(sourceverb<gwaá'>)Gwa'i PersonalName(♂/♀) PersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.gwa'ara

gwa/ateema(N∅) light

gwaambumó(Mo)gwaambú(Mo)gwambáy(Mo) gwambeemoo(N∅)birdsp.

White-browedCoucal(Centropussuperciliosus)

Gwaande/i Gwaande/i PersonalName(♂);c.f.gwaande/imó

NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural

506

gwaande/imó(Mo) gwaandé/(Mo) gwaande/ima'(N∅) tomcat gwalay(Mo) gwali'i(N∅) vagina

gwaloo(Fr) huntinghoneyMassDeverbal(sourceverb<gwaluús>)

Gwalo PersonalName(♂);c.f.gwaloo

gwambú(Mo) gwambeemo(N∅)animaltrap(madeofnetting)

Gwambú Gwambú PersonalName(♂);c.f.gwambú

Gwanadí GwanadíPersonalName(♀);perhapsderivedfromDatooga(etymonunknown)

Gwandí Gwandí PersonalName(♂)gwandu(Mo) gwandaawee(Fr) malesheep gwandu(Mo) gwanda(?) plantsp.Milkweed (Gomphocarpusfruticosus)

Gwandú Gwandú PersonalName(♂);c.f.gwandu

gwantsumó(Mo) gwantsáy(Mo) gwantseema'(N∅) birdsp.anysp.ofParadise-Whydah,Whydah,orIndigobird

gwar/i(Fr) gwár/(Mo) gwar/ay(Mo) mammalsp.Brindledgnu,Commonwildebeest(Connochaetestaurinus)

gwareesi(Fr) gwarés(Mo) birdsp. anyvulturesp.gwe'edoo(N∅) gwe'edudu(N∅) buttock

gweelo(Fr)

protesting(specificallybywomen)

MassDeverbal(sourceverb<gweeluús>)

Gweelo Gweelo PersonalName(♂);c.f.gweeloogweerusumo(Mo)gweeruso'o(Fr) gweerusee(Fr)

saviour(♂,♀respectively)

gwehhimó(Mo) gwehhima'(N∅) rib gwerehhi(Fr) gweréhh(Mo) dikdik(large) Gwerehhí Gwerehhí PersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.gwerehhigwu/a(Ft) gwu/uungw(Mo) swallowing Deverbal(sourceverb,<guú/>)

NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural

507

gwu/uma(Mo) gwu/eemi(N∅)carcass,badlyburnedperson,stogie

Haangáy Haangáy PersonalName(♂)

habahambi(Fr)habahamboo(Fr)habahambáy(Mo) spider

Habiyé HabiyéPersonalName(♂);c.f.theBarbaig'habiye':'hyena'

Hajanja HajanjaPersonalName;c.f.theSwahili'mjanja','aclever,craftyperson'

Hamani Hamani

PersonalName(♂);c.f.theSwahili'amani';alsoN.B.'HamaniDiori'wasthefirstpresidentofNiger

Hamdi Hamdi PersonalName(♀)hampú(Mo) hampe'eeri(N∅) wing

hamslitoo(Fr) bathingMassDeverbal(sourceverb<hamsliím>)

Hanarumó(Mo) Hanarumó PlaceNameHangoni(Fr) Hangoni PlaceNamehapeelimó(Mo) hapél(Mo) hapeelima'(N∅)birdsp.;mammalsp. anysp.ofnightjar;anysp.ofbatHaqweé Haqweé PersonalName(♂)Hara/a(Fr) Hara/a PlaceNameharafari(Fr) harafaroo(Fr) hope

Harár HarárPlaceName(Semi-MythicalPlace)

harariyoodaa(Fr) harariyoodáy(Mo) harariyoodudu(N∅)semi-mythicalcreature

hardahamu(Mo) hardarah(Mo) arriving Deverbal(sourceverb<hardáh>)haree(Fr) tiyay(N∅) wife hareékuráy hárrkuráy birdsp. hammerkophareérloolií(d)(Mo) hareérloolií(d)(Mo) birdsp.

harimaa(Fr) harimadu(N∅) justice,right

NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural

508

haritlakwee(Fr) accident,disaster MassHariyá Hariyá PersonalName(♂)harma'i(Fr) harma'oo(Fr) shoot(i.e.ofplant)

harmagahhitoo(Fr) vigilance MassHarmo Harmo PersonalName(♂)

harweera(Fr) harwedit(Mo)harweririingw(Mo) surrounding

Deverbal(sourceverb<harweér>)<harwedit>'surrounding'(actiononlytakesashortperiodoftime),'returningagainandagain'<harweririingw>'surrounding'(actiontakesorlastsalongtime)

Harweeri Harweeri PersonalName(♂);c.f.harweerahasloo(Fr)hasliroo(Fr) idea(s) Mass

hatliroo(Fr) hatliingw(Mo)hatlitliingw(Mo)

trappingwithbirdlime Deverbal(sourceverb?<haátl>)

hatloo(Fr)hatliroo(Fr) difference(s) Mass

hawweé(d)(Fr) haweedu(N∅) hawweedima'(N∅) hippopotamus Haydee Haydee PersonalName(♂)hayi(Ft) hayaa(N∅) feather Hayshí Hayshí PersonalName(♂)Haytemba(Mo/Fr) Haytemba PlaceNamehee(Mo) muu(Mk) person Heegaru Heegaru PersonalName(♂)heele/i(Fr) heelé/(Mo) birdsp. anyheronoregret-likewaterbirdHeeloo PersonalName;c.f.heeloo

heeloo(Fr) k.o.song Massheeyuma(Fr) character,humanity Mass

Hemét(Fr) Hemét PlaceName

NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural

509

Hhaalaa(Fr) Hhaala PlaceNamehhaalaa(Fr) hhalu(N∅) well

Hhaaloo PersonalName(♀) Hhaaloo;c.f.hhaalaahhaami(Fr) destruction Mass

hhaamú(Mo) hhameema'(N∅) trap(birdsnare) hhay(Mo) hha'i(N∅) line,stripe

hhafti(Fr) hhaftáy(Mo)hhafeeto(N∅)hhafeetutu(N∅) reedmat(large)

hhafumó(Mo) hhafa(Ft) ceilingpole Hhalahhaláy Hhalahhaláy PersonalName(♂);c.f.hhalahhali

hhalahhali(Ft) hhalahhaláy(Mo)hhalahhala'(N∅)hhalahhalima'(N∅) extrafinger

Hhalu(Mo) Hhalu PlaceNameHhamandá Hhamandá PersonalName(♂)

hhamhhamó(Mo) hhamhhama'(N∅) eyebrow

Hhandoo PersonalName(♂);c.f.theIraqw<hhandoo>:'thecryofadonkey'

Hhangalí HhangalíPersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.hhangalimó

hhangalimó(Mo)hhangál(Mo)hhangalí(Mo) SodomApple

Hhangú Hhangú PersonalName(♂);c.f.hhangwíHhanguwa Hhanguwa PersonalName(♂);c.f.hhangwíhhangwí(Fr) hhaangwaa(Fr) plantsp. (Ormocarpumtrichocarpum)Hhanslá Hhanslá PersonalName(♂);c.f.hhanslihhansli(Fr) hhanslaa(N∅) cornstalk Hhanslí Hhanslí PersonalName(♀);c.f.hhanslihhantimó(Mo) hhantima'(N∅) shadow

hhapee(Fr) soil Hhapee Hhapee PersonalName(♂);c.f.hhapee

NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural

510

hhar'imó(Mo) hhar'í(Fr)hhar'aa(Fr) plantsp.

WildMango(Tabernaemontanaventricosa)

hhara(Ft) hhadoo(N∅) stick,staff hharahharumó(Mo) hharahhará(Mo) insectsp. Hharí Hharí PersonalName(♂);c.f.hharí

hhartsi(Fr) air Masshharusumó(Mo) hharí(Fr) weeds

hhasaangw(Mo) sand Masshhaseerimó(Mo) hhaseerima'(N∅) sandyplace hhawata(Mo) hhawate(N∅) man

hhawumó(Mo) hhawáy(Mo) plantsp.DesertDate,Simple-ThornedTorchwood(Balanitesaegyptiaca)

Hhayma PersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.hhayuma

hhaysoo(N∅)hhaysusu(N∅)hhayseema'(N∅) tail

hhayuma(Fr) hhayumadu(N∅) journey

Hheehhá Hheehhá

PersonalName;derivedfromhheehhaa.Giventoachildfollowingthedeathsofpreviouschildren.

hheehhaa(Fr) gluttony Masshheehhaa(Fr) hhehhu(N∅) gullet

hheera(Mo) discontent Mass

Hheerá Hheerá

PersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.hheera;iftwinsareborn,thelargerofthetwowillbenamed<Salahoo>,andthesmallerofthetwowillbenamed<Hheerá>.

Hheewaasi Hheewaasi PlaceNameHheewaasí Hheewaasí PersonalName(♂);c.f.hheewaasi

hheewaasumó(Mo)hheewaasi(Fr)hheewás(Mo)

plantsp.(Brachystegia

NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural

511

boehmii)

Hhekee Hhekee PersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.hhekw

hhekw(Mo)

iihhekit(Mo)hhekit(Mo)iihheekikiingw(Mo)hheekikiingw(Mo) drawingwater Deverbal(sourceverb<hheék>)

Hhili Hhili PersonalName(♂)Hhilo Hhilo PersonalName(♂)hhima'i(Fr) hhimami(Fr) sorrow Deverbal(sourceverb?)

hhimindi(Fr)hhimindaa(N∅)hhimindáy(Mo)plantsp.

Hhimindí Hhimindí PersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.hhimindihhinhhinimó(Mo) hhinhhiní(Ft) pumpkin

hhintitiingw(Mo) exertion Masshhirhheerimó(Mo) hhirhheeri(N∅) hhirhheerima'(N∅) tear

hhiya'(Mo) hhi'i(N∅) brother hho'oo(Fr) hho'odu(N∅) sister hhooki(Fr) hhookáy(Mo) birdsp. anysp.ofwhite-collaredpigeon

Hhookí Hhookí PersonalName;c.f.hhookí

hhumpú(Mo)

hhumpe'eeri(N∅)hhumpupu(N∅)hhumpepee(Fr) lung

hhuntsitoo(Fr) hhuuntsitsiingw(Mo) washingclothes Deverbal(sourceverb<hhuúnts>)

hhuruhurumó(Mo) hhurahúr(Mo) hhurahuruma'(N∅) birdsp.anysp.ofBulbulandGreenbul,orTurdusThrush

Hhurumpí Hhurumpí PersonalName(♂)hhutlumó(Mo) hhutleemi(N∅) rope Hi'ití PersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.v.hi'iíthi'itinoo(Fr)hi'intini(Ft) hi'imit(Ft) going Deverbal(sourceverb<hi'iít>)

NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural

512

Hiindi HiindiPersonalName(♂);c.f.theSwahili'Mhindi':'personofIndianorigin'

hiinsla(Mo) hiinsleema'(N∅) breath Hiintáy Hiintáy PersonalName

hiitsi(Fr) dew MassHiiyaángw(Fr) Hiiyaángw PlaceNameHilú Hilú PersonalName(♀)

hima(Mo)himi'i(N∅)himmee(Fr) rope

himtu(Mo) himtaawee(Fr) birdsp. anysp.ofowlhimtu(Mo) himtetee(N∅) necklace(metal)

hirit(Mo) sewingMassDeverbal(sourceverb<hiriít>)

Hoolo Hoolo PersonalName(♂)Hoomaa Hoomaa PersonalName(♂);c.f.hoomaaHoomam(Mo) Hoomam PlaceNamehoomo(Mo) fullmoon SingulariaTantumhoomo(Mo)hoomito'o(Fr) hoomaa(Fr)

outsider(♂,♀respectively)

Hoonda Hoonda PersonalName(♂/♀)

hoota(N∅) lifeMassDeverbal(sourceverb<hoót>)

hootari(Fr) life,livingMassDeverbal(sourceverb<hoót>)

Hosé Hosé

PersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.theEnglish'horse'(perhapsduringencounterswithwhitepeopleduringtheWorldWars)

Hoshán(d)(Fr) Hoshán PlaceNameHuché Huché PersonalName(♂)

NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural

513

Hulán Hulán

PersonalName(♂);c.f.theDatooga<hulan>:asmallhutlocatednearthehousereservedforspecialmeetingsofmenonly

humay(Mo)

earthdugfromthefloorofthehouseandplacedontheroof Mass

Humay Humay PersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.humayHumba/áy PersonalName(♀) PersonalName(♀);c.f.humba/aya

humba/aya(Fr)

whitecolourationaroundtheribsandhindlegsofcattle Mass

humri(Fr)milletmash(stageinmakingbeer) Mass

Humuri PersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.humurihurusumo(Mo)huruso'o(Fr) hurusee(Fr)

cook(♂,♀respectively)

hutlay(Mo) hutli'i(N∅) earthencookingpot huuriingw(Mo) cooking Deverbal(sourceverb<huriím>)huwa(N∅) burden Massido(Fr) manner

ii'aa(Fr) ii'a'(N∅) ear iidí(g)(Mo) news

iikwu/a(Ft)kwu/a(Ft) iikwu/uungw(Mo)

makingrope,askingquestionstogetanswers Deverbal(sourceverb<kwuú/'>)

iimbilií(d)(Mo) iimbililí(N∅) iimbililima'(N∅) birdsp. Iimboo Iimboo PersonalName(♀)

iimi(Fr) people,moresMass<eemeé(d)>isarelatedequivalent

NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural

514

iimpee(Fr) iimpepu(N∅) trough Iingamú Iingamú PersonalName(♂)Iingigí Iingigí PersonalName;c.f.iingigiiingigimó(Mo) iingigi(Ft) locust Iingwaagwí Iingwaagwí PersonalName(♂)Iinja Iinja PersonalName(♂)iinqwaari(Fr) iinqwár(Mo) clothing iinslahhumó(Mo) iinslahhoo(Fr) plantsp. (Steganotaeniaaraliacea)iinslawumo(Mo)iinslawito'o(Fr) iinslawáy(Mo)

iinslaweema'(N∅)iinslaweedu(N∅)

neighbour(♂,♀respectively)

iintsahhatisa(Fr) iintsahhatimis(Mo) teaching deverbalIintsahháy Iintsahháy PersonalName;c.fiintsahhatisa

iintsu/i(Fr) iintsu/áy(Mo)suppletreebark,fashionedintocords

iirimbumó(Mo) iirimbí(Mo) iirimbáy(Mo) birdsp. anysp.ofcrestedcuckoo

iitsaangw(Mo)iitsaawee(Fr)iitseema'(N∅) jackal

il/arumó(Mo) il/aráy(Mo) birdsp. anysp.ofSparrow-Larkila(Ft) ilaa(N∅) ila'(N∅)eye ila(Ft) iloo(N∅) spring

ila'/awaákw(Mo) ila'/awaakeema'(N∅) spider Ila/aantsimó(Mo) Ila/aantsimó PlaceName

ilahhoo'a(Fr) gift Ilanda Ilanda PersonalName(♂)

ilatleeri(Fr) greed ilimó(Mo) ila(N∅) seed

imbáy(Mo) silk(i.e.ofcorn) MassImbililí(d)(Ft) Imbililí PlaceName

impirimó(Mo) impira(Mo)impireema'(N∅) ball

NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural

515

imu/u/uungw(Mo) beginningMassDeverbal

indaxaxu'umó(Mo) indaxaxá'(Mo) plantsp. (Phyllanthusengleri)Ineeraa Ineeraa PersonalName;c.f.ineeraaineerumó(Mo) ineeraa(Fr) mosquito

inkahhay(Mo) inkahhi'i(N∅) wound

iree/imi(Ft)ire/imáy(Mo)iree/iingw(Mo) cosmeticscars

irimba(Ft) irimbadu(N∅) thumbpiano irindimó(Mo) irindima'(N∅) calf,bicep

iringeé(d)(Fr) sin iringeedusumo(Mo)iringeduso'o(Fr) iringedusee(Fr)

sinner(♂,♀respectively)

Iroo Iroo PersonalName(♂)

Irqutu(Mo)Irquto'o(Fr) Iraqw(N∅)

personofIraqwethnicity(♂,♀respectively)

Iruqutu Iruqutu PersonalName(♂);c.f.Irqtuisa(Ft) isoo(N∅) neck

isa' isa'(Mo) so-and-so

Singularformtakesgendercorrespondingtothesexofthereferent

isamó(Mo) isama'(N∅) breast itinmó(Mo) itina(Fr) insectsp. iwitinaangw(Mo) iwiwit(Mo) sitting Deverbal(sourceverb<iwiwiít>)Jabu Jabu PersonalName(♂)

jangáy(Mo)jangeema'(N∅)jangedu(N∅) mammalsp.

Greatergalago(Otolemurcrassicaudatus),orsquirrelsp.

NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural

516

Jangwá Jangwá

PersonalName(♂);thereisanintuitionfromspeakersthatthisdoesnotderivefromtheSwahili'jangwa':'desert'

jeela(Fr) jeeladu(N∅) privateroom jimbo(Fr) jimbodu(N∅) state

julunjulumó(Mo) julunjulu(Mo) insectsp. ka'ami(Fr) ka'eemo(Mo) pieceofsth.split

Ka'andí Ka'andí

PersonalName(♂);c.f.idiom<ka'>:thesoundofhitting(e.g.rainonaroof)

Kaají Kaají PersonalName(♂)kaambi(Fr) kaambáy(Mo) camp

Kaambi(Fr) Kaambi PlaceNameKaandák(Mo/Fr) Kaandák PlaceNameKaangá/ Kaangá/ PersonalName(♂)Kaangaroo Kaangaroo PersonalName(♂);c.f.kaangarookaangarumó(Mo) kaangaroo(Fr) doorplank

kaangumó(Mo) kaanga(Fr)kaangadu(N∅)kaangeema'(N∅) khanga(material)

kaanjoo(Fr) kaanjuju(N∅) skirt

kaankay(Mo)kaanki'i(N∅)kaanke'eeri(N∅) reptilesp. anysp.oftortoiseorterrapin

kaankimó(Mo) kaanki(Fr) kaankima'(N∅) edge kaasi(Fr) work,labour Mass

Kabalee Kabalee PersonalName(♀)

kabeechi(Fr)cabbage(i.e.asachoppeddish) Mass

kabeechimó(Mo) kabeechima'(N∅)cabbage(i.e.asaplant)

NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural

517

kala/a(Fr) kala/andoo(Fr)kala/aangw(Mo) kicking,stamping

Deverbal(sourceverb<kalaá/>)<kala/ando>'stamping'<kala/aangw>'kicking'

kala/a(Fr) footprint DeverbalKala/i Kala/i PersonalName(♂);c.f.kala/a

kalambeetú(Mo) kalambeetima'(N∅) mammalsp. kalamu(Mo) kalameemo(N∅) pen(i.e.forwriting) kalay(Mo) kali'i(N∅) spot

kampaarumó(Mo)kampaarto'o(Fr) kampár(Mo)

barrenwoman(exclusively♀)

kaniki(Fr) kanikáy(Mo) blackcloth Kaniki Kaniki PersonalName;c.f.kaniki

kanisa(Fr) kanisadu(N∅) church kanu(Mo) kannee(Fr) tendon

kaptula(Mo) kaptuleema'(N∅) shorttrousers Karamá Karamá PersonalName(♂)

karanga(Fr) peanut karerimo(Mo) karerá(Mo) blacksmith

karkari(Ft) grub Karkarí PersonalName;c.f.karkari

karkarmó(Mo)karkari(Ft) karkeero(N∅)partofthetraditionalhouse

Karrá(Fr) Karrá PlaceName

Kashomó(Fr) KashomóPlaceNameQuestionedform<Kashomoheê>

Kasi Kasi PersonalName;c.f.kasikataanimó(Mo) kataani(Fr) sisal Kayó(Fr) Kayó PlaceName

keeke(Fr) keekedu(N∅) anklet keesi(Fr) keesáy(Mo) umbilicalcord

NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural

518

Keya Keya

PersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.theEnglish'King'sAfricanRifles'or'KAR'[kej.aj.a],afightingdivisionformedduringtheSecondWorldWar

Ki/ee Ki/ee PersonalName(♂);c.f.ki/aki/ima(N∅) kikii/(Mo) returning Deverbal(sourceverb<kií/>)

kideri(Fr) k.o.disease MassKifaru(Mo) Kifaru PlaceNameKiimbé Kiimbé PersonalName(♂)Kiimbilí Kiimbilí PersonalName(♂)

kiinsororó(q)(Mo) kiinsororoquma'(N∅) snail

kiinta(Mo)kiinte'eeri(N∅)kiintima'(N∅) scrub,brush

kiintla/umó(Mo) kiintla/i(Mo) kiintla/áy(Mo) birdsp. anysp.ofTrueShrikes,andBoubouskiirkankumó(Mo) kiirkanká(Mo) reptilesp. anysp.ofagamakijiji(Fr) kijijáy(Mo) kijijima'(N∅) village

kilaabu(Mo) kilaabeemo(N∅)club,drinkingestablishment

c.f.theSwahili'kilabu',andtheEnglish'club'

Kilaabu PersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.kilaabukilo(Fr) kilo,weight

kilqi(Fr) kilaliq(Mo) shame Deverbal?Kimando Kimando PersonalName(♂)kimoli(Fr) kimolaa(Fr) cornstalkwaste Kimoli Kimoli PersonalName(♀);c.f.kimoliKimoloo Kimoloo PersonalName(♂);c.f.kimoli

kinoo(Fr) kinnu(N∅) smallclaywaterpot Kiongozi(Fr) Kiongozi PlaceName

kipumó(Mo) kipa(Mo)kipeema'(N∅)kipadu(N∅)

goalkeeper(infootball)

kipay(Mo) kipi'i(N∅) handle

NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural

519

kipisi(Fr) kipisáy(Mo) kipiseema'(N∅) piece,scrap

kirasimó(Mo) kirasi(Fr)kirasáy(Mo)kiraseema'(N∅) potato

Kiru(Mo) Kiru PlaceName

kisusumó(Mo) kisusi(Fr)kisusáy(Mo)kisuseema'(N∅) roofbeam

kitagwa'a(Fr) miscarriage kitaabu(Mo) kitabeemo(N∅) book kitaangw(Mo) kiteeri(N∅) chair

kitaángwya'a'(Mo) kiteeriya'a'(N∅) stool kitambaa(Fr) kitambaadu(N∅) fabric,rag

kitangeeri(Fr) kitangér(Mo) kitangeerima'(N∅) dryingrack kitungurmó(Mo) kitunguru(Mo) onion Kituwáy(Mo) Kituwáy PlaceName

kiyo(Fr) kiyodu(N∅) glass,mirror

Kodi KodiPersonalName(♂);c.f.theSwahili'kodi':'tax'

koleeyo(Fr) koleeyodu(Mo) pliers Komotó(Mo/Fr) Komotó PlaceNameKongolo Kongolo PersonalName(♂)

koodi(Fr) tax Masskookoomi(Ft) kookoomáy(Mo) k.o.gourd

kookumó(Mo) kookumaa(N∅) birdsp. AfricanHoopoe(Upupaafricana)kookumó(Mo) kookuma'(N∅) rooster Kookumó Kookumó PersonalName(♂);c.f.kookumó

kookumódanú(Mo) kookumádanú(N∅) birdsp.

kookumósla/a(Mo) kookumásla/aa(N∅) birdsp.Questionedforms<kookumósla/atoô>and<kookumásla/aatoô>

kooloo(Fr)kolu(N∅)koll'i(N∅) heel

NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural

520

koomi(Fr) koomáy(Mo) k.o.cow Koomí Koomí PersonalName(♀);c.fkoomi

koona(Fr) koonadu(N∅) corner koonki(Fr) koonkoo(Fr) chicken Koonkí Koonkí PersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.koonki

koopaa(Fr) lackofaside-dish MassKoopaá Koopaá PersonalName(♂);c.f.koopaa

Korokoni Korokoni

PersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.theSwahili'korokoni':'guard-post','watch-station','camp'

Krishanumo(Mo)Krishanito'o(Fr) Krishanáy(Mo)

Christian(♂,♀respectively)

kudihi(Fr) kuduháy(Mo) wovenplatform Kudihi Kudihi PersonalName(♂);c.f.kudihikududi(Fr) kudúd birdsp. pelican(Pelecanusonocrolatus)Kukeeno Kukeeno PersonalName(♂)Kukulo Kukulo PersonalName(♂)kumalumó(Mo) kumaluma'(N∅) plantsp. Kumba' Kumba' PersonalName(♂)

kunday(Mo) kuundi'i(N∅) wrist

kunee(Fr)kunnu(N∅)kunndu(N∅) mortar

kura(Ft) kuriyoo(N∅) anus

kuray(Mo) kuraawee(Fr) birdsp.any(largelywedge-tailed)raptor,includingkitesandharriers

kurmo(Mo) kureemi(N∅) hoe kuru(Mk) kureeri(N∅) year

kusbi(Fr) kusbaa(Fr) reptilesp. anysp.ofBlindSnakeorWormSnakekuti(Ft) kutaa(Fr) mammalsp. mole;alsopronouncedkutíKuti Kuti PersonalName(♂);c.f.kuti

NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural

521

kutubaabi(Fr) kutubaaboo(Fr) insectsp. kutuutimo(Mo) kutút(Mo) kutuutuma'(N∅) rag

kuumbá'(Mo) kuumbi'i(N∅)brother-in-law,otherwifeofbrother-in-law

kuunseeli(Fr) kuunseeláy(Mo) earthquake Kuunseelí Kuunseelí PersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.kuunseelikuunti(Fr) kuuntoo(Fr) graincontainer

kwa/aangw(Mo) kwa/eeri(N∅) hare Kwa/aangw Kwa/aangw PersonalName(♂);c.f.kwa/aangwkwaansumó(Mo) kwaansáy(Mo) plantsp. (Achyrathesaspera)

kwaasiyumó(Mo) kwaasiyó(Mo) birdsp.

anysp.ofcuckooorlong,uprightpasserine(robin,nightingale,warbler,etc.)

kwahha(Ft) kwahhkwahh(Mo) throwing Deverbal(sourceverb<kwaáhh>)Kwahha Kwahha PersonalName(♂);c.f.kwahhaKwahhee Kwahhee PersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.kwahhaKwaku Kwaku PersonalName(♂)

kwalo'o(Fr) kwe'eeli(Fr) widow Kwará/(Fr) Kwará/ PlaceName

kwarara/a(Fr) thunder Mass

kwasiyaangw(Mo) insectsp.Alternatepronunciation<kwasisaangw>

kwasleema(Fr) kwasleemadu(N∅)bringforthacomplaint Deverbal?

kwe/e/eni(Ft) kwe/e/enaa(Fr) mammalsp.Black-neckedroxhyrax(Procaviajohnstoni)

Kwere(Fr) Kwere PlaceNameKwu/umbá(Fr) Kwu/umbá PlaceName

kwu/uungw(Mo) kwu/u/ee(Fr) wall La/áy La/áy PersonalName(♂)

NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural

522

Laalí Laalí PersonalName(♂);c.f.laalí(d)laalidumó(Mo) laalí(d)(Mo) laalidima'(N∅) plantsp. (Hymenodictyonfloribundum)Laawáy Laawáy PersonalName

laawi(Fr)farminginthemorning

MassDeverbal(sourceverb<laáw>)

Lacho Lacho PersonalName(♂)Lago Lago PersonalName(♂)Lagweén Lagweén PersonalName(♂)

lakwanti(Fr)lakwanta'(N∅)lakwantáy(Mo) wovenbackpack

Lalá' Lalá' PersonalName;lalisalalisa(Fr) lalimis(Mo) searchingforfood Deverbal(sourceverb<laliís>)

lama(Ft) lamoo(N∅) lie Langay Langay PersonalName(♂)

lapitimó(Mo) lapiya(Fr) cash(onepiece)c.f.theSwahili'rupia':'coin','money'(dated)

Lapiya Lapiya PersonalName(♀);lapiya

laqeelimó(Mo)laqayi(Fr)laqeela'(N∅)laqayaa(N∅) thorn

Laqwáy Laqwáy PersonalName(♂)

lawaalimo(Mo) lawaalee(Fr)servant;personwhodoesodd-jobs

lawalaa(Fr) lawulu(N∅) spear Lawee'i Lawee'i PersonalName(♂);c.f.lawee'i

lawee'i(Fr) k.o.rain MassLawi Lawi PersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.laawiLayaa Layaa PersonalName(♂);c.f.layaa

layaa(Fr) laydu(N∅) brandingiron layda(Mo) arduouserrands Mass

Layda Layda PersonalName(♂);c.f.layda

NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural

523

Le/áy Le/áy PersonalName(♂)lee'i(Fr) aara(N∅) goat

Leeba Leeba

PersonalName(♂);thereisanintuitionamongspeakersthatthiswordsdoesnotderivefromtheEnglishword'labour'

Leehhara Leehhara PersonalName(♂/♀)Leelee Leelee PersonalName(♂)

leeleehhit(Mo) searchingMassDeverbal(sourceverb<leeleehiít>)

Leesó Leesó PersonalName(♂)leetlakutumó(Mo) leetlákw(M) birdsp. anysp.ofWoodlandHornbillLi/áy Li/áy PersonalName(♂)

Limida LimidaPersonalName(♀);c.f.limida:theactionofsatingone'sneedforbeer

Limidá LimidáPersonalName(♂);c.f.limida:theactionofsatingone'sneedforbeer

lo'aa(Fr) sun SingulariaTantumlo'aa(Fr) lalu(N∅) hour

lo'eema(N∅) truth lo'oo(Fr) lo'oodu(N∅) curse

loo/i(Fr) lo/oo(Fr) grass(oneblade) Loohay Loohay PersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.loohayloohay(Mo) lolihiingw(Mo) movinghouse Deverbal(sourceverb<lóh>)

Loohí LoohíPersonalName;c.f.theIraqw<loohi>:road,path

loohiisoo(Fr) carryingMassDeverbal(sourceverb<loohiís>)

Loolí Loolí PersonalName(♂);c.f.loolí(d)loolí(d)(Mo) loolidima'(N∅) birdsp. anysp.ofDryBushHornbill

NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural

524

Loomá Loomá PersonalName(♂)loomó(Mo) loomi'i(N∅) plantsp. (Tremaorientalis;Grewiasimilis)

loori(Fr) looráy(Mo) truck,lorryc.f.theSwahili'lori',andtheEnglish'lorry'

Loori Loori PersonalName(♂);c.f.looriLoosí Loosí PersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.loosí

loosumó(Mo) loosí(Fr)bean(oneplant,onebean)

lootoo(Fr) lootitiingw(Mo) milking Deverbal(sourceverb<loót>)Lootoo Lootoo PersonalName(♂);c.f.lootooLu/umi Lu/umi PersonalName;c.f.lu/umi

luki(Ft) lukáy(Mo) reedmat Lulú Lulú PersonalName(♂/♀)Luukú Luukú PersonalName(♂)

ma'aay(N∅) water MassMa'u Ma'u PersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.ma'uma/a/aymó(Mo) ma/a/ayí(Ft) insectsp.

ma/aáytlakwi(Fr) ma/aáytlakwa(Fr) plantsp. (Carissaedulis)Ma/ala Ma/ala PersonalName(♂);c.f.ma/ali

ma/ali(Fr) ma/aláy(Mo) sheep'sdewlap Ma/arí Ma/arí PersonalName(♂/♀);ma/árma/arimó(Mo) ma/ár(Mo) runnerbean ma/arimó(Mo)ma/ari(Fr) ma/ár(Mo) treesp. ma/ayaangumó(Mo) ma/ayaangú(Mo) plantsp. (Ximeniacaffra)

maa'oo(fr) ma'u(N∅) cat Maajá Maajá PersonalName(♂)

NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural

525

maamaháy(Mo)

leftoversfrommakingbutter(i.e.waterymilk),impuritiesleftinthebottomofliquidbutterafteraddingflour Mass

maamáy(Mo) maami'i(N∅) mother'sbrother maamba(Fr) maambadu(N∅) crocodile c.f.theSwahili'mamba':'crocodile'

Maamoo Maamoo PersonalName(♀)maanaa(Fr) manu(N∅) zombie

Maandimo(Mo)Maandito'o(Fr) Maanda(N∅)

personofBantuethnicity(♂,♀respectively)

Maando'oo PersonalName(♂);c.f.MaandaMaangisá PersonalName(♂)Maangware'i PersonalName(♂);c.f.maangwaré'

maangware'ito'o(Fr) maangwaré'(Mo)milletsp.(i.e.grainsorheadsof)

maangware'umó(Mo) maangwaré'(Mo) milletsp.(i.e.plants) Maaniya Maaniya PersonalName(♂)maankari(Ft) maankaroo(N∅) lightning

maantee(Fr) unmarriedgirl MassMaarí Maarí PersonalName(♂)

Maasay MaasayPersonalName(♂);c.f.theIraqw<maasay>'ritualmedicine'

maaxaangw(Mo)hiding;periodofritualseclusion Mass

Mabiwá Mabiwá PersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.mabiwamabiwito'o(Fr) mabiwá(Mo) milletsp. Machikwá Machikwá PersonalName(♂)machungito'o(Fr) machungwa(Mo) orange(i.e.fruit) c.f.theSwahili'machungwa':'orange'

NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural

526

machungumó(Mo) machungwa(Mo) orange(i.e.plant) c.f.theSwahili'machungwa':'orange'Madege(Fr) Madege PlaceNameMaga'í Maga'í PersonalName(♂)maga'umó(Mo) maga'(Mo) leech Magariya Magariya PersonalName(♂)Mageení Mageení PlaceName

mahaangw(Mo) meheeri(N∅) arrow Mahala Mahala PersonalName(♂)mahhatimó(Mo) mahheetoo(N∅) mahheetitu(N∅)shelter Mahhí Mahhí PersonalName(♂)Maidú Maidú PersonalName(♂)Majengo(Fr) Majengo PlaceName

Makambí MakambíPersonalName(♂);c.f.theSwahili'makambi':'camps'

Makee Makee PersonalName(♀);c.f.makaymakito'o(Fr) makay(N∅) animal Makombó Makombó PersonalName(♂)Malafí Malafí PersonalName(♂)Malalimó(Mo) Malalimó PlaceNamemalalimó(Mo) malalima'(N∅) canoe Malambo Malambo PersonalName(♂)Malange Malange PersonalName(♂)

Maleé MaleéPersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.adv.<malé>:'also'

malhhari(Ft) malhheero(N∅) pus Maliís Maliís PersonalName(♂)malmawito'o(Fr) malmaw(Mo) lime(i.e.fruit) c.f.theSwahili'limau':'lime'malmawmó(Mo) malmaw(Mo) malmawma'(N∅) lime(i.e.plant) c.f.theSwahili'limau':'lime'Maloombá Maloombá PersonalName(♂)mama/ari(Ft) mama/eero(N∅) disease Deverbal(sourceverb<mamaá/>

NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural

527

Mamahasumó Mamahasumó PlaceNameMamát Mamát PersonalName(♂)Mamiire Mamiire PlaceNamemanaakwumó(Mo)manaakwito'o(Fr) manákw(Mo) greenvegetablesp.

Manakwí ManakwíPersonalName(♂,lesscommonly♀);c.f.manákw

Manamba ManambaPersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.theSwahili:'manamba':'numbers'

Manange Manange PersonalName(♂)

Manangu MananguPersonalName(♂);c.f.theSwahili'mwanagu':'myson'

Manaxa(t)(Mo/Fr) Manaxa PlaceNameMaanday Maanday PersonalName(♂);c.f.MaandaMaandáy Maandáy PersonalName(♀);c.f.MaandaMaandimo Maandimo PersonalName(♂);c.f.MaandaMaandito'o Maandito'o PersonalName(♀);c.f.MaandaMaando'oo Maando'oo PersonalName(♀);c.f.Maanda

mangallu/umó(Mo) mangalelé'(Mo)mangalle/ima'(N∅) insectsp.

Mangula Mangula PersonalName(♂)Mani/í Mani/í PersonalName(♂);c.f.mani/imani/imó(Mo) mani/i(Fr) unripenedmillet Maningí Maningí PersonalName(♂)Maqabu Maqabu PersonalName(♂)Maqwáy Maqwáy PersonalName(♂)mar'i(Fr) mar'oo(Fr) cave mara/antsimó(Mo)mara/antsito'o(Fr)

mara/ants(Mo)mara/antsí(Fr)

mara/antsáy(Mo)mara/antsima'(N∅)grasshopper

Maraqoo Maraqoo PersonalName(♂)

NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural

528

Mareqwa Mareqwa PersonalName(♂)maringi(Fr) maringaa(Fr) beehive Markwa Markwa PersonalName(♂)

marmo(Fr)women'sinitiationceremony Mass

Marmo Marmo PersonalName(♂);c.f.marmomarmuso'o(Fr) marmusee(Fr) femaleinitiate Marós Marós PersonalName(♂)Marsan Marsan PersonalName(♂)masasukumó(Mo) masasikí(Fr) insectsp. maslarumó(Mo) maslár(Mo) plantsp. (Hoslundiaopposita)Masong PersonalName;c.f.MasóngMasongamo(Mo)Masongito'o(Fr) Masóng(Mo)

whiteperson(♂,♀respectively) c.f.theSwahili'mzungu'

masoombi'ima(Fr)youth(i.e.stageoflife) Mass

masoomo(Mo) masoombaa(Fr) youngman Matahhará Matahhará PersonalName;c.f.matahharámatahharumó(Mo) matahharaa(Mo) insectsp.

Matí Matí

PersonalName(♂);thiswasreportedtobeaveryrarename,ofasemi-mythicalancestor

Matitó(Fr) Matitó PlaceNamematla/aangw(Mo) matle/eeri(N∅) indoorcattlepen

matlatlee(N∅) morning MassMatlee PersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.matlatlee

matsaf(Mo) matsafefee(Fr) eyelid Maweni(Fr) Maweni PlaceNameMaxa Maxa PersonalName(♂);c.f.maxaangwMaxoo Maxoo PersonalName(♂);c.f.maxaangw

NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural

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Maya Maya PersonalName(♂)Maydoo Maydoo PersonalName(♀)Maydú Maydú PersonalName(♂)Mayeega Mayeega PersonalName(♂)Mayeengú Mayeengú PersonalName(♂)Mayi Mayi PersonalName(♂/♀)Maynoori Maynoori PersonalName(♂)Mayo Mayo PersonalName(♂)Mayombá Mayombá PersonalName(♂)Mayonga Mayonga PersonalName(♂)

Mayrú MayrúPersonalName(♂);c.f.theSwahiliplacenameMeru

Maysá Maysá PersonalName;c.f.MaysákMaysák(Mo/Fr) Maisák PlaceNameMbaalá Mbaalá PersonalName(♂)Mbuyuni(Fr) Mbuyuni PlaceName

mchongomumo(Mo) mchongoma(Fr)mchongomadu(N∅)mchongomeema'(N∅) plantsp.

mchungajimo(Mo) wachungajáy(Mo) pastor me'e'eeli(Fr) me'e'eelaa(Fr) plantsp. Meeda Meeda PersonalName(♂)

meehhaya(Fr) speckles Meehhí Meehhí PersonalName(♀);c.f.meehhayameemeehhi(Fr) meeméhh(Mo) meemeeháy(Mo) wovenbackpack Meendá Meendá PersonalName(♂)

meesa(Fr) meesadu(N∅) table c.f.theSwahili'mesa':'table'Memera(Fr) Memera PlaceNameMemés Memés PersonalName(♀)Migiree Migiree PersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.migírmigirimó(Mo) migír(Fr) firewood

NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural

530

Miirambí Miirambí PlaceNamemiitimó(Mo) miiti(Fr) tree c.f.theSwahili'miti':'trees'

mila(Fr) tradition Mass;c.f.theSwahili'mila':'tradition'Minjo Minjo PersonalName(♂)Minslay Minslay PersonalName(♂)Miomboni(Fr) Miomboni PlaceNameMiqay Miqay PersonalName(♂)Mirando Mirando PersonalName(♂)mishnarimó(Mo)mishnarito'o(Fr) mishnaráy(Mo)

missionary(♂,♀respectively)

mkowa(Fr) mikoadu(N∅) regionAlternatepronunciation<mukowa>;c.f.theSwahili'mkoa':'region'

Mkuyuni(Fr) Mkuyuni PlaceNameMoheé Moheé PersonalName(♂)mokoki(Fr) mokokoo(Fr) earwax mootumó(Mo) mootó(Mo) birdsp. SwahiliSparrow(Passersuahelicus)

moro'(Mo) menstrualperiod Massmorongi(Fr) morongaa(Fr) plantsp. (Zanthoxylumchalybeum)Mororo/i(Ft) Mororo/i PlaceName

motoka(Fr) motkiingw(Mo)motkit(Fr) scrubbingdirt Deverbal(sourceverb?)

Mrár(Fr) Mrár PlaceNameMudeeki Mudeeki PersonalName(♂);veryraremugugunumó(Mo) mugugunáy(Mo) insectsp. Muhalé Muhalé PersonalName(♂)Muhanjá Muhanjá PersonalName(♂)

Muhindi Muhindi

PersonalName(♂);c.f.theSwahili'muhindi':'corn',or'Mhindi':'personofIndianorigin'

NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural

531

Muhindimó(Mo)Muhindito'o(Fr) Muhindáy(Mo) Muhindima'(N∅)

personofIndianorigin(♂,♀respectively)

Mulhháy Mulhháy PersonalName(♂)mulhhírgwandu(Fr) mulhhárgwanda(Fr) plantsp. (Pupalialapacea)

Muli Muli PersonalName(♂)mulki(Fr) mulkáy(Mo) mulkekee(Fr) scar Muloo Muloo PersonalName(♂)mulqumo(Mo)mulqito'o(Fr)

mulqusee(Fr)mulqee(Fr)

friend(♂,♀respectively)

muluqumó(Mo) muluquma'(Fr) plantsp. Mumuyee Mumuyee PersonalName(♂)

muna(Mo) refusingsomething munenee(Fr) anger Mass

muqsli(Fr) muqslaa(Fr) iron

muqús(Mo) muqusesee(Fr)milletmash(stageinmakingbeer)

Muree Muree PersonalName(♀);c.f.muruumitMureemí Mureemí PersonalName(♂);c.f.muruumitMuruki(Fr) Muruki PlaceName

murungú(Mo) murungeema'(N∅) navel muruumit(Mo) murumurumit(Mo) beingshy Deverbal(sourceverb<muruút>)Musee Musee PersonalName(♂);c.f.musuMushuqú Mushuqú PersonalName(♂)

musu(Mo) mussee(Fr) pestle Mutuká(Fr) Mutuká PlaceNameMuumbalá(Mo/Fr) Muumbalá PlaceNameMuuná PersonalName(♂);c.f.muuná

muuná(Mo) muuneema'(N∅) heart muundari(Ft) muundaráy(Mo) bracelet(spiral)

NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural

532

muundáy(Mo) chaff Massmuungi(Fr) muungú(Mo) gourd(i.e.plant,fruit)

Muungí Muungí PersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.muungiMuungú Muungú PersonalName(♂);c.fmuungúMuqusí Muqusí PersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.muqúsNa/aa PersonalName(♂);c.f.na/ay

na/aasa(Fr) na/amis(Mo)daubingahutwithmud Deverbal(sourceverb<na/aás>)

Na/aasi PersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.na/aasa

na/amís(Mo)

dishofcornandbeans(Sw.'makande') Mass

Na/amo PersonalName(♂);na/amóna/amó(Mo) na/ameemoo(N∅) feralcat na/aní(Fr) na/eema'(N∅) penis

na/arimo(Mo) na/aroo(Fr)greenfirewood(onepiece)

na/armó(Mo)na/ari(Fr)na/ár(Mo)

grassypatch,smallareawheregrassgrowsreliably(oftenwet)

na/ay(Mo)na/i'i(N∅)na/a'(N∅) child

Na/roo Na/roo PersonalName(♂);na/roona/roo(Fr) smallburnmarks Massna/uuma(Fr) childhood Mass

naada(Fr) naadadu(N∅) cattlemarketc.f.theSwahili'mnada':'cattlemarket'

Naalí Naalí PersonalName(♀)Naambay Naambay PersonalName(♂)naana'i(Fr) naaná'(Mo) naana'áy(Mo) k.o.gourd

NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural

533

Naanagí Naanagí PersonalName;c.f.naanagínaanagumó(Mo) naanagí(Ft) larva naanagumó(Mo) naanagaa(Fr) maggot Naandí Naandí PersonalName(♂)

Naangay NaangayPersonalName(♂);c.f.exclam.<naangáy>

Naani/oo Naani/oo PersonalName(♂)naanú(Mo) naaneemo(N∅) side-dish

Nada Nada PersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.nadanafumó(Mo) nafaa(Fr) plantsp. (Bracystegiamicrophylla)Nagayo Nagayo PersonalName(♂)

Nahháy Nahháy

PersonalName(♂);c.f.v.<nahhay>:theactofgoadingorannoyingsomeone(e.g.toprovokethemtofight)

Nakwa(Fr) Nakwa PlaceNameNakwá Nakwá PersonalName(♂);c.f.Nakwa

Nambari NambariPersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.theSwahili'nambari':'number'

Nambo/orí Nambo/orí PersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.nambo/orínambo/orumó(Mo) nambo/orí(Fr) greenvegetablesp.

nanahaangw(Mo) begging,cajolingMassDeverbal(sourceverb<nanaá'>)

nanahhumo(Mo) nanahhuma'(N∅) skull Nangara(Fr) Nangara PlaceNamenangarumó(Mo) nangareré'(Mo) birdsp. anysp.ofswift,martin,orswallow

Nani Nani

PersonalName(♂);thereisanintuitionamongspeakersthatthisworddoesnotderivefromtheSwahili'nani':'who'

Naqalí Naqalí PersonalName(♂)

NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural

534

Naqaloo Naqaloo PersonalName(♂/♀)naqimó(Mo) naaqáy(Mo) naqima'(N∅)canoe Naqo Naqo PersonalName(♂)narkusumo(Mo)narkuso'o(Fr) narkusee(Fr)

poorperson(♂,♀respectively)

nasmó(Mo) nasma'(N∅) plantsp. palmNawdá Nawdá PersonalName(♂)Nawe Nawe PersonalName(♂)

nawri(Fr) fare(e.g.bus,etc.) MassNaxi Naxi PersonalName(♂)Nayda Nayda PersonalName(♂)Naytsorí(Fr) Naytsorí PlaceName

ndowa(Fr) ndowadu(N∅) marriage,wedding nee'armó(Mo) nee'ár(Mo) nee'arma'(N∅) birdsp. Neefurda Neefurda PersonalName(♂)Neenú Neenú PersonalName(♂)Neeqwáy Neeqwáy PersonalName(♂)

neetoo(Fr)playing,game(esp.onewithrules),sex Deverbal(sourceverb<neét>)

neewi(Fr) neewaa(N∅) thread Negamsí(Mo/Fr) Negamsi PlaceName

Ngadi NgadiPersonalName(♂);perhapsderivedfromDatooga(meaningunknown)

Ngarenaro(Fr) Ngarenaro PlaceNameNgaytó(Mo) Ngaytó PlaceName

ni/i/ileema'(N∅) smallness

Ni/iloo Ni/iloo

PersonalName(♀);asmallperson,pygmy(?),orpersonexhibitingdwarfism

nii/imó(Mo) nii/imi(N∅) plantsp. Commpihora(Commiphoraafricana)

NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural

535

Niiná Niiná PersonalName(♂)niinga(Mo) niingeema'(N∅) drum

Niingá NiingáPersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.eitherniingáorniinga

niingeesimó(Mo)niingeesi(Fr)niingés(Mo) niingeesima'(N∅) plantsp.

niingimó(Mo) niingá(Mo) birdsp. AfricanGreen-Pigeon(Treroncalva)nikikitsa(Fr) slime Mass

Nodék Nodék PersonalNameNoni Noni PersonalName(♀)Nonoqoo Nonoqoo PersonalName(♂)Noogá Noogá PersonalName(♂)Noondí Noondí PersonalName(♂)nor'oosa(Fr) nor'omis(Mo) injuring Deverbal(sourceverb?)Nunuqá Nunuqá PersonalName(♀)Nuquya Nuquya PersonalName(♂)Nuwagi Nuwagi PersonalName(♂)Nuwasi Nuwasi PersonalName(♂)

nya'ú(Mo) nya'u'eema'(Mo) cat Nya'ú Nya'ú PersonalName(♂);c.f.nya'úNyaba Nyaba PersonalName(♂)

Nyamahandi NyamahandiPersonalName(♂);averycommonname

Nyamát(Fr) Nyamát PlaceNameNyangula Nyangula PersonalName(♂)Nyangweelí Nyangweelí PersonalName(♂)Nyawarí(Fr) Nyawarí PlaceNameNyoohá Nyoohá PersonalName(♂)Nyusloo Nyusloo PersonalName(♂)Nyuungú(Fr) Nyuungú PlaceName

NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural

536

Nyuurí Nyuurí PersonalName(♂)Odabindo(Fr) Odabindo PlaceNameOdagát(Fr) Odagát PlaceNameoha(Fr)ohiingw(Mo) oh'ohiingw(Mo) catching,seizing Deverbal(sourceverb<óh'>)

oo'o'iingw(Mo) saying Deverbal(sourceverb<oó'>)Oo/ím(Mo) Oo/ím PlaceName

oonaa(Fr) onu(N∅) k.o.gourd Oonaá Oonaá PersonalName

oro'ondi(Fr)oro'ondaa(Fr)oro'ondáy(Mo) plantsp.

Oro'ondí Oro'ondí PersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.oro'ondiororompi(Fr) ororompáy(Mo) birdsp.

Orungadi(d)(Fr) Orungadi PlaceNameOysterbey(Fr) Oysterbey PlaceNamepa/alimó(Mo) pa/ali(Ft) pa/alaa(Fr) wickerwork

paandaa(Fr) paandadu(N∅)baldspot(i.e.oncrownofhead)

Paandaá Paandaá PersonalName;c.f.paandaa

paanga(Fr)paangadu(N∅)paangagu(N∅) machete,sword

panimó(Mo) panáy(Mo) orphan

papayimó(Mo) papáy(Mo)papaydu(N∅)papayima'(N∅) papaya(i.e.plant)

papayito'o(Fr) papayáy(Mo) papaya(i.e.fruit) parqi(Fr) fear Mass

peehhi(Fr) peehháy(Mo)plank(i.e.ofwood),wood

Pelehhu Pelehhu PersonalName(♂)picha(Fr) pichadu(N∅) photo

NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural

537

pihha(Ft) pihhihhiingw(Mo) filling Deverbal(sourceverb<piíhh>)

pihhiroo(Fr) pihhihhiingw(Mo)amountfilled,manneroffilling Deverbal(sourceverb<piíhh>)

Pihhiroo PersonalName(♂);c.f.pihhiroopiindimó(Mo) piindoo(Fr) doorplank

piiró(Mo) pireema'(N∅) insectsp. Piisa Piisa PersonalName(♂)Pimbo Pimbo PersonalName(♂)piripirimó(Mo) piripirí(Ft) hotpepper

polooti(Fr) polootáy(Mo) plot(i.e.ofland) Pongáy(Mo) Pongáy PlaceName

poo/i(Fr) poo/áy(Mo) Adam'sapple poohám(Mo) poohameema'(N∅) baboon

poora'umó(Mo) poora'ama'(N∅) reptilesp.alternativepronunciation<poora/umó>;anylargebrownsnake

pu'usayi(Fr) pu'usayáy(Mo) ringworm

Puhí PersonalName(♀);c.f.theIraqw<puhi>:leafygreens

pululumó(Mo) pululú(Mo) pululeema'(N∅) birdsp. anysp.ofkingfisherpurusee(Fr) purusáy(Mo) insectsp.

puundú(Mo) dancingmusic puundú(Mo) puundaa(Fr) plantsp. Mass;(Obetiasp.)puurú(Mo) puureema'(N∅) flour

qaalmimó(Mo) qaalimí(Fr) qaalimaa(Fr) plantsp. (Bidenspilosa)Qaalmí PersonalName;c.f.qaalmí

qaamaa(Fr) qaami'i(N∅) frontier qaambesmó(Mo) qaambés(Mo) qaambeesima'(N∅)potsherd qaasa(Fr) qamiingw(Mo) putting Deverbal(sourceverb<qaás>)

qaatay(Mo)qaateemo(N∅)qaatadu(N∅) bedriddenperson

NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural

538

Qaatay Qaatay PersonalName(♂);c.f.qaatayqaay(Mo) qa'i(N∅) forest

qaaymoo(Fr) qamu(N∅) field Qabú Qabú PersonalName(♂)Qachelí Qachelí PersonalName(♂)

Qaduweé QaduweéPersonalName(♀,lesscommonly♂);c.f.qaduweé(d)

qaduweé(d)(Fr) qaduwedudu(N∅)consultingthetraditionaldoctor

qafi(Ft) qafoo(N∅) bark,shell Qafi Qafi PersonalName(♂);c.f.qafiQafool Qafool PersonalName(♂)

qahaangw(Mo) greed Massqahamusumo(Mo)qahamuso'o(Fr) qahamusee(Fr) greedyperson qalalandumó(Mo) qalalandi(Fr) qalalandáy(Mo) plantsp. (Capparistomentosa)Qalbég(Fr) Qalbég PlaceNameQallandi(Fr) Qallandi PlaceNameQaloó Qaloó PersonalName(♂)Qamala Qamala PersonalName(♂)Qambada Qambada PersonalName(♂)

Qambadú QambadúPersonalName(♂);perhapsderivedfromDatooga(etymonunknown)

qambahhaseerá(Mo) birdsp. Qambalalí Qambalalí PersonalName(♂)Qambesh Qambesh PersonalName(♂)Qamda Qamda PersonalName(♂)Qameená Qameená PersonalName(♂)qamqami(Ft) qamqamáy(Mo) qamqama'(N∅)bracelet Qamsinda Qamsinda PersonalName(♂)

NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural

539

Qamungá Qamungá PersonalName(♂/♀)qan'i(Fr) qan'oo(Fr) egg Qanjá Qanjá PersonalName(♂)Qanjolo Qanjolo PersonalName(♂)

qantsá(Mo)greenchyme;unfiredpottery Mass

qara(Mk) gall,bile;poison MassQarbu Qarbu PlaceNameqareere'i(Fr) qareera'aa(Fr) plantsp. (Cassiadidymobotrya)Qarimboó Qarimboó PersonalName(♂)qariyandi(Fr) qariyandáy(Mo) qariyandima'(N∅) k.o.gourd Qásh(Mo/Fr) Qásh PlaceName

Qashá Qashá

PersonalName(♂);thiswasthenameofaveryprominenttraditionaldoctor

qasisa(Fr) qasimis(Mo) dividing Deverbal(sourceverb<qasmís>)

qata(Mo) qaqatiingw(Mo) lyingdown

Deverbal(sourceverb<qaát>)<qaqatiingw>lyingdownindifferentplaces,beginningtoliedown

qata'i(Fr) qata'áy(Mo) smallclaypot qataangw(Mo) qateeri(N∅) large,brokenpot

Qatadiyángw(Mo/Fr) Qatadiyángw PlaceName

qatloo(Fr)massdeath(esp.ofanimals) Mass

qaway(Mo) qawi'i(N∅) whip;eyelash qawri(Fr) qawráy(Mo) qawreema'(N∅) baby Qedagerere(Fr) Qedagerere PlaceNameQeela Qeela PersonalName(♂)

qeereé(g)(Mo) qeereegima'(N∅) infant Qeereeká Qeereeká PersonalName;c.f.qeereé(g)

NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural

540

qeeru(Mo) knowledge Mass

qelqeli(Fr) qelqél(Mo) qelqeláy(Mo) birdsp.anysp.ofsmall,marginalwaders(e.g.jacanas,snipes,etc.)

Qerebás Qerebás PersonalName(♂)Qolí Qolí PersonalName(♂);c.f.qolooQombo Qombo PersonalName(♂)Qonyán(d)(Fr) Qonyán PlaceName

qoolumó(Mo) qoolí(Fr)greenvegetablesp.(oneplant)

qoomaa(Fr) qom'i(N∅) time Qoonqál Qoonqál PersonalName(♂);c.f.qoonqálqoonqalumó(Mo) qoonqál(Mo) qoonqalima'(N∅) crownedcrane (Balearicaregulorum)

qooqoonaa(Fr) qooqoonadu(N∅) bed Qoorayi Qoorayi PersonalName(♂)Qoosayí Qoosayí PersonalName(♂)Qoriyo Qoriyo PersonalName(♂)

qoro'i(Fr) qoro'áy(Mo) fertilesoil Qoro'i Qoro'i PersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.qoro'i

qu'i(Fr) qu'áy(Mo) smoke Qu/í Qu/í PersonalName(♂);c.f.qu/aa

qul/i(Fr) qul/áy(Mo) storagespace Qulanqúl(Mo) Qulanqúl PlaceNameQule/i Qule/i PersonalName(♂);c.f.qul/i

qulhhi(Fr) qulhháy(Mo) scabies

qulleesimó(Mo)qulleesi(Fr)qullés(Mo) qulleesima'(N∅)

black-and-whitemaize

Qumá Qumá PersonalName(♂)Qumbáy Qumbáy PersonalName(♂)

qumqumi(Ft) qumqumáy(Mo) graincontainer

NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural

541

Qunfí QunfíPersonalName(♂);cattlemayalsobegiventhisname

qurumpu/i qurumpu/aa birdsp.anysp.ofcrake,swamphen,ormoorhen

qururú/(Mo) qururu/eema'(N∅) crop(ofbird) Qutadu Qutadu PersonalName(♂)Qutare Qutare PersonalName(♂)quturmó(Mo) qutúr(Mo) quturma'(N∅) weddingbracelet quumpuru/umó(Mo) quumpurú/(Mo) plantsp. Quwanga Quwanga PersonalName(♂)Qwaantsawé Qwaantsawé PersonalName(♂)

qwada'i(Fr) qwada'áy(Mo)areabelowthenavel(hypogastricregion)

qwala/'(Mo) qwalala/'(Mo) beinghappy Deverbal(sourceverb<qwalaá/'>)qwala/u(Mo) qwala/amayee(Fr) happiness Deverbal(sourceverb<qwalaá/'>)

qwambaqwariyoó(d)(Mo)qwambaqwariyoodima'(N∅) parrot

qwanay(Mo) loss MassQwanqwán Qwanqwán PersonalName(♂)Qwaráy Qwaráy PersonalName(♂);c.f.qwariqwaree/imó(Mo) qwaree/ima'(N∅) k.o.gourd

qwari(Mk) hunger MassQwarí Qwarí PersonalName(♀);c.f.qwariQwarsee Qwarsee PersonalName(♂)Qwaru Qwaru PersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.qwaruQwaryasi(Fr) Qwaryasi PlaceNameqwaslarumo(Mo)qwaslarito'o(Fr) qwaslaree(Fr)

doctor(oftentraditionaldoctor)

Qwasleema Qwasleema PersonalName(♂);c.f.qwasleemaQwasliiro Qwasliiro PersonalName(♂);c.f.qwasliiro

NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural

542

qwasliiro(Fr) qwaslisliingw(Mo)renderingfat,purifyingbutter Deverbal(sourceverb<qwasliím>)

Qwatloo QwatlooPersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.qwatloo(ngw)

qwatloo(ngw)(Mo) qwatle'eeri(N∅) storagespace Qwayeé Qwayeé PersonalName(♂)

qweetsoo(Fr) qwetsu(N∅) wrinkle(onskin) Qwendoó Qwendoó PersonalName(♂)Ri/oo Ri/oo PersonalName(♂)Riroó(d)(Mo/Fr) Riroda PlaceNameSa/am Sa/am PersonalName;c.f.sa/ámsa/ám(Mo) sa/ám(Mo) plantsp. Saakó Saakó PersonalName(♂)

saambeehhi(Fr) saambéhh(Mo)saambeehhima'(N∅)saambeehháy(Mo) k.o.gourd

saankaa(Fr)saankadu(N∅)saankaku(N∅) chyme

Saankaá Saankaá PersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.saankaa

saankimó(Mo) saankima'(N∅)saankeemo(N∅) fronteave

Saansé Saansé PersonalName(♂)saaxi(Fr) saaxáy(Mo) gallbladder

sabiibumó(Mo) sabiibu(Mo) sabiibuma'(N∅) grape Sabilo(Fr) Sabilo PlaceName

Saboqay SaboqayPersonalName(♂);perhapsderivedfromDatooga(etymonunknown)

saburi(Fr) saburáy(Mo) psalm sabuuni(Fr) sabunáy(Mo) soap saga(Mk) sagii(N∅) head

sagalo'aa(Fr) sagalo'u(Mo) wisdom

NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural

543

sahaani(Fr) sahaanáy(Mo) plate sakari(Fr) sakaroo(Fr) guineafowl Sakari Sakari PersonalName;c.f.sakariSakaroo Sakaroo PersonalName;c.f.sakarooSaktay Saktay PersonalName(♂);c.f.sookitáysakweeli(Fr) sakwél(Mo) birdsp. ostrich(Struthiocamelus)Sakweelí Sakweelí PersonalName(♂);c.f.sakweeliSala Sala PersonalName(♂)

Salahoo Salahoo

PersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.salangima;iftwinsareborn,thelargerofthetwowillbenamed<Salahoo>,andthesmallerofthetwowillbenamed<Hheerá>'discontent'

salangima(Ft) salangigiingw(Mo)

doingtwothingsatthesametime,thesituationoftwoplayersin<gange/i>hittingthehoopatthesametime Deverbal(sourceverb<salangiím>)

Sale Sale PersonalName(♂)Sallá Sallá PersonalName(♀)Salu Salu PersonalName(♂)samakumó(Mo) samaki(Fr) fish c.f.theSwahili'samaki':'fish'Sambré(Fr) Sambré PlaceNameSamo Samo PersonalName(♂)samti(Fr) samtaa(Fr) mammalsp. porcupineSamti Samti PersonalName(♂/♀);seesamti

samuyú(Mo) samiweema'(N∅) birdsp.

anysp.ofsmallerbirdwithaprominentcrestandlongtail(prototypicalsp.istheSpeckledMousebird(Coliusstriatus))

NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural

544

Sandaa Sandaa PersonalName(♂);c.f.sandaasandaa(Fr) sandadu(N∅) clothpouch

sandukumó(Mo) sandukú(Mo) sandukuma'(N∅) box,crate,chest Sanga Sanga PersonalName(♂)Sangará(Fr) Sangará PlaceNameSangayuw(Mo) Sangayuw PlaceNameSani Sani PersonalNameSanju Sanju PersonalName

sapoonimó(Mo)sapoonaa(Fr)sapooní(Fr) maggot

saqarám(Mo) saqar(Mo)

k.o.seed(especiallyofthe<slahhamó>tree)

saqawaa(Fr) saqawadu(N∅) dryingrack Saqwaré Saqwaré PersonalName(♂/♀)sarahhamó(Mo) sarahhama'(N∅) k.o.hairstyle Sarame(Fr) Sarame PlaceNameSarara Sarara PersonalName(♀)Sarmee Sarmee PersonalName(♂)Sauriya Sauriya PersonalName(♂)

sawaadi(Fr) gift c.f.theSwahili'zawadi':'gift'Sawé(Fr) Sawé PlaceName

saxamareema(N∅) peace Masssaxumó(Mo) saxeemi(N∅) bracelet Saxwáy Saxwáy PersonalName;c.f.saxwaySaydo Saydo PersonalName(♂)

Sayni SayniPersonalName;c.f.theEnglish'sign',andtheSwahili-English'saini'

se'eemi(Fr) se'eengw(Mo) hair See/áy(Mo) See/áy PlaceName

NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural

545

see/i(Fr) see/aa(Fr) plantsp. Seehhaa Seehhaa PersonalName;c.f.seehhaaseehhimó(Mo) seehhaa(Fr) tsetsefly Seeli Seeli PersonalName(♂)Seendoo Seendoo PersonalName(♂/♀)Seendoó(d)(Fr) Seendoó PlaceNameSeenga Seenga PersonalName(♂)

seensee(Fr)seenseedu(N∅)seenseema'(N∅) fiddle

seentimó(Mo) seenti(Fr) seentima'(N∅) coin seepáy(Mo) seepi'i(N∅) k.o.gourd

seeseekwi(Fr) seesékw(Mo) birdsp.anysp.oflarger,long-leggedfowl(e.g.bustards,thick-knees,etc.)

Selanga Selanga PersonalName(♂)Seree/aa Seree/aa PersonalName(♂);c.f.seree/aaseree/aa(Fr) seré/(Mo) capebuffalo serkaari(Fr) government SingulariatantumSha'ushi Sha'ushi PersonalName(♂)

Shagá ShagáPersonalName(♂);c.f.theethnonym'Chaga'

Sharmó(Mo) Sharmó PlaceNameShashoo Shashoo PersonalName(♂);c.f.shashoó(d)shashoodi(Fr) shashoó(d)(Mo) shashoodima'(N∅) antelopesp.

shiida(Fr) problemMass;c.f.theSwahili'shida':'problem'

shiliingimó(Mo) shiliingi(Fr) shiliingima'(N∅) shilling

Alternativepronunciation:<shiliimó>;c.f.theSwahili'shilingi':shilling(unitofcurrency)

Shilinge Shilinge PersonalName(♂);c.f.shilingiSi'así Si'así PersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.sii'a

NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural

546

Si'imá Si'imá PersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.sii'a

Sibeeri SibeeriPersonalName(♂);c.f.theArabic'Zubiri',throughtheSwahili'Zuberi'

Sidamé Sidamé PersonalName(♂);c.f.sidameé(d)

sidameé(d)(Fr) sidameedadu(N∅)sidameedu(N∅) specialbeer Questionedformis<sidameedeê>

Sigeé(d) Sigeé(d) PersonalName(♂)Sigín(Mo/Fr) Sigín PlaceName

sihha(Ft)housesection(left-to-right) Mass

Siigán Siigán PersonalName;c.f.siigan(d)siigan(d)(Mo) grasshopper Mass

Siikáy Siikáy

PersonalName(♂);c.f.theIraqw<siikáy>:atinybirdwithacolourful(blueorred)underbelly

Siimáy Siimáy PersonalName(♂)Siingiyeé Siingiyeé PersonalName(♀)

siiri(Fr) sido(N∅) beerpot siiwaa(Fr) sibu(N∅) time,protocol

silaha(Fr) weapon MassSiloo Siloo PersonalName(♂)

Sima/o Sima/o

PersonalName(♂);c.f.<sima/i>:thenoiseofmanypeoplespeaking(differentthings)atonce'hue'

Sima/ó Sima/ó

PersonalName(♂);c.f.<sima/i>:thenoiseofmanypeoplespeaking(differentthings)atonce'hue'

simu(Mo) simmee(Fr)phone(usu.handheld) c.f.theSwahili'simu':'phone'

Sinay Sinay PersonalName(♂);c.f.SinayiSinayi(Fr) Sinayi PlaceName

NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural

547

Singda SingdaPersonalName(♂);c.f.theplacename<Singida>

Singe(Fr) Singe PlaceNameSingi Singi PersonalName(♀)Sino Sino PersonalName(♂)Sinyaw Sinyaw PersonalName(♂)

siroorimó(Mo) sirooraa(Fr) birdsp.

anysp.ofCanaryorSeedeater(esp.White-belliedCanary(Serinusdorsostriatus)

Siróp(Fr) Siróp PlaceNamesirrihhimó(Mo) sirrihima'(N∅) insectsp. Sisayi Sisayi PersonalName(♂)

sisipú(Mo) sispeema'(N∅) insectsp. sitsawusmo(Mo)sitsawuso'o(Fr) sitsawusee(Fr)

searcher,researcher(♂,♀respectively)

Siwol Siwol PersonalName(♂)

Siyanga SiyangaPersonalName(♂);c.f.theplacename<Shinyanga>

siyumó(Mo) siyó(Mo) fish sla'ati(Fr)sla'ari(Fr) sla'asla'(Mo) love Deverbal(sourceverb<slaá'>)

sla/a(Ft) sla/oo(N∅) forest Sla/a Sla/a PersonalName(♂);c.f.sla/a

slaahaa(Fr) sth.useless MassSlaahaa Slaahaa PersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.slaahaaslaakumó(Mo) slaaki(Fr) k.o.grass

slaaqamit(Mo)

fatigue(specificallythatofapregnantwoman)

MassDeverbal(sourceverb<slaqaát>)

Slaaqí Slaaqí PersonalName(♂);c.f.slaaqí

NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural

548

slafiingw(Mo) life Massslahha'amu(Mo) slahha'mayee(Fr) pain Deverbal(sourceverb?)Slahhamó Slahhamó PlaceNameslahhamó(Mo) slahhama'(N∅) plantsp. (Acaciakirkii)

slakaka'ay(Mo) rustling Mass

slakat(Mo) huntingMassDeverbal(sourceverb<slakaát>)

slakatusmo(Mo) slakatusee(Fr) hunter slamahhandí(Fr) slamahhandú(Mo) plantsp.

Slamahhandí SlamahhandíPersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.slamahhandí

slamahhandídaqwa(Fr)slamahhandúdaqwa(Mo) plantsp. (Momordicafoetia)

Slamhí Slamhí PersonalName(♀);c.f.slamhasoslangarehhimó(Mo) slangareréhh(Mo) reptilesp. anysp.ofsmalllizard

slanú(Mo) slaneema'(N∅) reptilesp. anysp.ofpython

slaqamaye(Fr) fatigueMassDeverbal(sourceverb<slaqaát>)

slaqankumó(Mo)slaqankay(Mo)slaqanki'i(N∅) slaqanke'eeri(N∅) reptilesp.

anysp.ofchameleon(esp.Flap-neckedChameleon(Chamaeleodilepsis))

slaqasay(Mo) slaqasi'i(N∅) example Slaqoo Slaqoo PersonalName(♂);c.f.slaqoo

slaqwa(Ft) slaqoo(N∅) body Slaqwaraa Slaqwaraa PersonalName(♂);c.f.slaqwaraa

slaqwaraa(Fr) slaqwaradu(N∅) war Slaqwee Slaqwee PersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.slaqwee

slaqwee(Fr) communalwork slarahhandi(Fr) slarahhandú(Mo) plantsp.

Slarahhandí Slarahhandí PersonalName(♂);c.f.slarahhandi

NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural

549

Slarhhí Slarhhí PersonalName(♂);c.f.slarhhíslarhhumó(Mo) slarhhí(Fr) sedge

slaru(Mo) slareemo(N∅) armpit slawa(Ft) slaslaangw(Mo) getting Deverbal(sourceverb<sláw>)slee(Fr) yiikwa(N∅) cow AlternatePl.pronunciation<hiikwa>

sleemu(Mo) availability Deverbal(sourceverb<sláw>)sleér/aanta(Fr) yiikwá/aanta(N∅) k.o.cowgift sleéral/utloo(Fr) yiikwáal/utloo(N∅) k.o.cowgift sleérduxoo(Fr) yiikwáduxoo(N∅) k.o.cowgift sleérluki(Fr) yiikwáluki(N∅) k.o.cowgift sleérsihhina(Fr)sleérsihheeni yiikwásihhina(N∅)k.o.cowgift sleesoo(Fr) sleemis(Mo) taking,pickingup Deverbal(sourceverb<sleés>)Sleesoo PersonalName(♂);c.f.sleesoo

slehheengw(Mo) slehheeri(N∅) moon,month Slehhi Slehhi PersonalName(♂);c.f.slehhislehhimó(Mo) slehhi(Ft) roofinsulation sli'imusumo(Mo)sli'imuso'o(Fr) sli'imusee(Fr) fornicator,adulterer

slihho(N∅) nasalmucus Massslinxaa(Fr) slinxuxu(N∅) bridgeofnose sloo/i(Fr) sloo/áy(Mo) husk(i.e.ofcorn)

slooroo(Fr)sloori(Fr) bubble Mass

slufay(Mo) reputationMassDeverbal(sourceverb<sluúf>)

slufay(Mo) slufmis(Mo) praising,blessingMassDeverbal(sourceverb<sluúf>)

slufi(Ft) slufiya'(N∅) lip sluka(Ft) slukukuungw(Mo) bribing Deverbal(sourceverb<sluúk>)

NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural

550

slukuma(Fr) briberyMassDeverbal(sourceverb<sluúk>)

sluma(Ft) slumoo(N∅) cattleenclosure Slumpa Slumpa PersonalName(♂)

sluqoo(Fr) victory MassSluqoo Sluqoo PersonalName;c.f.sluqooSluqumáy Sluqumáy PersonalName(♂);c.f.sluquumSluuqí Sluuqí PersonalName(♂)sogonimó(Mo) sogonáy(Mo) plantsp. Sohhi Sohhi PersonalName(♀);c.f.sohhiya

soksi(Mo)sokseema'(N∅)sokseemo(N∅) socks

soo'ay(Mo) soo'aawee(Fr) dog soohhi(Fr) soohhaa(Fr) plantsp. sookitumó(Mo) sookitáy(Mo) greenvegetablesp.

sookoo(Fr) sookodu(N∅) market Soolá Soolá PersonalName(♂)Soombe Soombe PersonalName(♂)Soongí Soongí PersonalName(♂)Soongo Soongo PersonalName(♂)

sooni(Fr) soonáy(Mo) legsore Soorá(Fr) Soorá PlaceName

sooxa(N∅) urine Mass

Sooya Sooya

PersonalName;thereisanintuitionamongspeakersthatthisworddoesnotderivefromtheSwahili'soya':'soybean'

soronsorohhumó(Mo) soronsoróhh(Mo) insectsp. soxutumó(Mo) soxutuma'(N∅) bladder

NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural

551

su/uma(Mo) su/eemi(N∅)smallcowhide,pieceofcowhide

Subeda SubedaPersonalName(♂);c.f.the(typicallyfemale)Swahiliname'Zubeda'

Subedá SubedáPersonalName(♂);c.f.the(typicallyfemale)Swahiliname'Zubeda'

sufuriya(Fr) sufuriyadu(N∅) metalpot c.f.theSwahili'sufuria':'metalpot'Suhhuláy Suhhuláy PersonalName(♂);c.f.tsuhhulalá

sukaari(Fr) sugar Mass;c.f.theSwahili'shule':'school'sulee(Fr) suledu(N∅) school

Sumuhhú Sumuhhú PersonalName(♂)Surumbu Surumbu PersonalName(♂)

suuma(Fr) suumi'i(N∅) shoulder

suumbi(Fr) suumbáy(Mo)

crest(i.e.ofbird);k.o.hairstyle(similartoamohawk)

suuri(Fr) suudo(N∅) claywaterjar sweetumó(Mo) sweetima'(N∅) sweater c.f.theSwahili'sweta':'sweater'

Taabu TaabuPersonalName;c.f.theSwahili'taabu':'trouble'

taambi(Fr) taambáy(Mo) rope taandesumó(Mo) taandés(Mo) taandesí(Fr)birdsp. anysp.ofWoodpeckertahha(Ft) tahhaangw(Mo) hitting Deverbal(sourceverb<tahhaángw>)Tahhahhaní Tahhahhaní PersonalName;c.f.tahhahhanítahhahhanimó(Mo) tahhahhaní(Fr) redant tammó(Mo) tamma'(N∅) plantsp. Ebony(Dahlbergiamelanoxylon)

tan/ee(Fr)tan/eedu(N∅)tan/ee'ee(Fr) crownofthehead

tane/ee(Fr) tana/e/edú(N∅) brain Tanoó Tanoó PersonalName(♂/♀)

NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural

552

Taraa Taraa PersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.TaraaTarantú Tarantú PersonalName(♂);c.f.tarantútarantumó(Mo) tarantú(Mo) plantsp. (Ximeniaamericana)

Tarmo(Mo)Tarto'o(Fr) Taraa(Fr)

personofBarbaigethnicity(♂,♀respectively)

Tarto'o Tarto'o PersonalName(♀);c.f.Tarto'o

tarumbeta(Fr)tarumbetadu(N∅)tarumbetáy(Mo)trumpet

Tatiya Tatiya PersonalName(♂)Te'esá Te'esá PersonalName(♂);c.f.te'éste'esumó(Mo) te'és(Mo) plantsp.

teegí(Fr) birdlime MassTeengá Teengá PersonalName(♂)

ti'itaa(ngw)(Mo) ti'iteeri(N∅) plantsp. StranglerFig(Ficusthonningii)tiqiti(Fr) tiqiteemo(N∅) disease

titiiwumó(Mo)titiiwi(Fr)titíw(Mo) titiiwoo(Fr) plantsp. (Bosciamossambicensis)

Titiiwoo Titiiwoo PersonalName(♂);titiiwoótla/aangw(Mo) tle/eeri(N∅) middle

tla/afi(Fr) tla/eefufu(N∅) livingquarters tla/amó(Mo) tla/ama'(N∅) ditch tla/anó(Mo) tla/e(N∅) stone

Tla/arafáy Tla/arafáyPersonalName(♂);c.f.v.<tla/aaf>:theactionofcrawling(forachild)

tlaankumó(Mo) tlaankima'(N∅) bridge tlaanqarmó(Mo) tlaanqarma'(N∅) bridgeofnose tlaaqati(Fr) tlaaqát(Mo) tlaaqataa(Fr) antelopesp. tlaatlakwaa(Fr) tlaatláqw(Mo) tlaatlaqwadu(N∅) pap,porridge tlafi(Ft) tlafoo(N∅) cloud

NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural

553

tlahhay(Mo) tlahhi'i(N∅) clan tlakway(Mo) tlakwi'i(N∅) bag,sack tlamfi(Fr) tlamfáy(Mo) beeswax

tlamki(Fr) tlamkaa(Fr) birdsp. anysp.ofRedBishoptlangasi(Fr) tlangás(Mo) quiver

tlanka(Mo) tlankatlank(Mo)tlankikiingw(Mo) arguing Deverbal(sourceverb?<tlaánk>)

tlapepe/i(Fr) tlapepé/(Mo) tlapepe/áy(Mo) reptilesp. anysp.ofToadorFrogtlaptumó(Mo) tlapteema'(N∅) birdsp. anysmallraptor,esp.falcons

tlaq(Mo) cutting(i.e.atree) Deverbal(sourceverb<tlaáq>)tlaqasi(Fr) tlaqeesusu(N∅) k.o.milletmash

Tlaqasí Tlaqasí PersonalName;c.f.tlaqasitlaqumó(Mo) tlaqáy(Mo) plantsp. (Azanzagarckeana)Tlaramba'a Tlaramba'a PersonalName(♀)

tlataa(N∅) vision(supernatural) MassTlatla'á Tlatla'á PersonalName(♂);c.f.tlatla'aangw

tlatla'aangw(Mo) tlatla'eeri(N∅) afternoon tlatu(Mo) tlatetee(Fr) debt

tlawi(Ft)tlawoo(Fr)tlawaa(Fr) birdsp. anysp.ofpigeon

tlawi(Ft) tlawáy(Mo) lake

tlawu(Mo)tlaba'(N∅)tlab'a(Na) clothing(onepiece)

tlaxoo(Fr) price Deverbal(sourceverb<tlaáx>)tle'usmo(Mo)tle'uso'o(Fr) tle'usee(Fr) potter Tleema'í Tleema'í PersonalName(♂);c.f.tleematleemu(Mo) tlatlaangw(Mo) leaving Deverbal(sourceverb<tláw>)Tleemú Tleemú PersonalName(♂);c.f.tleemu

NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural

554

tleesa(Fr) tleemis(Mo)liftingontothehead,towakeup Deverbal(sourceverb<tleés>)

tleeso ? birdsp. anysp.ofweavertleharumo tlehár plantsp. (Acaciapolygantha)

tlehha(Fr) tlehhit(Mo)tlehhima(Mk) making Deverbal(sourceverb<tleéhh>)

tlehheemu(Mo) tleehhemu(Mo)wayinwhichsth.ismade Deverbal(sourceverb<tleéhh>)

tli/antli'umó(Mo) tli/antlí(Fr) plantsp. (Artemisiaafra)

tli/isimó(Mo) tli/isima'(N∅)tli/iseeri(N∅) log

tliifusmo(Mo)tliifuso'o(Fr) tliifusee(Fr)

stupidperson(♂,♀respectively)

Tlo/orí Tlo/orí PersonalName(♂)tlookoti(Fr) tlookotaa(Fr) reptilesp. anysp.ofPython

tloomaa(Fr) tloomi'i(N∅) hill,mountain tluwá/(Mo) tluwe/e/ee(Fr) upperarm

tluway(Mo) rain MassTluway Tluway PersonalName(♂);c.f.tluwayTo'á To'á PersonalName(♀)tofalimó(Mo)tofali(Fr) matafari(Fr) brick c.f.theSwahili'tofali':'brick'

too/ú(Mo) too/eema'(N∅) reptilesp.

anysp.oflarge,highly-venomoussnake(esp.CobrasandtheBlackMamba)

Toololí Toololí PersonalName(♀)toqori(Fr) toqoráy(Mo) crippledperson

Torontoray Torontoray PersonalName(♂);c.f.torontoráytorontoráy(Mo) trials Mass

tsa'a(Fr) tsa'amiingw(Mo) smelling,sensing Deverbal(sourceverb<tsaá'>)tsa'asi(Ft) tsa'asoo(Fr) torch

NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural

555

tsa/asmó(Mo) tsa/asma'(N∅) ladder

tsa/atay(Mo)tsa/eetutu(N∅)tsa/eema'(N∅) yolkofegg,placenta

tsa/ay(Mo)tsa/i'i(N∅)tsa/a/(N∅) sole,palm

Tsa/ayo(Fr) Tsa/ayo PlaceNametsaara'asi(Fr) tsaara'asáy(Mo) flame

Tsaaxwá TsaaxwáPersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.tsaáxw:'cold'

tsabumó(Mo) tsabi(Fr) plantsp. WildSisal(Sansevieriaehrengergii)

tsagaara(Fr) tsagadiingw(Mo)tsagadidiingw(Mo) bewitching Deverbal(sourceverb<tsagár>)

tsagani(Fr) tsaganaa(Fr) mammalsp. squirrel,greatergalagotsala'ammó(Mo) tsala'ammáy(Mo) insectsp. tsamasi(Fr) tsamás(Mo) giraffe Tsamasi(Fr) Tsamasi PlaceName

Tsamasí TsamasíPersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.eithertsamasiorTsamasi

Tsamfú Tsamfú PersonalName(♀)tsangusa(Fr) tsangumis(Mo) luring,beckoning Deverbal(sourceverb<tsanguús>)tsangweli(Ft) tsangwalaa(Fr) plantsp. Tsangwelí PersonalName(♂);c.f.tsangwelitsantsafumó(Mo)tsantsafi(Fr) tsantsáf(Mo) plantsp. UmbrellaThorn(Acaciatortilis)tsapenimó(Mo) tsapenáy(Mo) plantsp. (Commiphoramollis)

tsari(Ft) tsariyoo(N∅) clitoris tsarma'umó(Mo) tsarma'i(Fr) plantsp. (Lanneaschimperi)

tsatay(Mo) tsati'i(N∅) knife tsawara(Fr) tsawdidiingw(Mo) choosing Deverbal(sourceverb<tsawár>)tsawawa(Fr) tsabbaangw(Mo) strangling Deverbal(sourceverb?<tsáw>)tsawdito(Fr) tsawdidiingw(Mo) choosing,election Deverbal(sourceverb<tsawár>)

NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural

556

tsawditoo(Fr) tsawditoo(Fr) choice,electionMassDeverbal(sourceverb<tsawár>)

tsaxaara(Fr) tsaxariingw(Mo) shooting(witharrow) Deverbal(sourceverb<tsaáx>)tsaxaraa(Fr) tsaxardu(N∅) blood-drawingarrow

tsaxway(Mo)tsaxwi'i(N∅)tsaxwa'(N∅) insectsp. grasshopper

tsaxweelí(Fr) tsaxwél(Mo) trap(springtrap) tse'esimó(Mo) tse'esima'(N∅) leftovers Tse/imá Tse/imá PersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.sunshine

tsee/a(N∅) farawayplace Mass

tseega(Fr) tsegit(Mo)tsegigiingw(Mo) closing,tyingup Deverbal(sourceverb<tseék>)

tseehhaa(Fr) tsehhu(N∅) k.o.manure Tseeree Tseeree PersonalName(♂);c.f.tseeree

tseeree(Fr) tseerdu(N∅) blood tseheeyimo(Mo) tseheeyaa(Fr) youngman Tsehhá Tsehhá PersonalName(♂);c.f.tsehha

tsetse/imi(Ft) tsetse/imáy(Mo) openplace tsetsee/i(Fr) tsetsé/(Mo) star Tsi'í Tsi'í PersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.odour

tsi/i(Ft) tsi/iya'(N∅) shin

tsifiraangw(Mo)tsifiraawee(Fr)tsifireeri(N∅) tongue

tsifiri(Fr)tsifireeri(Fr)tsifiráy(Mo) language

tsii'imó(Mo) tsii'oo(Fr) chick,pullet tsiinqaa(Fr) tsinqu(N∅) stream

Tsiitsií' PersonalName;c.f.tsiistií'tsimahhi(Fr) sound Mass

tsingarumó(Mo) tsingár(Mo) tsingaráy(Mo) shortperson

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Tsingáy Tsingáy PersonalName(♂);c.f.tsingártsini(Ft) tsiniya'(N∅) end

Tsinoo Tsinoo PersonalName(♂);c.f.tsinootsinoo(Fr) milletchaff Mass

Tsinowa Tsinowa PersonalName(♀);c.f.tsinootsir/i(Fr) tsir/oo(Fr) bird Tsir/i Tsir/i PersonalName(♀);c.f.tsir/iTsir/oo Tsir/oo PersonalName(♂);c.f.tsir/ootsisi(Ft) tsisoo(Fr) spark tsitsihhi(Fr) tsitsihhaa(Fr) gravel

tsitsii'imó(Mo) tsitsií'(Mo) birdsp.anysp.ofsmall,finch-likebird(esp.ifcolouredredorblue)

Tsixoo Tsixoo PersonalName(♂)Tsixuu Tsixuu PersonalName(♂)tsiyoyoo/umó(Mo) tsiyoyó/(Mo) birdsp. Green-wingedPytilia(Pytiliamelba)Tso'i Tso'i PersonalName(♀);c.f.tsoyo

tsoobú(Mo) liquidhoney MassTsoonsí Tsoonsí PersonalName(♀);c.f.tsoonsooTsoonsoó Tsoonsoó PersonalName(♂);c.f.tsoonsoo

tsoowoo(Fr) tsabu(N∅) axe Tsooxo Tsooxo PersonalName(♂)

Tsoxolí TsoxolíPersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.<tsoxoli>:aprotuberance

tsoyo(Mo)tsoyeemo(N∅)tsoyodima'(N∅) dikdik

Tsoyo Tsoyo PersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.tsoyo

tsu'a(Mk) sweetnessMassDeverbal(sourceverb<tsuú'>)

tsu/a(Mk)tsu/uti(Fr) tsu/utó(Mo) killing Deverbal(sourceverb<tsuú/>)

NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural

558

tsufay(Mo) tsufi'i(N∅) entrance

tsuhay(Mo)tsuhaawee(Fr)tsuhi'i(N∅) lowerback

tsuhhulala'umó(Mo) tsuhhulalá'(Mo)tsuhhulaladima'(N∅) mongoose

tsukurumó(Mo) tsukúr(Mo) tsukuruma'(N∅) k.o.gourd tsukurumó(Mo) tsukuruma'(N∅) ladle

tsunqa(N∅) tsunqu'u(N∅) saliva tsuqumayimó(Mo) tsuqumayi(Fr) insectsp.

tsururú(Mo) tsuureema'(N∅) nest

Tsutsi TsutsiPersonalName(♂);reportedlyararename

tsutsunqi(Fr) tsutsunqaa(Fr) birdsp.;plantsp.anysp.ofbeeeaters;Lion'sEar(Leonotisnepetifolia)

tsuunqa(N∅) saliva,blessing Masstu'i(Fr) scavengedmeat Mass

Tu'i Tu'iPersonalName(♂,lesscommonly♀);c.f.tu'i

tu/a(Ft) tuutu/uungw(Mo) uprooting Deverbal(sourceverb<tuú/>)

Tu/tu/í Tu/tu/íPersonalName(♂);c.f.v.<tu/tu/>'tillingweeds'

Tuku/oo Tuku/oo

PersonalName(♂);c.f.v.<tuku/uut>:tohavetiredjoints(arthritis?)tothepointofnotbeingabletowalk

Tulumbú Tulumbú PersonalName(♂)tunáy(Mo) driedhoney Mass

Tururú(Mo/Fr) Tururú PlaceNametuumba(Mo) tuumbebee(Fr) pool

Tuuri Tuuri PersonalName(♂)tuutukuma(Fr) tuutukumadu(N∅) stopper,plug

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559

tuweerimó(Mo) tuwér(Mo) tuweerima'(N∅) mammalsp. Africanwilddog(Canispictus)u'i(Fr) u'umo(Mo) cryforhelp Deverbal

udamoroó(d)(Mo/Fr) udamorooduma'(N∅) mammalsp.Africanstripedweasel(Poecilogalealbinucha)

udanjali(Fr/Ft)udanjalidima'(N∅)udanjanáy(Mo) mammalsp.

Groundpangolin(Smutsiatemminckii)

ufa(Mo) uffee(Fr) pile(esp.ofmanure) Ufa(Mo) Ufa PlaceNameUfaní Ufaní PersonalName;c.f.ufaníufanimó(Mo) ufaní(Fr) plantsp. uhumó(Mo) uheemi(N∅) internalhousepost

uma(Mo) umi'i(N∅) name umali(Fr) cry(ofpain) Mass

umali(Fr) umalaa(Fr) hedgehog Umali Umali PersonalName;c.f.umali

Umbá UmbáPersonalName;c.f.theSwahili'mbwa':'dog'

Umbóy UmbóyPersonalName;c.f.theSwahili'mbwa':'dog'

unkuri(Ft) unkuráy(Mo) fever(periodic) urru'usa(Fr) uru'u'umis(Mo) ululating Deverbal(sourceverb<urruús>)Ursú Ursú PersonalName;c.f.urús

urús(Mo) urusesee(Fr) k.o.milletmash uruwa(Fr) urdu(N∅) road

Ushigee Ushigee PersonalName(♂)uumtuso'o(Fr) uumtusee(Fr) nurturer(♀)

uunú(Mo)uuneema'(N∅)uunudu(N∅) k.o.gourd

uunú(Mo) uuneemoo(N∅) law uwanja(Fr) uwanjedu(N∅) field

NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural

560

Uwoo Uwoo PersonalName(♂);c.f.u'iwa'ami(Fr) wa'eemoo(N∅) bonemarrow

wa/aangw(Mo) we/eeri(N∅) arroyo,canyon wa/ari(N∅) vomit Mass;Deverbal(sourceverb<waá/>)

Wado Wado PersonalName(♂)waha(Ft) wahaangw(Mo) drinking Deverbal(sourceverb<wáh>)Wahá Wahá PersonalName;c.f.waha

wahasaa(Fr) wahasasu(N∅) soot wahhahha'amó(Mo) wahhahha'ama'(N∅) mammalsp. Bushhyrax(heterohyraxbrucei)wakaari(Fr) wakawak(Mo) hating Deverbal(sourceverb<waák>)wakalelu'uma(Fr) yaareema'(N∅) unity

wakari(Fr) wakaráy(M)chinAlternativeforms<kawri>(Fr);<kawráy>(Mo)

wakti(Ft) hate,interdiction Mass;Deverbal(sourceverb<waák>)wakusumo(Mo)wakuso'o(Ft) wakusee(Fr)

enemy(♂,♀respectively)

Walangí PersonalName;c.f.theSwahili'Warangi':'peopleofRangiorigin'

walo/i(Fr) walo/aa(Fr) plantsp. Walo/í Walo/í PersonalName(♂);c.f.walo/iWambi Wambi PersonalNamewaqaasi(Fr) waqás(Mo) waqasu(N∅) ceilingbeam waqaát(Mo) waqaatetee(Fr) intestines Wara/eé Wara/eé PersonalName(♂);c.f.wara/useewara/usmo(Mo)wara/uso'o(Fr) wara/usee(Fr)

escortforbride(♂,♀respectively)

warahhasmó(Mo) warahhasma'(N∅) ford warinkakamó(Mo) warinkaká(Mo) birdsp. anysp.ofGroundBarbetWarqasoo Warqasoo PersonalName(♂);c.f.warqeesa

NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural

561

warqeemu(Mo)mannerofturningaround

MassDeverbal(sourceverb<warqeés>)

warqeesa(Fr) warqeemis(Mo) turningaround Deverbal(sourceverb<warqeés>)Watlarí Watlarí PersonalName(♂)

waweeri(Fr) wawdu(N∅)housesection(front-to-back)

wawi(Fr) wawoo(Fr) insectsp. wawitumo(Mo)wawito'o(Fr) wawitá(N∅)

ruler,chief(♂,♀respectively)

Wawu Wawu PersonalName;c.f.wawiWeelee Weelee PersonalName(♂)Weema Weema PersonalName(♂);c.f.weemo

weemo(Fr) weemo(Fr) wanderingMassDeverbal(sourceverb<weém>)

weemusumo(Mo)weemuso'o(Fr) weemusee(Fr)

wanderer(♂,♀respectively)

weerusumo(Mo)weeruso'o(Fr) weerusee(Fr) fornicator Welwel Welwel PersonalName(♂)

Wirasi WirasiPersonalName(♂);c.f.theSwahili'viazi','potato'

xa'anó(Mo) xaa'i(N∅) tree

xa'anóamatu/imó(Mo) xa'anóamatu/i(Fr)xa'anóamatu/áy(Mo)

plantsp.(Daturastramonium) <xa'anóamatu/i>collective

xaafa(Fr) xafit(Mo) brushinghair Deverbal(sourceverb<xaáf>)Xaafí Xaafí PersonalName(♂);c.f.xaafaXaangi Xaangi PersonalName(♂)

xaanxáy(Mo) desert Massxaawi(Fr) xawoo(Fr) charcoal

Xabo PersonalName(♀);c.f.<xawo>:matrimony

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562

xadi(Ft) xadáy(Mo) udder Xafahandí Xafahandí PersonalName(♀);c.f.xafxafaxafxafa(Ft) xafxafiingw(Mo) beingmakeshift Deverbal(sourceverb<xafxaáf>)

Xalili XaliliPersonalName(♂);c.f.theArabic'Xalil',andtheSwahili'Khalili'

xam'i'i(Fr) xam'áy(Mo) deafperson Xambáy Xambáy PersonalName(♂)

xarmó(Mo) xareemi(N∅)xarma'(N∅) horn

xawa(Mo) xawe'ee(Fr) k.o.manure

xawoo(Fr) xabibiingw(Mo) marrying

Deverbal;<xabibiingw>manymarriages(manycouples,ormanymarriagesovertime

Xeera PersonalName PersonalName;c.f.xeeraangwxeeraangw(Mo) xeeraawee(Fr) scorpion

Xeeru Xeeru PersonalName(♂);c.f.xeeraangwXifi Xifi PersonalName(♂)xiingarumó(Mo) xiingár(Mo) insectsp. Xindáy Xindáy PersonalName(♀)xirantlumó(Mo) xirantluma'(N∅) mammalsp. Zorilla(Ictonyxstriatus)

xirfu(Mo) praise MassXongumó(Mo) Xongumó PlaceNamexoo'arumó(Mo) xoo'ár(Mo) xoo'aráy(Mo) birdsp. anysp.ofCrow

xooroo(Fr) crowd Massxoosla(Fr) xoosliingw(Mo) grindingmillet Deverbal(sourceverb<xoósl>)

xooslumó(Mo) xoosla'(N∅)xoslu(N∅) vessel,tool

Xooxáy Xooxáy PersonalName;c.f.xooxáyxooxi(Fr) xooxáy(Mo) insectsp. termite(winged)

xooxoo'i(Fr) xooxoo'aa(Fr) plantsp.

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563

xooyaangw(Mo) xooyaawee(Fr) birdsp. anysp.offrancolinorspurfowlXooyaangw PersonalName(♂);c.f.xooyaangwxooyarimi(Fr/Ft) xooyár(Mo) xooyarimáy(Mo) birdsp. anysp.ofquailxorxormó(Mo) xorxorma'(N∅) mammalsp. anysp.oflargemongoosexotloompi(Fr) xotloompaa(Fr) trap(boxtrap)

xufoo(Fr)

xufifiingw(Mo)xufta(Fr)xufto(Fr)

drinkingparty,drinking(alchohol) Deverbal(sourceverb,<xuúf>)

Xufoo Xufoo PersonalName;c.f.xufooXumpu'umó Xumpu'umó PersonalName;c.f.xumpu'umóxundurufumó(Mo) xundurúf(Mo) insectsp. Xuufí PersonalName(♂/♀)

xuuntlú(Mo) xuuntláy(Mo) xuuntlaawee(Fr)

unusualprotuberance(usuallyasaresultofaninjury)

xuuxeemó(Mo) xuuxú(Mo) insect

xwaaslansli(Fr) xwaslansláy(Mo)xwaansláy(Mo)

garbage;roughgroundmilletflour(reservedfromgrindingforbeer)withhoneyadded;wilderness

Xwantláy Xwantláy PersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.xwaansláyxwaxumó(Mo) xwaxuma'(N∅) palate

xwaylaa(Fr) progeny Massxwaylitumó(Mo)xwaylito'o(Fr) xwaylitee(Fr)

parent(♂,♀respectively)

xweera(N∅) xweerdu(N∅) evening ya'eemi(Fr) ya'eema'(N∅) stream Ya'eérDaangi Ya'eérDaangi PlaceName

NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural

564

ya/abusumó(Mo)ya/abuso'o(Fr) ya/abusee(Fr)

messenger,emissary(♂,♀respectively)

ya/ama(N∅) permission Massya/ati(Fr) ya/ata'(N∅) ya/eetoo(N∅) shoe,footwear

Ya/aw Ya/aw

PersonalName(♂);c.f.v.<ya/awa>:theactionofsending(orbeingsent)onanerrand

Ya/oo Ya/oo PersonalName(♂);c.f.ya/amaYaá Yaá PersonalName(♂)

yaa'ee(Fr) yaa'a'(N∅) leg yaa'ee(Fr) ya'u(N∅) river

Yaagú Yaagú PersonalName(♂)yaaháy(Mo) rain(soft) Mass

Yaamee Yaamee PersonalName(♂);c.f.yaamuyaamu(N∅) yaami'i(N∅) earth,land

Yaahi Yaahi PersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.yaaháyyandoo(Fr) yandudu(N∅) hammer

yaqamba(Mo) yaqambee(Fr) buck Yaro Yaro PersonalName(♂)Yerotoní(k)(Fr) Yerotoní(k) PlaceNameZiwani(Fr) Ziwani PlaceName