TheGorwaaNoun:TowardadescriptionoftheGorwaalanguage
AdissertationsubmittedtotheSchoolofOrientalandAfricanStudies,UniversityofLondon,inpartialfulfillmentoftherequirementforthe
degreeofDoctorofPhilosophyinLinguistics
AndrewDavidHarvey
2018
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DeclarationI have read and understood Regulation 21 of the General and AdmissionsRegulations for students of the SOAS, University of London concerningplagiarism. I undertake that all the material presented for examination is myownwork and has not beenwritten forme, inwhole or in part, by any otherperson.Ialsoundertakethatanyquotationorparaphrasefromthepublishedorunpublishedworkof anotherpersonhasbeenduly acknowledged in theworkwhichIpresentforexamination.Signed:____________________________ Date:_________________
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Abstract GorwaaisaSouthCushiticlanguageofTanzaniawhosenounsareparticularlycomplex.Basedondetaileddocumentationofthelanguage(mostofwhichisopenlyaccessibleforconsultationinanonlinearchive(Harvey2017)),thisdissertationprovidesafirstdescriptionofGorwaagrammar,withaparticularfocusonthenoun.Additionally,agrammaticalanalysisofGorwaanounsisdevelopedusingtheDistributedMorphologyarchitectureandMinimalistsyntax.ThisoffersadifferentperspectivefromthetypicallyfunctionalanalysesavailableforSouthCushiticlanguagesthusfar. FollowingageneralsketchofGorwaagrammar,aswellasabriefintroductionintothetheoreticalframework,eachsubsequentchapterofthedissertationfocusesononesubpartofthenounanditsmorphosyntacticcharacteristics.Composedofseveralidentifiablesubparts(e.g.thestem,thesuffix,andthelinker),eachofwhichinturnpresentsaricharrayofvariants,theGorwaanounisanidealentrypointforinquiryintoGorwaaasasystem,asadequateexplanationofnounsinthislanguagetouchesonallthemajormodalitiesofgrammar(phonology,morphosyntax,semantics,andpragmatics). Syntactically,thestemisformedofaroot,whosecharacteristics(phonetic,semantic,andcategorial)aredeterminedbythelargersyntacticstructureinwhichitisfound.Distinguishedbytwobroadgroupsofmorphosyntacticcharacteristics(thosewhichareregularandthosewhicharelisted),thesuffixisformedof(maximally)threesyntacticheads:Cl(classifier),#(quantifier),andn(‘littlen’).Inordertobearanumbervalue(SgorPl),nounsmustbeclassifiedandquantified.Nounsunvaluedfornumber(‘general’number)areneitherclassifiednorquantified.Thelittlenheadisthesiteoftheparadigm,itselfestablishedasagrammaticalformativerealizedasaspecificsuffixthroughinstructionspost-Spellout.Grammaticalgenderisadiacriticfeature,alsorealizedpost-Spellout,makingAgreeanecessarilypost-Spelloutoperation(cf.Bobaljik2008).ThelinkerisagreementmorphologyonthesyntacticheadD.Casesofmismatchbetweentheformtakenbythelinkerandthegendervalueofnrepresentstheinterpretable(semantic)featuresofthereferentofthenoun(itselftheexternalargumentofn),interveninginagreementrelationsbetweenDandn.Thismechanismisextendedtoaccountforadjectivalnumberagreementonnounsofgeneralnumber.
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AcknowledgementsThisdissertationisaculminationofseveralyearsoffocusedwork,andarguablya
lifetimeofmoregeneral‘formation’,ofwhichIamdulygratified,andforwhichIam
deeplygrateful.Withthatsaid,throughoutmylifeandwork,Ihaveconsistently
benefittedfrommysex,thecolourofmyskin,andthecountryofmybirth.My
privilege(male,white,Western)isnotacceptable.Thisinequalityisthrowninto
evensharperreliefinthatmuchofmyworkisbasedontheAfricancontinent,andis
inextricablylinkedwithAfricanpeople--bothofwhichstillfacethedarkimpactof
colonialismperhapsmoredirectlythananyotherplaceonearth.Asanacademic,
muchofwhoseworkhasbeenintheassignmentofmeaning,thereisaroleformeto
playinaddressingtheseinequities.InaninauguralspeechtotheNational
Assembly,thefirstpresidentofTanzania,MwalimuJuliusK.Nyereresaid“Ofallthe
crimesofcolonialismthereisnoneworsethantheattempttomakeusbelievewe
hadnoindigenouscultureofourown;orthatwhatwedidhavewasworthless-
somethingofwhichweshouldbeashamed,insteadofasourceofpride.”1It
thereforefollowsthat,correspondingtomyprofessionalcapacityandtechnical
ability,myworkoughttohelpaffirmwhathasforsolongbeendenied:the
complexityofAfricanlanguage/s,thedepthofAfricanhistory/ies,andtherichness
ofAfricanculture/s.Ultimately,ofcourse,theroleoflinguistcomessecondtothe
roleofhumanbeing.Asmuchassuccessfullinguisticsisaboutformulatingthe
perfectelicitationquestions,findingtheidealconsultants,andkeepingtabsonthe
1“President’sInauguralAddress”inJuliusK.Nyerere,FreedomandUnity:AselectionfromWritingsandSpeeches1952-1962.(DaresSalaam,OUP,1966):186-187.
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plethoraofresearchdata(allwhilesupplyingenoughelectricitytokeepthe
batteriescharged),thewholeenterpriseismeaninglessifonecomesawaywithout
havingfeltsomething.Nothingismoreimportantthandevelopingwithourfield
communitiesrelationshipsoftrust,friendship,andsharedhumanity--perhapsthe
ultimatecuretotheprejudiceswhichcontinuetodetainourprogressasthe
scientific,sympatheticspecieswhichwemostcertainlyare.Itisthereforemytask
toensurethatmyworkisareflectionoftheaboveastruths,andnotmere
sanctimony.
ResearchconductedduringMasters-levelstudywasfundedbyaCommonwealth
Scholarship,tenuredattheDepartmentofForeignLanguagesandLinguistics,
UniversityofDaresSalaam,fromOctober2011toNovember2013.Research
conductedduringDoctoral-levelstudywaspartiallyfundedbyanEndangered
LanguagesDocumentationProjectIndividualGraduateScholarship,tenuredatthe
DepartmentofLinguistics,SOAS,UniversityofLondon,fromJuly2015toSeptember
2018.AdditionalfundingwasprovidedthroughaSOASFieldworkAward.
GratitudeisalsoduetothehonourablemembersofthePhilologicalSocietyCouncil,
whoseFieldworkBursaryprovidedtheone-mantentIusedwhenvisitingspeakers
furtherafieldfrommyprincipalfieldsite.
Atmyprincipalfieldsite,Endabegvillage,immeasurablethanksareduetothe
residentsofAyáHheewasi,manyofwhichbecameprincipalconsultantsasIlearned
theGorwaalanguage,allofwhichbecamefamilyasIlearnedtheGorwaalife.Baabá
JoeliSumaye(HeewasíTsangweelí),TluwayDu’umá,Jacobo(Gwa’i)Du’umá,
6
TabithaGwa’i,andSafariyaDiniNehemiaJohn,andespeciallymyteacher,advocate,
andconfidanteAyiRaheli(/Atlarír)Lawi.TothesonsanddaughtersofAyiRaheli
andBaabáJoeli--JosiahSumaye,EmmanuelJoeli,MariaJoeli,DanielJoeli,and
PaulineJoeli--fromputtingmeupwhenItravelledintotown,throughsittingbymy
bedduringastintattheManyaraReferralHospital,theirtirelesssupportofthe
wholeprojectisprobablythereasonIhavemadeitthisfar.Tothehundred-odd
otherGorwaapeoplewithwhomIworkeddirectlyduringtheprocessofdata
collection,andtothescoresmorewhomImetandwhohelpedmeonthisjourney
na’asé’waló.
TheGorwaaLanguageCommittee,oneoftheunintendedoutcomesoftheproject,
wasindispensableinensuringthedatacollectedwasseenasrelevanttoand
representativeoftheGorwaapopulation.WiththeactiveengagementofAyiRaheli
Lawi,JosiahSumaye,AndreaTsino,HezekiahKodi,StephanoYohani,FestoMassani,
andPaschalBu’ú,thefutureoftheresearchagendafortheGorwaalanguageisboth
dynamicandbright.
HezekiahKodisharedwithmesomeofhisnotesandintuitions,collectedoveryears
ofquietobservationandintrospection.Hisinsight,especiallyontheetymologiesof
Gorwaapersonalnames,wasanimportantavenueofinquiryinthelarger
dissertation.
AakóBu’úSaqwaré(amodernGorwaaShakespeare)andwifeMariaHheekee,made
myregulartripstothehillsofYerotonikanunfailinglyspecialexperience.
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FundiJumaofBongagavemetwoweeks’ofmotorcyclelessons,nodoubtterrifying
theresidentsofthefieldsofAyasandaintheprocess.
Dr.KathrynRanhornhelpedmetolookatGorwaalandaspartofalargerRiftValley
area,andmyworkaspartofalargerhumanistpicture.
AttheUniversityofDaresSalaam,mythanks,asalways,tomyMasters-level
supervisorandcurrenthostDr.HenryMuzale,aswellasDr.JosephatRugemalira,
whofirstsuggestedIworkonGorwaa--bothformidablemindswhoneverallowed
metoforgettheprimacyoftheempiricaldataabovetheappealofaconvenient
theory.
AttheschoolofOrientalandAfricanStudies,mythankstoDr.MartinOrwinandDr.
PeterAustin,mysecondandthirdsupervisors,respectively.AsforDr.LutzMarten,
myfirstsupervisorwhosemagnanimity,franchise,andpatience(derived,itmustbe
remembered,fromtheLatin‘tosuffer’)IdoubtIshalleverproperlyrepay,Iknowof
fewotherpeoplewhowouldmakeatriptoKilimanjarotocheckinwithhowtheir
studentisdoing--fewerstillwhocouldcutthroughthecomplexitiesofalanguage
likeGorwaatodeterminethosefundamentalquestionsthatIsobadlyneededtobe
asked.
ThanksareduetothestaffattheEndangeredLanguagesArchive,whohelpedme
turnmydataintoinformation,availabletovirtuallyanyone,freeofcharge.The
abilityofreaderstoresolvetheGorwaamaterialbacktotheoriginalutterancesisa
centralfeatureofthisdissertation,andsimplywouldnothavebeenpossible
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withouttheirexpertiseinmetadata,datamanagement,andthevicissitudesof
technology.
Dr.Soung-UKim,whoreadvirtuallytheentirefirstdraftandrespondedwithdeeply
usefulcomments,andSamanthaGoodchild,whoprovidedcommentaryonpartsof
theintroduction,gavevitalalternateviewpointsonorganizationandcontent:a
resuscitatingbreathforanauthorinapost-draftstupor.
Dr.HannahGibsonandDr.RozennGuerois,lifeofthepartythatwasBantugroup,
havebeen,inacademicterms,theoldersistersthatIneverhad,anddespitebothof
theirfreneticschedules,neitherhaveeverfoundthemselvestoobusytooffer
supportorguidance.Thefriendship,hospitality,andhelpprovidedbythe
remainderoftheBantugroupandotherhangers-on(asmyself),includingDr.Peter
Edelsten,ChikuLijongwa,Dr.NancyKula,Dr.SheenaShah,andElisabethKerr,
won’tsoonbeforgotten.
SectionsofthisdissertationhavebeenpresentedinvariousformsattheAldrich
InterdisciplinaryConferenceinSt.John’s,Newfoundland,Canada,March2014;the
SOASLinguisticsStudentResearchConferenceinLondon,UK,June2016;theCELC
PostgraduateWorkshop,Cambridge,UK,July2016;CALL46inLeiden,the
Netherlands,August2016;NACAL45inLeiden,theNetherlands,June2017;CALL
47inLeiden,theNetherlands,August2017;andtheLAGBMeetinginCanterbury,
UK,September2017.Mythankstotheaudiencemembersandindividualswho
provideddetailedfeedback.MythanksalsotoDr.JasonMerchant,Dr.DavidAdger,
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andDr.HagitBorer,eachofwhomtookthetimetoprovidesomefeedbackon
specificpartsoftheformalanalysis.
ToJanandtheEnglishcountryside,theeasycompanionshipofwhomseemsto
blendtogether,Iowemanyofthehappiestmemoriesofmytimehere.
Mymother,father,andyoungerbrotherhavealwaysbelievedinthevalueofmy
work,andinmyabilitytodoit.DuringtimeswhenIquestionedmyself,thisproved
thesinglemostvaluablekindofsupport.Thankyou.
Needlesstosay,allerrorsfoundinthisdissertationaremine,andminealone.
Theauthor,MecklenburghSquare,London,April2018
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TableofContents1 Introduction....................................................................................19 1.1 WhyGorwaa?Whythenoun?Whyformalism?Anoteon
motivations.........................................................................................................19 1.2 Languagecontext.............................................................................................28 1.2.1 History....................................................................................................31 1.2.2 Languagefamily.................................................................................35 1.2.3 Languageuseandattitudes...........................................................37 1.2.3.1Numberofspeakers..........................................................37 1.2.3.2Languageuse.......................................................................40 1.2.3.3Languageattitudes............................................................44 1.2.4 Linguisticenvironment..................................................................46 1.2.5 Languagename..................................................................................49 1.2.6 Existingliterature.............................................................................51 1.2.7 Notesonculture................................................................................51 1.2.7.1Naturalresources..............................................................52 1.2.7.2Clans....................................................................................... 55 1.3 Methodsandmethodology.........................................................................57 1.3.1 Informationaboutparticipantsinthestudy........................57 1.3.2 Datacollection...................................................................................61 1.3.3 Speechgenrescollected.................................................................68 1.3.4 Accessing,finding,andusingthedata.....................................70 1.4 Summary............................................................................................................722 AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa............................................73 2.1 Introduction.......................................................................................................73 2.2 Phoneticsandphonology.............................................................................74 2.2.1 Consonants..........................................................................................74 2.2.2 Vowels...................................................................................................75 2.2.3 Pitchandintonation........................................................................76 2.2.4 Stress......................................................................................................79 2.2.5 Phonotactics.......................................................................................79 2.2.5.1Syllables.................................................................................79 2.2.5.2Stem-levelphonotactics..................................................80 2.2.5.3Word-levelphonotactics................................................82 2.3 LexicalCategories...........................................................................................87 2.3.1 Nouns.....................................................................................................87 2.3.1.1Syntacticdistribution.......................................................88 2.3.1.2Genderandnumber..........................................................92 2.3.1.3Subcategoriesofnouns...................................................100 2.3.1.4Derivationaloperations..................................................108 2.3.2 Verbs......................................................................................................110 2.3.2.1Syntacticdistribution.......................................................110 2.3.2.2Verbalinflection.................................................................111 2.3.2.3Adnominals...........................................................................115 2.3.2.4Derivationaloperations..................................................118
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2.3.3 Adjectivesandquantifiers............................................................123 2.3.3.1Adjectives..............................................................................123 2.3.3.2Thequantifierumó............................................................128 2.3.4 Adverbs.................................................................................................128 2.3.5 Anexcursusonideophones..........................................................130 2.3.5.1Directiconicity(onomatopoeia).................................131 2.3.5.2Gestalticonicity..................................................................131 2.3.5.3Relativeiconicity................................................................132 2.3.5.4Themorphosyntaxofideophones..............................133 2.4 Functionalcategories....................................................................................133 2.4.1 Determiners........................................................................................134 2.4.1.1Possessivedeterminers..................................................134 2.4.1.2Demonstrativedeterminers.........................................134 2.4.1.3Indefinitedeterminers....................................................136 2.4.2 Selectors...............................................................................................137 2.4.2.1Arguments............................................................................139 2.4.2.2Voice....................................................................................... 146 2.4.2.3Clausetype...........................................................................149 2.4.2.4Deixis......................................................................................152 2.4.2.5Aspect.....................................................................................153 2.4.2.6Mood.......................................................................................157 2.4.2.7Adverbialcase.....................................................................160 2.4.3 Pronouns..............................................................................................162 2.4.3.1Tonicpronouns...................................................................162 2.4.3.2Non-tonicpronouns..........................................................168 2.4.4 Prepositions........................................................................................169 2.4.4.1Locativeprepositions......................................................169 2.4.4.2Agentiveprepositionnee................................................170 2.4.5 Thecoordinativeconjunction.....................................................171 2.5 Constituents......................................................................................................171 2.5.1 Constituentorderinmainclauses............................................172 2.5.2 Verbphrase.........................................................................................172 2.5.3 Nounphrase........................................................................................174 2.5.4 Adpositionalphrase.........................................................................175 2.5.5 Comparatives.....................................................................................177 2.6 Pragmaticallymarkedstructures............................................................177 2.6.1 Focus,contrast,andtopicalization...........................................177 2.6.1.1Useofdemonstrativesandindefinites.....................178 2.6.1.2‘Topic’morphology...........................................................179 2.6.1.2Dislocation............................................................................180 2.6.1.3Cleftsandpseudo-clefts..................................................181 2.6.2 Negation................................................................................................182 2.6.2.1Verbalnegation...................................................................182 2.6.2.2Nominalandadjectivalnegation.................................183 2.6.2.3Clausalnegation.................................................................183 2.6.2.4Creativeuseofthenegative......................................... 184
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2.6.3 Non-declarativespeechacts........................................................184 2.6.3.1Polarquestions...................................................................184 2.6.3.2Informationquestions.....................................................185 2.6.3.3Imperatives..........................................................................186 2.7 Clausecombinations......................................................................................187 2.7.1 Relativeclauses.................................................................................187 2.7.2 Coordination......................................................................................1913 Thetheoreticalframework......................................................192 3.1 Introduction......................................................................................................192 3.2 Amodelofsyntax............................................................................................192 3.2.1 Thelexicalelements.......................................................................194 3.2.2 Theoperations..................................................................................196 3.2.2.1Merge......................................................................................196 3.2.2.2Agree.......................................................................................197 3.2.2.3Move.......................................................................................199 3.2.2.4Adjoin......................................................................................201 3.3 SamplederivationofanEnglishclause.................................................203 3.4 DistributedMorphology..............................................................................207 3.5 Summary........................................................................................................... 2104 Fundamentals:nominalstructureandnounstems.........212 4.1 Introduction......................................................................................................212 4.2 Nominalstructure..........................................................................................212 4.3 Nounsaswords?Commentsonwordhood....................................... 217 4.3.1 Orthographicboundaries.............................................................219 4.3.2 Pausa......................................................................................................221 4.3.3 Word-internalphonologicaloperations................................222 4.3.4 Indivisibility.......................................................................................223 4.3.5 Wordhood:summary.....................................................................224 4.4 Thestem.............................................................................................................225 4.4.1 Stem-internalphonotacticconstraints...................................226 4.4.2Phoneticsandsemantics:difficultiesinidentifying
thestem................................................................................................ 227 4.4.2.1Stemsidentifiablebyphoneticidentityand
semanticidentity................................................................228 4.4.2.2Stemsidentifiablebyphoneticidentityonly.........229 4.4.2.3Stemsidentifiablebysemanticidentityonly........231 4.4.3 Theinternalstructureofthestem........................................... 232 4.4.3.1Theroot.................................................................................236 4.4.3.2Thepost-syntax................................................................. 238 4.5 Remarksandsummary............................................................................... 240 4.5.1 Remarksonsyntacticcontext..................................................... 241 4.5.2 Summary............................................................................................. 2425 Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena....................................244 5.1 Introduction......................................................................................................244 5.2 Overviewoftheregularphenomena.....................................................246
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5.2.1 Characteristic(a):thedecomposabilityofthesuffix........246 5.2.2 Characteristic(b):suffixeswithnumbervalue...................247 5.2.3 Characteristic(c):suffixeswithoutnumbervalue............251 5.3 Characterizingthesuffix:datapresentation.......................................257 5.3.1 Sg.............................................................................................................260 5.3.1.1-(a)mó(Mo)..........................................................................261 5.3.1.2-(i)to’o(Fr)............................................................................262 5.3.1.3-imo(Mo)...............................................................................263 5.3.1.4-iimi(Fr).................................................................................264 5.3.1.5-aaCzi(Fr)..............................................................................265 5.3.2 General(Sg-leaning)(GenSg).......................................................265 5.3.2.1-o(Mo)....................................................................................266 5.3.2.2-í(Fr).......................................................................................267 5.3.2.3-í(Ft)........................................................................................271 5.3.2.4-ó(Mo)....................................................................................272 5.3.3 General..................................................................................................273 5.3.3.1-a(Mk)....................................................................................275 5.3.3.2-a(Mo)....................................................................................276 5.3.3.3-i(Ft).......................................................................................278 5.3.3.4-i(Fr).......................................................................................279 5.3.3.5-∅ (Mo).................................................................................281 5.3.3.6-ay(N∅).................................................................................282 5.3.3.7-ú(Mo)....................................................................................283 5.3.3.8-oo(Fr)...................................................................................284 5.3.3.9-a(Ft)......................................................................................285 5.3.3.10-aa(Fr)................................................................................287 5.3.3.11-ee(Fr).................................................................................287 5.3.3.12-á(Mo)................................................................................ 288 5.3.3.13-ay(Mo)..............................................................................289 5.3.3.14-u(Mo).................................................................................289 5.3.3.15-aangw(Mo)......................................................................290 5.3.3.16-oo(N∅)...............................................................................291 5.3.4 General(Pl-leaning)(GenPl).........................................................292 5.3.4.1-áy(Mo)..................................................................................293 5.3.4.2-u!(N∅)...................................................................................296 5.3.4.3-a’(!)(N∅)..............................................................................299 5.3.4.4-a’i(N∅)...................................................................................302 5.3.5 Pl..............................................................................................................303 5.3.5.1-náy(Mo)...............................................................................305 5.3.5.2-iya’(N∅)...............................................................................306 5.3.5.3-(a)ma’(N∅).........................................................................307 5.3.5.4-iyoo(N∅)..............................................................................307 5.3.5.5-aCzi’i(N∅)............................................................................308 5.3.5.6-<ee>-aCzu(N∅)..................................................................309 5.3.5.7-eemooor-<ee>-oo(N)....................................................310
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5.3.5.8-aawee(Fr)...........................................................................313 5.3.5.9-eeri(N∅)...............................................................................313 5.3.5.10-eema’(N∅)........................................................................314 5.3.5.11-(a)du(N∅).........................................................................315 5.3.5.12-aCzee(Fr)...........................................................................316 5.3.5.13-aCzu(N∅)...........................................................................318 5.3.6 Anoteonloans..................................................................................319 5.3.6.1LoansfromDatooga..........................................................319 5.3.6.2LoansfromSwahili(andpossiblyEnglish)............320 5.4 Analysis...............................................................................................................321 5.5 Remarksandsummary.................................................................................328 5.5.1 Remarksonmultiplesuffixing...................................................329 5.5.2 Summary..............................................................................................3346 Thesuffix2:thelistedphenomena........................................336 6.1 Introduction......................................................................................................336 6.2 Theparadigm...................................................................................................340 6.3 Overviewofthelistedphenomena.........................................................343 6.3.1 Characteristic(a):theparadigm:content,shape,
andtexture......................................................................................... 344 6.3.2 Characteristic(b):theunpredictabilityoftheparadigm.345 6.3.2.1Paradigmcontentisunpredictable............................345 6.3.2.2Paradigmshapeisunpredictable...............................347 6.3.2.3Paradigmtextureisunpredictable.............................348 6.3.3 Characteristic(c):multipleparadigmsforagivenstem.348 6.3.4 Characteristic(d):paradigmaticeffectson
numbervalue.......................................................................................349 6.3.5 Characteristic(e):gender‘polarity’........................................ 353 6.4 Theparadigms................................................................................................ 356 6.4.1 Paradigmsoftwo:thepair...........................................................360 6.4.2 Paradigmsofthree:thetriad......................................................362 6.4.3 Paradigmsofone:themonad.....................................................362 6.5 Analysis...............................................................................................................364 6.5.1 Theplaceoftheparadigm............................................................365 6.5.2 Paradigmsasversionsofn..........................................................369 6.5.3 RealizationofthemorphemeCl(i.e.SFX1)..........................372 6.5.4 Asummary..........................................................................................373 6.5.5 Therealizationofgender..............................................................377 6.6 Remarksandsummary.................................................................................381 6.6.1 Remarksonthenatureofn..........................................................381 6.6.2 Summary..............................................................................................3847 Thelinker.......................................................................................387 7.1 Introduction......................................................................................................387 7.2 Characterizingthelinker:genderrevisited.........................................388 7.3 Characterizingthelinker:datapresentation......................................392 7.3.1 Distributionofthelinker..............................................................392
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7.3.2 Pastanalyses......................................................................................396 7.3.3 Linkersasmorphophonologicallyconditioned...................397 7.3.3.1Clausalsyntax.......................................................................398 7.3.3.2Summary:linkersasmorphophonologically
conditioned..........................................................................404 7.4 Syntacticidentityofthelinker:theanalysis.......................................406 7.4.1 ThelinkerasD...................................................................................406 7.4.1.1Incorporationconstruction...........................................409 7.4.1.2Summary:thelinkerasD...............................................410 7.4.2 TheRargument.................................................................................410 7.4.2.1Personalnames...................................................................411 7.4.2.2GendermismatchandR..................................................414 7.4.2.3Summary:theRargument.............................................421 7.4.3 ExtendingRtonumber..................................................................421 7.5 Remarksandsummary................................................................................424 7.5.1 RemarksonKramer(2014).........................................................424 7.5.2 Summary..............................................................................................4338 Conclusion..................................................................................... 435 8.1 Summaryofthethesis..................................................................................435 8.2 Descriptiveinsights,andimplicationsforSouthCushitic.............439 8.3 Formalstructure,andimplicationsforformalsyntax....................441 8.4 Prospects........................................................................................................... 4529 Bibliography................................................................................. 459AppendixAParticipantinformation............................................... 473AppendixBSwahiliversionofconsentdialogue..........................476AppendixCListofnouns......................................................................477
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FiguresandtablesTable1.1:Formalversusfunctionalapproaches(adaptedfromCarnieand
Harley2003:2).................................................................................................23Table1.2:SouthCushitic:formalversusfunctionalapproaches.............................25Figure1.1:InternalclassificationofSouthernCushitic(adaptedfromEhret
1980a:132).........................................................................................................35Figure1.2:InternalclassificationofWest-Rift(adaptedfromKießling&
Mous2003:2)....................................................................................................36Table1.3:EstimateofGorwaa-speakersbyward..........................................................39Table1.4:LanguagesoftheRiftValleyLinguisticArea...............................................46Figure1.3:Basicdatacollectionworkflow.......................................................................63Figure1.4:Recordingscollectedduringeachmonthoffieldwork.........................67Figure1.5:Depositpagewith‘searchthisdeposit’intheupperleft.....................71Figure1.6:ELANfilewith‘phrasesegmentnumber’asthefourthtierfrom
thebottom..........................................................................................................72Table2.1:PhonemicinventoryofGorwaaconsonants...............................................74Table2.2:Consonants:IPAequivalentsfororthographicrepresentations.........75Figure2.1:TheGorwaavowels..............................................................................................76Table2.3:Voweldeletion..........................................................................................................85Table2.4:ThetargetsofgenderagreementinGorwaa...............................................95Figure2.2:Placenamesshowing(M)and(F)agreement..........................................103Table2.5:Locationalnounsandtheircombinations....................................................105Figure2.3:NumeralsinGorwaa.............................................................................................107Table2.6:Inflectionalparadigmsforlexicalverbs:presentindicative................111Table2.7:Pluralinflectionalparadigm...............................................................................112Table2.8:Inflectionalparadigmfornominalsubjects:presentindicative.........113Table2.9:Inflectionalparadigmforpastindicative.....................................................114Table2.10:Inflectionalparadigmsforadjectives..........................................................125Figure2.4:BasicadjectivesinGorwaa................................................................................127Figure2.5:AdverbsinGorwaa...............................................................................................129Table2.11:Possessivedeterminers.....................................................................................134Figure2.6:Schematicoftheselector...................................................................................139Table2.12:(S)argument...........................................................................................................141Table2.13:(A)argument..........................................................................................................142Table2.14:(P)argument,pronominalparadigm...........................................................143Table2.15:(P)argument,nominalparadigm..................................................................143Table2.16:Mediopassivemorpheme+Sargumentmarkerfordependent
clauseslackingandinternal(P)atientargument..............................151Table2.17:Personalpronouns...............................................................................................164Table2.18:Possessivepronouns...........................................................................................165Table2.19:Demonstrativepronouns..................................................................................166Table2.20:Interrogativepronouns.....................................................................................167Table2.21:ImperativesinGorwaa.......................................................................................186Figure3.1:ModelofDistributedMorphology(basedonHarley(2014:228))..210
17
Table4.1:Valuationoftherootofthesetwa/aangw,waá/(√364)........................238Table4.2:Valuationoftherootofthesettsifiriandtsifiraangw(√709)...............239Table4.3:Valuationoftherootofthesetgarmaanddaaqay(√765).....................239Table4.4:Valuationoftherootofthesetdo’,maray,mar’i,andmar’oo(√201).240Figure5.1:Generalnumberversussingularandplural
(fromCorbett2000:11)...............................................................................252Table5.1:Nounsuffixes............................................................................................................259Figure6.1:‘General/singular’versusplural(fromCorbett2000:13).................350Figure6.2:Singularversus‘general/plural’(fromCorbett2000:16)..................352Table6.1:Thepairsandthemonads...................................................................................358Table6.2:Thetriads....................................................................................................................358Table6.3:Valuationofn135(version1)..............................................................................371Table6.4:ValuationofCl..........................................................................................................373Table6.5:ValuationofSFX1....................................................................................................373Table6.6:Valuationof√561(version1)..............................................................................375Table6.7:Valuationof√561(version2)..............................................................................376Table6.8:Valuationof√238......................................................................................................376Table6.9:Valuationofn135(revised)..................................................................................378Table7.1:Gendermismatch....................................................................................................415Figure7.1:Fullstructureofageneralnumbernoun....................................................419
18
AbbreviationsA -agentoftransitiveclauseAbl -ablativeAmp -amplicativeAna -anaphoricpronounAtten -attenuativeAux -auxiliaryBack -background‘tense’Comp -comparativeConsec-consecutive‘tense’ Dem1 -demonstrative,firstdegree
deixisDem2 -demonstrative,seconddegree
deixisDem3 -demonstrative,thirddegree
deixisDem4 -demonstrative,fourthdegree
deixisEmph -emphasisExpect-expectativeaspectF -femininegenderFr -femininer-typesubgenderFt -femininet-typesubgenderImp -imperativemoodImprf -imperfectiveaspectIndef -indefinitedeterminerInstr -instrumentalL -linkerLat -lativeLPA -levelpitchaccentM -masculinegenderMk -masculinek-typesubgenderMo -masculineo-typesubgenderMP -mediopassivevoiceN -neutergenderNa -neutera-typesubgenderN∅ -neuter∅-typesubgenderNeg -negativeP -patientoftransitiveclause -speechactparticipantPart -participlePl -pluralnumberPlur -pluractionalPolarQ-polarquestion
Poss -possessivedeterminerPrep -prepositionPres -presenttensePrf -perfectaspectPro -pronounProhib-prohibativemoodPst -pasttenseQ -questionReason-reasonRec -reciprocalRed -reduplicationRes -resumptiveRPA -risingpitchaccentS -soleargumentofintransitive
clauseSg -singularnumberSubj -subjunctivemoodTemp -temporalTop -topicVent -ventive1 -1stperson2 -2ndperson3 -3rdperson♀ -female sex ♂ -male sex ´ -rising pitch accent ` -falling pitch accent ˆ -rising-falling pitch accent
1.Introduction
19
1.Introduction1.1WhyGorwaa?Whythenoun?Whyformalism?Anoteonmotivations.
Gorwaa(ISO639-3:gow),aSouthCushiticlanguagespokeninnorth-central
Tanzania,isanendangeredlanguage,aboutwhichverylittleisknownor
availabletolinguists.Beginningin2012andextendingtopresent,Ihavehadthe
privilegeofspendinglongperiodsoftimelivingwithspeakersofGorwaainand
aroundwhatmaybeconstruedastheirtraditionalhomelandofBabatidistrict,
conductingaudiovisualdocumentationoftheirlanguage.Thisworkisoneearly
outputofthatdocumentaryanddescriptivefieldwork.
Whilelearningtospeakthelanguage(anongoingfeat,itmustbeadmitted),
perhapsoneofthemostmind-bogglingtasks(orgroupoftasks)wasusing
nounscorrectly.Simplyput,asaspeakerofEnglish(withsomefamiliaritywith
bothFrench(fra)andSwahili(swa)),Ifound‘gettingthenounsright’inGorwaa
verydifficultindeed.Fourexamplesofthischaracteristicdifficultyareoutlined
below:
TONE:Nounsmustbepronouncedwiththeappropriatetone,otherwisetheyare
eithermisunderstoodordeemedincorrect.Thenounaalutumo‘inheritor♂’
mustthereforebepronouncedwithlowtone,andthenountlaptumó‘falcon’
mustbepronouncedwithhightone.Severalnounpairsexistwhosemeaning
differssolelyinwhethertheyareproducedwithloworhightone.Thus,the
wordfor‘drum’isniinga,andthewordfor‘pigeonspecies’isniingá.Theword
for‘night’isamsi,versusthepropernameAmsí(typicallygiventoaboyorgirl
bornatnight).
1.Introduction
20
LINKERS:Allnounspossessashortformandalongform.Theshortformofthe
nounmeaning‘cow’isslee,thelongformofthesamenounissleér.Longform
morphology(inthiscase,thehightoneandthe-r)isreferredtointheSouth
Cushiticliteratureasthelinker,andismandatorilypresentinconstructions
showingnominalpossession,orotherconceptsofmodification(e.g.sleéraakó
‘grandfather’scow’andsleerí‘thiscow’),butisalsopresentinother
constructionswhichareclearlynotmodificationalinnature(e.g.aníasleérdiíf‘I
hitthe/acow’).
ADJECTIVALNUMBERAGREEMENT:Somenounscantakeadjectivesagreeingineither
singularorplural,resultinginslightchangesofmeaning.Forexample,thenoun
tsaxway‘grasshopper’,couldoccurwithanadjectiveliketleérwitheither
singularagreement(i.e.tsaxwáytleér)orpluralagreement(i.e.tsaxwáytlét).In
thecaseofsingularadjectivalagreement,theresultantmeaningissomethinglike
‘alonggrasshopper’;inthecaseofpluraladjectivalagreement,theresultant
meaningissomethinglike‘alongswarmofgrasshoppers’or‘aspeciesoflong
grasshopper’.Conversely,somenounsuffixes(likethemasculinesuffix-(a)mó)
onlyallowsingularadjectivalagreement(hencedaka’umótleér‘atallbaobab
tree’,butnot*daka’umótlét(withanintendedmeaningofsomethinglike‘a
speciesoftallbaobabtrees’);andsomesuffixes(liketheneutersuffix-(a)du)
onlyallowpluraladjectivalagreement(hencesuledútlet‘tallschools’,butnot
*suledútleer).However,whilemanysuffixescanbedescribedastakingonly
singularadjectivalagreement(like-(a)mó),takingonlypluraladjectival
agreement(like-(a)du),ortakingboth(likemasculine-ay),othersuffixesdonot
behaveaccordingtothisgeneralization:somesuffixes,itseems,cansometimes
1.Introduction
21
takeeithersingularorpluraladjectivalagreement,butsometimescannot.For
example,thenounloosí‘beans’(suffix-í)canoccurintheconstructionloosír
tleer‘alongspeciesofbean’(i.e.singularadjectivalagreement)andthe
constructionloosírtlet‘longbeans’(i.e.pluraladjectivalagreement);however,
thenounbi/iní‘silkyblesmol’(withthesamesuffix-í)canonlyoccurwith
singularadjectivalagreement:hence,bi/inírtleer‘alongsilkyblesmol’,but
*bi/inírtlet(intendedmeaning,‘aspeciesoflongblesmol’).
ENCAPSULATION:Inadditiontooccurringoutsideoftheverbphrase,nounsmay
alsooccurinsideoftheverbphrase,betweentheauxiliary(i.e.theselector)and
themainlexicalverb--theso-called‘encapsulatedposition’.Therefore,inthe
clauseanísleeagadiíf‘Ihitthecow’thenounslee‘cow’isoutsideoftheverb
phrase(i.e.in‘un-encapsulatedposition’),whereasintheclauseaníasleérdiíf‘I
hitthecow’,thenounsleeisinsideoftheverbphrase(i.e.in‘encapsulated
position’).Asmaybeseenfromthedirecttranslationsofeachclause,the
differenceinpositiondoesnotresultinadifferenceintermsofcontentassuch,
butoftheweightofthatcontent.Unencapsulatednounsmayrefertonewly-
introducedentitiesinthediscourse,whereasencapsulatednounsrarely,ifever,
performthisfunction.
Thesephenomena,amongothers,rangefromfairlystraightforwardto
considerablycomplexand,collectively,arethereasonwhythecurrentworkis
dedicatedtotheGorwaanoun.Addressingthesepatternsprovidesimpetusfor
deepexplorationofGorwaamorphosyntaxand,ultimately,detailedgrammatical
descriptionoftheGorwaalanguage:thelong-termdesideratumofthebroader
project.
1.Introduction
22
Indeed,this‘project’doesnotexistinisolation:interestinthedescriptionofthe
widerSouthCushiticlanguagefamilyisnotwithoutitsscholarlytradition,
beginningwithWhiteley’s(1958)AShortDescriptionofItemCategoriesinIraqw
andgainingconsiderableadvanceswiththeIraqwgrammarsofNordbudstad
(1988),Mous(1993),andthemajorhistoricalsurveyofKießling(2002).Along
listofpapersmayalsobeaddedtothislist,includingthosefocusedonhistorical
reconstruction(e.g.Kießling1998,2004,Mous1996,andKießling&Mous2003)
aswellasdescriptionofspecificgrammaticalconstructions(e.g.Kießling2007,
Mous2004,andMousandQorro2010).Specifically,thisworkseekstoengage
inthisbodyofdescriptionintwoways.Primarily,bytreatingaSouthCushitic
languagewhichhas,topresent,beenunderrepresentedinliteratureonthe
family,thisworkwillbroadentheempiricalbasisuponwhichworkaboutSouth
Cushiticisconducted.Additionally,thisworkaimsforadifferentperspectiveon
SouthCushitic,namelyintakingaformalapproachtoquestionswhich,to
present,havebeentreatedfromafunctionalstance.
Thedivisionofformalandfunctionalapproachesisnotneat,andrunstheriskof
beingessentialist.AsstatedinCarnieandHarley(2003)“[t]hereisverylittle
agreementamonglinguistsaboutwhichparticularassumptionsor
methodologiesmarkoneasafunctionalistoraformalist”(1).Withthatsaid,the
identificationofsomecommondimensionsalongwhichformalistand
functionalistapproachesdiffer,andthekeyswaysinwhichthosedifferencesare
manifestwillproveusefulinorientingthisworkinrelationtopastworkon
SouthCushitic.ThefollowingtableisbasedonCarnieandHarley(2003:2),itself
basedonCroft(1995)andNewmeyer(1998).
1.Introduction
23
Table1.1FORMALVERSUSFUNCTIONALAPPROACHES(ADAPTEDFROMCARNIEANDHARLEY2003:2)
Dimension FunctionalApproach
FormalApproach
Theroleofstructureingrammaticaltheory
Lessrelianceonstructure.
Morerelianceonstructure.
Theroleofarbitrarinessingrammar
Grammaticalarbitrarinessisessentiallylexicalarbitrariness.Radicalfunctionalismseesarbitrarinessonlyinthelexicon.
Language,includinggrammar,isessentiallyarbitrary.
Theautonomyofsyntax Speakingofgrammaticalforminisolationismeaningless:semanticandpragmaticfunctioniscentraltogrammaticalform.
Severalgrammaticalphenomenaallowformalcharacterizationwithoutreferencetotheirsemanticorpragmaticfunction.
Thediachronic/synchronicdistinction
Fullcharacterizationofagrammaticalsystemisincompletewithoutanunderstandingofthehistoricaleventsthatgaverisetoit.
Thegoaloflinguistictheoryistocharacterizethegrammaticalsystemofaspeakeratagivenmomentintime,withoutreferencetothehistoricalpressuresthatgaverisetothatsystem.
Thecompetence/performancedistinction
Theperformancesystemandthecomprehensionsystemareisomorphic.
Thereexistscoregrammaticalknowledgewhichcanbecharacterizedindependentlyoftheproduction/comprehensionsystemthatrealizesit.
Whatconstitutes‘data’forlinguisticstudy
Statisticalcorpusanalysis,historicaldata,andsociologicaldata.
Grammaticalityjudgments,typologicalcomparison,anddatafromlanguageacquisition.
Almostimmediately,thistablebeliesthediversityofpreviousworkonSouth
Cushitic,aswellaswhatistobecoveredinthecurrentwork.Forexample,Mous
andKooij(2006)representsaparticularlystructurally-orientedtreatmentof
incorporationconstructionsinIraqw.Additionally,thisworkdoesoccasionally
1.Introduction
24
discusscertainphenomenafromahistoricalperspective(seeesp.§5.3.6.2onthe
reanalysisofloanwordendings).Simplyput,functionalismandformalismmust
beseentoexistaspolesofacontinuum,andthiswork,aswellasotherrelatedto
it,thoughlocatedmoretowardonepoleoranother,willrarelyoccupyoneofthe
extremes.
Withthatsaid,itisusefultoreturntothefourintroductory‘difficulties’of
Gorwaaoutlinedabove,andtocontrasthowtheyhavebeenapproachedinthe
pastandhowtheyhavebeenapproachedinthecurrentwork.Usingthesefour
cases(eachroughlyrepresentingadifferentmodalityofthegrammar),onecan
seehowthepastanalysesandthepresentanalysisdifferintermsofformal
versusfunctionalorientation.
1.Introduction
25
Table1.2SOUTHCUSHITIC:FORMALVERSUSFUNCTIONALAPPROACHESPhenomenon FunctionalAccount FormalAccount
TONALPAIRS[Phonology] Representaderivationaldevicehistoricallyusedtocreatepropernamesfromcommonnounsviaadditionofahightone(Kießling2004:10)
Representthesynchronicexistenceofaseriesofsuffixpairsdifferentiatedsolelybytone,addedtoanounstem(seee.g.§5.3.2.2).
LINKERS[Morphology] Representahistoricaldevelopmentfromgeneraldeictics,commoninAfroAsiatic(Banti1997:100)
RepresentthesynchronicinstantiationofD:obligatorilypresentinthesyntaxofnounsbearingreference,butwhosepronunciationisprosodicallyconditioned(seeChapter7).
ADJECTIVALNUMBERAGREEMENT[Semantics]
Representssemanticagreement.“Thesamenouncanhaveasingularorpluraladjectivewithadifferenceinmeaning.”(Mous1993:204)
RepresentsagreementwiththeRargumentforinterpretablenumberfeatures,ifandonlyifthesuffixisunvaluedfornumber(see§7.4).
ENCAPSULATION[Pragmatics]
Representsasyntacticconstruction“determined[…]bypragmaticfactors”:thepositionisforlesspragmaticallysalientmaterial(Kießling2007:145).
Representsapragmaticconstructiondeterminedbysyntactic/phonologicalfactors:theencapsulatednoun,bybeingintegratedintotheverbalcomplex,losesperceptualprominence.Ifthespeakerwishestoemphasizeanewreferent,thatspeakerwillprobablynotuseanencapsulatedformtodoso(see§7.3.3.1,esp.(7.20);c.f.Baker(1996:290)).
Asmaybeseen,incertaincases(suchasadjectivalnumberagreement),the
analysesyieldedbythenewformalapproacharevirtuallythesameasthose
yieldedbytheformerfunctionalapproach.Inothercases(suchas
encapsulation),theanalysisframesthephenomenoninadifferentway.Instill
othercases(tonalpairs,linkers),thetwoapproachesleadtotwofinalanalyses
1.Introduction
26
sodifferentthattheywillsurelyresultinvisibledifferencesin,say,glossingfora
descriptivegrammarofthelanguage.Whatoughttobenotedisthat,though
eachpairofanalysesusesaverydifferentapproachand,occasionally,arrivesat
averydifferentinterpretationofthephenomenon,nosingleoneyieldsan
‘answer’.Ultimately,eachoftheseinterpretationswillhavetheiruseinthe
descriptionofthelanguageand,whentakentogether,representaricherviewof
thephenomenaathand.Itisinthisspiritofcomplementaritythatthecurrent
workadoptsaformalapproach,anditishopedthattheinsightderivedfromit
willstimulatefuturethoughtandinquiry.
Specifically,thetheorywhichinformstheformalapproachtakeninthisworkis
DistributedMorphology(DM)(Halle&Marantz1993,1994).Becausemuchof
whatfollowstreatsthenounasacomplexofsmallerparts,DMseemedthemost
obviousframeworktofollow.BecauseDMassertsthatsub-wordcomponents
(i.e.morphemes)enterintostructuralrelationshipsaccordingtothesame
mechanismswhichdrivethestructuringofphrasesandclauses,thesamevision
ofthesyntax(i.e.Minimalism)maybeadoptedatalllevelsthroughoutthework.
TheremainderofthischaptersituatestheGorwaalanguagewithinitslarger
socialandhistoricalcontext,andprovidesdetailsonthemethodsand
methodologyusedtocollectthedatausedherein.
FollowingthisintroductionisageneralsketchofGorwaa.Providingageneral
introductiontothelanguage,thischapterisintendedasbothanempirical
contributiontoalanguageforwhichnopreviousdescriptionwasavailable,as
1.Introduction
27
wellastogroundthereaderinsomebasicconceptswhichwillbefurther
elaboratedinfollowingchapters.
Thethirdchapterisanintroductiontotheformalmodelemployedinthe
linguisticanalysis:theMinimalistProgrammeandDistributedMorphology.
Thefourthchapterdiscussesthecoresubjectmatterofthework:thenoun.
Followingsomediscussiononwordhoodcriteria,thenounisestablishedas
composedofthreemajorparts:thestem,thesuffix,andthelinker.The
remainderofthechapterprovidesaformalDManalysisoftheGorwaanoun
stem.
Thefifthchapterturnstothesuffix.Morphosyntacticallycomplex,suffixesare
identifiedashavingphenomenawhichmaybedescribedasregularaswellas
phenomenawhichmaybedescribedaslisted.Thischaptertreatstheformer
characteristics,andthefollowingchaptertreatsthelatter.Withthisestablished,
anoverviewoftheregularphenomenaensues,aswellasadetailedpresentation
ofthesuffixesofGorwaa.Fromaformal(DM)perspective,theseregular
characteristicsareaccountedforasproductsoffeaturebundlesbeing
manipulatedinthesyntax.
Thesixthchaptertreatsthelistedphenomenaofthesuffix.Followingan
introductiontotheideaofdeclensionclass(orparadigm),anoverviewofthe
listedphenomenaisgiven,aswellasadetailedpresentationoftheparadigms
intowhichnounsuffixesenterinGorwaa.Formally,theselistedphenomenaare
accountedforasrealizationsofrulespost-Spellout.
1.Introduction
28
Theseventhchaptertreatsthelinker--thefinalmajorpartoftheGorwaanoun.
Followingapresentationoflinkerformsandthemorphosyntacticdistributionof
thelinker,itisarguedthat,contrapreviousanalysesinSouthCushitic,thatthe
linkerrepresentsagreementmorphologymanifestonthedeterminer,whose
pronunciationismorphophonologicallyconditioned.Formalanalysisinthis
chapterisfocusedonaccountingforagreementpatterns.
Concluding,chaptereightsummarizesthethesis,discussestheimplicationsof
thethesisbothforSouthCushiticandforformalsyntax,andproposesprospects
forfurtherresearch.
Itwillbenotedthatthisworkdoesnotincludeaspecific‘literaturereview’
chapter.Thiswasaconsciousdecision,motivatedprimarilybythedisparate
natureoftheliteraturedrawnuponinthiswork.Asidefromtheoverarching
frameworkofDistributedMorphologyandMinimalism(whicharegiventheir
owndedicatedchapter(seeChapter3),thereisnooneconceptwhichinforms
theentirework.Instead,conceptsareemployedwhentheyareneeded,andas
thenarrativeprogresses.
1.2Languagecontext
ThefollowingsubsectionisconcernedwithsituatingtheGorwaalanguage
withinitslargersocial,historical,andsocial-culturalcontext.Beforedoingthis,
however,acommentontheresearcher’sownsituatedness(i.e.involvement
withintheresearchcontext)isalsoworthwhile.
Asauniversitystudent(andduringMasters-levelwork,astudentatthelocal
UniversityofDaresSalaam),itwaswidelyrecognizedamongthepeoplewith
1.Introduction
29
whomIwasworkingthatIoccupiedapositionofanapprentice--analogousto
youngTanzaniansconductingfieldworkonthebehalfofNGOsorthecentral
government.Researchwas,then,anecessarystep,conductedinorderto
graduateandprogressinmychosenfieldofwork.Asaresult,manypeoplewith
whomIhaveworkedhaveseenthemselvesasteachers(eitheroftheGorwaa
languageoroftheGorwaalifeways),andseentheirknowledgeandlabourasa
contributiontotheconcretetaskofhelpingme‘writeareport’or‘passan
examination’.Atthesametime,asawhite,Western-educatedresearcher,Iam
clearlyalsoviewedaspartofalineageofforeignagents:anthropologists,
philanthropists,evangelists,andcolonists--theinfluenceofwhomhashada
tremendouseffectontherealityofcontemporaryTanzania,andnotalways
benign.Iusetheword‘agent’consciously,aswhitepeoplewhodonotfitinto
thetourist(Sw.mtalii)tropedonotsimplyarriveinruralTanzaniafornothing--
theyaretheretodosomething.FortheGorwaa,thishasmeantthingslike
convertingpeopletoChristianity,buyinguplandforlarge-scaleagriculture,or
surreptitiouslyhuntingfortreasure.Whateverthemotivation,white
interactionswiththeGorwaapeopleareconsistentlyanexerciseofwhite
privilegeand(neo-)colonialpoweroveralargelypassive(or‘pacified’)
indigenouspeasantry,andmayveryoftenbecharacterizedasaprocessof
extraction(ofconvertedsouls,offarmedproduce,oftreasure).Indeed,the
currentworkisaproductoftheextractionofaudiovisualmaterialfromthe
Gorwaalanguagecommunity.WritteninEnglish,andinsuchawaythatmany
well-educatedWesternaudiencesmightstillfindopaque,theworkwilllargely
remaininaccessibleand(duetodifferencesintheWestern-academicand
Gorwaaepistemologies)oflimitedusetotheGorwaa-languagecommunity.
1.Introduction
30
Howtoaddressthe(oftenproblematic)natureofwhiteinvolvementin
Gorwaalandisnotthepurposeofthisdissertation,andevenifitwere,sucha
dissertationwouldbeoflittlepracticalusetotheGorwaapeople.Instead,
commitmenttolong-term,reflexive,engagementwiththeGorwaalanguage
community,withtheultimategoalofinvertingthetraditionaltemplateof
interaction(powerheldbytheoutsider,extractive)infavourofanewmodel
(powerheldbytheGorwaapeople,creative/locallymeaningful)isperhapsthe
mostappropriateapproach.Actionstakenduringthecurrentresearchtoward
thisnewmodelincludedevelopingalocally-ledresearchadvisorycommittee,
holdingextensivepublicengagement,andcommittingtofairpaymentfor
languageconsultants,butsuchmeasuresrepresentwhatcanonlybecalleda
tentativebeginningtoaddressingaveryoldandoftenperniciousissueindeed.
FollowingthisreflectiononthehistoryofwhiteoutsidersamongtheGorwaa,it
mayseemparadoxical(orperhapsevenhypocritical)toattempttoengageinan
ethnographicanalysis.Afterall,inwritingabout“theGorwaa”,isitnotthe
underlyingassumptionthattheyarethereforesomehomogeneousmass,
somehowboundtothedictatesoftraditionor“tribe”?No.Toparaphrase
Sanders’(2008)commentontheIsanzu,theGorwaaareacollectionultimately
composedofindividuals:somepracticereligion,somedonot,somepossesshigh
levelsofWesterneducation,politicalpower,andeconomicadvantage,somedo
not.Therearefamilieslivingintownsandcitiesthroughoutthecountrywho
probablyidentifyasGorwaa,andtherearenodoubtaveryfewwholivein
Europe,America,orotherpartsof‘theWest’.Thisdiversitywouldseemto
confoundanycoherentapproachtowritingabout‘theGorwaa’,ifitwerenotfor
1.Introduction
31
thefactthattheGorwaaoftenemploythetermtoessentialisethemselves.The
imageoftheGorwaagivenbelowthereforeattemptstocapturehowtheGorwaa
imaginethemselves.“Onthisscoreitisimportanttonotethatanthropological
projectsthatessentializeOthersarenotthesamethingasanthropological
projectslikethisonethataimtowriteaboutandthroughOthers’projectsof
essentialization”(207n5).
Withthatsaid,thefollowingsubsectionoffersadiscussionoftheGorwaa
languagecontext,whichisnecessarilytentativeonmattersrelatingtoGorwaa
culture.Oneday,aGorwaascholarwillundoubtedlydobetter,but,untilthen,
thisattemptstofillthelacuna.
1.2.1History
OraltraditionsoftheDatoogapeoplestatethataround1700,theleaderofthe
Barbaigclan,Ruida,cametotheHanangareatofindothergroupsofDatooga
livingalongsidefarmersknownas‘Gobreik’(Wilson1952:42,45).Today,this
termistheDatoogawordusedtorefertotheGorwaa.Itisargued,however
(Kießling&Mous2003:119)that,giventhetime-depth,‘Gobreik’referrednotto
theGorwaapeoplespecifically(c.f.Thornton1980:199),butanearliergroupof
Cushitic-speakingpeoplesfromwhichtheGorwaaandIraqwpeoples(and
possiblyAlagwaandBurunge)derive.ThisiscorroboratedbyGorwaaoral
tradition,whichholdstheGorwaa,Iraqw,Alagwa,andBurungepeoplestobe
bornofonefather[20151125j].
Inoneversionofthisstory,theGobreiklivenearthebanksoftheYa’eérQantsar
(GreenRiver)[20151125i].Inanother,itisaplacecalledMa/angwe
1.Introduction
32
[DSC_5354_20150705b.6].Dependingontheaccount,changingclimateor
exhaustionofnaturalresourcesbredinternalunrestwhichledtoconflict
betweentheGobreikandtheneighbouringDatoogapeople.Dealtadecisive
defeat,theYa’eérQantsar-Ma/angwesettlementwasabandoned1,theleaderof
theGobreikfled,andthepeoplewerescattered.Thepeoplewhoretreatedtothe
highplateaubetweenLakeManyaraandLakeEyasiperformedariteof
atonement,andweresubsequentlysparedfurtherbattleswiththeDatooga.
ThesepeoplebecametheIraqw.Thepeoplewhoremainedonthewide
lowlandsdidnotperformatonementrites,andbecametheGorwaa.Nomention
intheoralaccountsIhavecollectedmakementionhereofeithertheAlagwaor
Burungepeoples.
TheGorwaawentontosettlesmallcommunitiesintheareabetweenMount
HanangtothewestandMountKwaraatotheeast,butwerefrequentlydriven
outinalongseriesofskirmisheswiththeDatooga.Thearrivalofanothergroup
ofNiloticspeakingpeople--theMaasai--broughtanendtotheDatooga
incursions,andseemedtoallowtheGorwaatoresettlecommunitiesfromthe
eastbankoftheDuururivertothefarsideofMountKwaraa.Shortlythereafter
(approximately1885),theGermancolonialadministrators(basedinKondoa)
1ThelocationoftheYa’eérQantsar-Ma/angwesettlementremainsunknown,butthesiteoftheiron-ageruinsofEngarukaisatantalizingcandidate.Archaeologicalevidenceshowsthat“[...]sorghumwasthemaincrop,[...]fertilizedwithmanurefromstall-fedcattle.”(Sutton2000:2),anagriculturalpracticestillusedbytheIraqwandGorwaatoday.Inadditiontothis,theEngarukacommunityseemstohavecollapsedduetoa“declineintheriverflowssothatseveraloftheirrigationcanalscouldnotbesustainedtosatisfythedemandsofsointensiveasystemsupportingsoconcentratedapopulation.[O]necanimaginepressureonresourcesandunavoidableoverworking,witherosionandsoil-exhaustioninitstrain[...]”(2).Furthermore,abandonmentofEngarukaseemstohavebeencompletebyaround1700,approximatelythesametimeRuidasawtheGobreikatHanang.However,manyoralhistoriesoftheareaplacetheYa’eérQantsar-Ma/angwesettlementmuchfurthersouth,withalternateinhabitantsoftheEngarukasettlementbeingtheprecursorsoftheSonjopeople.
1.Introduction
33
tookcontroloftheregion,largelybringingadefinitiveendtolarge-scaleraids
fromboththeDatoogaandMaasai,andallowingtheareaoccupiedbythe
GorwaatobeconsolidatedaswhatisnowconsideredGorwaaland.
TheaccountaboverunstheriskofreducingtherelationshipoftheGorwaaand
Datoogatooneofcat-and-mouseantagonism.Infact,theinterplayofthese
culturesismuchmorecomplexandnuanced.LexicalborrowingsfromDatooga
intoGorwaaarecommoninsemanticfieldssuchascattlediseasesandplantand
animalnames(Kießling&Mous2003:33),andmanyplacenamesinGorwaaland
areDatoogainorigin.Infact,olderspeakersofGorwaaoftenreportthatatleast
oneoftheirparentsspokeDatooga,oridentifiedasaDatoogaperson
themselves.Tothisday,Datoogatraditionaldoctors,aswellashistoricalfigures
suchastheDatoogaprophetSaygiloMageena,areheldinhighregard.Sufficeit
torepeatKießling,Mous,&Nurse(2008)insayingthat“[t]heTanzanianRift
Valleyisanareawithalongperiodofcontactwithunstablepowerrelationsin
whichthedirectionsofinfluencechangedovertime[...]”(2),theGorwaa-
Datoogadynamicdescribedaboverepresentingjustonemomentinthislong
interplayofdifferentpeoples.
Colonialrule(aspartofGermanEastAfricafrom1885-1919,andaspartof
TanganyikaTerritory(ruledbytheBritish)from1922-1961),sawa
reorganizationofGorwaasociety,withtheexistinghereditarychiefdomgiven
unprecedentedpower,servingasaproxyfortheGermanandthentheBritish
colonialadministrators.Powerwasplacedinthechiefs’handstocollecttaxes,to
arrestandimprisoncriminalsanddissenters,aswellastoimposefinesfornon-
compliancewithlargecolonialprojects,suchascompulsorymilitaryservice
1.Introduction
34
[20151202e].Fromthisaroseastricthierarchy,atthetopofwhichwasthe
wawutumo‘chief’,followedbythega/awusmo‘overseer,sub-chief’,followedby
theya/abusmo‘steward,wardsecretary’followedbytheboyimo(fromthe
English‘boy’):‘villageheadman’.Particularlypopularstoriesfromthisera
includethoserelatingtothecommunalclearingoftheforestsacrossGorwaaland
inordertoridtheregionoftsetseflies,aswellastoopenthelandtoagriculture
[20151202d].ItwasatthistimethattheGorwaabegantosettletothenorthas
wellastotheeastofMountKwaraa.
IndependencefromBritainin1961sawthecreationofthecountryof
Tanganyika,andtheabolitionofthechiefdoms.Fromindependenceuntilthe
mid-1980s,thecountry(renamedTanzaniauponunionwithZanzibarin1964)
wasasocialistone-partystate.DuringthistimeGorwaalandwasaremotepart
ofthelargeArusharegion,andtheGorwaapeoplecontinuedtolivetraditionally
asfarmersandpastoralists.Babati,thelargesturbancentreinthearea,
remainedasmalloutposttown,servedbyapostofficeandahealthcentre
[20150805].
2003markedthebeginningofaperiodofgreatchangeinthearea,whenthe
Arusharegionwasdividedintwo,itssouthernhalfrenamedManyara,and
Babatideclaredtheregionalcapital.Thishasspurredasudden,intensiveinflux
ofdevelopment(pavingroads,buildinggovernmentoffices,openingbanks,retail
businesses,etc.)aswellassizeablemigrationofpeopletothenewcapital:both
fromwithintheregionaswellasfromotherregions.Increasingly,electricityis
arrivinginthetownsandvillagesallaroundGorwaaland,andpavedroadsand
bridgesareopeningupcommunitiestothecommerce,culture,andlanguageof
1.Introduction
35
thenationalmajority.TimewilltellhowtheGorwaapeoplewillrespondto
theserecenttitanicshifts.
1.2.2Languagefamily
GorwaaisamemberoftheSouthernCushiticgroupoftheCushiticfamily-itself
abranchoftheAfro-Asiaticphylum.TheexactpositionofSouthCushiticwithin
Cushiticisamatterofsomedebate,withGreenbergproposingSouthernCushitic
asanindependentbranchofCushitic(equalwithNorthern,Eastern,andCentral
Cushitic),andEhret(1995:490)includingSouthernCushiticwithinEastern
Cushitic.AninternalclassificationofSouthernCushiticispresentedinFigure
1.1.
Figure1.1:InternalclassificationofSouthernCushitic(adaptedfromEhret1980a:132)
SouthernCushitic
qgpMbuguBranchRiftBranchDahaloBranchMa’a(mhd;Tanzania)5Dahalo(dal;Kenya)West-RiftEast-RiftIraqw(irk;Tanzania)Qwadza†(wka;Tanzania)Gorwaa(gow;Tanzania)Aasax†(aas;Tanzania)Alagwa(wbj;Tanzania)Burunge(bds;Tanzania)KießlingandMous(2003:2-3)notethatclassificationofSouthernCushiticisa
challengeforseveralreasons.Firstly,oftheEast-Riftbranch,bothlanguagesare
nowassumedtobeextinct,withonlysmallamountsoflexicaldataremaining
(seeEhret(1980a+b)forQwadza,andEhret(1980a),Fleming(1969),Merker
(1910),Maguire(1927/1928),andWinter(1979)forAasax).Secondly,Ma’aof
theMbuguBranchisbestdescribedasa‘mixedlanguage’(Mous1994),featuring
Bantumorphologyandtworegisters:onecontainingCushiticrootsandtheother
ofBantuorigin.Becauseofthis,inclusionofMa’ainanygeneticclassification
1.Introduction
36
provesproblematic.ThestatusofDahalo,whetherSouthernCushitic,Eastern
Cushitic(Blazek&Tosco1994),orneither(Rowe2000),is,ultimately,unclear.
Assuch,KießlingandMous(2003)focusontheinternalclassificationofWest-
Rift,presentedinFigure1.2.
Figure1.2:InternalclassificationofWest-Rift(adaptedfromKießling&Mous2003:2).
Proto-West-Rift5
NorthernWest-RiftSouthernWest-Rift 4 1IraqwoidAlagwaBurunge 3IraqwGorwaaTheinternalclassificationisuseful:forexample,GorwaaandIraqwaremutually
intelligible,whichisreflectedhereintherelativelylatesplitbetweenthetwo
languages.Limitations,however,doexist.Contacthasplayedalargeroleinthe
developmentofallfouroftheselanguages,andcannotberepresented
genetically.Forexample,inthenominalsuffixes-iimi,-aCzee,and-aCzuoccurin
bothGorwaaandAlagwa(whoselanguagecommunitiescurrentlybordereach
other),butnotinIraqw(whichnolongerbordersAlagwa).Lexicalborrowings
fromAlagwaintoGorwaaarealsopresent.
MutualintelligibilitybetweenGorwaaandIraqwishigh,withseveralrecordings
havingbeenmadeofGorwaaspeakersaddressingIraqwspeakerswithno
apparentissuesofcomprehension[20150913a],[20150913d],[20150927a-f].
Thetwolanguagesdo,however,featuresomeconsiderabledifferences.In
additiontothenominalsuffixesnotedabove,Gorwaaalsoshowsadifferent
agreementpatternwithseveraladjectivesinthepluralform:comparetheIraqw
1.Introduction
37
muukúbuuxayénwiththeGorwaamuukúbuuxáx(‘greypeople’).Themarkerfor
thirdpersonagentisalsodifferent:comparetheIraqwgunadiifwiththeGorwaa
ngunadiif(‘hehitit(M)’).Syntactically,Gorwaaseemstofeatureasomewhat
freerargumentorderthanIraqw:post-verbalnounswhichindexarguments,
suchastheGorwaainatláygofaangw(‘thebuckwent’),areconsideredeither
strangeorungrammaticalinIraqw.
1.2.3Languageuseandattitudes
Thissubsectiontreatslanguageuseandattitudes,1.2.3.1discussesthenumber
ofspeakers,1.2.3.2discusseslanguageuse,and1.2.3.3discusseslanguage
attitudes.
1.2.3.1Numberofspeakers
EstimatesofthenumberofGorwaaspeakersvarygreatly.Thisislargelydueto
thefactthatnodedicatedlanguagesurveyhasbeenconductedforGorwaa,and
verylittlewasknownaboutthelinguisticmakeupofcommunitiesinandaround
Gorwaaland.Ethnologue(Simons&Fennig2017)currentlyputsspeaker
numbersat50,000.ThisfigureisfromKießling’s(1999)historical
reconstructionofSouthCushitic-andseemstobeaneducatedguess.Indeed,
thefollowingyear,Kießling(2000:1),revisesthisestimateto100,000speakers.
Ina2007manuscript,MousestimatesthenumberofGorwaaspeakersat“about
fifteenthousandspeakersorless”.IncomparisonwiththeIraqwpeople-
expandingandculturallydominantintheregion(andwhoselanguageisthe
mainfocusofthatparticularwork)-Gorwaadoesseemaminusculequantity.
ThefirstmethodologicallyrigorousfigureforGorwaaspeakerscomesinthe
AtlasiyaLughazaTanzania(LOT2009),inwhichinformants(mainlyuniversity
1.Introduction
38
studentswhogrewupintheadministrativeregionofinterest)wereaskedto
indicatewhichlanguages(uptofive)werespokenineacharea(villagesforrural
areasandstreetsforurbanareas)showninthepopulationcensusdatabase
(TanzaniaGovernment2002),aswellasestimatewhatpercentageofpeople
spokewhichlanguage.Projectresearchersthenspent6weeksinallregionsof
thecountryduringJuly-August2006fillinggapsandassessingthevalidityof
informants’estimates(Muzale&Rugemalira2008:78-79).Thenumberof
GorwaaspeakersresultantlyrecordedintheAtlasiwas112,941(LOT2009:3).
Inanattempttoarriveatayetsharperconclusion,Irecordedpopulationfigures
fromthelatestavailablecensusdata(TanzaniaGovernment2014)foreachward
withinbothBabatiTownandBabatiDistrict-theareawithinwhichGorwaaland
islocated-andmadeanestimateonwhatpercentageofinhabitantsspeak
Gorwaa.Anadditional2,500speakershavebeenaddedtoplaceswheresmall
communitiesorindividualfamiliesofGorwaaspeakersmaylivewhichare
outsideofthesurveyarea(placeslikeMtowaMbu,Arusha,andDaresSalaam).
1.Introduction
39
Table1.3:ESTIMATEOFGORWAA-SPEAKERSBYWARDWard Population Percentageof
GorwaaspeakersNumberof
GorwaaspeakersBABATITOWN Babati 16,718 30% 5,015Mutuka 4,910 60% 2,946Nangara 7,468 30% 2,240Singe 6,620 50% 3,310Bonga 9,603 40% 3,841Bagara 28,920 30% 8,676Sigino 10,038 30% 3,011Maisaka(Maisák) 8,831 30% 2,649BABATIDISTRICT Magara 15,336 5% 767Nkaiti 14,150 5% 708Mwada 16,139 5% 807Mamire 9,014 60% 5,408Gallapo(Galapoo) 19,578 50% 9,775Qash 19,549 50% 9,774Ayasanda 6,182 90% 5,564Gidas 7,392 80% 5,914Duru 11,526 60% 6,916Riroda 12,179 80% 9,743Arri(/Ari) 14,146 50% 7,073Dareda 22,880 15% 3,432Dabil 16,781 10% 1,678Ufana 20,189 10% 2,018Bashnet 13,367 15% 2,005Madunga 21,094 15% 3,164Kiru 13,119 30% 3,936Magugu 32,774 30% 9,832Baoy(Bo/ay) 6,565 60% 3,939Nar 11,186 5% 559Endakiso 9,246 60% 5,548OTHERAREAS ~2,500
Total: 132,748Thetotalyieldedbythisexerciseis132,748.Thisnumberrepresents,tothebest
ofmyknowledge,thetotalpossiblenumberofGorwaaspeakers.Amore
nuancedfigurecanbearrivedatbyaddinguponlythoseareaswhichIbelieve
Gorwaatobeactivelyspokenandusedineverydaylife(shadedabove):this
yieldsatotalof79,751.Thesetwonumberswouldsuggestthat,takentogether,
60%ofGorwaaspeakersareusingGorwaaactively.Theremaining40%may
1.Introduction
40
knowGorwaa,butareprobablynotusingitextensively,norpassingitontotheir
children.
1.2.3.2Languageuse
Furthertentativegeneralizationsmaybereachedfrompersonalobservation.
BasedoninteractionsobservedamongGorwaafamilies,thelanguagefalls
somewherebetween6band7ontheExpandedGradedIntergenerational
DisruptionScale(EGIDS)(LewisandSimons2010).EGIDSLevel6bdescribesa
threatenedlanguagestatus:oneinwhichthelanguageisnotbeingpassedonto
childrenreliablyenoughfornumbersofspeakerstoremainstableintothe
cominggenerations.Astimegoeson,“therewillbefewerspeakersorfewer
domainsofuseorboth”(13).EGIDSLevel7describesashiftinglanguagestatus:
asituationinwhichthelanguageisclearlynotbeingpassedontoyounger
generations.
InBabatiTown,parentsofGorwaafamiliescommonlyunderstandGorwaa,and
mayuseGorwaaamongthemselvesinthehome.Children,however,either
understandGorwaabutdonotuseit,ormayonlyknowbasicitemssuchas
greetingsandhowtoformquestions.Eitherway,itisraretoobserveGorwaa
childrenusingGorwaa,eveninthehome.Thelanguageusedoutsidethehome,
invirtuallyallinteractions,isSwahili.Barringafurther,morenuanced,
examinationoflanguageuseamongGorwaapeopleinthisurbansetting,Gorwaa
maybeassessedas7(shifting)inBabatiTown.
Moreruralareas(BabatiDistrict)seemorerobustuseamongallgenerations,
eventheyoungest,butthedomainsinwhichGorwaaisusedareincreasingly
1.Introduction
41
restricted.VirtuallyallspeakersofGorwaaalsospeakSwahili(seeAppendixA),
anditisconsiderablymorecommontohearSwahilibeingspokeninsocial
spaces(attheshop,atworship,etc.)thanGorwaa.Publiclife(seeMuzaleand
Rugemalira2008)isdominatedbySwahili:school,healthcare,andmostall
interactionswithgovernmentofficialsofeverylevelisconductedinSwahili.In
thehomeandamongneighbours,Gorwaamaystillbeheard,butcode-switching
isubiquitous2.Rapidsocietalchange(introductionofnewfarmingmethodsand
technology,arrivalofelectricity,cash-basedtrade,mobilephones,computers,
etc.)bringswithitentirelynewsemanticdomains,virtuallyallofwhichareseen
asmoreefficienttotalkaboutinSwahilithanGorwaa.Assuch,though
intergenerationaltransmissionofGorwaaisoccurringintheseruralareas,the
languageisclearlylosingdomains,andthecompetenceofyoungerspeakers
mustbeseriouslyquestioned.Gorwaamaythereforebeassessedas6b
(threatened)inBabatiDistrict.
Languageofearlyschooling(roughlyages5-13)inTanzaniaisSwahili,with
Englishasataughtlanguage.Laterschooling(roughlyages14-19)isinEnglish,
withSwahiliasataughtsubject.Virtuallynoschoolsofferprovisionforlocal
languages(i.e.languageswhicharenotSwahiliorEnglish),eitheraslanguagesof
instructionortaughtlanguages.Historically,literacy(inSwahili)amongGorwaa
speakerswasverylow,withamarkedimprovementintheUjamaaperiod
followingindependencein1961,followedbyadeclinefollowingrestructuringof
2Thoughverycommoninmostspeechsituations,code-switchingisrelativelyrareinthecorpus(thoughsee[20151025],and[20150811c-f]).ThismightbeexplainedbythefactthatthoserecordedknewthattheresearchwasbeingconductedontheGorwaalanguage,andwerethereforeconscioustoensuretheywerespeakinginGorwaa,andnotSwahili.
1.Introduction
42
theeconomytoacapitalistmodel,whichbeganin1986.Today,whilemany
Gorwaaspeakingchildrendoattendschool,educationmaybedisruptedornot
completeddependingontheeconomicfortunesofthefamily.Illiteracyamong
youngadultsisnotuncommon.LiterateGorwaaspeakerswillbeliteratein
Swahili(whichemploystheRomanalphabet),andpossiblyEnglish.
In1977,anIraqwtranslationoftheOldTestamentwasproducedbythe
TanzaniaBibleSocietywhichemployedawritingsystemdevelopedprincipally
bytheCatholicmissionatTlawi.Asanappendix,aglossaryofGorwaaterms
wereincludedinordertomakethebookuseablebytheGorwaaspeaking
Christiancommunityaswell.Thoughthebook(norGorwaa-languageworship)
neverbecameparticularlywidespread,itdidestablishtheIraqwwritingsystem
asthestandardforGorwaaaswell.Withthatsaid,agreatdiversityofnon-
standardwritingconventionsareinuse(e.g.[20150815m],[20150920n],
[20151001z],[20151127g],and[20151127h]),andthelanguageisnotvery
commonlyseeninwrittenform.
InadditiontotheGorwaaofeverydayinteraction,severalspecificgenresof
Gorwaaalsoexist.Thoughthesehavenotbeengivenenoughattentionsoasto
bediscussedinanygreatdetail,theywillbrieflymentionedbelow.
Riddles,acommonwayofpassingthetimefollowingtheeveningmealand
beforebed,areoftenbasedonguessingtheidentityofacrypticdescription.A
tellerwillposetheirriddle,andotherswillprovideaguess.Ifnobodyguesses
correctly,theriddleeithergoesunanswered,ormaybe‘bought’fromtheteller
1.Introduction
43
byofferingavillage,town,orcity(Ionceobservedaparticularlygoodriddlesell
inexchangeforallofCanada).
(1.1) Sinik! [20130206b_20150720b.3-7] Mycalabashissmall, Ithastwomouths, Andhasmuchoilthatneverrunsout. [Answer:thenose]Anotherspeechgenreisthefiroo:alitany-likepronouncement,usuallyasking
fortheintercessionoftheindigenousgodLoo’aa.Thecontentsofthefiroo
seemsrelativelyvariable,andIhaveyettoobservethemoreformulaicslufayas
describedforIraqw(Thornton1977,Wada1978,Kamera1987/1988,Beck&
Mous2014).
Asagenre,Gorwaasongrepresentsadiversearrayofmaterial,oftenassociated
withparticulareventsoroccasions.Weddingsongs(e.g.[20160229n]),dancing
songs(e.g.[20160120h]),songsofpraiseandsongsofvictory(e.g.[20151004f]),
farmingsongs(e.g.[20150903f]),andcircumcisionsongs(e.g.[20151202a])are
allexampleswhichhavebeenrecorded.Certainsongsaretypicallyonlysungby
men,suchassomeoftheMandaasongs(e.g.[20160927c]),andcertainsongsare
typicallyonlysungbywomen(e.g.[20160225t]).
(1.2) Singer1: ooyooheebaliloheeumaloheeooyoohee [20160225t.10-13]
Singer2: BuraáofthehouseofParayouaremoonlightheehee Singer1: ooyooheebaliloheeumaloheeooyoohee Singer2: eeheeyouareshiningmoonlightheeheeSongsmaybethematically-linkedtotheoccasionforwhichtheyaresung,but
mayalsobewhollydifferent.Typicalthemesincludehighlypoeticentreatiesto
lovers,descriptionsofpartiesandtheirattendees,aswellashistoricalevents.
Songsareoftenperformedunaccompanied,butmayalsobesungalongwith
1.Introduction
44
musicfromtheseense(lute/guitar,seee.g.[20160127o],[20160217o],
[20160217zc]),irimba(mbira,thumbpiano,seee.g.[20160210j],[20160217d],
[20160210a]),gidondoori(musicalbowwithagourdresonator,seee.g.
[20161112d],[20161112e],[20161112w-z]),foori(flute,seee.g.[20160217j],
[20161113f],[20160217ze]),andtheniinga(drum,seee.g.[20151004d],
[20151001w]).Todate,over250recordingsofGorwaasongshavebeenmade.
Themysticalmonologues(orperhapsdialogues)intowhichtraditionaldoctors
enterduringtheperformanceofvariousritesrepresentanothergenreofspeech.
Duetothesecretivenatureofthistypeofspeech,theonlyrecordedexamples
arethatofthedivinerreadingstonesinordertodetermineaclient’sprospects
(e.g.[20151003d-e],[20151211c-e]).Cursoryexaminationshowsthesesessions
arehighlystructured,andfeaturespecializedvocabulary.
1.2.3.3Languageattitudes
Aswithlanguageuse,nodedicatedsurveyoflanguageattitudeshasbeen
undertakenforGorwaa,andassuch,thegeneralizationsmadeherearetentative.
Overall,thereappearstobearathersharpdivideinlanguageattitudes,
particularlyintermsofage,aswellasidentificationwitharuralversusurban
wayoflife.Typically,olderGorwaaspeakersfromruralareastendtobemost
enthusiasticabouttheirlanguage,seeingitasusefulinthewidestrangeof
domains,andvaluableasabadgeofaculturewithwhichtheystronglyidentify.
YoungerGorwaaspeakersinmoreurbanareastendtoviewGorwaaasbeing
lessusefulinday-to-daylife,and,insomecases,tendtobesomewhat
embarrassedtobeheardspeakingGorwaa,especiallywhennon-Gorwaa
speakersarepresent.Alargeproportionofyoungerspeakershavegonesofar
1.Introduction
45
astoeliminatetheconceptofGorwaaaltogether,infavouroftheexonym
‘Mbulu’.Mbulu,nameofthelargestIraqwsettlement,hasrecentlyemergedto
subsumeboththeIraqwandtheGorwaapeoples,cultures,andlanguages,andis
perhapsthemostcommonwayforbothGorwaaandIraqwyouthtoreferto
themselves.Resultantly,manyyoungGorwaaspeakerstypicallyreferto
themselvesasofMbuluethnicity,andtothelanguagewhichtheyspeakasMbulu
orKimbulu.Superficially,thissimplyrepresentstheadoptionofanewtitle,as
thelanguagewhichspeakersuseremainsthesame.Inthelonger-termthis
perhapsrepresentsalargershifttoIraqw,astheGorwaaaremostcertainlythe
minoritywithinthisneo-ethnicity.
Withthatsaid,therehasbeenconsiderableinterestfromGorwaaspeakersofall
agesintheworksurroundingthecurrentGorwaalanguagedocumentation,with
thecontributionofsome(considerablyelderly)consultantsresultinginalarge
bodyofdata(suchassongs,traditionaljustice,anduncommonorarchaic
vocabulary)beingcollectedinarelativelyshortperiodoftime.Younger
speakersdirectlyinvolvedinthetranslationandtranscriptionofthematerial
havebecomeresearchersintheirownright,andaretakingincreasingownership
oftheproject,andultimatelythedocumentationanddescriptionoftheirown
culture.Suchenergywouldseemtosuggestthatthoseexposedtothefull
richnessofthelanguagetendtoapproachitwithnewesteem,andmaybea
routetoexploreshouldthespeakercommunityeverdesiretofurthervalorize
Gorwaa.
1.Introduction
46
1.2.4LinguisticEnvironment
TheeasternbranchoftheEastAfricanRiftisuniqueinthatitistheonlyarea
whereallfourmajorAfricanlanguagephyla(Afro-Asiatic,Khoisan,Niger-Congo,
andNilo-Saharan)havebeeninsustainedcontact.Theconvergenceinpartsof
thegrammaticalstructuresofthelanguagesinthisregionhasledKießling,Mous
&Nurse(2008)toproposeaRiftValleyLinguisticArea,comprisedofthe13
languagesshowninTable1.4.
Table1.4LanguagesoftheRiftValleyLinguisticAreaPhylum Language
(AlternateNames)
ISO639-3
NumberofSpeakers(fromEthnologue)
MajorPublishedWorks
Afro-Asiatic
Iraqw(Mbulu)
[irk] 460,000 Mous(1993)Berger&Kießling(1998)Mous,Qorro&Kießling(2002)
Gorwaa(Fiome)
[gow] 50,000
Alagwa(Uasi)
[wbj] 30,000 Mous(2016)
Burunge [bds] 30,000 Kießling(1994)Nilo-Saharan Datooga [tcc] 88,000 Rottland(nodate)
Niger-Congo
Nyaturu(Limi)
[rim] 801,000 Olson(1964a)Olson(1964b)
Rangi [lag] 410,000 Dunham(2005)Stegen(2011)
Mbugwe(Buwe)
[mgz] 24,000 Mous(2004b)
Nyilamba [nim] 613,000 Johnson(1923/26)Isanzu(Ihaansu)
[isn] 32,400
Kimbu(Yanzi)
[kiv] 78,000
Khoisan Sandawe [sad] 60,000 Steeman(2012)tenRaa(2012)
Isolate Hadza [hts] 650 Today,Gorwaalandislocatedroughlyinthegeographiccentreofthislinguistic
area.Withthatsaid,notallofthelanguagespresentedinTable1.1areinany
sortofregularcontactwithGorwaa.Day-to-daycontactbetweencontemporary
1.Introduction
47
GorwaacommunitiesandotherlanguagesislargelylimitedtoIraqw,Rangi,
Mbugwe,Alagwa,andDatooga.
CulturaltiesandeverydaycontactbetweenGorwaaspeakersandIraqw
speakersarestrongandfrequent.InadditiontoarrivalsofIraqwfarmersinthe
northwesternvillagesofGorwaalandoverthepastseveralgenerations,
communitiesallalongtheB143roadfromBabatitoKateshare,moreorless,
mixedIraqw-Gorwaa.IntermarriagebetweenGorwaaspeakersandIraqw
speakersiscommon.Gorwaaspeakingeldersandtraditionalleaderswereoften
observedtravellingtoIraqwlandinordertohelpresolveconflicts,and
customaryleaders(includingchiefs,rainmakers,andtraditionaldoctors)ofboth
ethnicitiesregularlymeettoconductmajorrites.Asmentionedabove,Gorwaa
speakingyouthmixwiththeirIraqwspeakingcounterpartsinurbanareas
includingBabati,Mbulu,Katesh,Dareda,andfurtherafield,Arusha,whichhas
leadtotheemergenceofalargerMbuluidentity,comprisingboth.
Similarly,contactbetweenGorwaaspeakersandRangispeakersisalsovery
frequent.CommunitiestowardthesouthandeastofGorwaaland,suchasBonga
andGalapooaretypicallymixedRangi-Gorwaa.Perhapsduetoreligious
differences(themajorityofGorwaaspeakersareChristian,whilemostRangi
speakersareMuslim),intermarriageandgreaterculturalintegrationisnotas
profoundasthatofGorwaaandIraqw.
GorwaaandMbugwecommunitiesareincontacttothenorthofGorwaaland,and
townssuchasMaguguandKiruaremixed,withspeakersofGorwaaand
Mbugwelivingandworkingside-by-side.
1.Introduction
48
AswithRangi,thoughperhapsnottothesamedegree,AlagwaandGorwaa
communitiesareincontactinextremesoutherncommunities,suchasBereko.
Again,becausethemajorityofAlagwaareMuslim,contemporarycontact
betweenGorwaaandAlagwacommunitiesisnotasextensiveasthatbetween
GorwaaandIraqw.
Evidencefromtheveryrecentpast(perhapsonlyoneortwogenerations)shows
thatcontactbetweenGorwaaspeakersandspeakersofthevariousDatooga
dialectswasverystrong.Indeed,inadditiontothe3Gorwaaconsultantswho
consideredthemselvesfluentinDatooga,atleast13Gorwaaconsultants
reportedthatDatoogawaseitherthefirstorsecondlanguageofoneorbothof
theirparents(seeAppendixA).TheGorwaastillrelyonDatoogatradersforthe
metalworkbraceletswornbymanyGorwaapeoplefollowingmarriage,aswell
asforsodaharvestedfromthealkalineLakeBalangida.
WithinGorwaalanditself,speakersare(andhistoricallyhavebeen)highly
mobile.Becauseofstrictrulesregardingintermarriage,itwasverycommonfor
womentomarryintofamiliesinvillagesquitedistantfromtheirown.More
recently,theconcentrationofservicesinahandfulofcommunitieshasresulted
inhighlevelsofmovementfromoneareatoanother:secondary-levelstudents
mayliveinadifferentcommunityfromtheirfamiliesduringtermtime,and
expectingmotherscommonlytravelfromruralareastoBabatiinordertogive
birthinthelargerhospitals.Therecentimprovementsinroadsandconstruction
ofbridgeswillonlyfurtherfacilitatethistendency.
1.Introduction
49
Historically,GorwaaspeakersdidnottypicallyleaveGorwaaland,savefor
reasonsrelatedtograveillness,specialisttraining,ormilitaryservice(see
[20151202e],[20160225o]).Today,thissituationismarkedlydifferent,with
youngmentravellingallaroundcentralTanzaniaforoddjobsorworktending
cattle,secondaryschoolgraduatesmovingtoArusha,Dodoma,orDaresSalaam
forskilledemploymentorpost-secondaryeducation,andfamiliessettlingin
Arushatotakeupjobswithlargecompaniesorasindependententrepreneurs.
Indeed,remittancesfromfamiliesemployedinlargerurbancentresisoftenused
tohelpsupportageingparentsoryoungersiblings.Thisisarelativelynew
phenomenon,whoseimpactonthelanguageenvironmentofGorwaalandhasyet
tobeobserved.
1.2.5Languagename
TheearliestreferencestotheGorwaainWesternliteraturecomefromGerman
explorers(Seidel1910;Obst1913;Reche1914;Heepe1930),inwhichthe
peopleandlanguagewerebothreferredtoasFiome,Fiomi,orUfiomi.This
seemstobederivedfromoneofthenamesgiventothevolcanicmountaintothe
immediateeastofBabatitown,todayknownasMountKwaraa.Indeed,thearea
ofgovernment-protectedforestatopMountKawaraaistodaynamedUfiome
NatureReserve.SomespeakersrefertothemselvesasFiomi(ortheSwahilized
MfiomiorWafiomifor‘Fiomiperson’and‘Fiomipeople’,respectively),andtheir
languageasFiomi(ortheSwahilizedKifiomi‘Fiomilanguage’),butthisisnot
particularlywidespread.Thisisinteresting,however,inthatitestablishesthis
areaassomehowsalienttoidentifyingtheGorwaapeopleandtheirland.Thisis
1.Introduction
50
perhapsunsurprising,inthatMountKwaraaisanimposingfreestanding
mountain:thehighestwithinGorwaalandandvisibleformilesinanydirection.
MorecommonistheglottonymandethnonymGorwaa.Reconstructedas
*goburaaforWestRift,KießlingandMous(2003)suggestthatitwasthename
usedtorefertothe“ethnicgroupcloselyrelatedorpartof[Proto-West-Rift],
[Proto-North-West-Rift],or[Proto-Iraqwoid]community”(119).Inmanyways
themost“archaiccontinuationof[Proto-Iraqwoid]”(33),itisnotsurprisingthat
theGorwaalanguagewouldmaintainaglottonymandethnonymmostclosely
relatedtotheproto-group.InearlyacademicworkconductedbytheBritish(e.g.
Bagshawe1925;Whiteley1958),andmuchworkconductedsince(e.g.Wada
1984),this(orvariants,includingGorowaandGoroa)wasthenameusedto
refertoboththepeopleandthelanguage.TheGorwaathemselvesemploythe
ethnonymGorwaa‘Gorwaapeople’,Gormo‘Gorwaaman’,andGorto’o‘Gorwaa
woman’.ThelanguageisknownastsifrírGorwaa‘languageoftheGorwaa
people’,or,slightlylesscommonly,Gorti’i‘Gorwaalanguage’.Swahilirenders
theseformsasMgorowa‘Gorwaaperson’,Wagorowa‘Gorwaapeople’,and
Kigorowa‘Gorwaalanguage’.
Withthatsaid,andasmentionedabove,thetermMbuluisgaininginpopularity,
especiallyamongurbanyouth.Derivedfromthenameofthelargesturban
centreofIraqwland,itisassumedthatthisisanoutwardsignofanewly-
emergingidentity,designedtoserveasacover-termfor‘speakerofaCushitic
language’or‘personofCushiticorigin’--ausefulhandleinthemultiethnicmixes
ofnewcentres,suchasArusha.CompareMchagaasacovertermforaspeaker
ofthevarious,verydifferentChagadialects,andMang’atiasacovertermfora
1.Introduction
51
speakerofoneoftheDatoogadialects.Assuch,asspeakersofKiromboor
KimoshiaresubsumedunderKichaga(spokenbyanMchaga),andasspeakersof
BarbaigorTsimajegaaresubsumedunderKimang’ati(spokenbyaMang’ati),so
tooarespeakersofGorwaasubsumedunderKimbulu(spokenbyanMbulu).
Whetherthistermbecomeswidelyadopted,andwhetheriteventuallyreplaces
Gorwaaaltogetherwilldependonattitudesofspeakersthemselves.
1.2.6Existingliterature
AugustSeidel’sDieSprachevonUfiomiinDeutsch-Ostafrika(1910)isthefirst
referencetotheGorwaalanguageinWesternliterature.Followingthis,themost
significantworkisMartinHeepe’sFiomeTexte(1930),atranscriptionand
translationofaGorwaafolktale.Furtherlinguisticworkhaseithertreated
GorwaaaspartofalargercomparisonofSouthCushitic(Kießling1999;Kießling
&Mous2003),orhasremainedunpublished(Maghway2009;Nahhato,
Margwee,andKießling1994).AllpublicationsmaybefoundontheGorwaa
Glottologpage.
1.2.7Notesonculture
ThefollowingcoversseveralareasofGorwaaliferelevanttolanguage
maintenanceortoGorwaa’shistoricalrelationshiptootherlanguage
communitiesinthearea.Thisdescriptioniscursoryatbest,andmuchremains
tobelearnedfromfurtherethnolinguisticdocumentation.1.2.6.1treatsnatural
resourceuse,and1.2.6.2treatsGorwaaclans.
1.Introduction
52
1.2.7.1Naturalresources
Asaprimarilyagro-pastoralistpeople,Gorwaalivelihoodsrelyheavilyonthe
landforboththeproductionofcrops,aswellasthegrazingofzebucattle,goats,
andsheep.Forestsarealsoessentialforprovidingfood,fuel,buildingmaterials,
andmedicine.Atthesametime,accordingtotraditionalGorwaabelief,the
naturalworldisimbuedwithacertainsanctity,aroundwhichhavegrown
indigenouslandmanagementpracticesandinstitutionsinspiredbymyth(c.f.
Arhemetal.(2004),writingaboutthePiraparaná,Colombia).Anychangetothe
allocation,utilization,andmanagementofnaturalresourceshasadirectimpact
onGorwaaspeakers’everydaylives,aswellasthemaintenanceoftheGorwaa
language.
Historically(Maganga1995:105-118)alllandinGorwaalandwasheldbythe
wawutumo‘paramountchief’,andtenureofarablelandwasbasedon
membershipintraditionalcommunityandoccupancyonthelandtobeused.
Absenteelandlordismwasthereforedisallowed.Grazinglandwasmainly
designatedasacommunitycommon,aswereforests(subjecttosignificant
restrictionstobementionedbelow).Wavesofimmigration(firstrepresentedby
Europeansettlersinthe1940’sandcontinuingtodaywithgroupsfromland-
scarceregionssuchasKilimanjaro)andlandexpropriation(suchasthat
conductedfortheestablishmentofTarangireNationalParkin1969)has
resultedintraditionallandallocationnormsbeingupended,especiallywith
regardstoownership.Maganga(1995:115)notesthatbuyinglandhasnow
becomenormal,withthemajorityofbuyersnotindigenoustotheGorwaa-
1.Introduction
53
speakingarea.Languagesbeingintroducedbynewmigrationincludeespecially
thevariousdialectsofChaga.
Resourceutilizationisalsochanging:wheresorghumandmilletwereoncethe
staplecropsoftheGorwaa,thecultivationofmaizehasincreasedsomuchthat
someoftheindigenousvarietiesofsorghumgrownagenerationagohaveallbut
disappeared[DSC_5354_20150705b.59-69].Populationpressureshavelikewise
putstrainoncommongrazingareasandforests(Maganga1995:117-118).
Traditionalresourcemanagementisperhapsbestillustratedinthepracticesand
institutionsinspiredbyindigenousmyth.Maganga(1995:131-132)notesthat
Gorwaaritualsandsocialgatheringsoftentakeplaceinforestsandsacred
grovescarefullypreservedforthesepurposes,thatlargetrees(especiallyficus)
areprotectedasdwellingsofrain-bringingsprits,andthat“landblessing
ceremoniesunderwhichvariousunsustainablelandusepractice[s]were
prohibitedwerepartandparcelofthetraditionalGorowareligion”(132).Thisis
evidentinrecordingssuchas[20151126c]inwhichAakóMananguQamsillo
describesthesacred/aantsimófigtree,and[20151223b]inwhichAakóBu’ú
SaqwaréandPaschalBu’údiscussthehistoryoftheqalalandítreeatthecentre
ofYerotonivillage.MaganganotesthattheadoptionofChristianityandIslam
threatentounderminethisspiritually-inspiredresourcemanagementsystem,as
thereisadangerthat“manyoftheresourceconservationnormsandpractices
maybedismissedasmerelytraditionalsuperstitions”(132).
Thedirectconsequencesofrecentchangesinresourceallocation,utilization,and
managementhavehadaprofoundimpactontransmissionandmaintenanceof
1.Introduction
54
theGorwaalanguagethroughouttheGorwaa-speakingarea.Therelativelynew
phenomenaofabsenteelandlordismandpurchaseoftraditionalGorwaalandby
non-Gorwaaspeakershasresultedintheintroductionofnotonlynewlanguages
inthearea,butalsoanewhigherclassoflandownerswho,crucially,donot
speakGorwaa.Gorwaaspeakerslookingforworkonthislandareincentivized
toeitherlearnthelanguageofthelandowners(Ihaveworkedwithatleastone
consultantwholearnedSomali(som)expresslyforthisreason),ortousethe
nationallanguage,Swahili.Thewidespreadswitchfromsorghumandmilletto
maizecultivationhasresultedinthedisappearanceofawholeseriesofcultural
occasions--indeed,someofthemostimportantsocialgatheringsoftheyear
werebasedontheprecisestagesduringtheripeningandharvestofthefirst
sorghum.Inadditiontothesongs,dances,specializedclothing,andinstruments
whicharebeingsteadilyforgotten,Gorwaaspeakershavelostanopportunityto
cometogetherasacommunity,tosocialize,and,asonespeakerputittome,“be
Gorwaa”.ThissocialatomizationoftheGorwaalanguagecommunityismirrored
inaveryliteralsensebythephysicalatomizationoftheGorwaalanguage
communitycausedbysoilerosion.Bothpopulationpressureandadeclinein
adherencetotraditionalresourcemanagementpracticeshasresultedin
continuouscultivationofarableland,overgrazing,andarapidincreaseincutting
trees.Maganganotestheformationofgullies(we/eeri)inNangaravillage
(1990:125),carryingprecioussoilawayandintoLakeBabati.Thisphenomenon
iswidespreadthroughouttheGorwaaspeakingarea:Endabeg’swe/eeriare
describedin[20150722f],and[20150810c].Thesegullieshavegrownrapidly,
AyiRaheliLawitoldmethatthewideWa/aángwEndabeg--overtenmeters
deep,andjustaswideinplaces--wasformedinherlifetime.Inadditionto
1.Introduction
55
reducingtheagriculturalpotentialofwideswathesofGorwaaland,thesegullies
havesplitcommunities,resultinginasituationwhereregularcontactbetween
one-timeneighborsisimpossible,particularlyfortheelderly.Giventhatelders
held(andstillhold)animportantplaceinGorwaasocietyasarbiters,teachers,
andknowledge-holders,thistypeofextremeerosionwillmostcertainlyhavean
effectonGorwaalanguagemaintenance.
1.2.7.2Clans
Gorwaapeoplearedividedintoalargenumberofclans.Todayusedprimarilyas
areferencefordeterminingwhomonemaymarryandwhomonemaynot,a
largenumberofritualtaboosandrequirementsweretraditionallyassociated
withclanaffiliation.Forourpurposes,Gorwaaclansgiveanideaofhistorical
relationshipstootherlanguagecommunitiesintheTanzanianRiftValley.
Eventoday,aGorwaapersonwillgenerallyknowhisorherclan(inheritedfrom
theirfather),aswellasthatoftheirmother,asthisrepresentsthebareminimum
forrestrictionsonwhomonemaymarry.Marryingamongthesameclan,orinto
theclanofone’smother,isdisallowed(hatík).Dependingontheclan,theremay
befurtherrestrictionsonmarriage,allofwhicharegenerallydeterminedbya
groupofelders.
IntraditionalGorwaaculture,clanaffiliationdictatedseveralaspectsofa
person’sdailylife:certainclanswererequiredtobuildtheirhouseswiththe
cookingfireontheright-handside,whereasotherswouldhaveitontheleft.The
Qoolooclanwasnotallowedtoeatgreensmadewiththevegetableqooli.Ina
restrictionwhichresemblesthoseonnaturalresources(discussedabove),many
clansweresanctionedfromusingcertainspeciesoftrees,eitherinbuildingtheir
1.Introduction
56
homes,orasfuel.MembersoftheclanHarna’aawouldbemetwithmisfortuneif
theyownedcattlewithabrindledcoat.
Someclanswereassociatedwithparticularfunctionsinsociety.The
aforementionedclanHarna’aaistheclanoftheparamountchief(wawitumo),a
roleinheritedfromfathertoeldestson.TheclanHaryaambiaretherainmakers
forallofGorwaaland.
Clannamessometimesappeartobesemanticallytransparent:Harhumay(har-
‘clan’+humay‘earthdugfromthefloorofahouseandplacedontheroof’),
Har’aari(har-+aari‘prophecy’),andKuuntoo(kuuntoo‘graincontainers’)areall
examples.Stillothersseemtoderivefromotherwords(seeQooloo-qooliabove):
theclanGilawee,knownforbeingunlucky,isquitesimilartogila’‘toquarrel’.
Stillotherclannamesseemnon-decomposable:Gaytu,Sumaye,andHar’iwa/ay
areexamples.
Intermsofthehistoricalrelationshipswhichclanssuggest,manyofwhichare
recordedintheindividualclanhistories:theclanHarna’aaaresaidtobe
descendedfromDatoogapeoples,whereastheclanHarahamaissaidtobe
descendedfromtheMaasai.BoththeclansHarxoopaandWarindooaresaidto
beofAlagwaderivation.Perhapsmostwell-knownisthestoryoftherainmaker
clanHaryaambi,knowntohavedescendedfromtheIsanzupeopleofcurrent-day
Singidaregion.AakóRashidLaydatellsthestoryofthearrivalofthese
rainmakersasrefugeesinGorwaalandin[20160202h].Tothisday,theIsanzu
peopleareknownastherainmakersoftheTanzaniaRiftValleyparexcellence
(e.g.Sanders2008,Dadi(nodate:52-55)).Moreconcretely,severaloftheclans
1.Introduction
57
aresharedbetweentheGorwaaandtheIraqw:theGorwaaclanSumayeis
knownasSumaweeamongtheIraqw-manyotherssimplyreplacetheprefix
har-withhay-,theGorwaaclanHarsulebecomestheassociatedclanHaysulein
Iraqw.
1.3Methodsandmethodology
Becausethecurrentworkreliesheavilyonasinglebodyofdata,thefollowing
sectionmakestheprocessofcollecting,processingandpresentingthisdata
explicit.Subsection1.3.1providesinformationaboutparticipantsinthestudy.
Subsection1.3.2detailsthedatacollection.Subsection1.3.3outlinesthespeech
genrescollected.Finally,subsection1.3.4discussedaccessing,finding,andusing
thedata.
1.3.1Informationaboutparticipantsinthestudy
Allparticipantsinthestudyhaveprovidedtheirinformedconsent.Priorto
participation,speakerswereintroducedtotheprojectand,wherenecessary,
equipmentsuchasthevoicerecorderandvideocamera.Usually,speakers’
informedconsentwasformalizedinadialoguewiththeresearcher(1.3)based
heavilyonBowern2008(220-221),whichwererecordedandareavailableas
partofthelargerdepositofrecordedmaterials3.
3Mostconsent(andmostresearchingeneral)wasconductedinSwahili,andaSwahiliversionofthisscriptisprovidedinAppendixB.IncircumstanceswheretheconsultantdidnotspeakSwahili,aninterpreterwasemployedtotranslatetheSwahiliintoGorwaa.
1.Introduction
58
(1.3) ENGLISHSCRIPTFORORALCONSENTDIALOGUE-Iwanttotalksomethingsover,sothatweunderstandourwork.Isthatalright?-Youhavetherighttostopworkingwithmeatanytime,andyoudon’thavetotellmewhyyouwanttostop.-YouwillbepaidXTanzanianshillingsperhourofwork,orproductsequaltothisvalue.Isthisalright?-Isitalrightifourworkisrecordedwithavoicerecorderorvideocamera?IrecordourworksoIcanensurethatIheardthewordscorrectly,andsootherpeoplecanlistentothewordsandstorieslater.-Ifyouareuncomfortablewithbeingrecorded,wecanturnoffthevoicerecorderandvideocameraatanytime.Youdon’thavetogiveareasonwhy.-Isitalrightifotherpeoplelistentoorwatchtherecordingswehavemade?Otherresearchers?Students?Yourfamily?Otherpeoplefromthisarea?-IsitalrightifItellotherpeoplethatyouareworkingontheGorwaalanguagewithme?Forexample,isitalrightifIputyournameonalistofpeoplewhohavecontributedtothiswork?Ifnot,isitalrightifIrefertoyoubyamade-upname?(askforalias)-IsitalrightifIputourworkinalanguagearchive?Alanguagearchiveisaplacewhereyoucanputworklikethis,sothatevenifmypersonalcopiesaredestroyedordamaged,theworkremainssafe.-IsitalrightifIwrite(books)abouttheGorwaalanguage?-IsitalrightifIusethisworkforotherpurposes?Forexample,perhapstodayIhavemadearecordingtohelpmeunderstandthesoundsofGorwaa.IsitalrightifIlistentothisworkatalaterdatetolearnaboutthewordsorthegrammarofGorwaa?-Thankyou,Ihavefinishedallofmyquestionsforyou.Beforewebeginourwork,doyouhaveanyquestionsyouwouldliketoaskme,oranythingyouwouldliketosaytome?
Typically,participantswerepaidasalaryof4,000Tanzanianshillingsperhour
ofwork.Timeworkedreferredtotimespentwithresearcher,evenifthiswas
notrecorded.Rehearsingnarratives,doing‘practice-runs’ofelicitation
questions,findingsuitablelocationstorecord,etc.allcountedtowardpaidtime.
In2015,4,000Tanzanianshillingswasequivalenttoapproximately1.85GBP.A
Tanzaniansecondaryschoolteacheratthelowerendoftheirpay-scalein2015
couldexpecttoearnapproximatelythesame.Thus,thiswasanhourlyamount
whichseemedcommensuratewiththeskillsetofalanguageconsultant.
Participantswhowereknowninthecommunityasspecialists(divinersor
1.Introduction
59
traditionalhealers,forexample)wouldsometimesbepaidslightlymore.In
mostcases,participantswerepaidincash.Insomecases(suchasindividuals
dealingwithissuessuchasgamblingaddictionsoralcoholism),salarieswere
paidincommoditiessuchassugar,rice,orairtimevouchers.
126Gorwaaspeakersarerepresentedinthesample.4Withthissaid,however,
theamountofmaterialfromeachparticipantvariesgreatly,fromover20hours’
worthoftargetedelicitationwithoneparticipant,toperhapsasingleutterance
inthebackgroundofagroupdiscussionfromanother.Indeed,Iestimatethat
10%oftheparticipantsmakeupforcloseto80%oftherecordings.
Oftheparticipants,88weremaleand38werefemale.Thisdisparityingender
representationwasduetoseveralfactors,themostimportantperhapsbeingthat
Iammale,andIwasthereforeoftenlimitedintheagerangeofwomenwith
whomitwasdeemedappropriatetohavecontact,aswellasinwhatkindsof
women’sdomainsIcouldeffectivelywork.Forexample,olderwomenwere
generallydeemedappropriatetoworkwith,whereasopportunitiestoworkwith
youngerwomenaroundmyagewerenotverycommon.Thisalsohastodowith
thedisproportionateamountoflabourexpectedofyoungerwomen:with
virtuallyalldomesticdutiesconsideredthejobofwomen,findingtimeto
4Thisfigureexcludesrecordingsmadeoflargegroups,suchastheSubiraElimPentekosteAdultChoirofEndabeg,theYerotoniCulturalGroup,ortheGroupatAyáMananguon09/10/2015,duringwhichitwasdeemedimpractical(orsimplyimpossible)tocollectinformationoneachindividualpresent.Intermsofpermission,informedconsentforgrouprecordingswassoughtfromgroupleaders(suchasthechoirconductorforthechurchchoir)orheadsofahousehold(e.g.MananguQamsilofortherecordingmadeathishome).Ifthegroupwasanestablishedentity(suchastheYerotoniCulturalGroup),remunerationwasmadeintheformofadonationtothegroup.Ifthegroupwaslessestablished(suchasthegroupatAyáManangu),asuitableremunerationwasdiscussedwiththeownerofthehousehold(inthatparticularcase,remunerationwasintheformofalargecrateofsoda).
1.Introduction
60
conductrecordingswasverydifficultindeed.Regardingcontextsofworkwith
women,thoughImadeacoupleofrecordingsfrominsideakitchen,thiswas
consideredanextraordinaryexception.Inadditiontothis,thoughrecordingsof
groupsofmendiscussingvillagepoliticsorconflictresolutionweremade,no
suchequivalentexistsforagroupofwomen.Inordertosomewhatmitigatethis,
aspecial‘women’sfocusgroup’wasbroughttogetheronFebruary20thof2016
foradayofrecordeddiscussion,specificallyofwomen’sissues,however,for
obviousreasons,thiscontextcanonlybeseenascontrived.
Theoldestspeakerwasestimatedtobebornin1912(100yearsoldatthedate
hewasfirstrecordedfortheproject),andtheyoungestwasbornin2003(12
yearsoldatthedatehewasfirstrecordedfortheproject).Meanageacrossall
126participantswas51yearsin2015.
AneffortwasmadetoincludespeakersfromallmajorareasofGorwaaland,and
recordsonwhereeachparticipantgrewupshowsthatmostmajortownsand
villagesarerepresented.Withthatsaid,abiasremainsinfavouroftheareasin
andaroundEndabegvillage,wheretheresearcherlivedandworkedduringmost
ofthedatacollection.Leastrepresentedarethecommunitiesinthesoutheastof
Gorwaaland,aswellasthosewhichlaybetweenthefootofMountKwaraaand
theTarangireplain.Thisislargelyduetotheseplacesbeingsparselypopulated
anddifficulttogettobyroad,aswellastheirethnically-mixednature:some
villagequartersintheseareashavingnospeakersofGorwaawhatsoever.
7participantswereGorwaamonolinguals:typicallyveryoldindeed,andhaving
spentallormostoftheirlivesinoneortworuralvillages.98further
1.Introduction
61
participantswerebilingualinGorwaaandSwahili.The21individualswhocould
speakthreeormorelanguagesinvariablyspokeSwahili,aswellasothernearby
languages(Rangi(8),Iraqw(4),Alagwa(3),Datooga(1),Nyaturu(1)),the
officiallanguageEnglish(11),orlanguagesassociatedwithfaithorbusiness
(Arabic(1),Somali(1),MandarinChinese(1)).
Furtherinformationonallparticipants,includingname(s),dateofbirth,where
theywerebornandwheretheygrewup,sex,language(s)spoken,father’s
language(s)andmother’slanguage(s),canbefoundinAppendixA.
1.3.2Datacollection
Abasicworkflow(basedonthatprovidedbyBowern2008(48))describinghow
mostofthedatawasprocessedduringthisprojectisprovidedinFigure1.1
below.
ThemajorityoftheaudiorecordingsweremadeusingaZoomH2Handy
Recorder,whichproducedfilesin.wavformat..mp4videorecordingswere
madeusingaJVCEverioGZ-HD40EKvideocamera,andthevideofunctionona
NikonD7000cameraequippedwitha50mmNikorlens.Typically,inallcasesin
whichvideowasrecorded,audiowasalsorecordedusingtheaudiorecorder,
andthetwowerelatersynchronized(seebelow).Forsituationsinwhichthe
participant(orparticipants)ismoving,theaudiorecorderwaslinkedtoan
Audio-technicaAT803bLavalier(lapel)microphone,bothofwhichwerecarried
inabackpackbytheparticipantwhiletheresearchermadevideorecordings
withthevideorecorderwhilefollowingalong.
1.Introduction
62
Assoonafterrecordingaspossible(usuallythesamenight),audioandvideo
filesweretransferredfromthememorycardsoftheaudioandvideorecorders
andplacedinanewfolder(referredtoasabundle)onaMacBookPro.Allfilesin
thebundle(audio,video,andthefolderitself)wereassignedauniqueidentifying
number.Thesystemisbasedonthedateonwhichtherecordingwasmade:
therefore,thefirsteightdigitsrefertotheyear,month,anddayofrecording.
Recordingsmadeonthesamedayarefurtherdifferentiatedbybeingassigned
letters.Ifmorethan26recordingsweremadeinasingleday,thelabelingwould
proceedza,zb,etc.Assuch,abundleassignedtheuniqueidentifyingnumber
20151128bwasthesecondrecordingtobemadeonthe28thofNovember,2015.
Furtherinformation(itemtitle,placeofrecording,speaker(s),speechgenre,
briefdescription,etc.)wasrecordedinaMicrosoftExcelforMac(2007)sheet
database.Allnewbundlesandmetadatarecordedinthespreadsheetdatabase
wassavedonanADATA1TBharddrive,andbackeduponasecondharddriveof
thesamemodel.BundleswerethenprocessedanduploadedtotheELAR
archiveusingthesoftwareArchiveBuilder(Arbil)(2013).
1.Introduction
63
Figure1.3:BasicDataCollectionWorkflow
BEFORESESSION PLANSESSION-Checkequipment(batteriesfull,memorycards
empty)-Compilegoals(questions,prompts,etc.)
CONDUCTSESSION-Monitorrecording-Takenotes(interestingitems,questionsfor
immediateoflaterfollowup)-Askquestions,listentoanswers
FILEDATA -transferaudio/videofromequipmenttoanewfolder(bundle) -assignallitemsofnewbundleauniqueidentifyingnumber -addbundledescriptiontodatabase
SENDALLNEWBUNDLESTOARCHIVE
TRANSCRIBE/TRANSLATEDATA -setupELANprojectforbundle -transcribematerialinGorwaaworkingorthography
GLOSSDATA -exportELANprojecttoFLEx -glossline-by-line -addnoteswherenecessary -re-exportprojectfromFLExtoELAN
SENDALLGLOSSEDELANFILESTOARCHIVE
DURINGSESSION
AFTERSESSION
BEGINAGAIN
1.Introduction
64
Oncebundledandbackedup,datawasthentranscribedandtranslated.Audioand
videofilesweresynchronizedintheELANLinguisticAnnotatorsoftware
programme(2011)andtranscribedintheworkingGorwaaorthography,then
translatedintoSwahiliandEnglish.Inthebeginning,thiswasconductedlargelyby
theresearcherwithhelpfromspeakerAyíRaheliLawi.Thismethodproved
extremelytimeconsuming,andwaslatervastlyimprovedbyemployingthreelocal
speakers:StephanoEdward,PaschalBu’ú,andFestoMassani,whowouldtakethe
preparedELANfilesontoan8GBUSBonaweeklybasisandtranslateandtranscribe
themindependentlyusingHPStream11.6inchHDlaptopcomputers.
Followingtranscriptionandtranslation,theresearcherwouldonceagaintakethe
ELANfiles,reviewthetranscriptionandtranslationsinordertomakesurethe
orthographywasconsistentwiththerestofthecorpus,andthenglossthematerials.
FileswereexportedfromELANtotheFieldworksLanguageExplorerprogramme
(FLEx)(SIL,2015)andglossedusingtheparsingtool.Glosseswerechecked,
adjusted,andcorrected,andmaterialwasthenre-exportedfromFLExbackto
ELAN.Thesenewfileswerebackedup,andthenuploadedtotheELARarchive,
onceagainusingArchiveBuilder.
Datacollectiontoolswerenotoftenemployed,withmuchoftheelicitedmaterial
collectedthroughtranslationexercises,andmuchofthenaturalisticmaterialsimply
beingvolunteeredbyparticipants.SophieSalffnerprovidedasetofwoodenbricks
foraspeechactivityinwhichonespeakerhadtobuildanunseenmodelwiththe
verbalcuesofafriendontheothersideofapartition(seealsothedescriptionof
1.Introduction
65
‘BlockWorlds’inSalffner2015:254-255).Ialsousedtwoidenticalsetsoftwenty
cowphotos,ofwhichasubsetwasgiventoonespeaker,whohadtohelpasecond
speakerchoosetheidenticalimagefromtheirsetbydescribinghowitlooked.The
sameactivitywasalsoconductedwithasetofbirdphotos.TheComparative
AfricanWordlist(SILCAWL)(Snider&Roberts2006),aswellastheSIL
RapidWords(SILInternational)questionswerealsousedwithafocusoneliciting
newnouns.OldrecordingsofGorwaamusicfromRadioTanzaniaDaresSalaam
(Kirombo&Ndumbalo1967)alsoservedasusefulstimuliforfurtherdiscussion.
Timespentinthefieldtotaledtwenty-sixmonths.Thiswasdividedintothree
individualperiods:athirteen-monthperiodforresearchassociatedwithMaster’s
degreebetweenOctober2012andOctober2013,andthentwoperiodsforDoctoral-
levelresearch:ninemonthsbetweenJuly2015andMarch2016,andthreemonths
betweenSeptember2016andNovember2016.Figure(1.2)belowshows
approximatelyhowmanyminutesofrecordingswerecollectedduringeachmonth
offieldwork,aswellaswhattypeofmaterialthiswas.Naturalspeechrefersto
recordingsmadewiththeleastamountofinputorconstraintimposedfromthe
researcher:theyrangefromtraditionalsongsandstories,toprocedural
descriptionsofhowtocompleteaneverydaytask.Promptedspeechrefersto
recordingsmadeinwhichtheparticipant(orparticipants)respondwithinalarger
contextcontrivedbytheresearcher:thepicture-matchingtaskdescribedaboveis
oneexample.Elicitationreferstorecordingsmadeinhighly-controlledsituations:
generallyinaquestion-answerformatinwhichtheresearcherpresentsaphrasefor
1.Introduction
66
translationorback-translation,orasksforagrammaticalityjudgment.Consent
referstotherecordingsofthescriptedconsentdialogue,asgivenin(1.1)above.
1.Introduction
67
Figure1.4:RECORDINGSCOLLECTEDDURINGEACHMONTHOFFIELDWORK
0
200
400
600
800
1000
1200
1400
1600
1800
MinutesCollected
MonthinField
Consent
Elicitation
PromptedSpeech
NaturalSpeech
1.Introduction
68
1.3.3Speechgenrescollected
Duringdatacollection,anattemptwasmadetoincludeasdiversearangeofspeech
genresaspossible.Assuch,thecorpusincludesmaterialsrangingfromdiscussions
ofjuraltraditions(e.g.Justice5[20160219h]),tohistoricalepics(e.g.History1-A
[20151125i]),torecordingsofchildrenplayinggames(e.g.Usuji[20151025]).
However,onlyasubsetofrecordingsfromtheentirecorpusarereferencedinthe
currentwork.Someofthemostfrequentlyusedaredescribedbelow,alongwith
excerptedEnglishtranslations.
Themostuniformtypeofrecordingwasthosefeaturingelicitation,wherethemain
contentsweretranslationorback-translationofphrases(1.4),orgrammaticality
judgments(1.5).Ihesitatetorefertotheseas‘genres’,astheyaremostcertainly
notnaturalspeech.Theydo,however,featuretheirownnormsanddifferenttypes
ofelicitationresultindifferentlanguageoutputs.
(1.4) TRANSLATION“NOMINALIZATIONS1”[20150724.34-37]
Itravelatnighttime.Thispersonisatraveller.Thispersonmissedthejourney.Alongtriptakestime.
(1.5) GRAMMATICALITYJUDGMENTS“MASS/COUNTNOUNS”[20150810d.8-11]
‘Water’isuncountable.Wesay‘thatwaterisinavessel.’Wesay:‘water-threebottles,twobottles,onebottle,twobottles,threebottles,fourbottles,fivebottles’ofwater.Because‘water’isuncountable.
Promptedspeechtypicallyfeatureduncontrivedspeechbutwithinasituationwhich
wascontrivedbytheresearcher,typicallytocollectaspecifictypeofgrammatical
constructionorvocabulary.Themostcommonlyrecordedinstancesofprompted
1.Introduction
69
speechincludedSalffner’sblockworldstask(1.6),andthephotomatchtask(1.7),
bothdescribedabove.
(1.6) BLOCKWORLDSTASK“BUILDINGBLOCKS5[20150817d.487-491][S.J.] theotherleg,builditintheplaceinfrontofyou-builditintheplaceinfrontofyou buildthoselegsthere,leavethisthingtherealone[H.J.] thereonthisside?[S.J.] yes,builditonthatside[H.J.] whyisthishousesodamnbig?
(1.7) PHOTOMATCHTASK“BIRDIMAGES11-A[20151021c.292-296] [B.S.] thisotherone ithasalongmouthIsay!ithasredeyes [P.B] whatisthisbirdcalled? [B.S.] this,Idon’tevenknowitsname [P.B.] itsmouthisred?Naturalspeechrecordingsproducedthemostdiverserangeofspeechgenres,
includingnarratives(e.g.HoneyStories[20131108b_20150725j]),Christianprayers
(e.g.BlessingtheMeal1[20150725l]),andgroupconversations(e.g.Thelocal
footballchampionship[20150726d]).Amongthisrangeofgenres,twowhichare
commonlycitedinthisworkincludepersonalbiographies,andprocedural
descriptions.
(1.8) PERSONALBIOGRAPHY“LIFESTORY2”[20131027_20150725c.159-162]Ifamansawme“You,awoman,willgointhisway!Thathusbandofyoursisafool.”Isaid“No,he’snotafool[...]
(1.9) PROCEDURALDESCRIPTION“HONEYHUNTING2”[20150808a.50-53]
Hey-letmelieonmystomachsothatIdigitoutoncemore.Thebeehiveisfullofliquidhoney-lookhere,thisisdriedhoney.Ah!Iwasbittenhard,theybitehard!Ouch!Iwasbitten!
1.Introduction
70
1.3.4Accessing,finding,andusingthedata
AlldatahasbeenarchivedwiththeEndangeredLanguagesArchiveatSOAS,
UniversityofLondon.Thisincludesallaudiovisualfiles(.wav,.mp4,.jpeg),aswell
asanalysisfiles(i.e.ELANfiles(.eaf)).Materialisbeingcontinuallyupdatedas
recordingsaretranscribed,translated,andglossed.Itisexpectedthatfuture
Gorwaarecordingsandanalysiswillalsobedepositedhere.Alldataisopenly
accessible,requiringonlythatusersregisterwithELARandagreetoitsTermsand
Conditionsofuse.
Foreveryexampleofphrasallengthorlongerinthiswork,acitationhasbeen
providedwhichwillallowthereadertoidentifythelargerrecordinginthearchive,
aswellastoresolvebacktothatparticularphrasewithintherecording.Citations
(boldedin(1.10))occurinsquarebracketstotherightofthefirstlineofthe
numberedexample.
(1.10) inósaGormo [20160119f.12]
inós ∅ GormóPRO.3M AUX Gorwaa.person.♂.LMO “HeisaGorwaaperson.”
Eachcitationhastwoparts,dividedbyafullstop.Thealphanumericalparttothe
leftofthefullstopcorrespondstotheuniqueidentifyingnumberoftherecording
(discussedabove),andallowsthereadertolocatetherecordingwithinthearchive.
Thiscanbedonebyvisitingthedepositpage
(https://elar.soas.ac.uk/Collection/MPI1014224)andenteringtheunique
identifyingnumberintotheboxtitled‘Searchthisdeposit’intheupperleftcorner,
1.Introduction
71
asshowninFigure1.3.Thiswillleadtothecontentsofthespecificbundle,which
canbeviewedanddownloaded.
Figure1.5:DEPOSITPAGEWITH‘SEARCHTHISDEPOSIT’INTHEUPPERLEFT
Returningtothecitation,thenumericalparttotherightofthefullstopcorresponds
tothenumberofthephrasesegmentintheELAN(.eaf)file.Oncethereaderhas
accessedthebundlefromthedepositpage,theymaydownloaditscontents(.wav
and/or.mp4,and.eaf),andsimplysearchwithintheELANfiletotheexactnumber
cited(asshowninFigure1.4)inordertolistentoandviewtheexactmomentinthe
recordinginwhichtheutteranceofchoicewasproduced.
1.Introduction
72
Figure1.6:ELANfilewith‘phrasesegmentnumber’asthefourthtierfromthebottom
1.4Summary
Thischapterintroducedthereadertotheaimsofthisdissertation,tothelarger
contextinwhichtheGorwaalanguageexists,aswellasthewayinwhichthe
languagedatawascollected.Thenextchapterprovidesageneraldiscussionofthe
Gorwaadataintheformofasketchgrammar.
2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa
73
2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa
2.1Introduction
Amongother things, thepreviouschapterdiscussedsomeof thewidercontext
(historical, cultural, sociolinguistic) in which the Gorwaa language exists (see
§1.2),aswellastheresearchmethodologyusedduringdatacollection(see§1.3).
What follows is a preliminary sketch of Gorwaa, written with two central
purposes inmind. First, the sketch provides descriptivematerial on themain
pointsofGorwaagrammar:boththemostcross-linguisticallycommonfeatures,
aswellasthosemostpeculiartothelanguage. Asalanguagewithnoprevious
description, this is meant as an empirical contribution to understanding the
language in general. Second, the sketchought to ground the reader in a basic
understandingofthenounphraseandassociatedphenomenasuchasagreement
–thetheoreticalandanalyticalfocusofthethesis.
ThesketchbeginswithanoverviewofGorwaaphoneticsandphonology(§2.2).
Itisfollowedbyapresentationofthelexicalcategoriesofthelanguage(nouns,
verbs, adjectives, adverbs), with an excursionary remark on ideophone (§2.3).
Next, the fuctional categories (determiners, selectors, and pronouns) are
examined (§2.4). Moving on to clausal constituents, comment is made on
canonicalwordorder,theverbphrase,thenounphrase,theadpositionalphrase,
aswell as comparatives (§2.5). A section on pragmaticallymarked structures
includesfocus,contrast,topicalization,negation,andnon-declarativespeechacts
(§2.6).Thesketchendswithcomplexclauses:relativesandcoordination(§2.7).
2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa
74
2.2Phoneticsandphonology
This section introduces the phonetics and phonology of Gorwaa. The first
subsection introduces the consonant inventory. The second subsection
introduces the vocalic inventory. Third, attention is given to pitch and
intonation. The fourth subsection is on stress. The final subsection treats
phonotactics.
2.2.1Consonants
Gorwaahas33consonants,andisnotableforitspaucityofvoicedfricativesand
wealthofpharyngealandglottalsounds.Severalconsonantsarelabialized.Four
consonants are ejective. The most articulatorily complex consonant is the
ejectivelateralaffricate,[tɬ’].
Table2.1:PHONEMICINVENTORYOFGORWAACONSONANTS Bilabial Labio-
dentalAlveolar Palato-
AlveolarPalatal Velar Uvular Pharyngeal Glottal
Nasal m n (ɲ)
ŋŋw
Stop pb td kgkwgw
Ɂ
EjectiveStop q’q’w
Fricative f s (ʃ) χ χw
ħʕ h
Approximant w
j
Trill r
LateralFricative
ɬ
LateralApproximant
l
Affricate (tʃ)(dƷ) EjectiveAffricate
ts’
EjectiveLateralAffricate
tɬ’
2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa
75
Consonant phonemes in brackets represent non-native phonemes, present
exclusivelyinloanwords.
(2.1) NON-NATIVEPHONEMESOCCUREXCLUSIVELYINLOANWORDSa. [tʃupa] chupa ‘bottle’fromSw.chupa‘bottle’
b. [ɲaɲa] nyanya‘tomato’fromSw.nyanya‘tomato’ c. [dƷe:la] jeela‘privateroom’fromSw.jela‘prison’ d. [bijaʃara] biyashara‘commerce’fromSw.biashara‘commerce’Orthographic representation of consonants, where different from the IPA, are
giveninTable2.2below.
Table2.2:CONSONANTS:IPAEQUIVALENTSFORORTHOGRAPHICREPRESENTATIONSOrthography IPASymbol
ny [ɲ]ng [ŋ]‘ [Ɂ]q [q’]sh [ʃ]x [χ]hh [ħ]/ [ʕ]y [j]sl [ɬ]ch [tʃ]j [dƷ]ts [ts’]tl [tɬ’]kw [kw]gw [gw]ngw [ŋw]qw [q’w]xw [χw]
2.2.2Vowels
Gorwaa has 5 vowels: two front-back pairs at two heights, and a single low
vowel.
2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa
76
Figure2.1:THEGORWAAVOWELSiii uuueee ooo aaa Gorwaadistinguisheslongvowelsfromshortvowels.Eachofthevowelsabove
has a short version and a long version. Orthographically, short vowels are
writtenwith one character: a, e, i, o, u, and long vowels arewrittenwith two
characters:aa,ee, ii,oo,uu. Lengthdistinctioncanbe lexical, though thecases
arerareand,asin(2.2),stressmayplaymoreofaroleindisambiguatingthetwo
formsthanvowelquality itself. Grammatically,however, the functional loadof
vowel-lengthdistinctionishigh(2.3).
(2.2) LEXICALVOWEL-LENGTHDISTINCTION[ts’aχara:] tsaxaraa ‘blood-drawingarrow’vs. [ts’aχa:ra] tsaxaara ‘shooting(witharrow)’
(2.3) GRAMMATICALVOWEL-LENGTHDISTINCTION
a. [Ɂadó:ɬ] adoósl ‘Ifarm’ vs. [Ɂadóɬ] adósl ‘youfarm’
b. [he:tɬá:kw] heétlaákw ‘abadperson’ vs.
[mu:kútɬákw]muukútlákw‘badpeople’ 2.2.3Pitchandintonation
Kießling (2004), establishes that across South Cushitic there are two
predominantphonemictonecontours,whichoperatewithinphonologicalwords
includingthesubjectnoun,aswellasthevP.Henamestheseaccent1“neutral
tone”(hereinlevelpitchaccent),andaccent2“markedtone”(hereinrisingpitch
accent). However, there exist a further three intonational tone contours, used
primarilyforpragmaticpurposes. Thisthereforerequiresaslightexpansionto
hisdescription.
2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa
77
The two ‘grammatical’ contours describedbyKießling (2004), andwhich bear
thelargestfunctionalloadsbyfar,arelevelpitchaccent(LPA),inwhichdefault
lowtoneisassignedtoallsyllablesofadomain,andrisingpitchaccent(RPA),in
whichprominenthightoneismanifestedonthefinalsyllableofthephonological
word. NounsmaypossessLPAorRPA lexically. Inaddition to this, these two
tone contours play an important role in many morphosyntactic distinctions,
includingTAM,adjectivalconcord,andderivationaloperations1.
(2.4) TWO‘GRAMMATICAL’CONTOURSa. LEVELPITCHACCENT(LPA)
i)[desi] desi ‘girl’ ii)[ħara] hhara ‘stick’ iii)[Ɂigu:Ɂ] iguu’ ‘hesleeps’ b. RISINGPITCHACCENT(RPA)
i)[desírɁa:ko] desíraako ‘grandfather’sgirl’ ii)[ħartátle:r] hhartátleer ‘alongstick’ iii)[Ɂagagú:Ɂ] agaguú’ ‘heslept’Additionally, there are three intonational tone contours which serve a largely
pragmaticfunction.Thefirstofthese,vocativepitchaccent(VPA),assignshigh
tone to the penultimate syllable, followed by low tone on the final syllable.
Vocativeistypicallyusedwhenaddressingsomeone2.Fallingpitchaccent(FPA)
assigns prominent low pitch to the final syllable of the phonological word.
Fallingpitchaccent isusedasanemphaticorcontrastivedevice. Rising-falling
pitchaccent(RFPA),featureswhatMous(1993:287)describesas“anextrahigh
toneandasubsequentfall”,andissituatedonthepenultimatesyllable. Rising-
falling pitch accent signals a polar question. These three ‘intonational tone
1Accentmarksareusedintheseexamplestoindicatetoneassignedtothesyllable.Lackofaccentindicateslowtone.Anacuteaccent(´)indicateshightone.Agraveaccent(`)indicatesextralowtone.Acircumflexaccent(ˆ)indicatesrising-fallingtone.2Gorwaapersonalnamesareuniformlypolysyllabic–inadditiontocontextualclues,thepossibilityofconfusionbetweenahypotheticalmonosyllableinRPAversusoneinVPAisveryslimindeed.
2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa
78
contours’ will supersede any original ‘grammatical tone contour’ of the
phonologicalwordofinterest.
(2.5) THREE‘PRAGMATIC’CONTOURSa. VOCATIVEPITCHACCENT(VPA)
[dési] desi! ‘girl!’
b. FALLINGPITCHACCENT(FPA)i) [ħartátlè:r] hhartátleèr ‘alongstick’(asopposedto
ashortone)ii) [Ɂagagù:Ɂ] agaguù’ ‘heslept’(finally,oras
opposedtoate)
c. RISING-FALLINGPITCHACCENT(RFPA)i) [gárbô:ʕ] gárboô/ ‘ablackthing?’
ii) [agagû:Ɂi] agaguu’î ‘hasheslept?’Finally,itshouldbenotedthatGorwaafeaturesdowndriftthroughthecourseof
the intonational phrase. Tentatively, this type of downdrift resembles tone
terracing – where both high and level tones trend downward in pitch, and
differences in pitch become progressively narrow until pitch is reset at the
beginningofthenextintonationalphrase.
Beyondthespecialnotationmadeintheseexamples(seefn.1),theorthography
marks tone as follows. Level tone is left unmarked. Rising pitch accent is
markedinthewritingsystembyplacinganacuteaccentonthefinalvowelofthe
phonologicalword.Vocativepitchaccentisindicatedwithanexclamationmark
directly following theword. Fallingpitch accent ismarkedbyplacing a grave
accentonthefinalvowelofthephonologicalword.Rising-fallingpitchaccentis
markedbyplacingacircumflexaccent(ˆ)onthefinalvowelofthephonological
word.
2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa
79
2.2.4Stress
Stressoccursbydefaultonthefirstsyllable.Ifthepenultcontainsalongvowel,
then it is stressed instead. If the penult contains a short vowel and the final
syllablehasahightone,stresswillbeonthefinalsyllable.
(2.6) STRESSASSIGNMENTa. STRESSEDFIRSTSYLLABLE
i) [ʕa:lusumo] /aalusumo ‘heir’ ii) [kaliɁi] kali’i ‘colour’ iii) [lawala:] lawalaa ‘spear’ b. STRESSEDPENULTIMATESYLLABLE
i) [ʕare:ma] /areema reduction ii) [Ɂafa’ħo:wa] afahhoowa eloquence iii) [q’antsare:ma] qantsareema greenness c. STRESSEDFINALSYLLABLE i) [ʕorruɁumó] /orru’umó sp.oftree ii) [karkarí] karkarí sp.ofgrub iii) [ne:armó] nee/armó sp.ofbird2.2.5Phonotactics
This section dealswith the permissible combinations of phonemes in Gorwaa.
Considerable similarities exist between Iraqw and Gorwaa with regard to
phonotactics, and this section owes a considerable debt toMous’work in this
area with Iraqw (1993: 24-39). First, syllable shape is examined. This is
followedbyroot-levelphonotactics,andthenword-levelphonotactics.
2.2.5.1Syllables
Canonical syllables in Gorwaa are of the form CV, CVC, CVNC, CV:, CV:C, and
CV:NC,whereNisahomorganicnasal.
2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa
80
(2.7) CANONICALSYLLABLESa.CV i)[di] di ‘place’(n) ii)[ga] ga ‘thing’(n) iii)[ja] ya ‘thus’(adv)b.CVC i)[dáh] dáh ‘comein’(v) ii)[dóɁ] dó’ ‘house’(n) iii)[tám] tám ‘three’(n)
c.CVNC i)[ʕónd] /ónd ‘dry.up.F’(v) ii)[tɬ’ánqw’] tlánqw ‘spotted.F’(adj) iii)[ħúnɬ] hhúnsl ‘wash.F’(v)
d.CV: i)[matɬ’e:] matlee ‘morning’(n) ii)[firo:] firoo ‘prayer’(n) iii)[mu:] muu ‘people’(n)e.CV:C i)[q’ó:m] qoóm ‘be.good.1Sg’(v) ii)[hó:t] hoót ‘live.1Sg’(v) iii)[ba:q’] baaq ‘house.partition’(n)
f.CV:NC i)[fa:nqw’] faanqw ‘seven’(n)In some loanwords from Swahili, the initial syllabic nasal is tolerated (see
Harvey&Mreta2016:4).
(2.8) INITIALSYLLABICNASALTOLERATEDINLOANWORDSa.[m̩tʃongoma] mchongoma ‘shrubsp.’fromSw.mchongoma
‘shrubsp.’
b.[n̩dowa] ndowa ‘wedding’fromSw.ndoa‘wedding’2.2.5.2Stem-levelphonotactics
Mous(1993:29)notes thatstems longer than threesyllablesusuallycontaina
reduplicatedsyllable,oranr.
(2.9) STEMSLONGERTHANTHREESYLLABLESa.[mataħar#á] matahhar- -á ‘insectsp.(pl.)’
b.[ʕaraʕant#i] /ara/ant- -i ‘fire-balllilies’ c.[Ɂindaχaχ#áɁ] indaxax- -á’ ‘plantsp.’ AsnotedinMous(1993:27),initialsyllablesofpolysyllabicstemsareusuallyof
CV,NCV,CVC,orNCVCstructure. CVVissometimespossible,usuallybeforean
2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa
81
NCcluster(see(2.10))3.Asetofothercasesaregivenin(2.11).CV:C,CVNC,and
CV:NCareneveracceptablestructuresforpolysyllabicroots.
(2.10) CVVSYLLABLEBEFOREANNCCLUSTER
a.[ba:mbár] baambár ‘fingermillet’b.[da:ngaf#i] daangaf--i ‘millet-filledgourd’
(2.11) OTHERCASESOFCVVSYLLABLESa.[ne:ʕár] nee/ár ‘heavyclouds’b.[se:sékw] seesékw ‘bustard’c.[Ɂi:rimb#í] iirimb- -í ‘crestedcuckoo’
In addition to restrictions on syllable structure for polysyllabic roots, Mous
(1993: 28-29) also notes restrictions on their vowel sequences. These
restrictionshold forGorwaaaswell, andare formulatedas follows: i) the first
vowel is [+high] or [+low] (not [+mid]), and the second vowel is either
epenthetic, [+low], or [+mid] (not [+high]) (see (2.12)); or ii) all vowels are
identical(see(2.13)).
(2.12) FIRSTVISNOT[+MID],SECONDVOWELISEITHEREPENTHETICORNOT[+HIGH]
a.[barij#a] bariy- -a ‘k.o.disease’(underscorediisepenthetic)
b.[gases#mó] gases- -mó ‘reptilesp.’c.[fuɁun#i] fu’un- -i ‘meat(i.e.onepiece)’
(underscoreduisepenthetic)
d.[kitange:r#i] kitangeer- -i ‘dryingrack’e.[gise:r#í] giseer- -í ‘potforspecialbeer’
(2.13) ALLVSAREIDENTICAL
a.[baɁa:r#i] ba’aar- -i ‘bees’b.[pulul#ú] pulul- -ú ‘kingfisher(i.e.agroup)’c.[toqor#i] toqor- -i ‘crippledperson’d.[biʕin#i] bi/in- -i ‘silkyblesmol’e.[kweʕeʕen#i] kwe/e/en- -i ‘black-neckedrockhyrax’
3Mous(1993:27)doesnotincludethegroupin(2.12),astheyarenotconsideredstemsinhisaccount(thereinroots,seeesp.(2)in1993:27-28).Inthiswork,Iconsidermanyoftheseformsstems.See[CROSSREFERENCE]forfurtheranalysis.
2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa
82
Mous (1993) notes that Owens identifies similar restrictions in Oromo (1985:
17).
An exception exists for polysyllabic roots with a long vowel in their initial
syllable,inthatthislongvowelmaybemid.
(2.14) EXCEPTION:POLYSYLLABICROOTSWITHLONGVININITIALSYLLABLE,THISSYLLABLEV
MAYBE[+MID]a.[ne:ʕár] nee/ár ‘heavyclouds’b.[se:sékw] seesékw ‘bustard’c.[po:hám] poohám ‘baboon’
2.2.5.3Word-levelphonotactics
VowelsVowels never occur word-initially, a glottal stop is always inserted. For
economy,thisisnotusuallyrepresentedintheorthography.
Mous (1993: 27) also notes a correlation between vowel length in the second
syllableandstress.Thevoweloftheinitialsyllablereceivesstressifthevowelof
thesecondsyllableisepenthetic.
(2.15) IFTHESECONDSYLLABLEISEPENTHETIC,THEINITIALVOWELRECEIVESSTRESSa.[ʕal#umó]/al -(a)mó ‘birdsp.’b.[ts’ifir#i] tsifir -i ‘language’c.[q’aduwee]qaduweé ‘consultingthetraditionaldoctor’
If the second syllable contains a long vowel or a high tone, then the second
syllablereceivesstress.
(2.16) IFTHESECONDSYLLABLECONTAINSALONGVORAHIGHTONE,ITISSTRESSEDa.[tɬ’angás] tlangás ‘quivers(forarrows)’
b.[me:mé:ħ] meemeéhh ‘wovenbackpacks’ c.[siro:r#a:] siroor- -aa ‘canaries’ Hall (2006)describesepentheticvowelsas insertedvowelswhich (contrary to
excrescentvowels)arephonologicallyvisible,andparticipate in thephonology
byrepairingstructureswhichwouldotherwisebemarkedinthelanguage.Mous
2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa
83
(1993:28)laysoutrulesforwhereepentheticvowelsmaybeexpected,though
notes that there is variation between speakers of Iraqw as to how acceptable
different clusters are. Using Mous’ consonant groupings, the Gorwaa data
suggeststhefollowing:
An epenthetic vowel almost always occurs between clusters composed of the
followingconsonants:[q],[hh],[tl],[m],[n],[ŋ],[m].
(2.17) EPENTHETICVOWELBETWEENCERTAINCONSONANTCLUSTERS
a.[ɬaq’amaje] slaqamaye ‘fatigue’ b.[Ɂafurtɬ’um#áy] afurtlum -áy ‘simpleknots’ c.[fe:ħim#i] feehhim -i ‘crevice’Anepentheticvowelwillalmostalwaysoccurbetween[m]Cclusters,whereCis
[t],[k],[g],or[ŋ].
(2.18) EPENTHETICVOWELOCCURSBETWEEN[m]CCLUSTERS,WHERECIS[t],[k],[g],OR
[ŋ][damit#o] damit -o ‘waiting’
Anepentheticvowelwillalmostalwaysoccurbeforeasyllablewithhightone.
(2.19) EPENTHEICVOWELBEFOREASYLLABLEWITHAHIGHTONEa.[ħurahúr] hhurahúr ‘bulbul,greenbul’
b.[χundurúf] xundurúf ‘insectsp.’ AnepentheticvowelmayintervenebetweenotherCCclusters,butthisseems
bothlesscommonthanintheabovelistedenvironments,butalsothanasseems
tooccurinIraqw.
(2.20) OTHERCASESOFEPENTHETICVOWELSBETWEENCCCLUSTERS,ANDEXCEPTIONS a.[ts’araɁas#i] tsara’as -i ‘flame’
But: b.[furɁa] fur’a ‘wind’ c.[tɬ’at#ete:] tlat -etee ‘debts’But: d.[ʕat#te:] /at -tee ‘curds’ e.[maraʕants’#i] mara/ants -i ‘insectsp.’
But: f.[ts’irʕ#i] tsir/ -i ‘bird’
2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa
84
In fact, within South Cushitic, one of the defining features of Gorwaa is its
tendency to tolerate consonant clusters (Kießling 2002: 107). Geminate
consonants are brought about by reduplicative suffixes, 3-consonant clusters,
andglottalstopsfollowingconsonantsareallexamples.
(2.21) CONSONANTCLUSTERSINGORWAAa.[dan#ne:] dan -nee ‘honies’
b.[ʕatɬ’#tɬ’e:] /aatl -tlee ‘jaws’ c.[sim#me:] sim -mee ‘phones’(fromSw.simu‘phone’) d.[kun#nu] kun -nu ‘mortars’ e.[gwarʕ#i] gwar/ -i ‘wildebeest’ f.[marɁaf#i] mar’af-i ‘unmarriageableclan’Series of vowels are disallowed in Gorwaa. Illicit clusters are repaired either
throughvoweldeletion,orglideformation.Bothprocesses,aswellasevidence
foreach,arewelllaidoutinMous(1993:33-35),andasimilarlineofreasoning
willbepresentedhere.
Rulesofvoweldeletionmaybeseenintheeffectthatthemasculinelinker/-ó/
hasonnounsstemsendinginavowel.(2.22)a)showsthatthevowel[a],when
followedby[o],isdeleted,whereas(2.22)b)showsthatthevowel[aj]followed
by[o]resultsinthevowel[aj].(2.22)c)showsthatthevowel[o]followedby[o]
resultsinnochange.Formoreonlinkers,seeChapter7.
(2.22) V+LINKER-óa.hhawata +-ó → [ħawató] hhawatótleér ‘atall
man’ b.slaqankay +-ó → [slaq’ankáy] slaqankáytleér ‘along
chameleon’
c.tsoyo +-ó → [tsoyó] tsoyótleér ‘atalldikdik’
2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa
85
A second source of evidence for deletion patterns is the effect that the vowel-
initial noun suffixes -í (Dem1) has on stems ending in a vowel. For more
informationondemonstrativesuffixes,see§2.4.1.2.
(2.23) V+DEM1-ía.muukú +-í → [mu:kí] muukí ‘thesepeople’
b.asltá +-í → [aɬtí] asltí ‘thesefires’ Based on data gathered to present, the following table can be given. Blanks
indicatealackofexamples.
Table2.3:VOWELDELETIONFollowingVowel↔︎
i
e
a
o
u
ay
PreceedingVowel↕︎
i e a e u a i e o u o e a o u u i e u ay e ay
Inadditiontovoweldeletion,ifaroundedvoweloccursfollowingavelar
consonantandbeforeanunroundedvowel,thisroundedvowelwillberealized
asaglide.
(2.24) V[+ROUND]→[W]/C[VELAR]___V[-ROUND] a. ku-atsawaár →kwatsawaár‘hewas
chosen’ t- ng- u- ∅ -(g)a tsawaár
MP- A.3- P.M- AUX -PRF choose.PST b. ngu-ahhe’és →ngwahhe’és‘shehadfinishedit’ ng- u- ∅ -(g)a hhe’és A.3- P.M- AUX -PRF finish.F.PSTEpentheticvowelsundergoregressiveassimilationacrosstheglottalconsonant
[Ɂ].
2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa
86
(2.25) V1→V2/___ɁV2WHEREV1ISANEPENTHETICVOWELaf-a‘i→ [Ɂaf#iɁi] afi’i ‘mouths’
Epentheticvowelsundergoprogressiveassimilationiftheprecedingvowelis[a],
[i],or[u]andiftheinterveningconsonantisvelar,uvular,pharyngeal,orglottal.
(2.26) V1→V2/V2C____ WHERE:V2IS[-MID]CISVELAR,UVULAR,PHARYNGEAL,OR
GLOTTALa.duux-iim → [dux#ú:m] duxuúm ‘takeout;marry’
b.wah-iim → [wah#á:m] wahaám ‘drink’Consonants[r] never occurs word-initially. Two exceptions exist: the place name Riroó
‘Riroda’,andthepersonalnameRi/oo.
TheseriesofconsonantclustersimplificationruleslistedinMous(1993:35-36)
apply less strictly to Gorwaa than they do to Iraqw. Each applicable rule is
presentedandexemplifiedbelow:
Inaclusteroftwooralalveolarconsonants,thefirstisdeleted.
(2.27) C1C2→C2 WHERE:C[+ORAL] [ALVEOLAR]
a.gár -dá’ → [ga#dáɁ] gadá’ ‘thatthing’ b.bombót -du → [bombo#dú] bombodú ‘oldbeers’ c.qwar -t → [qw’át] qwát ‘getlost-2Sg’Glottalconsonantsaredeletedifdirectlyfollowedbyanoralconsonant.
(2.28) C1C2→C2 WHERE:C1[GLOTTAL] C2[ORAL]
a.bara/’ -í → [baraʕw#í] bara/wí ‘thisdance’b.oh -t → [Ɂót] ót ‘catch.2Sg’
Labializedconsonantslosetheirlabialityiftheyarefollowedbyaroundedvowel
[u] or [o]. Alternatively, the perceptibility of the labiality may simply be
decreasedtothepointofzero.
2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa
87
(2.29) C[+LABIAL]→C[-LABIAL]/____V[+ROUND]4 a.deeqw -u(!) → [deq’#u] dequ ‘razors’ b.kwa/aangw -oô → [kwaʕa:ng#ô] kwa/aangoô ‘ahare?’Word-finalconsonantreductionoperationsareoptional.
(2.30) [nd]->[n]/____# a.siigand → [si:gan] siigan ‘grasshopper’ or[si:gand] siigand ‘grasshopper’
But:[si:dand#ê:] siigandeê ‘agrasshopper?’b.Hoshand → [hoʃan] Hoshan ‘Hoshan(place
name)’ [hoʃand] Hoshand ‘Hoshan(place
name)’ But:[hoʃand#ê:] Hoshandeê ‘Hoshan?’Voiced stops are optionally devoiced word-finally. Impressionistically, this
seemstobemostcommoninfastorinformalspeech.
(2.31) C[-CONTINUANT]→ C[-CONTINUANT]/___# [+VOICED] [-VOICED]
qaáb → [q’á:b]qaáb or [q’á:p]qaáp ‘tostanch’2.3LexicalCategories
The lexical categories – those sematically-endowed parts of speech that name
entities, actions, or qualities – are outlined below. The subsection will cover
nouns,verbs,adjectivesandquantifiers,andadverbs. Itwill finishwithabrief
excursusonideophones.
2.3.1Nouns
As the controller of most agreement operations, it is with the noun that the
examinationoflexicalcategorieswillbegin.First,abriefexpositionisprovided
onthesyntacticdistributionofthenoun.Next,nominalgenderandnumberare
introduced. Subcategories of nouns are next presented, followed by noun-4Notethatthe!symbolwhichfollowsthesuffix-uinthisexampleisusedtorepresentanaccompanyingphonologicaloperation(shorteningofalongvowel,eliminatingaglide,andfortitioneffects([w]→[b],[r]→[d])).
2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa
88
formingderivationaloperations.Finally,amodelisprovidedofthestructureof
thenounword.
2.3.1.1Syntacticdistribution
Below is a list,with examples, of the syntactic configurations inwhich a noun
mayoccur.
SubjectInpragmaticallyunmarkedphrases,subjectnounsoccurclause-initially.
SubjectofTransitiveVerb
(2.32) SUBJECTGARMAISAGENTOFATRANSITIVEVERBgarmabaahaanginataáhh [20160921i.1]garmá baahaár ng- a- ∅ -na taáhh
boy.LMO hyaena.LFR A.3- P.F- AUX -IMPRFhit.M.PST “Theboyhittheyhyaena.” SubjectofIntransitiveVerb
(2.33) SUBJECTGARMAISAGENTOFINTRANSITIVEVERB
garmaina/akuút [20160921i.23]garmá i- ∅ -na/akuút
boy.LMO S.3- AUX -IMPRF jump.M.PST “Theboyjumped.”SubjectofCopularConstructionNominalPredicate(2.34) GARMAISSUBJECTOFCOPULARCONSTRUCTION
garmaaGormo [20160119f.1]garmá ∅ Gormó
boy.LMO AUX Gorwaa.person.♂.LMO “TheboyisaGorwaaperson.”LocativePredicate(2.35) GARMAISSUBJECTOFALOCATIVEPREDICATE
garmaibaráqaymoo [20160119f.14]garmá i- ∅ bará qaymoór
boy.LMO S.3- AUX in field.LFR “Theboyisinthefield.”
2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa
89
AdjectivalPredicate(2.36) GARMAISSUBJECTOFANADJECTIVALPREDICATE
garmakutleér [20160119f.25]garmá t- ng- u- ∅ tleér
boy.LMO MP- A.3- P.M- AUX tall.M “Theboyistall.”ObjectDirectObjectThepositionofthedirectobjectnounsisbestanalyzedinrelationtotheselector
--aclusterofcliticswhichconsistentlyoccurstotheleftofthelexicalverb(see
§2.4.2). Thedirectobjectmayoccur: i) immediatelybeforetheselector(2.37);
ii)immediatelyaftertheselector,inwhichcasethelinkerispronounced(2.38);
and iii) immediatelybefore (oraspartof) theverb, inwhichcase the linker is
neverpresent(2.39).Inthesecondcase,thedirectobjectisnolongerindexedas
agreementontheselector(see§2.4.2.1).Inthethirdcase,thenounisprobably
incorporatedintotheverb,andisneveranargument(see§7.4.1.1).
(2.37) DIRECTOBJECTSLEEOCCURSIMMEDIATELYBEFORETHESELECTORAGA
sleeagagaás [20161102b.51]sleér ∅- a- ∅ -(g)a gaás
cow.LFR A.P- P.F AUX -PRF kill.1SG.PST “Ikilledthecow.”(2.38) DIRECTOBJECTSLEEOCCURSIMMEDIATELYAFTERTHESELECTORA
aníasleérdiíf [20160927l222-228.26]aní ∅- ∅ sleér diíf
PRO1SGS.P- AUX cow.LFR hit.1SG “Ihitthecow.” (2.39) (NOTIONAL)DIRECTOBJECTSLEEOCCURSIMMEDIATELYBEFORETHEVERBGÁS
ugaslee-gás [20161119f.34]∅- u- ∅ -(g)a slee- gás
A.P- P.M- AUX -PRF cow- kill.2SG.PST “You(M)killedacowonhim.”
2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa
90
PredicateofCopularConstructionNominalPredicate(2.40) DAAWAAISPREDICATEOFCOPULARCONSTRUCTION
xaa’ísla/aadaawaa[20131108b_20150725j.7] xaa’í sla/atá i- ∅ -(g)a daawaár trees.LN∅ forest.LFT S.3 AUX -PRF medicine.LFR “Thetreesoftheforestaremedicine.”TemporalPredicate(2.41) ASKOFÚMKOWÁRARUSHAISPREDICATEOFTEMPORALCOPULARCONSTRUCTION
inóstawaaskofúmkowárArusha[20131027.27]inós ta- ∅ -waaskofú mkowár Arushár
PRO.3SGTEMP- AUX -BACK bishop.LMOregion.LFR Arusha.LFR “WhenhewasbishopofArusharegion.”IndirectObjectIndirect object nouns may occur in one of two positions: i) as an adjunct
following the locational noundír (2.42); or ii) immediately before the selector
(2.43).Iftheindirectobjectnounoccursinthisposition,thedirectobjectnoun
mustbemarkedwiththelativesuffix-i.
(2.42) INDIRECTOBJECTDESIISANADJUNCTFOLLOWINGDÍR
mwalimukitaabungwahariísdírdesi [20160928c.44]mwalimú kitaabú ng- u- ∅ -(g)a hariís teacher.LMObook.LMO A.3- P.M- AUX-PRF bring.M.PSTdírdesírtogirl.LFR“Theteacherbroughtthebooktothegirl.”
(2.43) INDIRECTOBJECTDESIISIMMEDIATELYBEFORETHESELECTORNGINA mwalimudesinginakitaabuwihariís [20160927l23-29.3]
mwalimú desír ng- a- ∅ -nakitaabú -iteacher.LMOgirl.LFR A.3- P.F- AUX -IMPRFbook.LMO -
LAThariísbring.M.PST“Theteacherbroughtthegirlthebook.”
ObjectofComparisonTheobjectofcomparisonoccursfollowingthetaofcomparison,andmustoccur
withtopicmorphology.
2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa
91
(2.44) GARMAISOBJECTOFCOMPARISON
inóskatleertagarmawoo [20160927m.1] inóst- ng- a- ∅ tleerta garmá =oo PRO3SGMP- A.3- P.F- AUX tall.FCOMP boy.LMO =TOP “Sheistallcomparedtotheboy.”AgentinPseudopassiveConstructionAgents of pseudopassive (i.e. impersonal) constructions occur as adjuncts
followingtheagentiveprepositionnee.
(2.45) AGENTOFPSEUDOPASSIVECONSTRUCTIONGARMAISANADJUNCTFOLLOWINGNEE
baahaakanataáhhneegarma [20160927m.31] baahaár t- ng- a- ∅ -na taáhhneegarmá hyaena.LFR MP- A.3- P.F- AUX -IMPRFhit.PSTbyboy.LMO “Thehyaenawashitbytheboy.”SoleArgumentofImpersonalBytheirverynature,impersonalconstructionsneednothaveanexplicitagent.
(2.46) BAAHAAISSOLEARGUMENTOFIMPERSONALCONSTRUCTION
baahaakanataáhh [20160927m.46]baahaár t- ng- a- ∅ -nataáhh
hyaena.LFR MP- A.3- P.F- AUX -IMPRFhit.PST “(Somebody)hitthehyaena.”PossessorPossessorseitherdirectly followtheirpossessum(2.47)orareprecededbyan
anaphoric pronoun which refers to their possessum (as in (2.48), where the
posessumdaawa‘medicine’isseparatedfromitspossessorseehha‘tsetsefly’by
averbphrasenginamosíleehh).
(2.47) POSSESSORGURA’DIRECTLYFOLLOWSITSPOSSESSUMDAAWAAadaawáargura’ [20150808a.92]
∅ daawaár gurá’ AUX medicine.LFRstomach.LMO “Itisstomachmedicine.”
2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa
92
(2.48) POSSESSORSEEHHAAISPRECEDEDBYANAPHORICPRONOUNARdaawaanginamosíleehharseehhaa[...] [20151202d.171]
daawaár ng- a- ∅ -n amór =sí medicine.LFRA.3- P.F- AUX -EXPECT place.LFR =DEM2 leehh ar seehhaár look.for.3.SUBJ ANA.F tsetse.flies.LFR “Hewilllookfortsetseflymedicine.”PossessumIf directly preceding thepossessor, the linker of the possessum is pronounced
((2.49)).
(2.49) POSSESSUMDAAWAADIRECTLYPRECEEDESPOSSESSORGURA’adaawaárgura’ [20150808a.92]
i- ∅ -(g)a daawaár gurá’ S.3- AUX -PRF medicine.LFR stomach.LMO
“Itisstomachmedicine.”
2.3.1.2Genderandnumber
GenderandnumberinSouthCushiticisintertwinedinacomplexmanner. The
first subsection will treat biological/semantic sex, and the second will treat
semantic number. The third subsection will treat syntactic gender, and the
fourth will treat syntactic number (both defined strictly in terms of the
agreement that they trigger). Finally, the concept of ‘gender polarity’ will be
brieflyintroducedinsubsectionfive.
SemanticSexWorking on South Cushitic as a whole, Kießling (2000: 7-9) identified some
correspondence between syntactic gender and semantic sex. Many female
beingsarefeminineingender,andmanymalebeingsaremasculineingender.
(2.50) ♀ BEINGSARE(F)GENDER,♂BEINGSARE(M)GENDER
a.(F)eminine:/ameeni‘woman’;hho’oo‘sister’;koonki‘hen’ b.(M)asculine:hhawata‘man’;hhiya’‘brother’;gurtu‘malegoat’Some“remarkabledeviations”(2000:8)alsoexist:maleorganstendtobeF in
genderandfemaleorganstendtobeMingender.
2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa
93
(2.51) ‘REMARKABLEDEVIATIONS’TOCORRESPONDENCEBETWEENSYNTACTICGENDERAND
SEMANTICSEXa.(F)eminine:na/ani‘penis’;gudo‘testicle’;poo/i‘Adam’sapple’
b.(M)asculine:gwalay‘vagina’;isamó‘breast’Asecondpatternappearsinbotanicalvocabulary:masculineformsreferringtoa
plant,andfeminineformsreferringtothefruit(2000:8).5
(2.52) (M)FORMSREFERTOPLANT,(F)FORMSREFERTOFRUIT
a.maangware’umó(M) |maangware’ito’o(F)‘sorghumsp.(oneplant)’ ‘sorghumsp.(onehead)’
b.baranqumó(M) |barangeto’o(F) ‘treesp.(onetree)’ ‘treesp.(onefruit)’ c.xoowáy(M) |xoowí(F) ‘vinesp.(oneplant)’ ‘vinesp.(onefruit)’Beyondhumans,salientanimals(livestockandpets),andplants,othersemantic
groupingsdonotproduceanysortofobviouspatterns.
SemanticNumberBothMous,workingonIraqw,(1993:44-46)andKießling,workingonSouth
Cushitic,(2000:11)establishthatnumbersystemslikethatofGorwaaare
complexsemantically.Muchofthiscomplexityhastodowithnounsbeing
arrangedinamannerthatdoesnotalwaysfitwellwithtraditionalnotionsof
“singular=one”and“plural=many”.Severalpatternsareexaminedbelow:
Anounmayexist ina“singular” form,referringtooneentity,versusa“plural”
form, referring tomany (2 ormore) of such entities. This is an arrangement
whichwouldbemostfamiliartoEnglishspeakers.
5Useofthepipe|isintendedtosuggestthattwoformsshownside-by-sideareinsomewayrelated,butdoesnotproposeanyderivationalorinflectionaldirection(i.e.fromaroottoastem,ora“baseform”toa“derivedform”).
2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa
94
(2.53) SINGULARVS.PLURALa.tsukurumó ‘aladle’ | tsukuruma’ ‘ladles’
b.tlaptumó ‘afalcon’ | tlapteema’ ‘falcons’ c.ga/atini ‘ahighfever’ | ga/atanáy ‘highfevers’Nouns may also exist in a “collective” form, referring to an undifferentiated
groupofanentity,oranentityingeneral,versuseitherasingularorpluralform.
(2.54) SINGULARVS.COLLECTIVE bami’to’o ‘okra’(onefruitorflower) | bamiya ‘okra’(as
foodorasacrop’
(2.55) COLLECTIVEVS.PLURAL sandaa ‘clothpouch’(akindof | sandadu ‘cloth
pouchorgroupofpouches) pouches’ Three-waydistinctionsalsoexist.
(2.56) SINGULARVS.COLLECTIVEVS.PLURAL fuqumó‘anacacia’ | fuqaa‘acacia’ | fuqi‘acacias’
(asakindorspecies)
Massnouns,refertouncountableentitiesofundifferentiatedconsistency.Some
massnounsmaybepluralized(2.57),andothersmaynot(2.58).
(2.57) MASSNOUNTSUNQAAMAYBEPLURALIZED tsunqaa ‘saliva’| tsunqu’u ‘saliva’(scatteredindifferent
places)
(2.58) MASSNOUNMAA’AYMAYNOTBEPLURALIZED maa’ay ‘water’ SyntacticGenderSyntacticgenderisgenderasmanifestedintheagreementpatternstriggeredon
forms beyond the noun (see Corbett 1991). In Gorwaa, there are three:
(M)asculine, (F)eminine, and (N)euter. Forms which show gender agreement
are: tonic pronouns (possessive, demonstrative, and anaphoric), non-tonic
pronouns (i.e. the P argumentmarker), adjective copulas, adjectives, verbs, 1st
degreedemonstrativeenclitics,indefiniteenclitics,andlinkers.Theseforms,and
examples, are provided in Table 2.4 below.
2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa
95
Table2.4:TheTargetsofGenderAgreementinGorwaaAgreement
TypeCategoryA MB Example F Example N Example
Anaphor ProPoss ko-+Poss awuakw’eé’‘thebullismine’
to-+Poss sleeate’eé’‘thecowismine’
ko-+Poss hhaysoakw’eé’‘thetailismine’
ProDem ko-+Dem awuakoqá’‘thebullisthatonethere’
to-+Dem sleeatoqá’‘thecowisthatonethere’
ko-+Dem hhaysoakoqá’‘thetailisthatone
there’ Ana oo awuwíootleér
‘thistallbull’ar sleeríartleer
‘thistallcow’oo hhaysowíootleer
‘thislongtail’Subject V(1) -V:C garmanitliiq
‘theboyislate’-VC~RPA~ desinitlíq
‘thegirlislate’-V:C–iyá’-iyí’
tlataanitliiqiyá’‘thevisionislate’
V(2) -V:n~RPA~ garmaiqoón‘theboyisgood’
-Vnd~RPA~ desiiqónd‘thegirlisgood’
-V:n–iyá’-iyí’
tlataaiqooniyí’‘thevisionisgood’
V(3) -ay~RPA~ garmanixáy‘theboycomes’
-eer~RPA~ desinixeér‘thegirlcomes’
-ay–iyí’-iyí’
tlataanixayiyá’‘thevisioncomes’
V(4) -ar~RPA~ naanúnihamár‘theside-dishis
cooked’
-an~RPA~-at
fa/anihamát‘theugaliiscooked’
-ar–iyí’-iyá’
tlataanihamariyí’‘thevisionisrealized’
V(5) -Vh garmanidah‘theboyenters’
-Vt~RPA~ desinidát‘thegirlenters’
-Vh–iyá’-iyí’
tlataanidahiyá’‘thevisionenters’
V(6) -Vw~RPA~ garmangihúw‘theboybringsit’
-Vp~RPA~ desingihúp‘thegirlbrings
it’
-Vw–iyá’-iyí’
tlataangihuwiyí’‘thevisionbrings
it’Object P u garmaawungu
taáhh‘theboyhitsthe
bull’
a garmasleengataáhh
‘theboyhitsthecow’
i garmahhaysongitaáhh
‘theboyhitsthetail’
2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa
96
AgreementType
Category M Example F Example N Example
Head Adj(1) ~RPA~ awúúr‘abigbull’
~LPA~ sleérur‘abigcow’
~LPA~ hhaysóur‘abigtail’
Adj(2) ~RPA~ awútlaákw‘abadbull’
~LPA~ sleértlaakw‘abadcow’
~LPA~ hhaysótlaakw‘anuglytail’
Adj(3) ~RPA~ awúbuúx‘agreybull’
~LPA~ sleérbuúx‘agreycow’
~LPA~ hhaysóbuux‘agreytail’
=Dem1 =í awuwí‘thisbull’
=í sleerí‘thiscow’
=ká hhaysoká‘thistail’
=Indef =ko awuko‘somesuchbull’
=ka sleerka‘somesuchcow’
=ko hhaysoko‘somesuchtail’
Linkers -o
-ku-ko
awúbaabá‘father’sbull’
dakóbaabá‘father’shand’
-r-ta
sleérbaabá‘father’scow’
asltábaabá‘father’sfire’
-a-∅
/ewásaw‘thefarwest’
hhaysóslee
‘thecow’stail’AN.B.bracketednumbersrefertopattern-type(e.g.V(1)referstoaPattern1Verb).BN.B.morphemeswhichappearoneontopoftheotherinthecolumnsM,F,andN,representalternativeforms.Some(suchas–iyá’vs.–iyí’)areinfreevariation.Some(suchas–rvs.–ta)arelexicallyconditioned.
2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa
97
As may be seen in the table, “linkers” exhibit two different morphemes for each
gender.Withinthisthree-gendersystem,eachgenderexhibitssubgender–thatis,a
secondagreementpatternwithinthelargerpatternthatfunctionswithasubsetof
nouns, and in a subset of environments (c.f. Corbett 1991: 163). In Gorwaa,
subgender is only distinguished in linker morphology, obligatory suffixes which
appear on nouns when a) modified within the noun phrase or b) encapsulated
within theverbphrase. Formore informationon these environments, see §7.3.1.
All linkermorphology is realizedwith rising pitch accent. Mo-type subgender is
instantiatedbythemorpheme–o(2.59). Mk-typesubgenderisinstantiatedbythe
morpheme–koor–ku(2.60).Fr-typesubgenderisinstantiatedbythemorpheme–r
(2.61). Ft-type subgender is instantiated by the morpheme –ta (2.62). Na-type
subgender is instantiated by the morpheme –a (2.63). N∅-type subgender is
instantiatedbythemorpheme-∅(2.64). Theonlynounof theNa-typesubgender
identifiedthusfaris/ew‘west’.
(2.59) MOLINKER-Óhhawata -ó baabá→ hhawatóbaabá
man -LMO father “father’sman” “father’sman”(2.60) MKLINKER-KÚ
kuru -kú -í → kurkíyear -LMK-DEM1 “thisyear”
(2.61) FRLINKER-R~´~
desi -r~´~ -‘eé’ → desir’eé’ girl -LFR-POSS1SG “mygirl”(2.62) FTLINKER-TÁ asla-tá -ka → asltaka fire-LFT -INDEF.F “somesuchfire”
2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa
98
(2.63) NALINKER-Á/ew -á saaw → /ewásaaw
west -LNA far.N “thefarwest” (2.64) N∅LINKER~´~
/ayla -∅~´~ -dá’ → /ayladá’ wedding.song-LN∅ -DEM4 “thatweddingsong” SyntacticNumberSemantically, several groupings for number have been established directly above.
However, syntactically (i.e. as instantiated through agreement), number has two
valuesinGorwaa:singular(Sg)andplural(Pl).Theonlycategorytoshownumber
agreementistheadjective.Fullparadigmsforeachofthethreeinflectionalpatterns
foradjectivescanbefoundinTable2.10in§2.3.3.1.
(2.65) SINGULAR(SG)NUMBERAGREEMENT[...]hhaysodá’ur[20161109b.51]
hhaysó -dá’ ur tail.LN∅ -DEM4big.N “[...]thatbigtail”(2.66) PLURAL(PL)NUMBERAGREEMENT
[...]hhaysusudá’uren[20161109b.52] hhaysusú -dá’uren tails.LN∅ -DEM4big.N.PL “[...]thosebigtails”
Gender“polarity”Afinalpatternofwhichtotakenoteisthat,whenchangedfornumber,thesyntactic
genderofanounmayalsochange.Thisphenomenon,dubbed“genderpolarity”by
Meinhof(1912:18-20)hassincebeenidentifiedasasalientcharacteristicofmany
Cushiticlanguages(seee.g.Hetzron1967).Forexample,asingularnounwhich
triggers(F)agreementontargetadjectives,verbs,etc.canpluralizetoanounwhich
triggers(M)agreementonthosesametargetadjectives,verbs,etc.Comparethe
verbalagreementofdesu‘girls’withthatofgarma‘boy’in(2.67)below:
2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa
99
(2.67) GENDERPOLARITY:DESI(F)‘GIRL’ANDDESU(M)‘GIRLS’ a. desírtleeriqwala/amís desír tleéri- ∅ qwala/amís girl.LFR tall.FS.3- AUX make.happy.F.PRES
‘atallgirlmakesonehappy’
b. desútlétiqwala/amiisdesú tlét i- ∅ qwala/amiisgirls.LMO tall.M.PL S.3- AUX make.happy.M.PRES‘tallgirlsmakeonehappy’
c. garmátleériqwala/amiisgarmá tleér i- ∅ qwala/amiisboy.LMO tall.M S.3- AUX make.happy.M.PRES
‘atallboymakesonehappy’Indeed, thisprocess iswidespread,andresults in formsofanygenderresulting in
formsofalmostanyothergender.
(2.68) MOREEXAMPLESOFGENDERPOLARITY a. siyó(M)‘fish’ | siyumó(M)‘onefish’ b. gufú(M)‘smoulderingstick’| guffee(F)‘smoulderingsticks’ c. dakw(M)‘procedure’ | dakwi’i(N)‘procedures’ d. /urfi(F)‘skink’ | /urfaa(F)‘skinks’ e. desi(F)‘girl’ | desu(M)‘girls’ f. tlafi(F)‘cloud’ | tlafoo(N)‘clouds g. hhaysoo(N)‘tail’ | hhaysusu(N)‘tails’ e. /aatloo(N)‘jaw’ | /aatltlee(F)‘jaws’This phenomenon demonstrates a complex intertwining of gender and number, a
phenomenonwhichwillbefurtherexaminedinthenextchapter.Forthis,aswellas
informationonthemechanicsofchangingnounsfornumberinGorwaa,see§6.3.5,
and§6.5.5.
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2.3.1.3Subcategoriesofnouns
The major formally distinct subcategories of nouns include the tonic pronouns,
proper nouns, mass nouns, singularia and pluralia tantum, locational nouns, and
numerals.
TonicpronounsThe tonic pronouns include personal pronouns (e.g. aní ‘I, me’), possessive
pronouns(e.g.korén‘ours(MorN)’),demonstrativepronouns(e.g.tí‘thishere(F)’),
interrogativepronouns(e.g.ma’â ‘who’),andmodifiedformpronouns(e.g.artleer
‘thetallone(F)’). Describedinmoredetailin§2.4.3.1,tonicpronounssharemany
of thecharacteristicsofnouns. Theyhavestressand tone,and theymayserveas
fullargumentsinanypositionoccupiedbyanoun(see(2.69)-(2.72)).Theprimary
difference is that, as a subcategory, tonic pronouns are a functional category. As
their role is deictic, they do not have full semantic content. Additionally, the
subgroupisclosed(i.e.doesnotadmitnewmembers,suchasloansorneologisms).
(2.69) aníaslaaga/áw[20150724.71] aní asltá ∅- a- ∅ ga/áw Pro.1SG fire.LFT A.P- P.F- AUX look.at.1.PST “Ilookatthefire.”(2.70) te’eé’afaákee[DSC_5354_20150705b.34] te’eé’ ∅- a- ∅ faák ee PROPOSS.F.1SG A.P P.F- AUX finish.1.PST yes “Ifinishmine,yes.”
2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa
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(2.71) moro’ónaaxamamiísdírbaaborénakwí[...] [DSC_5354_20150725b.73]moro’ó ni- ∅ -(g)a things.LMO MP.A.1- AUX -PRF
~Red~ axaás-iím–iis dírbaabó =rén ~PLUR~ hear.1–DUR.1–CAUS.1.SUBJ atfathers.LMO =POSS.1PL i- ∅ -(g)a kwí S.3 AUX -PRF PRODEM1.M “ThethingsIheardfromtheancestorsarethis:”(2.72) hareeríama’â[20160111h.22] hareér -í i- ∅ -(g)a ma’â woman.LFR -DEM1 S.3 AUX -PRF who “Whoisthiswoman?”(lit.Thiswomaniswho?)PropernounsProper nouns typically refer to a unique entity (versus common nouns which
typicallyrefertoaclassofentities),assuch,theycannotbemodifiedbypossessives,
norcantheybepluralized. Propernounsmaybesubdivided intopersonalnames
andplacenames.Eachwillbeexaminedbelow.
PersonalnamesThemajorityofGorwaapersonalnamesarederivedfromcommonnounsviathree
principal strategies: zero derivation (2.73), high tone insertion (2.74), and
simplification6(2.75). Manyotherpersonalnounsare loansfromother languages,
especiallyDatooga. Asmaybeseen,mostGorwaanamesareunisex:applicableto
bothmenandwomen.7
(2.73) PERSONALNAMES:ZERODERIVATIONa.yamee‘lands’ → Yamee♂ b.na/aa‘children’ → Na/aa♂c.mabiwá‘sorghumsp.’ → Mabiwá♂/♀ d.heelo‘kindofsong’ → Heelo♂e.bee/i‘ewe’ → Bee/i♂
6Coates(2016)mentionssimplificationasaparticularlycommonchangeundergonediachronicallybypropernames.7♂indicatesthatanameisreservedforamale,♀thatanameisreservedforafemale,and♂/♀thatanamemaybeusedforeitheramaleorafemale.
2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa
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(2.74) PERSONALNAMES:DERIVATIONBYINSERTIONOFAHIGHTONEa.ba/ata‘fatigue’ → Ba/atá♀b.dahayee‘visitors’ → Dahayeé♂/♀
c.mani/i‘unripecorn’ → Mani/í♂ d.oona‘kindofgourd’ → Ooná♂/♀
e.siigan‘grasshopper’ → Siigán♂/♀(2.75) PERSONALNAMES:DERIVATIONBYSIMPLIFICATION a.galaxandí‘smallthing’ → Galaxoo♀ b.hhayuma‘travelling’ → Hhayma♂/♀ c.matlatlee‘morning’ → Matlee♂/♀ d.tahhahhaní‘bitingants’ → Tahhaní♂/♀ e.xeerangw‘scorpion’ → Xeera♂/♀Gorwaapeoplearealsogivenapatronymicsurname,thusapersonalnamemaybe
modifiedbythenounphrasedó’X,whereXisthefirstnameoftheperson’sfather.
Assuch,Yahhíoodó’Tluwáyrefersto‘Yahhí♂ofthehouseofTluway’.Yahhíardó’
Tluwáy refers to ‘Yahhí♀ of the house of Tluwáy’. These formulaemay also be
expressedbyattachingthelinkertotheendofthename:YahhíTluwáyandYahhír
Tluwáy,respectively.
PlacenamesGorwaa place names fall into three broad groups: place names derived from
common nouns (2.76), place names based on a personal name (2.77), and loans
(2.78).
(2.76) PLACENAMESDERIVEDFROMCOMMONNOUNSa.Daka’umó (fromdaka’umó‘baobabsp.)
b.Hhaala (fromhhaala‘well’) c.Tsamasi (fromtsamasi‘giraffe’)(2.77) PLACENAMESBASEDONAPERSONALNAME
a.Ayaxoxo (fromaya‘land’andXoxo,apersonalname) b.Ayasanda (fromaya‘land’,andSanda,apersonalname) c.Ayamaango(fromaya‘land’,andMaango,apersonalname)
2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa
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(2.78) PLACENAMESFROMOTHERLANGUAGESa.Endabeg (supposedlyfromDatooga‘riverofwater’?)
b.Majengo (fromSwahilimajengo‘buildings’) c.Oysterbay (fromEnglish‘OysterBay’) Several place names may be either masculine or feminine, with the variation
sometimesoccurringinthesamespeaker.
Figure2.2:PLACENAMESSHOWING(M)AND(F)AGREEMENTAyáTla/aa Daanda/áy Maisák QáshBaambáy Dawár Manaxa QatadiyángwBubu Kaandák Muumbalá SigínChemchem Komotó Negamsí Tururú MassnounsMass nouns refer to uncountable entities of undifferentiated consistency. They
differ from count nouns in that they cannot be modified by numerals. Gorwaa
masses include mud (ba/i), water (maa’ay), and knowledge (qeeru) as well as
entities less commonly construed as mass, including ideas (hasloo), footprints
(kala/a),andflames(duru’i).
Some, but not all,massnounsmaybepluralized. The result is a newmassnoun
withadistributivemeaning(i.e.thesubstanceofthemassindifferentplaces,orat
differentinstancesoftime).
(2.79) SOMEMASSNOUNSMAYHAVEPLURALFORMSa.danú‘honey’ | dannee‘honies’(i.e.differenttypesof
honey,orthesamehoneyindifferentcontainers)
b.tlamfí‘beeswax’ | tlamfáy‘beeswaxes’(i.e.waxindifferentplaces)
c.tseeree‘blood’ | tseerdu‘blood’(i.e.differentspotsorpoolsofbloodindifferentplaces)
2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa
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Singularia/PluraliaTantumSeveralsingularnouns inGorwaadonothaveaplural form, includingdawri ‘sky’,
hoomoo‘fullmoon’,andserkaari‘centralgovernment’.Severalpluralnounsdonot
haveasingularform,includingmoro’ó‘menses’,andgwa/ateema’‘light’.
LocationalnounsLocational nouns serve a prepositional function. Typically derived from common
nouns (and very often body parts), they may occur postverbally as verb phrase
adjuncts,and,whenusedwiththeprepositionsay(lative)andwa(ablative),serve
to add locational precision. Some locational nouns are highly selective, andmust
followother specific locational nouns. Othersmay occur in any order. Table 2.5
provides the locational nouns, the orders in which they may occur, and their
approximatemeaning.
2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa
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Table2.5:LOCATIONALNOUNSANDTHEIRCOMBINATIONSNoun1
(sourcenoun)Noun2
(sourcenoun)Example
amór‘at’
(amo‘place’)
guro’ó‘inside’(gura’‘stomach’)
amórguro’omar’i‘insidethecave’
bihhí‘beside’(bihhi‘side’)
amórbihhísokodá’‘besidethatmarket’
bartá‘side’(bara‘side’)
amórbartámuukuqá’‘onthesideofthosepeople’
geerá‘infront’(geera‘front’)
amórgeerátsir/i‘infrontofthebird’
dír‘at’(di‘place’)
geerá‘infront’(geera‘front’)
dírgeerádo’‘infrontofthehouse’
afeé‘totheside’(afeetloo‘waist’)
dírafeeuruwa‘atthesideoftheroad’
bihhí‘attheside’(bihhi‘side’)
dírbihhíya’awoo‘besideitslegs’
bará‘in’(bara‘side’)
tla/aángw‘among’(tla/aangw‘middle’)
barátla/aángwyiikwa’ín‘amongtheircattle’
daandó‘on’(daanda‘back’)
barádaandóyaamu‘ontheearth’
guro’ó‘underneath’(gura’‘stomach’)
baráguro’ómeesa‘underneaththetable’
gawá‘on’(gawa‘top’)
daandó‘ontop’(fig.‘about’)(daanda‘back’)
gawádaandóxa’ano‘ontopofthetree’
alú‘behind’(alu‘rear’)
alúdo’‘behindthehouse’
afkó‘edge’(afa‘mouth’)
afkówa/aangw‘theedgeofthearroyo’
NumeralsNumeralsaretypicallysingularetantum,exceptformiibaangw‘ten’,tsiru‘hundred’,
and kumá ‘thousand’, which all have plural forms (mibeeri, tsiree, and kumee,
respectively). Cardinal numbers occur as modifiers to their head noun (2.80).
Ordinal numbers take the same form, but must be preceeded by the anaphoric
pronoun(2.81).
2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa
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(2.80) CARDINALNUMBERWÁK‘ONE’fuqunówákkutleérwaló[20151021c.327]
fuqunó wák t- ng- u- ∅ tleérwa.ló claw.LMO one MP- A.3- P.M- AUX long.Mvery “oneclawisverylong”(2.81) ORDINALOOWÁK‘FIRST’
kanagaásneetahhatáoowák [20150724.6] t- ng- a- ∅ -nagaásnee tahhatá oo MP- A.3- P.F- AUX -IMPRFkill.PSTby hitting.LFT ANA.M wák one “it(i.e.thehyaena)waskilledbythefirstblow”TheGorwaanumeralsystemisdecimal,andvocabularyuptothethousandsmeans
that the language may, theoretically, accommodate a maximum figure as low as
9,999andashighas999,999. Withthatsaid,thehighestnumeralrecordedinthe
database is1,947(2.82),and it ishighlycommonforSwahilinumerals tobeused
insteadofGorwaanumerals(2.83).
2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa
107
Figure2.3:NUMERALSINGORWAAwák onetsár twotám three
tsiyéhh fourko’án fivelehhó sixfaanqw sevendakaát eightgwaleél ninemibaangw ten
miibáneewák elevenmiibáneetsár twelve
⋮miibáneegwaleél nineteenmibeerítsár twenty
mibeerítsárneewák twentyone⋮
mibeerítám thirtymibeerítámneewák thirtyone
⋮mibeerígwaleélneegwaleél ninetynine
tsiru(tsirúwák)
ahundred(onehundred)
tsiruneewák onehundredandone⋮
tsiruneemiibáneewák onehundredandeleventsiruneemiibáneetsár onehundredandtwelve
⋮tsirunegwaleélneegwaleél onehundredandninetynine
tsireétsár twohundred⋮tsireégwaleélneemibeerígwaleélneegwaleél ninehundredandninetynine
kumá(kumówák)
athousand(onethousand)
kumówákneewák onethousandandone⋮kumówákneetsirúwákneemiibáneewák onethousand,onehundredandeleven
⋮kumówákneetsireégwaleélneemibeerí
gwaleélneegwaleélonethousand,ninehundredandninetynine
kumeétsár twothousandkumeétsárneewák twothousandandone
⋮kumeétsárneemibaáneefaanqw twothousandandseventeen
⋮kumeégwaleélneetsireégwaleélneemibeerí
gwaleélneegwaleélninethousand,ninehundredandninetynine
2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa
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(2.82) HIGHESTNUMBERRECORDEDINTHEGORWAACORPUS:1,947anítalaqwaálkurkúkumówáktsireégwaleélneemibeerítsiyéhhneefaanqw
barákijijírRirodwaalé [20131027_20150725c.2] aní t- ∅- i- ∅ -(g)a laqwaál
PRO.1SG MP- A.1- P.1SG AUX -PRF give.birth.PSTkurkú kumó wák tsireér gwaleélnee year.LMK thousand.LMO one hundreds.LFR nineand mibeerí tsiyéhh nee faanqwbará kijijír Rirod
tens.LN∅ four and sevenin village.LFR Rirodawa.alé
PRORES “Iwasborntheyearonethousandninehundredandfortyseveninthe
villageofRiroda.”(2.83) SWAHILINUMERALSBEINGUSEDINSTEADOFGORWAA
xoroórboo/,xooroobaramuukú[...]mia,baratsireéko’án[20151202d.104]
xoroór boo/ xoroór bar i- ∅ -(g)a crowd.LFR black.F crowd if S.3 AUX -PRF
muukú miabar i- ∅ -(g)a tsireé people one.hundredif S.3- AUX -PRF hundreds.LN∅ko’ánfive
“ahugecrowd,maybeonehundredpeople–maybefivehundred”2.3.1.4Derivationaloperations
Noun-to-nounNoun-nouncompoundsareuncommoninGorwaa. Theonlyuncontroversial form
attestedthusfarishareekuráy ‘hammerkop’fromharee ‘wife’andkuráy ‘anysp.of
wedge-tailedraptor’.
Morecommon,butlessclearlyaninstanceofcompounding,istheprefixationof
ama-toanouninodertoderiveanewnoun(2.84).Ithasbeensuggestedby
MaartenMous(p.c.)thatama-mayberelatedtothenounaamá‘grandmother’.
2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa
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(2.84) POSSIBLECOMPOUNDSINAMA-
fa/a‘ugali’ → amafa/a‘sp.offruit-bearingtree’ fuqunó‘claw’ → amafuqunó‘sp.ofthornytree’ maa’o‘cat’ → amamaa’o‘fork-taileddrongoDicrurus
adsimilis’ geenda‘plantsp.’ → amageenda‘sp.oftree’ /anta‘termitemound’ → ama/anta‘sp.oftree’Verb-to-nounGentilicnounsVerbswiththeending–uus(seeCausitiveandFactitivein§2.3.2.4)serveasstems
uponwhichthesuffixes–(a)mo,-(a)so’oor–(a)to’oand–eecanformgentilicnouns:
nounsreferringtopeopleassociatedwiththeactionoftheverb. –(a)moderivesa
male,-(a)so’oand–(a)to’oderivesafemale,and–eederivestheirpluralform.
(2.85) GENTILICNOUNS
a.fiís‘steal’ → fiisusumo ‘thief♂’ fiisuso’o ‘thief ♀’ fiisusee ‘thieves’ b.aál‘inherit’→ aalutumo ‘heir♂’ aaluto’o ‘heir♀’ aalutee ‘heirs’ c.wák‘hate’ → wakusumo ‘enemy♂’ wakuso’o ‘enemy♀’ wakusee ‘enemies’DeverbalnounsIn addition to gentilic nouns, a noun may be derived from a verb through the
additionofanominalizingsuffix(2.86). Theseformsarenounsbecausetheyhave
gender, andmay fillmanyof the syntactic positions of nouns (e.g.qato ‘sleeping’,
derived from qaát ‘to sleep’ fills the subject position in the adjectival copular
constructionin(2.87).
2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa
110
(2.86) DEVERBALNOUNSa. doósl‘tofarm’ → doosla‘farming’
b. ga/áw‘tolook’ → ga/awngw‘looking’ c. slakaát‘tohunt’ → slakat‘hunting’(2.87) DEVERBALNOUNASSUBJECTOFCOPULAWITHADJECTIVALPREDICATE
qatowóskoqá’kutleérwaló [20161102b.19] qató =ós koqá’ t- ng- u- ∅ sleeping=POSS.3SG PRODEM3.M MP- A.3- P.M- AUX tleérwa.ló
long.Mvery “Hissleepingisverylong.”2.3.2Verbs
Thissubsectionbeginsbydescribingthedistributionofverbs.Nextisanoverview
of verbal inflection, followed by an examination of adnominals. Verbalizing
derivationsarethengiven.Finally,thestructureoftheverbphraseisgiven.
2.3.2.1Syntacticdistribution
Inpragmaticallyunmarkedsentences,theverbistypicallyclause-final(2.88).Verbs
maybefollowedbyanadverbialclause(2.89).
(2.88) VERBISCLAUSE-FINALa. aníasleérdiíf [20150724.4]
aní ∅- ∅ sleér diíf PRO1SG S.P- AUX cow.LFR hit.1.PST “Ihitthecow.” b. sleeagwá’ [20160120q.66] sleér i- ∅ -(g)a gwá’ cow.LFR S.3- AUX -PRF die.F.PST “Thecowdied.”(2.89) VERBISFOLLOWEDBYANADVERBIALPHRASE
a. agahi’imamiítaybaráDuwanqee[20131027_20150725c.126]∅- ∅ -(g)a ~Red~ hi’imiít ay bará
S.P- AUX -PRF ~PLUR~ travel.1.PST to in Duwanqeér Maasai.people.LFR “IhavetravelledamongtheMaasai.”
2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa
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b. Buráisihhimiitwagawádaandómeesa [20150815n.3]Burá i- ∅ sihhimiit wa gawá daandó
Burá.LMO S.3- AUX stand.M.PRES fromontop meesaártable.LFR
“Buráisstandingontopofthetable.”
2.3.2.2Verbalinflection
The Gorwaa verb may inflect for person, gender, and number, tense, and mood,
whichwillbeexaminedbelow.
Person,gender,andnumberItisimportanttodistinguishpronominalsubjects(forwhichverbsagreeforperson
andnumber)fromnominalsubjects(i.e.forwhichverbsagreeforgender).Wewill
firstexamineverbal inflection forpronominalsubjects,andthenexaminenominal
subjects.
PronominalsubjectsThereareatleast6verbalparadigms,whicheachinflectdifferentlyforperson.
Table2.6:INFLECTIONALPARADIGMSFORLEXICALVERBS:PRESENTINDICATIVEPattern 1stPersonSubject
Examples2ndPersonSubject
Examples3rdPersonSubject
Examples1 -V:C~RPA~
xuú’(know.1Sg)-VC~RPA~
xú’(know.2Sg)-V:C
xuu’(know.3Sg)2 -V:m~RPA~
ya/aám(agree.1Sg)-Vnd~RPA~
ya/ánd(agree.2Sg)-Vn~RPA~
ya/án(agree.3Sg)3 -aw~RPA~
xáw(come.1Sg)-eer~RPA~
xeér(come.2Sg)-ay~RPA~
xáy(come.3Sg)4 -ar~RPA~
qwár(get.lost.1Sg)-anor–at~RPA~qwát(get.lost.2Sg)
-ar~RPA~qwár(get.lost.3Sg)
5 -Vh~RPA~dáh(enter.1Sg)
-Vt~RPA~dát(enter.2Sg)
-Vhdah(enter.3Sg)
6 -Vw~RPA~húw(bring.1Sg)
-Vp~RPA~húp(bring.2Sg)
-Vw~RPA~húw(bring.3Sg)
Pluralformsarebuiltfromtheirrespectivesingularbases,plusapluralsuffix.First
personpluralsareoftheform:[1SgBase]+-aán(1Pl).Secondpersonpluralsareof
2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa
112
theform:[2SgBase]+-á’(2Pl).Thirdpersonpluralsareoftheform:[3SgBase]+
either -iyá’ (3Pl) or -iyí’ (3Pl). Both 3rd person plural suffixes are used
interchangeably,withnodifferenceinmeaning.
Table2.7:PLURALINFLECTIONALPARADIGM
Verb1stPersonPlural
Subject[1SgBase]+-aán
2ndPersonPluralSubject
[2SgBase]+-á’
3rdPersonPluralSubject
[3SgBase]+-iyá’-iyí’
xuu’‘know’ xuú’+-aánxuu’aán(know.1Pl)
xú’+-á’xu’á’(know.2Pl)
xuu’+-iyá’+-iyí’xuu’iyá’orxuu’iyí’(know.3Pl)
ya/án‘agree’ ya/aám+-aánya/aamaán(agree.1Pl)
ya/ánd+-á’ya/andá’(agree.2Pl)
ya/án+-iyá’+-iyí’ya/aniyá’orya/aniyí’(agree.3Pl)
sláy‘get’ sláw+-aánslawaán(get.1Pl)
sleér+-á’sleerá’(agree.2Pl)
sláy+-iyá’+-iyí’slayiyá’orslayiyí’(get.3Pl)
Fromamorphologicalperspective,then,itmustbesaidthatverbsinthepluralare
double-marked for person: once in the base of the verb, and again on the plural
personsuffix.
(2.90) VERBSINTHEPLURALAREDOUBLE-MARKEDFORPERSON[...]aténnawaatlaán[20151202e.89]atén ni -(g)a waátl -aán
PRO1PL VENT -PRF return.1 -1PL.PST “[...]wehavereturned”NominalsubjectsWhenthesubject isacommonnoun,agreementisnotforperson/number,butfor
gender. Masculine nouns trigger the same agreement on a verb as 3rd person
singularpronouns(2.91).Femininenounstriggerthesameagreementonaverbas
2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa
113
2ndpersonsingularpronouns(2.92).Neuternounstriggerthesameagreementona
verbas3rdpersonpluralpronouns(2.93).
Table2.8:INFLECTIONALPARADIGMFORNOMINALSUBJECTS:PRESENTINDICATIVEVerb MasculineSubject FeminineSubject NeuterSubject
xuu’‘know’ xuu’(know.M) xú’(know.F) xuu’iyá’orxuu’iyí’(know.N)
ya/án‘agree’ ya/án(agree.M) ya/ánd(agree.F) ya/aniyá’orya/aniyí’(agree.N)
sláy‘get’ sláy(get.M) sleér(get.F) sláyiyá’orslayiyí’(get.N)
(2.91) MNOUNSAND3RDPERSONSINGULARPRONOUNSTRIGGERTHESAMEAGREEMENT
a. inósbaahaanginataáhh[20160921i.10] inós baahaár ng- a- ∅ -nataáhh PRO3SG hyaena.LFR A.3- P.F AUX -IMPRFhit.3.PST “Hehitthehyaena.”
b. garmabaahaanginataáhh[20160921i.1] garmá baahaár ng- a- ∅ -na taáhh boy.LMO hyaena.LFR A.3- P.F- AUX -IMPRFhit.M.PST “Theboyhitthehyaena.”(2.92) FNOUNSAND2NDPERSONSINGULARPRONOUNSTRIGGERTHESAMEAGREEMENT
a. kuúngagogóp[20160119f.28]kuúng a- ∅ ~Red~ góp
PRO2SG.M A.P- AUX ~PLUR~ flee.2.PRES “You(M)flee.”
b. hareeigogóp[20160119f.30] hareér i- ∅ ~Red~ góp woman.LFR A.3 AUX ~RED~ flee.F.PRES “Thewomanflees.”(2.93) NNOUNSAND3RDPERSONPLURALPRONOUNSTRIGGERTHESAMEAGREEMENT
a. ino’ín[...]baahaanginadiifiyí’[20160927l110-124.9] ino’ín baahaár ng- a- ∅ -na diif-iyí’ PRO3PL hyaena.LFR A.3- P.F- AUX -IMPRFhit.3-3PL.PST “They[...]hitthehyaena.” b. na/i’i[...]bahaanginadiifiyí’[20160927l110-124.3] na/i’í baahaár ng- a- ∅ -na diif -iyí children.LN∅hyaena.LFR A.3- P.F- AUX -IMPRFhit -N.PST “The[...]childrenhitthehyaena.”
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Tense Verbs inflect for tense, namelypast andpresent8. Past tense is realizedby rising
pitch accent (seeTable2.9). Present tense is zero-marked (seeTable2.6 above).
Because of extensive syncretism, the only time present and past tense may be
distinguishedontheverbiswheninflectedfora3rdpersonsingularpronoun,ora
masculinenoun,wherethereislevelpitchaccentforpresentandrisingpitchaccent
forpast(2.94). Allotherpresent formsfeaturerisingpitchaccentaspartof their
person/numberagreementandarethereforeidenticaltotheirpastforms.
Table2.9:INFLECTIONALPARADIGMFORPASTINDICATIVEVerb MasculineSubject FeminineSubject NeuterSubject
xuu’‘know’ xuú’ xú’ xuu’iyá’orxuu’iyí’ya/án‘agree’ ya/án ya/ánd ya/aniyá’or
ya/aniyí’sláy‘get’ sláy sleér sláyiyá’orslayiyí’
(2.94) PRESENTANDPASTTENSEAREDISTINGUISEDONLYFORAMNOUNORA3RDPERSON
SINGULARPRONOUNa. na/i’ingidiif[20161004b.49]
na/i’í ng- i- ∅ diif children.LN∅ A.3- P.N- AUX hit.M.PRES “Hehitsthechildren.” b. na/i’inginadiíf[20161004b.60] na/i’í ng- i- ∅ -na diíf children.LN∅ A.3- P.N- AUX -IMPRFhit.M.PST “Hehitthechildren.”MoodMood includes indicative, subjunctive, and interrogative. All three are indicated
primarilybypitch-accentontheverb.Indicativeiszero-marked(2.95).Subjunctive
ismarkedby levelpitchaccent(2.96),andbythesuffix-i forpattern1verbs(see
Table) with a 3rd person singular or masculine subject (2.97). Interrogative is8Technically,thisdichotomyshouldbeworded‘past’and‘non-past’inthatitisthepresenttensewhichisusedforallnon-pasttenses.Giventhatthisisnotthecentralfocusofthedissertation,theterms‘past’and‘present’willberetained.
2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa
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markedbyrising-fallingpitchaccentonanextensionsuffix:-ainthepresent,and-i
inthepast(2.98).
(2.95) INDICATIVEMOOD(NOMARKING) [...]/oonaanahardát [20150729b.15]
/oonaár ni- ∅ -(g)a hardát new.moon.LFR VENT- AUX -PRF arrive.F.PST “Thenewmoonhasarrived.”(2.96) SUBJUNCTIVEMOOD(LEVELPITCHACCENT)
[...]nihardah,ihaslìt[20150810d.33] ni- ∅ hardah i- ∅ haslìt MP.S.1AUX arrive.1.SUBJ S.3- AUX think.F.PRES.EMPH “[...]whenIarrive,sheisthinking.”(2.97) SUBJUNCTIVEMOOD(SUFFIX-IFORPATTERN1VERBSWITH3RDPERSONSGPRONOMINAL
ORMNOMINALSUBJECT) [...]Muungúngutsuunqi[20131027_20150725c.22]
Muungú ng- u- ∅ tsuunqi God.LMO A.3- P.2SGM AUX bless.M.SUBJ “MayGodblessyou(M).”(2.98) INTERROGATIVEMOOD(RISING-FALLINGPITCHACCENTONEXTENSIONSUFFIX-I)
aamanahardatî[20150808a.126] aamár ni- ∅ -(g)a hardat -î grandmother.LFR VENT- AUX -PRF arrive.F -Q.PST “Hasgrandmotherarrived?”2.3.2.3Adnominals
Adnominals inGorwaaaredeverbalconstituentswhichmodifyaheadnoun. Like
adjectives,theyfollowtheirheadnoun,whichisinlong-form.Adnominalsagreeing
with a singular pronominal, or masculine nominal head show rising pitch accent
(2.99);adnominalsagreeingwithafemininenominalheadshowlevelpitchaccent
(2.100); adnominals agreeing with a plural pronominal, or neuter nominal head
showthesuffix-a’andrisingpitchaccent(2.101).However,adnominalscannotbe
used predicatively, nor do they agree for nominal number (see (2.102), inwhich
muu (M.Pl) triggers the same agreement pattern as garma (M.Sg)), meaning that
2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa
116
their function is not exactly that of an adjective (c.f. Haspelmath 1995). As such,
theycannotbecalledparticiples.
(2.99) ADNOMINALSAGREEINGWITHASINGULARPRONOMINALORMNOMINALSUBJECTSHOWRISINGPITCHACCENT
a. aniwídoóslbaahaaanataáhh [20160927l110-124.4] aní -í doósl baahaár PRO1SG -DEM1 farm.ADN.1SG hyaena.LFR ∅- a- ∅-na taáhh A.P- P.F- AUX -IMPRFhit.1.PST “I,farming,hitthehyaena.”
b. kuúngkwisíngdoóslbaahaaanataáhh [20160927l110-124.5] kuúng kwisíng doósl baahaár PRO2SG.M PRODEM2.M farm.ADN.2SGhyaena.LFR ∅- a- ∅ -na táhh
A.P- P.F- AUX -IMPRFhit.2.PST “Youthere,farming,hitthehyaena.”
c. inósoodoóslbaahaanginataáhh[20160927l110-124.6] inós oo doósl baahaár PRO3SG ANA.Mfarm.ADN.3SG hyaena.LFR ng- a- ∅ -na taáhh
A.3- P.F- AUX -IMPRFhit.3.PST“He,farming,hitthehyaena.”
d. garmádoóslbahaanginataáhh [20160927l110-124.1]
garmá doósl baahaár ng- a- ∅ -na boy.LMO farm.ADN.M hyaena.LFR A.3- P.F- AUX -IMPRF taáhh
hit.M.PST “Thefarmingboyhitthehyaena.”(2.100) ADNOMINALSAGREEINGWITHAFNOMINALSUBJECTSHOWLEVELPITCHACCENT
desírdooslbaahaanginatáhh[20160927l110-124.2] desír doosl baahaár ng- a- ∅ -na girl.LFR farm.ADN.F hyaena.LFR A.3- P.F- AUX -IMPRF táhh hit.F.PST “Thefarminggirlhitthehyaena.”
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(2.101) ADNOMINALSAGREEINGWITHAPLURALPRONOMINALORNNOMINALSUBJECTSHOWTHESUFFIX-Á’
a. atekádooslá’baahaaanadiifaán [20160927l110-124.7] atén -ká doosl -á’ baahaár PRO1PL -DEM1 farm -ADN.PRO1PL hyaena.LFR ∅- a- ∅ -na diíf-aán A.P- P.F- AUX -IMPRFhit.1-1PL.PST “We,farming,hitthehyaena.” b. kuungá’koká’dooslá’baahaaanadifé’ [20160927l110-124.8] kuungá’ koká’ doosl-á’ baahaár PRO2PL PRODEM1.M farm-ADN.PRO2PL hyaena.LFR
∅- a- ∅ -nadif-é’ A.P- P.F- AUX -IMPRFhit.2-2PL.PST
“You(pl.),farming,hitthehyaena.” c. ino’ínkoká’dooslá’baahaanginadiifiyí’[20160927l110-.9] ino’ín koká’ doosl-á’ baahaár PRO3PL PRODEM1.M farm-ADN.PRO3PL hyaena.LFR ng- a- ∅ -nadiif-iyí’
A.3- P.F- AUX -IMPRFhit.3-3PL.PST “They,farming,hitthehyaena.”
d. na/i’ídooslá’bahaanginadiifiyí’[20160927l110-124.3] na/i’í doosl -á’ bahaár children.LN∅ farm -ADN.N hyaena.LFR ng- a- ∅-na diif -iyí’
A.3- P.F- AUX -IMPRF hit -N.PST“Thefarmingchildrenhitthehyaena.”
(2.102) ADNOMINALSARENOTADJECTIVAL(ANDARETHEREFORENOTPARTICIPLES):
PREDICATESDONOTSHOWNUMBERAGREEMENT(PLMUUANDSGGARMATRIGGERTHESAMEAGREEMENTPATTERN)
a. muukúdoóslbaahaanginadiíf [20160927l110-124.10] muukú doósl baahaár ng- a- ∅ -na people.LMK farm.ADN.M hyaena.LFR A.3- P.F- AUX -IMPRF diíf
hit.M.PST “Thefarmingpeoplehitthehyaena.”
b. garmádoóslbaahaanginataáhh [20160927l110-124.1] garmá doósl baahaár ng- a- ∅ -na boy.LMO farm.ADN.M hyaena.LFR A.3- P.F- AUX -IMPRF taáhh hit.M.PST “Thefarmingboyhitthehyaena.”
2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa
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2.3.2.4Derivationaloperations
Aseriesofmorphemesareusedtoderivenewverbs,eitherfromexistingverbsor
from nouns or adjectives. These operations are considered derivational because
they are restricted in their application (i.e. verb-to-verb derivational morphemes
cannot apply to all verbs, and the same with noun-to-verb and adjective-to-verb
morphemes).Thissectionwillexamineeach,firsttreatingverb-to-verbderivation,
thennoun-to-verbderivation,followedbyadjective-to-verbderivation.
VerbtoVerbSeveralmorphemes are used to derive a verb from another verb. The causative
suffix -iis, the durative suffix -iim and infix <ar>, themiddle voice suffix -iit, and
pluractionalreduplication~Red~willbeexaminedbelow.
Phonologically, a long vowel [i:], [a:], and [u:] of verb stems is shortened if a
derivationalsuffixfollows(c.f.Mous1993:173).
(2.103) ALONGVOWEL[i:],[a:],AND[u:]OFVSTEMSISSHORTENEDIFADERIVATIONAL
SUFFIXFOLLOWSa. qaás--iís → qasiís ‘causetoput’b. qwaár--iím → qwadiím ‘belosing’c. xaásl--iít → xasliít ‘bequiet’
Progressiveassimilationmayoccurfromtheconsonantoftheverbroot,acrossthe
finalconsonant,andtothevowelofthederivationalsuffix.
(2.104) PROGRESSIVEVOWELASSIMILATIONFROMTHEVSTEMTOTHEVOFTHE
DERIVATIONALSUFFIXa. dáh--iís → dahaás‘causetogoin’b. sluúk--iím → slukuúm‘bebribing’c. duúx--iít → duxuút‘bemarried’
2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa
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CausativeThecausativesuffix–VVs(Mous1993:174)addsanextraargumenttotheverb,
whoseroleisthecauserorinstigatoroftheactionoftheverb.
(2.105) OHIÍS,CAUSATIVEFORMOFÓH
óh‘ignite’(i.e.fire)→ ohiís‘light’(i.e.fire)(2.106) OHIÍSISTRANSITIVE
asloótsároodirènnginaohiís[20150729b.17] asloó tsároo diren ~`~ fires.LN∅ twoANA.N big.N ~EMPH~ ng- i- ∅ -na ohiis A.3- P.N- AUX -IMPRF light.M.PST “Helittwogreatfires.”DurativeThe durative contributes a continuous reading to the verb. This operation is
realizedby twoalternatemorphemes: the suffix -VVm (Mous1993:178) ( (2.107)
and(2.108)),andtheinfix<ar>(Mous1993:185-186)((2.109)and(2.110)).
(2.107) HUBIÍM,DURATIVEFORMOFHÚW
húw‘bring’ → hubiím‘bringing’(2.108) HUBÍM:CONTINUOUSBRINGING
kanhubinbarápakani[20151202e.6] t- ng- a- ∅ -n hubin bará MP- A.3- P.F- AUX -EXPECTbringing.SUBJ to pakanír borderland.LFR “Theywerebeingbroughttotheborderland.”(2.109) DARÁH,DURATIVEFORMOFDÁH
dáh‘enter’ → daráh‘entering’(2.110) DARÁH:CONTINUOUSENTERING
aníadaráhbarádo’[20150727.45] aní ∅- ∅ daráh bará dó’ PRO1SG S.P- AUX entering.1.PRES in house.LMO “Iamgoingintothehouse.”
2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa
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MiddlevoiceMiddle voice indicates that the subject of the verb bears both agentlike and
patientlikequalities.Thesuffixis–VVt.
(2.111) XASLIÍT,MIDDLEFORMOFXAÁSL xaásl‘bequiet’ → xasliít‘keepquiet’
(2.112) XASLIÍT:SUBJECTISBOTHAGENT-ANDPATIENTLIKE
inaxasliít[...][20131108b_20150725j.74] i- ∅ -na xasliít S.3- AUX -IMPRFkeep.quiet.PST “Hekeptquiet[...]”PluractionalityVerbs may also express pluractionality. This is typically accomplished through
reduplicationofpartoftheverbroot.
(2.113) TLATLÁW,PLURACTIONALFORMOFTLÁW tláw‘go’ → tlatláw‘gorepeatedly’(2.114) TLATLÁW:ACTIONISREPEATED
garmaqá’atlatláy[20161102b.28]garmá -qá’ i- ∅ -(g)a~Red~tláy
boy.LMO -DEM3S.3- AUX -PRF ~PLUR~go.M.PST “Theboywasleaving.”Semantically, pluractionality is not always uniform and the meaning of any
pluractional formdependson thesemanticsof therootverb,aswellas the larger
context of the phrase. As such, it cannot be reduced to simply an aspectual
inflection.
(2.115) DEDEÉR:PLURACTIONALISATTENUATING boó/arnakwidedeer[20150818a.19]
boó/ ar nakw i- ∅ ~Red~deer black ANA.F a.bit S.3- AUX ~PLUR~be.present.F.PRES “Abitofblackiskindofthere.”
2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa
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(2.116) XAXÁY:PLURACTIONALCONTRIBUTESACONTINUOUSMEANING muukuqá’axaxáy,koqá’biliinahardahiyí’,koqá’motloo,koqá’boloqá’[...] [20151202d.19]muukú -qá’ i- ∅ -(g)a~Red~xáypeople.LMK -DEM3S.3- AUX -PRF ~PLUR~come.M.PSTkoqá’ bilii- ∅ -nahardah-iyí’PRODEM3.M todayS.3- AUX -IMPRFarrive-N.PSTkoqá’ motloo koqá’ boloqá’
PRODEM3.M tomorrow PRODEM3.M day.after.tomorrow “Thosepeoplewerecoming,somearrivedtoday,sometomorrow,somethedayaftertomorrow.”NountoverbThe two denominal suffixes identified in Mous (1993) for Iraqw have also been
identified forGorwaa. The factitive–uus and themiddle–uut are eachpresented
below.
FactitiveThough thismorpheme -uus appears related in form to the causativemorpheme,
Mous(1993:189)makesthepointofnotreferringtothisformascausative‘because
thederivedverbneednothavethecausativemeaningandcanbeintransitive’. As
such,itisthereinreferredtoasfactitive.TheevidenceisthesameinGorwaa,and
theterminologywillthereforebeadopted.
Thefactitivesuffixisaddedtoanominalstemtoformanewverb.
(2.117) FACTITIVESUFFIX-UUS a. tlatu‘debt’ → tlatuús‘beindebted’
b. ilatleeri‘greed’ → ilatleeruús‘tocovet,towantbadly’
2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa
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(2.118) ILATLEERUÚS‘WANTBADLY’ ailatleeruúsmwalimugarmangwakitaabuwihariisi
[20160927l102-107.25] ∅- a- ∅ -ailatleeruús mwalimú garmá A.P- P.F- AUX -PRFwant.badly.1.PSTteacher.LMOboy.LMO ng- u- ∅ -wa kitaabú -ihariisi
DEP.A.3- P.M- AUX -BACK book.LMO -LATbring.M.SUBJ“Ireallywantedtheteachertobringtheboythebook.”
ThissuffixalsoservesasacommonwayofnativizingloannounsfromSwahili(see
Harvey&Mreta2017).
(2.119) FACTITIVE-UUSUSEDTONATIVIZELOANSFROMSWAHILI a.fyekaSw.‘clearground’ → fekuús‘clearground’
b.tafsiriSw.‘translate’ → tafsiruús‘translate’MiddleThesuffix–uut(Mous1993:190),clearlyrelatedinformtothemiddlemorpheme–
iit,isaddedtoanominalstemtoformanewverbinthemiddlevoice.
(2.120) MIDDLESUFFIX-UUT
a. da’aye‘fear’ → da’ayuút‘fear’ b. kwasleema‘bringforthacomplaint’→ kwasleemuút‘hold
counsel’Adjective-to-verbThede-adjectivalsuffixes–uwand–eesareexaminedhere.
InchoativeThesuffix–úw(Mous1993:186-188),isaddedtoanadjectivalstemtoformanew
verbwiththemeaning‘tobecomeX’,whereXisthequalityoftheverb.
(2.121) ICHOATIVESUFFIX-ÚW
a. /awaákw‘white’ → /awakúw‘becomewhite’ b. boó/‘black’ → bo/áw‘becomeblack,become
dark’
2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa
123
FactitiveThesuffix–ees(Mous1993:188-189)–clearlyrelatedtothefactitiveandcausative
formsdescribedabove–isaddedtoanadjectivalstemtoformanewverbwiththe
meaning‘tomakeX’,whereXisthequalityoftheverb.
(2.122) FACTITIVESUFFIX-EES
a. /awaákw‘white’ → /awaakeés‘whiten’ b. niinaw‘small’ → niinaweés‘lessen’
2.3.3Adjectivesandquantifiers
Thissectiontreatsadjectives,andthesinglequantifierumó.
2.3.3.1Adjectives
Adjectives formadistinctwordclass inGorwaa. Adjectivesarenotnouns in that
they may not be modified by nominal modifiers (prepositions, quantifiers,
demonstratives,andothernouns),andcannot fillanyof thesyntactic functionsof
nouns (see §2.3.1.1). Adjectives arenot verbs in that theydonot show the same
kindsofmorphosyntacticagreementasverbs. Verbsagreewithnouns ingender,
adjectives agree with nouns in gender and number. Agreement patterns also
separate adjectives from other nominal modifiers. While some modifiers (e.g.
possessive) show agreement for person and number, and other modifiers (e.g.
indefinite)showagreementforgender,noothernominalmodifieragreeswiththe
headnouninbothnumberandgender.
Followingdiscussionofthedistributionofadjectives,agreementpatterns,aswellas
expression of amplification or attenuation are examined. The section concludes
2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa
124
with a review in which all basic forms are presented, and other methods of
adjective-formationarementioned.
DistributionAdjectives occur to the right of the noun they modify, and may occur in both
attributive (2.123) constructions and predicative (2.124) constructions (in which
theadjectiveoccursfollowingamediopassiveformoftheselector).Giventhatthey
also agree with their head noun in number and gender, this makes Gorwaa
consistent with Greenberg’s Universal 40, which states that ‘when the adjective
followsthenoun,theadjectiveexpressesalltheinflectionalcategoriesofthenoun.
Insuchcases,thenounmaylackovertexpressionofoneorallofthesecategories.’
(Greenberg,1963).
(2.123) ATTRIBUTIVEADJECTIVALCONSTRUCTION [...]garmátleér [20160927m.35]
garmá tleér boy.LMO tall.M
“Thetallboy.”(2.124) PREDICATIVEADJECTIVALCONSTRUCTION
garmakutleér [20160119f.25] garmá t- ng- u- ∅ tleér boy.LMO MP- A.3- P.M- AUX tall.M “Theboyistall.” Nominal modifiers may intervene between the head noun and the adjective, in
which case an anaphoric particle (see §2.4.3.1)will occur immediately before the
adjective.
(2.125) NUMERALWÁKINTERVENESBETWEENNOUN/AYMUANDADJECTIVETLEÉR /aymúwákootleér[20160111h.13]
/aymú wák oo tleér word.LMO one ANA.Mlong.M “Onelongword.”
2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa
125
(2.126) POSSESSIVEPRONOUN-‘É’INTERVENESBETWEENNOUNFIITSIANDADJECTIVEHHOHHOO’
fiitsir’é’arhhohhoo’[...][20150729b.48] fiitsír -’é’ ar ~Red~ hhoo’ broom.LFR -POSS1SG ANA.F ~PLUR~ good.F “mynicebroom[...]”
GenderandnumberAsstatedabove,adjectivesshowagreementforboththegenderandnumberofthe
nountheymodify.Gorwaaadjectivesshowthreemajorpatternsofinflection,given
in2.10below.
Table2.10:INFLECTIONALPARADIGMSFORADJECTIVESAPattern MSg. MPl. FSg FPl NSg NPl
1E.g.úr‘big’
~RPA~úr
-en!~RPA~urén
~LPA~ur
-en!~LPA~uren
~LPA~ur
-en!~LPA~uren
2E.g.tlaákw‘bad’
~RPA~tlaákw
-!~RPA~tlákw
~LPA~tlaakw
-!~LPA~tlakw
~LPA~tlaakw
-!~LPA~tlakw
3E.g.buúx‘grey’
~RPA~buúx
-aCz!~RPA~buxáx
~LPA~buux
-aCz!~LPA~buxax
~LPA~buux
-aCz!~LPA~buxax
N.B.AThesymbol!indicatesashorteningofthefinalvoweloftheroot,ifthevowelislong.Ahandfulofadjectivesshowslightlyirregularpatterns,eachofwhichisdiscussed
below.
The adjective/aben ‘new’ is a subset of pattern1, defective in that it is not zero-
marked for singular (thus: /abén ‘new.M.Sg.’; /abén ‘new.M.Pl.’; /aben ‘new.F.Sg.’;
/aben‘new.F.Pl.’;/aben‘new.N.Sg.’;/aben‘new.N.Pl.’)
The adjective naá/ ‘fresh’ is a subset of pattern 2, defective in that it does not
undergo shortening of its root vowel when agreeing for plural (thus: naá
‘fresh.M.Sg.’;naá/ ‘fresh.M.Pl.’;naa/ ‘fresh.F.Sg’;naa/ ‘fresh.F.Pl.’;naa/ ‘fresh.N.Sg.’;
andnaa/‘fresh.N.Pl.).
2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa
126
The adjectivediimbáy ‘different’ is amember of pattern 3, but irregular in that it
seemstopossessanumbersuffix-áy,blockinganytonalagreementwiththegender
of the noun (thus: diimbáy ‘different.M.Sg.’; diimbabáy ‘different.M.Pl.’; diimbáy
‘different.F.Sg.’; diimbabáy ‘different.F.Pl.’; diimbáy ‘different.N.Sg.’; diimbabáy
‘different.N.Pl.’).
The adjective /aankwéts ‘naked’ is invariable (thus: /aankwéts ‘naked.M.Sg.’;
/aankwéts ‘naked.M.Pl.’;/aankwéts ‘naked.F.Sg.’;/aankwéts ‘naked.F.Pl.’;/aankwéts
‘naked.N.Sg.’;/aankwéts‘naked.N.Pl.’).
Theadjectiveniiná‘small’isirregular(thus:niiná‘small.M.Sg’;niinákw‘small.M.Pl.’;
niina‘small.F.Sg.’;niinakw‘small.F.Pl.’;niina‘small.N.Sg.’;niinakw‘small.N.Pl.’).
AmplificationandattenuationAdjectivesmay undergo reduplication, the resulting adjective either intensified in
meaning,or,conversely,attenuated.Thatis,everyreduplicatedformeitherreadsas
astrongerformofitsbaseadjective,orasaweakerform–itcannotreadasboth.
Whether a given adjective’s reduplicated form results in amplified meaning or
attenuatedmeaning isapropertypeculiartothe individualadjective,andmustbe
learned.
(2.127) AMPLIFICATIONVERSUSATTENUATIONINADJECTIVES a. tsá’‘cold’ → tsatsa’aár‘verycold’ b. tleér‘tall,long’ → tlarantleér‘verytall,verylong’ c. úr‘big’ → uraúr‘somewhatbig,biggish’ d. buúx‘grey’ → buuxabuúx‘somewhatgrey,
greyish’
2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa
127
As may be gathered from the examples above, even the type of reduplication is
inconsistent.Manyformsshowreduplicationoftheform(CVC)za-,where(CVC)zis
the first sequence of the stem, and Vmay be long or short (hence forms such as
uraúr ‘biggish’ above or/aw/awaákw ‘whitish’ from/awaákw ‘white’). However,
other forms do not follow this pattern (e.g. sirira/aát ‘tawny-ish’ from sira/aát
‘tawny’),norlookstrictlyreduplicative(e.g.darra/aát‘reddish’fromda/aát‘red’).
Adjectives:reviewAlistofbasic(i.e.non-compoundandunderived)adjectivesispresentedbelow.
Figure2.4:BASICADJECTIVESINGORWAA/aankwéts‘naked,bare’ meéhh‘spotted’(oflivestock)/abén‘new’ moqaáy‘redandwhite’(oflivestock)/awaákw‘white’ muúr‘blackandred’(oflivestock)básl‘insignificant’ naá/‘fresh,wet’biíf‘withsmallspots’(oflivestock) niiná‘small’boó/‘black’ ni/i/iíl(orniqiqiíl)‘tiny’buúx‘grey’ niináw‘few’da/aát‘red’ qomár‘short’da/aáw‘tough’ quúnts‘important’díhh‘sharp,harsh,potent’ saáw‘far’dikií’‘straightforward’ sira/aát‘tawny’(oflivestock)diimbáy‘different’ tlaákw‘bad’duúq‘redandblackstriped’(oflivestock) tlaánqw‘withlargespots’(oflivestock)gawit‘difficult,hard’ tleér‘long,tall’hhoó’‘good’ tsá’‘cold,calm’hibíl‘lackinganecklace,unadorned’ úr‘big’iinslaáxw‘vast’ yaariír‘many’kahaár‘dry,empty’ Inadditiontothis,thereexistsalargeseriesofnoun-adjectivecompounds(2.128),
whichexpandthetotallistofadjectivesinGorwaasignificantly.
2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa
128
(2.128) NOUN-ADJECTIVECOMPOUNDS a. slaqwa‘body’+tlaákw‘bad’ → slaqwatlaákw‘thin,
sickly’ b. ila‘eye’+kahaár‘dry’ → ilakahaár‘watchful,
brave’ c. gura’‘stomach’+hhoó’‘good’ → gur’hhoó’
‘benevolent’2.3.3.2Thequantifierumó
Thequantifierumó ‘every’ is theonlynominalmodifierwhichprecedes thenoun.
Themodifiednounisobligatorilymarkedwith‘topic’morphology(see§2.6.1.2).
(2.129) QUANTIFIERUMÓ a. umó‘every’+di‘place’ → umódiroo
‘everywhere’ b. umó‘every’+/awtú‘monkey’ → umó/awtuhee‘every
monkey’
2.3.4Adverbs
Adverbs in Gorwaa form a heterogeneous group, united by three main
characteristics: i) adverbs are optional, and their presence or absence does not
affect the grammaticality of the utterance; ii) adverbs are invariable; and iii)
adverbsmodifyanyheadorlargerconstituentwhichisnotanoun.
AnexhaustivelistofadverbsidentifiedinGorwaafollows.Adverbsarecategorized
intosemantically-basedcategories.
2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa
129
Figure2.5:ADVERBSINGORWAAManner hhoo’ ‘well,good’
Temporal AbsoluteTime hindí ‘now’ hamí ‘now’ alkwí ‘now’ bilí ‘today’ isá’ ‘yesterday’ motloo ‘tomorrow’ RelativeTime daqane ‘then’ daxta ‘then’ aluwo ‘then’ motloo ‘inthemorning’ tseewa ‘early’ aáng ‘inthepast’ geera ‘after’ Aspectual qaro ‘already’
Temporal/Spatial imir ‘from’ tangu ‘from’
Degree Amplifying tlami ‘moreover’ tsíl ‘pure,deep’(onlyusedforthe
adjectiveda/aát‘red’) tíng ‘pure,deep’(onlyusedforthe
adjectiveboó/‘black’) shángw ‘pure,bright’(onlyusedforthe
adjective/awaákw‘white’) Attenuating alo ‘somewhat’ alge ‘somewhat’ mak ‘somewhat’
(2.130) MANNERADVERBHHOO’
amórbartaqaheeihhoo’káhhuú,gwéh [20150817d.215] amór bartá -qá’=hee i- ∅ hhoo place.LFR side.LFT -DEM3=TOP S.3- AUX well káhh uú gwéh be.absent.F PRO.2SG.Mgo.IMP
“Heyyou!Thatsidedoesn’tconcernus!Let’sgo!”(lit.“Thatsideiswellabsent.”)
2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa
130
(2.131) ABSOLUTETIMEADVERBHINDÍ Nadahindíaslaqaátsimúdiftaroo[20151021c.137]
Nadá hindí i- ∅ -(g)a slaqaátsimú Nada.LMO now S.3- AUX -PRF tire.M.PSTphone.LMO diftár =oo
hitting.LFR =TOP “Nada’stiredofphoning.”
(2.132) ASPECTUALADVERBQARO [...]idosíagaqarohhe’eesaán [20150817d.213]
idór -sí ∅- ∅ -gaqaro manner.LFR -DEM2S.P- AUX -PRFalready hhe’eés-aán
finish.1-1PL.PST “Thiswaywehavealreadyfinished.”
(2.133) AMPLIFYINGADVERBSHÁNGW giitsee/a’ki/awakwshángw [20150818a.51]
giitsee/á’ t- ng- i- ∅ /awakwshángw face.LN∅ MP- A.3- P.N- AUX white.Npure “Thefaceispurewhite.”
(2.134) ATTENUATINGADVEBMAK garíamaksakweeli,aníbarga/áwee [20151021c.461]
gár -í i- ∅ -(g)a mak sakweelír thing.LFR -DEM1S.3- AUX -PRF somewhat ostrich.LFR aní bar= ∅- ∅ ga/áwee PRO1SGif= S.P- AUX look.1yes “Thisthingislikeanostrich,ifIlook,yes.”
2.3.5Anexcursusonideophones
It must be noted that ideophones in Gorwaa do not form a lexical class per se.
Instead, theyaredistributed throughout the lexicalcategoriesof the language. As
such, theywill be briefly be examined here as a conclusion to the subsection on
lexicalcategories.
Gorwaa makes extensive use of ideophones – that is, words which depict their
referent,ratherthandenote it. AsanEnglishexample,theverb‘call’ inthephrase
‘the birds are calling’ denotes the action undertaken by the birds, but the verb
2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa
131
‘tweet’ in thephrase ‘thebirdsare tweeting’depicts theactionundertakenby the
birds, in that it mimics the sound produced. Idiophones are, therefore, iconic in
nature,andgiverisetodifferentsubtypesofideophoneaccordingtothesubtypeof
iconicity:direct,Gestalt, and relative (Dingemanse2018). Each is examined,with
examples,below.
2.3.5.1Directiconicity(onomatopoeia)
Gorwaahasalonglistofonomatopoeias–wordsimitatingthesoundoftheeventor
itemnamed. This is commonacross several categories, including:animals (maa’o
‘cat’, bee/i ‘sheep’,wahhahhamó ‘rock hyrax’, qoonqál ‘crowned crane’), domestic
activities (xaáf ‘grindmillet formaking food’, tsaát ‘cutwith a knife’, tlaáq ‘chop’,
taáhh ‘beat’),andbodyactions(iíf ‘sneeze’,guú/ ‘swallow’,/aáy‘eat’,waáh ‘drink’,
/aá/ ‘cry’, aáhh ‘be fed up’, soóx ‘urinate’, waá/ ‘vomit’, o/oós ‘defecate’). An
onomatopoeiaalsoexiststodepictbeingsilent:xaásl.
2.3.5.2Gestalticonicity
In addition to depicting a word by its sound, words may depict their referents
through their shape or structure. That is, aword representing a long entitymay
itself be long; short, punctual events may be depicted by short, punctual words.
ThesetypesofideophonesarecalledGestaltIdeophones(Germanfor‘shape’),and
GorwaaexhibitsseveralpatternsofGestalticonicity.
OneproductiveexampleofGestalt iconicity inGorwaa is thereduplicationofverb
forms. This results in what has been referred to as pluractional (taáhh ‘hit’ →
2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa
132
tataáhh‘hitrepeatedly’;guú’‘sleep’→guguú’‘fallasleeprepeatedly’;qaseé‘laugh’→
qaseeseé‘laughrepeatedly’).
Afurther(albeitlessregular)formofreduplicationoperatesonmanyadjectivesand
results in an attenuative reading (i.e. that the property is somehow more
discontinuousorvaguethanthenon-reduplicatedform). Theinternalconsistency
oftheadjectivehasbeensomehow‘muddledup’toreflectthemuddledmeaningof
thederivedadjective:(buúx ‘grey’ ->buuxabuúx ‘greyish’;qantsaár ‘blue,green’ ->
qatsqantsaár‘greenish,bluish’;/aben‘new’->/ab/aben‘newish’;sira/aát‘tawny’->
sirira/aát‘tawny-ish’).
2.3.5.3Relativeiconicity
Thefinal,perhapsmostabstractformoficonicityisknownasrelativeiconicity,isa
relational form of depiction where related words map related meanings, some
possible examples from Gorwaa include: words beginning in [ts], which seem to
evoke entities that are wet, cold, or far away (tseere ‘blood’, tsiinqa ‘stream’, tsá’
‘cold’, tsee/a ‘faraway place’, tsetse/ ‘stars’, BUT: tsee/amá ‘sunshine’); words
beginningin[hh]evokeentitiesrelatedtothewindpipeorrespiration:(hhartsi‘air’,
hheehhá‘gullet’,hhumpu‘lungs’);wordscontainingthevowel[i]+[hh]evokesharp
entitiesoreventsinvolvingsharpentities:(sihhina‘tooth’,kiíhh‘bite’,diíhh‘sharp’).
Itmustbenoted that this last typeof iconicity isveryhard tonaildown indeed–
andallclassesheremustbepositedasprovisional.
2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa
133
2.3.5.4Themorphosyntaxofideophones
Notably in Gorwaa, most ideophones fit seamlessly into the larger syntax of the
language.Ideophonesdepictingentitiespluralizelikeregularnouns(theideophone
maa’oo ‘cat’ pluralizes as thenon-ideophonekooloo ‘heel’ in (2.135)); ideophones
depicting events conjugate like regular verbs (the ideophone guguú’ inflects for
gender like the non ideophone /akuút in (2.136)); and ideophones depicting
qualities agree with their head nouns like regular adjectives (the ideophone
qatsqantsaár ‘bluish’ inflects for gender like the non-ideophoneqantsaár ‘blue’ in
(2.137)).
(2.135) IDEOPHONEMAA’OOPLURALIZESASTHENON-IDEOPHONEKOOLOO a. maa’oo‘cat’ |ma’u‘cats’ b. kooloo‘heel’ |kolu‘heels’
(2.136) IDEOPHONEREDUPLICATEDGUGUÚ’INFLECTSFORPASTTENSEASNON-IDEOPHONE/AKUÚT
a. iguguú’‘hesleptrepeatedly’|igugú’‘shesleptrepeatedly’ b. i/akuút‘hejumped’ |i/akút‘shejumped’
(2.137) IDEOPHONEREDUPLICATEDQATSQANTSAÁRAGREESWITHITSHEADNOUNGARMAASNON-IDEOPHONEQANTSAÁR
a. garmáqatsqantsaár‘abluishboy’ |desírqatsqantsaar‘abluishgirl’
b. garmáqantsaár‘ablueboy’ |desírqantsaar‘abluegirl’
2.4.FunctionalCategories
The major functional categories (i.e. those forms lacking semantic content and
playingprimarilyasyntacticrole)areexaminedbelow. Thesubsectioncoversthe
major classes of determiners, selectors, and pronouns. Further functional
categoriesareoftenhighlysyntacticallyrestrictedtoasmallnumberofgrammatical
constructions.Thesewillbeintroducedalongwiththeirgrammaticalconstruction,
inthefollowingsubsections2.5,2.6,and2.7.
2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa
134
2.4.1Determiners
Thedeterminers–possessive,demonstrative,and indefinite–willbeexamined in
turnbelow.
2.4.1.1Possessivedeterminers
Possessive determiners occur as suffixes to their head noun, and, and agree in
personandnumberwith thepossessor. Theheadnounoccurswitha linker (see
§2.3.1.2). Possessive determiners are glossed Poss, along with the person and
numbervalueofthepossessor.
(2.138) THEPOSSESSIVEDETERMINER-‘EÉ’ heeqá’amulqumo’eé’[...] [20131108b_20150725j.37]
heé -qá’ ∅ mulqumó -’eé’ person.LMO -DEM3AUX friend.LMO -POSS1SG “Thatpersonismyfriend[...]”
Table2.11:POSSESSIVEDETERMINERS Singular Plural
1stPerson -’eé’balaangw’eé’‘mymillet’
-rénbalaangwrén‘ourmillet’
2ndPerson -ókbalaangók‘yourmillet’
-hungbalaangwhúng‘your(pl.)
millet’3rdPerson -ós
balaangós‘his/hermillet’-’ín
balaangw’ín‘theirmillet’2.4.1.2Demonstrativedeterminers
Demonstrative determiners in Gorwaa occur as suffixes to their head noun, and
encodefourdifferentlevelsofdeixis:1-í(-ká fornounsofneutergender),nearto
speaker; 2 -síng (often reduced to -sí), near to the addressee; 3 -qá’, distant from
bothbutwithinview,and4-dá’,distantandoutofview.Theheadoccursinlong-
form. Demonstrative determiners are glossedDem, alongwith the level of deixis
expressed.
2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa
135
(2.139) THEDEMONSTRATIVEDETERMINERSa. tsir/iríumowós[...]ail/arimo [20151021c.241]
tsir/ír -í umó -ós ∅ il/arimobird.LFR -DEM1name -POSS3SG AUX sp.of.bird“Thisbird,itsname[...]isil/arimo.”(utteredwhileholdinga
pictureofthebird)
b. amórbartókamosítaiwit [20150817d.186]amór bartá -ók place.LFR side.LFT -POSS2SG amór -sí t- ∅- ∅ iwitplace.LFR -Dem2 MP- S.P- AUX sit.2.SUBJ“Onyourside,therewhereyouaresitting.”(utteredwhile
sittingnexttotheaddressee)c. ninaqaatiyí’gawátlomi’iqá’[20150813.75]
ni -na qaat -iyí’ gawá VENT -IMPRFsleep.3-3PL.PRES on tlomi’í -qá’hills.LN∅ -DEM3“Theyaresleepinginthosehills.”(utteredwhenthemountains
inquestionarevisiblefromthehouse) d. [...]didá’kabáyItebula [20131027_20150725c.146]
dír -dá’ t- ng- a- ∅ báy place.LFR -DEM4 MP- A.3- P.F AUX say ItebulárItebula.LFR“ThatplacecalledItebula”(utteredwheninManyara,referring
toadistrictinfarawayKigoma)
In addition to spatial reference, all demonstrative forms are metaphorically
extendedtoalsomark forproximityordistance in termsof time. Formsused for
spatial closeness are also used for temporal closeness. Forms used for spatial
distanceareusedformoreremotetime.
2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa
136
(2.140) DEMOSTRATIVEDETERMINERSMETAPHORICALLYEXTENDEDFORTEMPORALREFERENCE
a. [...]bara/owíigalây[...] [20131108b_20150725j.55]bara/ó -í i- ∅ galâydance.LMO -DEM1S.3- AUX where“Whereisthisdance?”(utteredwhenthedancewas(obviously)not
present,buttakingplacethatnight)
b. [...]gadiyeesínganaimu/uúm[20131027_20150725c.105] gadiyeér -síng∅- a- ∅ -naimu/uúmwork.LFR-DEM2A.P- P.F- AUX -IMPRFbegin.1.PST“[...]Ibeganthiswork.”(utteredwhentheworkwasbeganinthepast,
butcontinuestothisday) c. [...]boolooqá’ninhardahiya’[20151202d.19]
booloór -qá’ ni -n hardáh-iya’day.LFR -DEM3VENT -EXPECT arrive.3-3PL.SUBJ“Theywouldarrivethenextday.”(referringnottotomorrow,butthe
dayafter) d. [...]moro’odá’ooGorwaa [20151202e.170] moro’ó -dá’ oo Gorwaá
things.LMO -DEM4ANA.MGorwaa.people.LN∅“[...]thoseGorwaathings.”(lit.thingsthattheGorwaadidinthe
distantpast)
2.4.1.3Indefinitedeterminers
Indefinite determiners occur as suffixes to their head noun, and inflect for its
gender.Theformforthemasculineandneuteris-ko,andtheformforthefeminine
is-ka.Theheadnounoccursinlong-form.IndefinitedeterminersareglossedIndef,
along with the gender of their head. Indefinites cannot occur with pronominal
heads,aspronounsinGorwaaareinherentlydefinite.
(2.141) THEINDEFINITEDETERMINERSa. daaqaykotsár,booloógeeraamulqee[20131108b_20150725j.16-17]
daaqáy -kotsár booloór.geera∅ mulqeérboys.LMO -INDEFMtwo long.ago AUX friends.LFR“Twoboys,oncewerefriends.”
2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa
137
b. aamarkaideerneeaakowós [20131108b_20150725j.118] aamár -kai- ∅ deer neegrandmother.LFR -INDEFFS.3- AUX be.present.F.PRES andaakó -ósgrandfather.LMO -POSS3SG“(Thereoncewas)acertaingrandmotherandhergrandfather(i.e.her
husband).”
c. ahardáhdírna/i’ikouren[20161109a.22] i- ∅ -(g)a hardáhdírna/i’í -ko S.3- AUX -PRF arrive.M.PSTatchildren.LN∅ -INDEFN uren big.N.PL “Hearrivedatsomebigchildren.”
Ascanbeseenfromtheaboveexamples,theindefinitemarkeriscommonlyusedto
introduceanentity intoastory(daaqay ‘boys’ in (a.),andaama ‘grandmother’ in
(b.)).
2.4.2Selectors
Virtually every clause in Gorwaa contains what is known in the literature as a
preverbal clitic cluster (e.g. Kießling 2000) or,more commonly, the selector (e.g.
Mous 2005)9. The most straightforward definition of the selector is “[...] an
additionalinflectionalelementthatisseparatefromtheverb”(Mous2005:305).
Phonologically, selectors bear no stress and are assigned no tone. Syntactically,
however, they are independent: constituents including nouns (2.142), determiner
phrases(2.143),andadverbs(2.144)mayintervenebetweenitandthelexicalverb.
9InSouthCushitic,thetermtypicallyusedis‘selector’.ForSomali,thetermis‘indicatorparticle’.ForOromo,thetermis‘focusmarker’.
2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa
138
(2.142) NOUNINTERVENESBETWEENSELECTORANDV aníasleérdiíf [20150724.4]
aní ∅- ∅ -(g)a sleér diíf PRO.1SG S.P- AUX -PRF cow.LFR hit.1.PST “Ihitthecow.”(2.143) DETERMINERPHRASEINTERVENESBETWEENSELECTORANDV
aníasleérwákdiíf [20160927l222-228.28] aní ∅- ∅ -(g)a sleér wák diíf PRO.1SG S.P- AUX -PRF cow.LFR one hit.1.PST “Ihitonecow.”(2.144) ADVERBINTERVENESBETWEENSELECTORANDV
[...]amaksakweeli[...] [20151021c.462] ∅ mak sakweelír AUX somewhat ostrich.LFR “itislikeanostrich’Theseintervening(elsewhere,encapsulated)formsarenotincorporated,asthereis
aseparateconstructionforincorporatedforms.
(2.145) INCORPORATIONCONSTRUCTIONugaslee-gás [20161119f.34]
∅- u- ∅ -(g)a slee- gásA.2- P.M- AUX -PRFcow- kill.2SG.PST
“You(M)killedacowonhim.”(lit.‘Youcow-killedhim.’)InGorwaa, selectors can formallymark: clause type (independent vs. dependent),
voice(activevs.mediopassive),deixis(movementtowardvs.movementawayfrom
the origo), argument structure (maximally, sole argument vs agent vs patient),
person, gender, and number of arguments, aspect (perfect vs. imperfective vs.
expectational vs. consecutivevs. background),mood (indicativevs. conditional vs.
prohibitive vs. questioning), and adverbial case (reason vs. lative vs. ablative vs.
instrumental). Combinationsof these formalmarkersareused toexpress further
meanings.Eachofthesedimensionsofmarkingwillbefurtherexaminedbelow.
2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa
139
Structurally,theselectoriscomposedofanullauxiliaryverbsurroundedbyaseries
ofclitics.Whentheauxiliaryhasnophonologically-realisedargumentmarkers,itis
realized as a. Schematically, the selector may be illustrated as follows (where
elementswithinthesamecolumnaremutuallyexclusiveofeachother).
Figure2.6:SchematicoftheselectorMOOD VOICE ARGUMENTS AUX ASPECT ADVERBIAL
CASEIndicativeConditionalProhibitiveQuestioning
ActiveMediopassive
S ∅
PerfectImperfectiveExpectationalConsecutiveBackground
ReasonLativeAblativeInstrumental
A P
2.4.2.1Arguments
Gorwaaindexesallcoreargumentsasprocliticstotheauxiliary.Thatis,arguments
aremandatorilymarkedonthehead.Morphosyntacticalignmentissplit,depending
onwhethertheargumentisthirdperson,oraspeechactparticipant(i.e.1stor2nd
person).Forthirdpersonarguments,alignmentistripartite:the(S)oleargumentof
an intransitive clause, the (A)gent of a transitive clause, and the (P)atient of a
transitive clause are all realized differently. This can be seen in the examples in
(2.146), where the noun garma is realized in three differentways, depending on
whetheritisS(a),A(b),orP(c).
(2.146) TRIPARTITEALIGNMENTFOR3RDPERSONARGUMENTSa. GARMAAS(S)ARGUMENT:REALIZEDASI-
garmainamaamaá/[20160921i.33] garmá i- ∅ -na maamaá/ boy.LMO S.3- AUX -IMPRFbe.ill.M.PST “Theboywasill.”
2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa
140
b. GARMAAS(A)ARGUMENT:REALIZEDASNG- garmabaahaanginataáhh [20160921i.1] garmá baahaár ng- a- ∅ -na boy.LMO hyaena.LFR A.3- P.F- AUX -IMPRF taáhh hit.M.PST “Theboyhitthehyaena.” c. GARMAAS(P)ARGUMENT:REALIZEDASU- hhawatagarmangunataáhh [20160119f.39] hhawató garmá ng- u- ∅ -na man.LMO boy.LMO A.3- P.M- AUX -IMPRF taáhh hit.M.PST “Themanhittheboy.”Forargumentswhicharespeechactparticipants(i.e.1stor2ndperson),alignmentis
accusative:the(S)oleargumentofanintransitiveclauseandthe(A)gentofa
transitiveclausearemarkedinoneway,andthe(P)atientofatransitiveclauseare
isrealizeddifferently.Thiscanbeseenintheexamplesin(2.147),wherethe1st
personpronounaníisrealizedinthreedifferentways,dependingonwhetheritisS
(a),A(b),orP(c).
(2.147) ACCUSATIVEALIGNMENTFORARGUMENTSWHICHARESPEECHACTPARTICIPANTS(I.E.1STOR2NDPERSON)
a. ANÍAS(S)ARGUMENT:REALIZEDAS∅- aníanamamaá/ [20160921i.38] aní ∅- ∅ -na mamaá/ PRO1SG S.P- AUX -IMPRFbe.ill.1SG.PST “Iwasill.”b. Anías(A)argument:Realisedas∅- aníbaahaaanataáhh aní baahaár ∅- a- ∅ -na PRO1SG hyaena.LFR A.P- P.F- AUX -IMPRF taáhh hit.1SG.PST “Ihitthehyaena.”
2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa
141
c. Anías(P)argument:Realisedasti- hhawataaníinataáhh hhawató aní i- ∅ -na taáhh man.LMO PRO1SG P.1SG- AUX -IMPRFhit.M.PST “Themanhitme.”The argument markers inflect differently, and each will be examined below,
followedbyabriefnoteoncopularconstructions.
The(S)oleargumentofanintransitiveclause
Theparadigmfor(S)oleargumentofan intransitiveclause isshowninTable2.12
below. Asmentionedabove, thedistinction isbetweenspeechactparticipant (1st
and2ndperson)(2.148)a)versusnon-speechactparticipant(3rdperson)(2.148)b).
Table2.12:(S)argument(S)PERSON FORM
1stor2nd ∅-3rd i-(2.148) MARKINGOFSPEECHACTPARTICIPANT(P)VERSUSNON-SPEECHACTPARTICIPANT
(3)a. aníanamaamaá/ [20160921i.38]
aní ∅- ∅ -na maamaá/ PRO.1SG S.P- AUX -IMPRFbe.ill.1.PST “Iwasill.”
b. garmainamaamaá/[20160921i.33] garmá i- ∅ -na maamaá/ boy.LMO S.3- AUX -IMPRFbe.ill.M.PST “Theboywasill.”The(A)gentofatransitiveclauseargument
Theparadigmfor(A)gentargumentsmakesthesametwo-waydistinctionasabove:
speech act participant (1st and 2nd person) on the one hand (2.149)a), and non-
2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa
142
speechactparticipants(3rdperson)ontheother(2.149)b).Theparadigmisshown
inTable2.13below.
Table2.13:(A)argument(A)person Form1stor2nd ∅-3rd ng-(2.149) MARKINGOFSPEECHACTPARTICIPANT(P)VERSUSNON-SPEECHACTPARTICIPANT
(3)a. aníbaahaaanataáhh [20160921li.6]
aní baahaár ∅- a- ∅ -na PRO1SG hyaena.LFR A.P P.F- AUX -IMPRF taáhh hit.1.PST “Ihitthehyaena.” b. garmabaahaanginataáhh [20160921i.1] garmá baahaár ng- a- ∅ -na boy.LMO hyaena.LFR A.3- P.F- AUX -IMPRF taáhh hit.M.PST “Theboyhitthehyaena.”The(P)atientofatransitiveclauseargument
Theparadigmfor(P)atientisdifferent. Iftheanaphorofthepatientisapronoun,
thePforminflectsforeithergender,number,orboth(seeTable2.14).Inaddition
tothis,theAargument,nomattertheperson, isnotmarked. Iftheanaphorofthe
patient is a noun, the P form inflects for gender only (see Table 2.15), and the A
argumentismarked.Examplesfollowin(2.150).
2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa
143
Table2.14:(P)argument,pronominalparadigmPerson Number Gender Pronoun BaseForm
1 Singular aní iPlural atén tindi
2
Singular M kuúng uF kiíng i
Plural kuungá’ tunduornu3
Singular M inós uF inós a
Plural ino’ín iTable2.15:(P)argument,nominalparadigmObjectGender M F N
Form u a i(2.150) EXAMPLESOFPATIENT(P)ARGUMENTMARKING
a. garmaaníinataáhh [20160927l168-171.1] garmá aní i- ∅ -na taáhh boy.LMO PRO.1SG P.1SG-AUX -IMPRFhit.M.PST “Theboyhitme.” b. garmaaténtindinadiíf [20160927l168-171.12] garmá atén tindi-∅ -na diíf boy.LMO PRO.1PL P.1PL-AUX -IMPRFhit.M.PST “Theboyhitus.” c. garmabaahaanginataáhh [20160921i.1] garmá baahaár ng- a- ∅ -na boy.LMO hyaena.LFR A.3- P.F- AUX -IMPRF taáhh hit.M.PST “Theboyhitthehyaena.” d. garmahhawatangunataáhh [20160927l168-171.6] garmá hhawató ng- u- ∅ -na boy.LMO man.LMO A.3 P.M- AUX -IMPRF taáhh hit.M.PST “Theboyhitthehyaena.”Itmustbenotedthatthe1stpersonpluralformtindi,andthe2ndpersonpluralform
tunduareirregular.Itappearsasiftheseformshavebeenadoptedfromtheiruseas
mediopassiveconstructions(see§2.4.2.2),whichwerethemselvesformedfromthe
2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa
144
originalformstiandnu,respectively.InIraqw,theformstiandnuarestillusedas
theformsforthePargumentfor1stand2ndpersonplural,respectively(Mous1993:
127).
CopularconstructionsIthasbeenlongestablishedthatthereare,broadlyspeaking, twotypesofcopular
construction (e.g.Halliday1967,Higgins1979). Mikkelson (2006) labels theseas
specificationalandpredicationalcopularconstructions,examplesofwhicharegiven
below.
(2.151) SPECIFICATIONALCOPULARCONSTRUCTIONS a. TheboyisaGorwaaperson. b. Iamanurturer.(2.152) PREDICATIONALCOPULARCONSTRUCTIONS a. Theboyisinthefield. b. Iamtall.One of the main semantic differences between these two types of constructions,
Mikkelsonestablishes,isthatpredicationalcopularconstructionstellussomething
aboutthereferentoftheirsubject,whereasspecificationalcopularconstructionstell
us who the subject is. For a language like Gorwaa, which must mark all core
arguments on the selector, this is an essential division, as predicational copular
constructions assign theta roles (i.e. have argument structure), whereas
specificational copular constructionsdonot (i.e.donothaveargument structure).
This is manifest in the difference between adjectival and locational (i.e.
predicational) copular constructions, in which the subject noun is encoded as an
argument, and nominal (i.e. specificational) copular constructions, in which no
argumentisencodedatall,andthe(normallynull)auxiliaryisrealizedasa.
2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa
145
(2.153) PREDICATIONALCOPULARCONSTRUCTIONS(ADJECTIVAL) a. anítitleér [20160119f.31] aní t- i- ∅ tleér PRO.1SG MP- P.1SG AUX tall.1SG “Iamtall.” b. garmakutleér [20160119f.25] garmá t- ng- u- ∅ tleér boy.LMO MP- A.3- P.M- AUX tall.M “Theboyistall.”(2.154) PREDICATIONALCOPULARCONSTRUCTIONS(LOCATIONAL) a. garmaibaráqaymoo [20160119f.14] garmá i- ∅ bará qaymoór boy.LMO S.3- AUX in field “Theboyisinthefield.” b. aníabaráqaymoo [20160119f.19] aní ∅- ∅ bará qaymoór Pro.1SG S.P- AUX in field “Iaminthefield.”(2.155) SPECIFICATIONALCOPULARCONSTRUCTIONS(NOMINAL) a. garmaaGormo [20160119f.1] garmá ∅ Gormó boy.LMO AUX Gorwaa.person.♂.LMO “TheboyisaGorwaaperson.” b. aníaGormo [20160119f.6] aní ∅ Gormó Pro.1SG AUX Gorwaa.person.♂.LMo “IamaGorwaaperson.”EncapsulationandchangeinvalencyNote also thatwhen the object argument is located between the selector and the
verb(aconfigurationknownas‘encapsulation’(e.g.Whiteley1958,Kießling2007)),
it isnotmarked on the selector. That is to say, a selectorwhichotherwisewould
havemarkedanAandaP fora transitiveverb(2.156)a),willnowonlymarkone
argument. This argument will bemarked as if it were S, and therefore as if the
2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa
146
clause were intransitive (2.156)b). Note that, in this work, encapsulation
constructionsaredifferentiatedfromincorporationconstructions(seee.g.§7.3.1).
(2.156) ENCAPSULATIONOFDIRECTOBJECTBALAANGWREDUCESVVALENCY a. garmabalaangwngudoosl [20161109c.29]
garmá balaángw ng- u- ∅ doosl boy.LMO millet.LMO A.3- P.M- AUX farm.M.PRES “Theboyisfarmingmillet.” b. garmaibalaángwdoosl [20160927l222-228.1] garmá i- ∅ balaángw doosl boy.LMO S.3 AUX millet.LMO farm.M.PRES “Theboyisfarmingmillet.”2.4.2.2Voice
Thevoicealternationformallymarkedintheselectorisbetweenactivevoice(zero,
orunmarked)andmediopassivevoice(markedbythemorphemet-)10.Activevoice
indicates that thegrammatical subjectof theverbbehavesasanagent, and is the
mostcommonvoicetobeemployed. Allexamplesinthissubsectionhave,insofar,
beeninactivevoice(2.157).
(2.157) ACTIVEVOICEa. garmabaahaanginataáhh [20160921i.1]
garmá baahaár ng- a- ∅ -na boy.LMO hyaena.LFR A.3- P.F- AUX -IMPRF taáhh hit.M.PST “Theboyhitthehyaena.” b. garmaaGormo [20160119f.1] garmá i- ∅ -(g)a Gormó boy.LMO S.3- AUX -PRF Gorwaa.person.♂.LMO “TheboyisaGorwaaperson.”Mediopassivevoicesubsumesthemeaningsofboththepassivevoice(inwhichthe
grammaticalsubjectof theverbhascharacteristicsof thepatient),andthemiddle10Notethat,eslsewhere,theformtisalsorecognizableinthesuffix-VVt,whichmarksthemiddleonthelexicalverb(see§2.3.2.4).
2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa
147
voice(inwhichthegrammaticalsubjectoftheverbhascharacteristicsofboththe
agentandthepatient)andisusedincombinationwithotheraffixalconfigurations
within the selector to fulfill many different functions, each of which is discussed
below.
Commonly, themediopassive is used to form an impersonal passive. Alongwith
havingthemediopassiveprefixt-,thesubjectofthisconstructionismarkedasthe
(P)atientargumentand,incasesinwhichthe(A)gentargumentmaybemarked(i.e.
whenthe(P)argumentis3rdpersonsuchas(2.158)d)),thesubjectismarkedasthe
(A)gentargumentaswell.Theverbtakesdefault3rdpersonsingularagreementfor
animpersonalsubject.11
(2.158) IMPERSONALPASSIVECONSTRUCTION a. aníti/aay [20160119f.38] aní t- i- ∅ /aay PRO.1SG MP- P.1SG-AUX eat.3SG.PRES “Iambeingeaten.” b. kuúngtu/aay [20160119f.39] kuúng t- u- ∅ /aay PRO.2MSG MP- P.2MSG- AUX eat.3SG.PRES “Youarebeingeaten.” c. kuungá’tundu/aay [20160119f.43] kuungá’ t- nu- ∅ /aay PRO.2PL MP- P.2PL-AUX eat.3SGPRES “You(Pl.)arebeingeaten.” d. hhawataku/aay [20160119f.41] hhawató t- ng- u- ∅ /aay man.LMO MP- A.3- P.M- AUX eat.3SG.PRES “Themanisbeingeaten.”11The2ndpersonplural(P)atientmarkernu-isrealizedas[nu]word-initially,andasndu-elsewhere(Mous1993:128).Themediopassivet-andthe3rdperson(A)gentmarkerng-arerealizedtogetheras[k].
2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa
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Thesameselectorconfigurationisusedwithadjectivalpredicates.
(2.159) ADJECTIVALPREDICATECONSTRUCTIONS a. anítitleér [20160119f.31] aní t- i- ∅ tleér PRO.1SG MP- P.1- AUX tall.1SG “Iamtall.” b. kuúngtutleér[20160927l128-137.2] kuúng t- u- ∅ tleér PRO.2MSG MP- P.2- AUX tall.2SGM “You(M)aretall.” c. kuungá’tundutlét [20160119f.33] kuungá’ t- nu- ∅ tlét PRO.2PL MP- P.2PL-AUX tall.2PL “You(Pl.)aretall.” d. hhawatakuhhoó’ [20160118d.59] hhawató t- ng- u- ∅ hhoó’ man.LMO MP- A.3- P.M- AUX nice.M “Themanisnice.”Mediopassive isalsoemployedwithnoargumentmarkingwhatsoever inorder to
indicate that the arguments are either unimportant or have already been
established. The (normallynull) auxiliary takes the forma. Person,number, and
genderisunmarkedonthelexicalverb.
(2.160) ARBITRARYARGUMENTMARKERTA[...]matlatleerooyata/a/amiín [20131108b_20150725j.105]matlatleér =oo ya t- ∅ ~Red~ /amiín
morning.LFR =TOP thus MP- AUX ~PLUR~ cry.PST“In the morning it was thus: they cried.” (where ‘they’ has been
establishedfromcontext) One can also distinguish the mediopassive marker on the invariable markers ta
(temporal), and ti (reciprocal). This seems consistent with the semantics of
mediopassivebeingemployedwithstates,aswellassituations(asabove)inwhich
thesubjectisbothagentlikeandpatientlike.
2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa
149
(2.161) TEMPORALMARKERTAinóstawaaskofúmkoárArusha[20131027.27]
inós ta ∅ -wa askofú mkoár PRO.3SG TEMP AUX -BACKbishop.LMO region.LFR Arushár Arusha.FR “WhenhewasbishopofArusharegion.” (2.162) RECIPROCALMARKERTI na/i’itidiifiyá’ [20161109a.36] na/i’í ti diif -iyá’ children.LN∅REC hit.3 -3PL.PRES “Thechildrenfight.”(lit.hiteachother)2.4.2.3Clausetype
Dependentclauses(bracketedintheexamplesbelow)aremarkeddifferentlyfrom
independentclauses.Broadly,therearetwocategoriesofdependentclauses:those
inwhichthereisnointernalA(gent)argument(2.163)b),andthoseinwhichthere
isnointernal(P)atientargument(2.163)c).
(2.163) DEPENDENT(B,C)VERSUSINDEPENDENT(A)CLAUSES a. kuúngkitaabuunaharísdírgarma [20161003.9]
kuúng kitaabú ∅- u- ∅ -na PRO.2SGM book.LMO A.P- P.M- AUX -IMPRF harís dír garmá bring.2.PST to boy.LMO “You(M)broughtabooktotheboy.”
b. kuúngoo[kitaabungwaharísdírgarma] [20161003.8] kuúng oo kitaabú PRO.2SGM ANA.2SG book.LMO ng- u- ∅ -(g)a harís dír garmá A.3- P.M- AUX -PRF bring.2.PST to boy.LMO “You(M)whobroughtthebooktotheboy.”
c. kitaabú[kuúngtaharísdírgarma] [20161003.61] kitaabú kuúng t- ∅- ∅ -g(a) book.LMO PRO.2SGM M.P- S.P- AUX -PRF
harís dír garmábring.2.PST to boy.LMO“Thebookthatyou(M)broughttotheboy.”
2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa
150
DependentclauseslackinganinternalA(gent)argumentClauseswhichlackaninternal(A)gentargumenttakethe3rdpersonformng-asa
default.Assuch,eventhoughthenotionalagentof(2.164)b)iskuúng,itisexternal
to the dependent clause, and cannot trigger the form∅-. Because of this, default
agreementismade,hencetheformng-.
(2.164) DEPENDENTCLAUSELACKINGANINTERNALAGENT(B)VERSUSINDEPENDENT
CLAUSE(A) a. kuúngkitaabuunaharísdírgarma [20161003.9]
kuúng kitaabú ∅- u- ∅ -na PRO.2SGM book.LMO A.P- P.M- AUX -IMPRF harís dír garmá bring.2.PST to boy.LMO “You(M)broughtabooktotheboy.”
b. kuúngoo[kitaabungwaharísdírgarma] [20161003.8] kuúng oo kitaabú PRO.2SGM ANA.2SGM book.LMO ng- u- ∅ -(g)a harís dír garmá A.3- P.M- AUX -PRF bring.2.PST to boy.LMO “You(M)whobroughtthebooktotheboy.”
Aswithindependentclauses,whenthePargumentofthedependentclauseis1stor
2nd person, theA argument is notmarked. Asmaybe seen in (2.165)below, the
argumentmarkingontheselectoristhesameinboththedependent(2.165)b)and
independent(2.165)a)clause.
(2.165) DEPENDENTCLAUSELACKINGANINTERNALAGENT(A)VERSUSINDEPENDENTCLAUSE(B)
a. mwalimuhharanginahúw[garmaiwataahhi] [20160927l150-158.16]
mwalimú hhartá ng- a- ∅ -na teacher.LMO stick.LFT A.3- P.F- AUX -IMPRF húw garmá i- ∅ -wa taahhi bring.PST boy.LMO P.1SG-AUX -BACK hit.M.SUBJ “Theteacherbroughtasticksuchthattheboyhitme.”
2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa
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b. garmainataáhh [20160927l150-158.1] garmá i- ∅ -na taáhh boy.LMO P.1SG-AUX -IMPRFhit.M.PST “Theboyhitme.”Dependentclauseslackinganinternal(P)atientargumentClauseswhichlackaninternal(P)atientargumenttreatthe(A)gentargumentasthe
(S)oleargumentofan intransitiveclause,prefixedwithmediopassivemorphology
(hencetheformtain(2.166)b)).
(2.166) DEPENDENTCLAUSELACKINGANINTERNALPATIENT(B)VERSUSINDEPENDENTCLAUSE(A)
a. kuúngkitaabuunaharísdírgarma [20161003.9] kuúng kitaabú ∅- u- ∅ -na PRO.2SGM book.LMO A.P- P.M- AUX -IMPRF harís dír garmá bring.2.PST to boy.LMO “You(M)broughtabooktotheboy.”
b. kitaabú[kuúngtaharísdírgarma] [20161003.61] kitaabú kuúng t- ∅- ∅ -g(a) book.LMO PRO.2SGM M.P- S.P- AUX -PRF
harís dír garmábring.2.PST to boy.LMO“Thebookthatyou(M)broughttotheboy.”
The form ta above in (2.166)b) is the most morphologically transparent of the
forms. The rest are given in the table below, and must be treated as irregular
portmanteauxofbothamediopassivemorphemeandaSargumentmarker.
Table2.16:MEDIOPASSIVEMORPHEME+SARGUMENTMARKERFORDEPENDENTCLAUSESLACKINGANINTERNAL(P)ATIENTARGUMENT
Person Singular Plural1st ni ta2nd ta ta3rd i i
2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa
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Clausesexpressingsimultaneousaction(employing thebackgroundsuffix, suchas
in (2.167)), and consecutive action (employing the consecutive suffix, such as
in(2.168))alsoemploytheseforms.Botharecommoninnarrativegenres.
(2.167) SIMULTANEOUSiinslaweewókaalawe’eesiyí’niwawaraáhh[20150729b.70]
iinslaweér=ók i- ∅ -a lawe’ees-iyí’ neighbours.LFR=Poss.2SG S.3- AUX -PRFsay.hello.3-3PL.PST ni ∅ -wa waraáhh
M.P.S.1- AUX -BACKpass.1.PST “YourneighbourssaidhelloasIpassed.”(2.168) CONSECUTIVE [...]kuúnganamorqá’iwit[...]tarediríaxwees[...]
[20151202b.113,114] kuúng a- ∅ -namór=qá’iwit PRO.2MSG S.2- AUX -EXPECTplace.LFR=DEM3 sit2.SUBJ t- a- ∅ -re dír=í axwes MP- S.2- AUX -CONSEC place.LFR=DEM1 speak.2.SUBJ
“[...]youwillsitthere[...]and(you)talkthere[...]”
2.4.2.4Deixis
For actions in which movement is toward the origo (usually the speaker), the
ventive(“hither”inMous2007:18-19)formniisused.Theformisinvariable,and
glossedVent.
(2.169) VENTIVEFORM(MOTIONTO) uchagusinihi’ítslehheéngwmiibangoo[20150724.76]uchagusír ni hi’ít slehheéngw miibaángw =ooelection.LFRVENT come.F.PRES month.LMOten.LMO =TOP“TheelectioncomesinOctober.”(lit.‘monthten’)
(2.170) VENTIVEFORM(MOTIONTO)
giyeenatleér[...][20151202e.113] giyeér ni -atleér famine.LFR VENT -PRFgo.F.PST “Thefaminecame[...]”
2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa
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2.4.2.5Aspect
Aspect refers to the “internal temporal consistuencyofa situation” (Comrie1976:
3): rather than situating the action of the verb in time (as tense), it functions to
expresshowthatactioniscarriedoutovertime.Aspectisexpressedintheselector
throughaseriesofsuffixesonthebase,whichwilleachbeexaminedbelow.
PerfectiveSuffix-(g)aTheperfectivesuffix(“perfect”inMous1993:141-144)isrealizedas-gaforstems
oftheformV,andas-aelsewhere. Irregularly, ifthestemvowelisthe3rdperson
sole argument form i-, -(g)a is realized as -a (for the historical roots of this
irregularity,seeMous1993:142,39).
(2.171) PERFECTIVESUFFIXREALIZEDAS-GAIFSTEMISV,ANDAS-AELSEWHERE a. ∅- ∅ -(g)a →aga (E.g.agafaák‘Ihave
S.P- AUX -PRF finishedit.’) b. ng- a- ∅ -(g)a →nga (E.g.bahangagaás‘He
A.3- P.F- AUX -PRF killedthehyaena.’) (2.172) IRREGULARLY,PREFECTIVESUFFIX-GAREALIZEDAS-AISSTEMISS.3I-
i- ∅ -(g)a → a (E.g.afkúsleeagweeriít‘The S.3- AUX -PRF cow’smouthopened.’)Becauseofvowelassimilation, finalvowelsof thestemassimilate to the[a]of the
suffix.
(2.173) ASSIMILATIONOF[i]TO[a] ni -(g)a → na (E.g.naamodá’tlayiyé’‘Theyleftthere. VENT -PRF (tocometome)’.)
Optionally,theconsonant[g]ofthestemislabializedifitsprecedingvowelis[u].(2.174) OPTIONALLABIALIZATIONOF[g]TO[gw]
∅- u- ∅ -(g)a→ uga (E.g.ugasláworugwasláw A.P- P.M- AUX -PRF ‘Igotit.’)
2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa
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The perfective suffix describes the action as a unitary whole, lacking internal
structure(e.g.Englishperfective‘hehashit’vs.imperfective‘heishitting’).
(2.175) PERFECTIVEASPECT:ACTIONISAUNITARYWHOLE a. anagabuúhh[20150810d.43]
aní ∅- ∅ -(g)a buúhh PRO.1SG S.P- AUX -PRFget.angry.1.PRES “Iamangry.” b. fooxarí,gárngatlehh[20150808a.150] fooxár -í gár ng- a- ∅ -(g)a hole.LFR -DEM1 thing.LFR A.3- P.F- AUX -PRF tlehh
make.F.SUBJ “Thishole–whatmadeit?” ImperfectiveSuffix–naTheimperfectivesuffix(“imperfectivepast”inMous1993:145-146)isrealizedas-
na.
When-naissuffixedtotheformnga,the[a]ofthestemisraisedtobecome[i].
(2.176) RAISINGOF[a]TO[i]PRECEDING-NA ng- a- ∅ -na → ngina (E.g.hhinhhinínginaA.3- P.F- AUX -IMPRF húp.‘Shebrought
pumpkins.’)
Generally, the imperfective suffix describes an action with internal structure,
specifically duration (2.177). However, this is not always the case, with many
examplesrecordedof thissuffixoccurringwithverbsofpunctual,veryshort-term
action(2.178).
(2.177) IMPERFECTIVEASPECT:ACTIONWITHINTERNALSTRUCTURE(I.E.DURATION) inaeétneergaanslay [20131108b_20150725j.66]
i- ∅ -naeét neer gaanslay S.3- AUX -IMPRFdescend.M.PST with speed “Hewasdescendingwithhaste.”
2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa
155
(2.178) IMPERFECTIVEASPECT:ACTIONSEEMSTOBEPUNCTUAL desirqá’aníanagaás [20131108b_20150725j.83]
desír -qá’ aní ∅- a- ∅ -na girl.LFR -DEM3PRO1SG A.P- P.F- AUX -IMPRF gaás kill.1.PST “Thatgirl–Ikilledher.”
ExpectationalSuffix-nTheexpectationalsuffix(Mous1993:144)isrealizedas-n.
When-nissuffixedtotheformnga,the[a]ofthestemisraisedtobecome[i].
(2.179) RAISINGOF[a]TO[i]PRECEDING-N ng- a- ∅ -n → ngin (E.g.ba’aariumoqo/ayitooA.3- P.F- AUX -EXPECT nginnuunuu’Beessuck
everyflower.)Theexpectational suffixgenerallydescribesanactionwhoseoutcome isexpected,
automatic,orotherwisecertain.
(2.180) EXPECTATIONALASPECT:ACTIONWHOSEOUTCOMEISAUTOMATICdanúkuntleehhiitneeba’aari[20131108b_20150725j.4]
danú t- ng- u- ∅ -n tleehhiitnee honey.LMO MP- A.3- P.M- AUX -EXPECT make by ba’aarír bees.LFR “Honeyismadebybees.”(2.181) EXPECTATIONALASPECT:ACTIONWHOSEOUTCOMEISCERTAIN
[...]Bee’odaawaanginleéhh[20151202d.170] Bee’ó daawaár ng- a- ∅ -n Bee’o.LMO medicine.LFRA.3- P.F- AUX -EXPECT leéhh look.for.M.PST “Bee’owouldlookformedicine.”ConsecutiveSuffix-reTheconsecutivesuffix(Mous1993:146)isrealizedas-re.
When-reissuffixedtotheformnga,the[a]ofthestemisraisedtobecome[i].
2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa
156
(2.182) RAISINGOF[a]TO[i]PRECEDING-RE ng- a- ∅ -re → ngire (E.g.[...]DodósleerósngireA.3- P.F- AUX -CONSEC húw.‘(and)Dodobrought
himhiscow.’)The consecutive suffix describes an action that follows naturally from the
preceedingaction.Itisusedverycommonlyinnarratives.
(2.183) CONSECUTIVEASPECT:ACTIONWHOSEOUTCOMEFOLLOWSNATURALLYFROMTHE
PRECEDINGACTION mulqumongunasakií/,gadá’inósngurekí/
[20131108b_20150725j.113] mulqumó ng- u- ∅ -nasakií/ friend.LMO A.3- P.M- AUX -IMPRFbetray.M.PST gár -dá’ inós ng- u- ∅ -re
thing.LFR -DEM4PRO3SG A.3- P.M- AUX -CONSEC kí/ return.F.PST “Hebetrayedafriend,andthatthing(i.e.thebetrayal)returnedtohim.”(2.184) CONSECUTIVEASPECT:ACTIONWHOSEOUTCOMEFOLLOWSNATURALLYFROMTHE
PRECEDINGACTION gaadiwi,kanaku’uúsneemarlborokurekwaáhhamórbihhi
[20150726d.188] gár ∅ diwitá t- ng- a- ∅ -na thing.LFR AUX salt.LFT MP- A.3- P.F- AUX -IMPRF
ku’uúsnee marlboró t- ng- u- ∅-repour.PSTwithlarge.plastic.bag.LMOMP- A.3- P.M- AUX-CONSEC
kwaáhhamór bihhír throw.PSTto side.LFR “Itwas(like)salt,itwaspouredfromalargeplasticbagandit(i.e.thebag)wasthrowntotheside.”BackgroundSuffix-waThebackgroundsuffix(Mous1993:147)isrealizedas-wa. Thebackgroundsuffix
occursonlyindependentclauses.
2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa
157
The background suffixmarks an action as occurring as part of the action directly
preceding or following it (that is, a background-marked action occurs
simultaneouslytoorbeforeitsassociatedaction).
(2.185) BACKGROUNDASPECT:ACTIONOCCURRINGASPARTOFTHEACTIONDIRECTLYFOLLOWINGIT
imirtiwaharagaasaán,inósaintsahhatimiís[20131027_20150725c.12]
imir ti -waharagaás -aánsince REC -BACKjoin.together.1 -1PL.PSTinós i- ∅ -(g)a intsahhatimiísPRO3SG S.3- AUX -PRF teach.M.PST“Fromthetimethatwemarried,hetaught.”
2.4.2.6Mood
Moodprovidesinformationonthespeaker’sattitudetowardwhattheyaresaying.
Mood is expressed in the selector through three12(primarily) affixal morphemes,
whichwillbeexaminedbelow.
Conditional“Prefix”barThe conditional affix (Mous 1993: 147) is derived from the adverbbar ‘if’. In its
adverbial use, bar appears either clause-initially (2.186), or directly before the
selector(2.187).
(2.186) ADVERBBAROCCURRINGCLAUSE-INITIALLY bartlaqoousla’akáng,awuunharis [20151202d.147]
bartlaqoór ∅- u- ∅ sla’-akángawú ifcutting.LFR A.P- P.M- AUX like.2-NEG.PRESbull.LMO ∅- u- ∅ -nharis A.P- P.M- AUX -EXPECTbring.2.SUBJ “Ifyoudon’tlikecutting(i.e.forest-clearing),(then)youwillbringabull.”12Inadditiontoanologuesofthreemoodaffixesdiscussedhere,Mousidentifiesafurther,ConcessivemoodaffixinIraqw,derivedfromtheadverbtam(1993:147-150).ThoughtheadverbtamexistsinGorwaa,Ihavenotidentifiedanyinstancesofitbeingusedasamoodprefixtotheselector.
2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa
158
(2.187) ADVERBBAROCCURRINGDIRECTLYBEFORETHESELECTOR firimbibarkataáhh[20151202d.50]
firimbír bar t- ng- a- ∅ taáhh whistle.LFR if MP- A.3- P.F- AUX hit.PST “Ifthewhistleisblown.”Inthelatterposition,theselectormayencliticizetobar.Thevowel[a]ofbaroften
assimilatestotheinitialvoweloftheselector. Optionaldeletionofthefinalvowel
(i.e.theselectorbase)resultsinwhatlookslikesuprafixation.
(2.188) VOWEL[a]OFBARASSIMILATINGTOINITIALVOWELOFTHESELECTOR,FINALVOWEL[i]DELETED
bar= i- ∅ →bir (E.g.dawabirdáhdiriyee...‘ifa if= S.3- AUX handgoeshere...’)
Asperitsname,theconditionalsuffixexpressesacondition.
(2.189) CONDITIONALMOOD:EXPRESSINGACONDITION burtaóh,tundiif [20151202d.152]
bar= t- u- ∅ -(g)a óh if= MP- P.2SG.M AUX -PRF catch.PST t- u- ∅ -n diifMP- P.2SG.M- AUX -EXPECT beat.SUBJ“Ifyouwerecaught,youwillbebeaten.”
ProhibitivePrefixm-Theprohibitiveprefixm-(Mous1993:151-152)isusedintwoprimaryways.First,
it is employed with the two negative imperative suffixes (-aar, and -ara’) to
completeanegative imperativeconstruction (2.190). Second, it is employedwith
the background suffix (-wa) to express negative commands for all persons other
than2nd(whicharecoveredbytheimperativeforms)(2.191).
(2.190) PROHIBITIVEMOODEMPLOYEDWITHTHENEGATIVEIMPERATIVEa. [...]tisítao’mainki/aar [20151021c.171]
tisí t- ∅- a- ∅ -(g)ao’ PRODEM2.FMP- A.P- P.F- AUX -PRF say.2.SUBJm-∅- a- ∅ inkí/-aarPROHIB-A.P- P.F- AUX repeat.2-IMP.NEG“[...]thiswhichyouhavesaid,don’trepeatit.”
2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa
159
b. kuungá’makwatiitara’ [20150808a.155] kuungá’m- ∅- a- ∅ kwatiit-ara’ PRO.2PLPROHIB- A.P- P.F- AUX touch-IMP.NEG.PL “Don’tyou(pl.)touch(it)!”(2.191) PROHIBITIVEMOODEMPLOYEDWITHBACKGROUNDSUFFIX-WA
mwalimuhharangahuwikáasgidabágarmamuwataáhh[20160927l150-158.25]
mwalimú hhartá ng- a- ∅ -(g)a teacher.LMOstick.LFT A.3- P.F- AUX -PRF húw =iká as.gidabá garmá bring =NEG.PST such.that boy.LMO m- u- ∅ -wa taáhh
PROHIB- P.2SG.M- AUX -BACK hit.M.PST “Theteacherdidnotbringthesticksuchthattheboymaynothityou.”QuestioningPrefixm-Thequestioningprefixm-(Mous1993:150-151)isusedalongwiththereasonaffix
(seebelow)toforma‘why’question13.
(2.192) QUESTIONINGMOOD:FORMINGA‘WHY’QUESTION fu’unaymisabo/eemís [20160116.59]
fu’unáy m- s- ∅- i ∅ -(g)a meat.LN∅ Q- REASON- A.P- P.N- AUX -PRF bo/eemís
blacken.2.PST “Whydidyoublackenthemeat?”(2.193) QUESTIONINGMOOD:FORMINGA‘WHY’QUESTION
baahaamaskataâhh [20160927l172-175.14] baahaár m- s- t- ng- a- ∅ -(g)a hyaena.LFR Q- REASON- MP- A.3- P.F- AUX -PRF taâhh
hit.PST.Q.PST “Whywasthehyaenahit?”
13TheoccurrenceofthisprefixinGorwaaappearsmorerestrictedthantheanaloguedescribedinIraqw,whichcanaffixtomostanyselectortoproducethemeaning‘what’,aswellasworkwithanumberofadverbialcasecliticstoproducethemeanings‘how’,‘why’,and‘whereto’.
2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa
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2.4.2.7Adverbialcase
The only adverbial case affixes (Mous 1993: 152-154) attested thus far are the
reasonsuffix-s,theinstrumentalsuffix-r,thelativesuffix-i,andtheablativesuffix-
wa.
ReasonSuffix-sThe reason suffix is typically used with the temporal copula to produce a
constructionwiththemeaning‘thereasonwhy...’.
(2.194) REASONSUFFIXUSEDWITHTEMPORALCOPULATA gártasdaawaatí [20131108b_20150725j.6]
gár t- i- ∅ -(g)a -s daawaár thing.LFR MP- S.3- AUX -PRF -REASON medicine.LFR i- ∅ -(g)a tí S.3- AUX -PRF DEM.F “Thereasonwhyitismedicineisthis:”InstrumentalSuffix-rTo thispoint, the instrumental suffixhasonlybeen foundonencapsulatednouns,
producingaconstructionmeaning‘with...’or‘inthemannerof’.Theonlywaytotell
the difference between an encapsulated noun ending in the linker -r~´~ and the
instrumentalsuffix -r is that the formtakingthe instrumentalsuffix lacksthehigh
tone.
(2.195) LEVELPITCHACCENTONSLEERINDICATESINSTRUMENTALSUFFIX’SPRESENCE [...]heekoooqwarungunsleerslaaxw[DSC_5354_20150705b.63.2]heé -ko oo qwarkú person.LMO -INDEF.M ANA.Mhunger.LMKng- u- ∅ -n A.3- P.M- AUX-EXPECTsleér -r slaaxwcow.LFR -INSTRbuy.M.SUBJ“[...]somehungrypersonwouldbuyit(i.e.millet)withacow.”
2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa
161
(2.196) LEVELPITCHACCENTONIDOSIRINDICATESINSTRUMENTALSUFFIX’SPRESENCE kiíarhareeanidosirhi'imit [20131027_20150725c.160]kií ar hareér ∅- ∅ -n PRO.2SG.F ANA.F woman.LFR S.P- AUX -EXPECTidór -sí -r hi’imitmanner.LFR -DEM2-INSTR travel.2.SUBJ“You,womantravelinthisway.”
LativeSuffix-iAs for the instrumental suffix, the lative suffix -i has only been found on
encapsulatednouns,producingaconstructionmeaning‘toward...’or‘to...’.
(2.197) LATIVESUFFIX:MOTIONTOWARD
xareemiwósnginala/aásinaamodihi'iít[20131108b_20150725j.141]
xareemí -ós ng- i- ∅ -na la/aás horns.LN∅ -POSS.3SG A.3- P.N- AUX -IMPRFwag.M.PSTi- ∅ -na amór -dá’ -i hi’iítS.3- AUX -IMPRFplace.LFR -DEM4 -ILL walk.M.PST“Hewaggedhishornsfromsidetosideandwenttothere.”
Note that the encapsulated noun does not need to be the location to which the
actionoftheverbisdirected.In(2.198),itisnot‘tothemedicine’thatthehittingis
directed,butrather‘tothetsetseflies’.
(2.198) LATIVESUFFIX:MOTIONISNOTNECESSARILYTOWARDTHEMARKEDNOUN[...]seehhaakandaawaaritaahh[20151202d.171]seehhár t- ng- a- ∅ -n tsetse.flies.LFR MP- A.3- P.F- AUX -EXPECT
daawaár -i taahhmedicine.LFR -ILL hit.SUBJ“Thetsetseflieswouldbehitbythismedicine.”
AblativeSuffix-waAs for the instrumental and lative suffixes, the ablative suffix -wa has only been
foundonencapsulatednouns,producingaconstructionmeaning,roughly,‘from...’.
2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa
162
(2.199) ABLATIVESUFFIX:MOTIONFROMbirkwabaraqawasláy[...][20151202d.78]bar= t- ng- u- ∅ -(g)a bará -qá’ -wa if= MP- A.3- P.M- AUX -PRF in -DEM3-ILL sláyget.PST“ifheisdetectedthere[...]”
(2.200) ABLATIVESUFFIX:MOTIONFROM
kinadidawatahhtaáhh [DSC_5354_20150705b.14.5]t- ng- i- ∅ -na dír -dá’ -wa MP- A.3- P.N- AUX -IMPRFplace.LFR -DEM4-ABLtahhtaáhhdrive.out.PST“Theyweredrivenoutfromthere.”
2.4.3Pronouns
A division of Gorwaa anaphoric devices between the traditional concept of
“pronoun”(“independent”(Mous1993:114-117))versus“anaphoricclitic”(Payne
1997: 42-44) does not seem entirely appropriate. Indeed, the argumentmarking
affixesofmanyselectors,glossedhereinasS,A,andParefullycapableofstanding
asindividualphonologicalwordswithinmostphrases,especiallywheninindicative
mood and present tense,which add no additionalmorphology towhich the form
may affix. However, these forms are different in that they cannot bear tone or
stress. As such, the proposed division is that of tonic versusnon-tonic pronouns.
Thissectionwillbeginwithadescriptionofthetonicpronouns,andwillthencover
thenon-tonicpronouns.
2.4.3.1Tonicpronouns
The tonicpronounsare,byallmeasures, fullnouns. As theirnamesuggests, they
havestressandtone. Tonicpronounsmayserveasfullargumentsinanyposition
2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa
163
occupiedbyafullnoun(e.g.subjectofanominalcopula(2.201),objectofanominal
copula(2.202),subjectofanadjectivalcopula(2.203),objectofaverb(2.204)),as
wellasbemodifiedasafullnoun(e.g.NPmodifier(i.e.possession)(2.205)).14
(2.201) ANÍISSUBJECTOFNOMINALCOPULA aníauumtuuso’oo [20131027_20150725c.194]
aní ∅ uumtuuso’oór PRO1SG AUX nurturer.♀.LFR “Iamanurturer.”(2.202) TÍISOBJECTOFNOMINALCOPULA
aní,loohírnitsawdiitatí[20150724.74] aní loohír ni- ∅ tsawdiit PRO1SG path.LFR DEP.1SG- AUX choose.1.SUBJ a- ∅ -(g)a tí
COPN AUX -PRF PRODEM1.F“Me,thepathIchooseisthis.”
(2.203) INÓSISSUBJECTOFADJECTOVALCOPULA
inóskutleér[20160119f.36] inós t- ng- u- ∅ tleér PRO3SGMP- A.3- P.M- AUX tall.M “Heistall.”(2.204) TÓKISOBJECTOFVERB
tókafaakaanakátók[20150808a.152] tók ∅- a- ∅ faák-aán-aká PROPOSS.2SGF A.P- P.F- AUX finish.1-1.PL–NEG.PRES tók PROPOSS.2SGF “Yours,wewon’tfinishyours.”(2.205) ATÉNISMODIFIEDBYAFULLNP
aténoohhawata[20160927l181-182.14] atén oo hhawató PRO1PL ANA.Mmen.LMO “wemen”
14Inadditiontothethreetypesoftonicpronounidentifiedhere(i.e.personal,possessive,anddemonstrative),Mous(1993:115)identifiesasetofindefinitepronouns:independentformswhichtakeindefinitenounsuffixes.ThoughsuchnounsuffixesexistinGorwaa(see§2.4.1.3),acorrespondingsetofindefinitepronounshasnotbeenidentified.
2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa
164
PersonalPronounsPersonal pronouns refer back to entities associatedwith grammatical person. As
noted by Mous (1993: 113), personal pronouns are semantically definite, and
therefore may not be followed by indefinite suffixes. As they typically refer to
people,theyalsomaynotbepossessed.Personalpronounsareglossed:ProPrs
Table2.17:PERSONALPRONOUNSPerson Singular Plural1 aní(FormalPron.aníng)
(ReducedFormán)atén(RelaxedPron.át)
2M kuúng(RelaxedPron.kuú)(ReducedFormku)
kuungá’
2F kiíng(RelaxedPron.kií)3 inós(ReducedFormino) ino’ín(RelaxedPron.inín)
Ascanbeseen, thepronounsvaryslightly in formdependingon factors including
register(formalversusrelaxed),andspeed(fastspeechtypicallyresultsinreduced
forms).
Inusage,thepresenceofapersonalpronoungenerallyhasaneffectoffocusingthat
information(2.206)(whichmayincludecontrastivereadings,suchasin(2.207)).
(2.206) PERSONALPRONOUNANÍ:OBJECTFOCUS garmaanínginataáhh [20160927l168-171.1]
garmá aní ng- i- ∅ -na taáhh boy.LMO PRO1SG A.3- P.1SG- AUX -IMPRFhit.M.PST “Theboyhitme.”(Where‘me’isnewinformation.)(2.207) PERSONALPRONOUNANÍNG:CONTRASTIVEFOCUS
aníngmiga/awaar[20150817d.811] aníngm- i- ∅ ga/aw-aar PRO1SGPROHIB- P.1SG- AUX look.at.2-IMP.NEG “Don’tlookatme!”(i.e.lookatthetaskathand)
2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa
165
PossessivePronounsPossessivepronouns indicatepossession. Morphologically, theyare formed from
the stems ko- (M/N) and to- (F), and the possessive determiners (see §2.4.1.1).
Again, their usemay result in a focus reading (2.208), including contrastive focus
(2.209).PossessivepronounsareglossedProPoss.
Table2.18:POSSESSIVEPRONOUNSPerson/Number Masculine/Neuter Feminine
1Sg. kwe’eé’ te’eé’2Sg. kók tók3Sg. kós tós1Pl. korén torén2Pl. kohúng tohúng3Pl. ko’ín to’ín
(2.208) POSSESSIVEPRONOUNTÓK:OBJECTFOCUS
kuú,tókaqoanaluqa’wadog[20151202d.25] kuú tók aqo∅- a- ∅ -n PRO2SG.M PROPOSS.2SG.FEMPHA.P- P.F- AUX -EXPECT alú-qá’ -wa dog after-DEM3 -ABL add.2.SUBJ “You,yoursyouaddafterthat.”(2.209) POSSESSIVEPRONOUNTOHÚNG:CONTRASTIVEFOCUS
a’age!tohúngarkoloni[DSC_5354_20150705b.73] a’a ge tohúng ar koloni no EMPH PROPOSS.2PL.F ANA.F colonial.times “No!Yours(i.e.yourmores)arefromcolonialtimes.”(i.e.yourmoresversusours)DemonstrativePronounsDemonstrative pronouns are highly common, replacing common nouns.
Morphologically, they are formed from the stems ko- (M/N) and to- (F), and the
demonstrative determiners (see §2.4.1.2). Demonstrative pronouns are glossed
ProDem,withafollowingnumberindicatingthedeixisofthedemonstrative.
2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa
166
Table2.19:DEMONSTRATIVEPRONOUNSLevelofDeixis Masculine Feminine Neuter
1 kwí tí koká’2 kwisíng tisíng kusíng3 koqá’ toqá’ koqá’4 kodá’ tidá’/todá’/tadá’ kodá’
(2.210) DEMONSTRATIVEPRONOUNKODÁ’
/Orundiyeekásleeme,kodá’gitlaytleèr,/Orundídaqaniinà[20150726d.59]
/Orundí =ee =ká sleemekodá’ gitlay tleèr/Orundí =TOP =NEG alsoPRODEM4.M FILLtall.M.EMPH/Orundí daqa niinà/Orundí FILL small.M.EMPH“Itwasn’t/Orundíeither,theonetherewas–uh–tall,/Orundíis–uh
–short.”(2.211) DEMONSTRATIVEPRONOUNTOQÁ’
[...]toqá’/awaakwamorqá’taataahhee[...][20150817d.430] toqá’ /awaakw amór =qá’ taataahh-eek PRODEM3.F white.F place.LFR =DEM3remove-IMP.O.SG “Thatwhiteonethere–takeitaway!”Possessiveanddemonstrativepronounsarealsousedtocontributetheirmeaning
toanounwhichhasalreadybeenmodifiedbyananalogoussuffixcarryingoneof
thesemeanings(see§2.4.1).
(2.212) DEMONSTRATIVEPRONOUNKWISÍNGUSEDTOMODIFYANOUNALREADYMODIFIEDBYAPOSSESSIVESUFFIX-ÓK
qwala/uwókkwisíngooumósiwarooamilâ[20150727.49] qwala/ú -ók kwisíngoo umó happiness.LMO -POSS2SG PRODEM2.MANA.M every siwár =oo ∅ milâ time.LFR =TOP AUX what “Whatisthispermanenthappinessofyours?”(lit.happinessofeverytime)InterrogativePronounsInterrogrative pronouns are used in forming wh-questions (see §2.6.3.2).
Morphologically,eachiscomposedofanominalelement,plusthesuffix–(l)â. The
‘nominal element’ for ‘when’ (daqa-~daqi ‘time’), and ‘where’ (di-~di ‘place’) is
2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa
167
transparent. The ‘nominalelements’ (if theyare indeedthat) for ‘who’ (ma’-)and
‘what’ (mi-) are less clear. Interrogative pronouns are glossedwith their English
equivalent.
Why-questionsare formedon the selectorusing thequestioningmoodprefix (see
§2.4.2.6).
Table2.20:INTERROGATIVEPRONOUNSEnglishEquivalent Form
‘who’ ma’â‘what’ milâ‘when’ daqalâ‘where’ dilâ
(2.213) INTERROGATIVEPRONOUN‘WHEN’DAQALÂ
hhayumarókadaqalâ [20150727.31] hhayumár =ók ∅ daqalâ journey.LFR =POSS.2SG AUX when “Whenisyourtrip?”AnaphoricPronounsAnaphoric pronouns occur last on this list because they are somewhat different
fromtheirtoniccounterparts.TheyaredescribedbyMous(2016:66)aspronouns
referring to nouns, rather than directly to a referent. Anaphoric pronouns agree
withthegenderofthenountowhichtheyrefer,masculineandneuterformsareoo,
and feminine formsarear. Theanaphoricpronoun isglossedAna,alongwiththe
genderofitsreferent.
(2.214) ANAPHORICPRONOUN(M)GENDER:OO [...]garmaqá’oodó’isa’[...] [20131108b_20150725j.33]
garmá -qá’ oo dó’ isá’ boy.LMO -DEM3ANA.Mhouse.LMO so-and-so.LMO “[...]thatboyofthehouseofso-and-so[...]”
2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa
168
(2.215) ANAPHORICPRONOUN(N)GENDER:OO Asloótsároodirènnginaohiís.[20150729b.17]
asloó tsár oo dirèn ~`~ ng- i- ∅ -na fires.LN∅ two ANA.N fat.N EMPH A.3- P.N- AUX -IMPRF ohiís
light.M.PST “Helittwogreatfires.”(2.216) ANAPHORICPRONOUN(F)GENDER:AR
[...]qaseearda/aat[20150817d.110] qas -ee ar da/aat put -IMP.Sg.O ANA.Fred.F “[...]putaredone.”2.4.3.2Non-tonicpronouns
Non-tonicpronounsaredifferent fromtheir toniccounterparts inmanyways. As
theirname indicates, theydonotbear stress or tone, and their environments are
highly restrictedwithin the clause.While theymayoccurdirectlybefore theverb
(2.217), other material, such as adverbs (2.218) and direct objects (2.219), may
intervene.
(2.217) NON-TONICPRONOUN:(P)ATIENTARGUMENTMARKERA-(DIRECTLYBEFORETHEVERB)
aníbaahaaada’ayumiít [20150727.43] aní baahaár ∅- a- ∅ da’ayumiít PRO1SG hyaena.LFR A.P- P.F- AUX fear.1.PRES “Iamafraidofthehyaena.”(2.218) NON-TONICPRONOUN:(P)ATIENTARGUMENTMARKERA-(ADVERBINTERVENES
BETWEENPRONOUNANDVERB) aní,garíalowaslaa’akáng[...] [20150808a.161]
aní gár -í ∅- a- ∅ lowa PRO1SG thing.LFR -DEM1A.P- P.F- AUX very slaá’ =akáng
like.1 =NEG.PRES “Me,Ireallydon’tlikethisthing.”
2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa
169
(2.219) NON-TONICPRONOUN:(S)OLEARGUMENTMARKERA-(DIRECTOBJECTINTERVENESBETWEENPRONOUNANDVERB)
aníasleérdiíf [20150724.4] aní ∅- ∅ sleér diíf PRO1SG S.P- AUX cow.LFR hit.1.PRES “Ihitthecow.”Non-tonic pronouns are mandatory in every finite VP. Even if its noun anaphor
(2.220) or a tonic pronoun equivalent (2.221) is present, the non-tonic formwill
occurconcurrentlywithit.
(2.220) NON-TONICPRONOUNSAREMANDATORY:EVENIFNANAPHORAAMARKAISPRESENT
aamarkaideer[...] [20131108b_20150725j.118] aamár -ka i- ∅ deer grandmother.LFR -INDEF.F S.3- AUX be.present.3.PRES “(Once)thereisthisoldlady(2.221) NON-TONICPRONOUNSAREMANDATORY:EVENIFTONICPRONOUNKUÚNGIS
PRESENTkuúngaiwiiwít[20150727.2]
kuúng ∅- ∅ iwiiwít PRO2SG.M S.P- AUX sit.2.PRES “Youaresitting.”2.4.4Prepositions
Prepositions in Gorwaa form a small class: just three forms. Two take a locative
complement,andonetakesanagentivecomplement.Allformsprecedetheelement
theymodify,andmaythusbelabeledprepositions.
2.4.4.1Locativeprepositions
The twomost uncontroversial adpositional elements in Gorwaa are the lative ay
(roughly,‘to’)(2.222),andtheablativewa(roughly,‘from’)(2.223).Thesemaybe
usedinaconcrete,spatialsense,aswellasextendedfiguratively(todescribe,say,
2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa
170
time(2.224)).AyisglossedbyitsEnglishequivalent‘to’,waisglossedbyitsEnglish
equivalent‘from’.
(2.222) LATIVEPREPOSITIONAYgarmainatláyayalú/aslaangw[20160927l74-101.22]
garmá i- ∅ -na tláyay alú boy.LMO S.3- AUX -IMPRFgo.M.PSTto rear.LMO /aslaángw
hut “Theboywenttothebackofthehut.”(2.223) ABLATIVEPREPOSITIONWA
garmainatláywaalú/aslaangw[20160927l74-101.23] garmá i- ∅ -na tláywaalú boy.LMO S.3- AUX -IMPRFgo.M.PSTfromrear.LMO /aslaángw
hut “Theboywentfromthebackofthehut.”(2.224) PREPOSITIONAYEXTENDEDTODESCRIBETIME
aqotantlaaqaydeeloórmibeerítám[20151202d.118] aqo t- a =n tlaaq ay EMPH MP- ∅ =EXPECT cut.SUBJ to deeloór mibeerí tám
days.LFR tens.LMO three “Theywouldcutuntilthirtydays(elapsed).” Asdemonstratedintheexamples,theseprepositionsindicatemotion(i.e.dynamic
location). These two prepositions are commonly combined with a special set of
‘locationalnouns’ inorder togivemoreprecisedescriptionsof static locationand
space(see§2.3.1.3).
2.4.4.2Agentiveprepositionnee
The third peoposition of Gorwaa occurs in constructions in which the agent has
been suppressed from the argument structure of the verb, and serves to re-
2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa
171
introduceanagentasanonliqueargument. It isglossedby itsEnglishequivalent
‘by’.
(2.225) AGENTIVEPREPOSITIONNEE danúkuntleehhiitneeba’aari[20131108b_20150725j.3]
danú t- ng- u- ∅ -n tleehhiit honey.LMO MP- A.3- P.M- AUX -EXPECT make.SUBJ neeba’aarír
bybees.LFR “Honeyismadebybees.”2.4.5Thecoordinativeconjunction
The coordinative conjunction nee is used to connect constituents such as NPs
(2.226),aswellasadjectives(2.227).Instancesofitconnectingclausesinthesame
mannerisnotpresent.Thismaybeduetotheoccurrenceofmorphologywhichcan
express the concepts of simultaneity and consecutiveness (see §2.4.2.5). Nee is
glossedbyitsEnglishequivalent‘and’.
(2.226) COORDINATIVECONJUNCTIONNEE:COORDINATINGTWONPS tunáyngulowakón–garí–tunáyneenaanagí[20150808a.43]
tunáy ng- u- ∅ lowa kón dried.honey.LMO A.3- P.M- AUX very have.M.PRES gár -í tunáy neenaanagitá thing.LFR -DEM1dried.honey.LMO andlarvae.LFT “Ithaslotsofdriedhoney,this-driedhoneyandlarvae.”(2.227) COORDINATIVECONJUNCTIONNEE:COORDINATINGTWOADJECTIVES
hayookin/awakwneebo/abò/ [20151021c.443] hayoó t- ng- i- ∅ -n /awakw feathers.LN∅ MP- A.3- P.N- AUX -EXPECT white.N.PL
nee ~Red~ bò/and ~ATTEN~ black.N.PL.EMPH
“thefeatherswillbewhiteandblackish”2.5Constituents
Thefollowingsubsectionisconcernedwithwordsorwordgroupingswhichactasa
single unit within the structured hierarchy of the larger clause. Following the
2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa
172
presentation of constituent order in main clauses, this subsection will treat verb
phrases,nounphrases,adpositionalphrases,andcomparatives.
2.5.1Constituentorderinmainclauses
BasicconstituentorderinpragmaticallyneutralclausesisSubj.Obj.SelV,where:
Subj.=Subject Obj.=Object P=Patient Sel=Selector(glossedhereasProObjand=Imprf) V=Verb(2.228) BASICCONSTITUENTORDER
garmaSUBJbaahaaOBJnginaSELtaáhhV [20160921i.1]garmá baahaár ng- a- ∅ -na taáhh
boy.LMO hyaena.LFR A.3- P.F- AUX -IMPRFhit.M.PST “Theboyhitthehyaena.” 2.5.2Verbphrase
WithintheVP,theselectoralwaysoccurstotheleftofthelexicalverb.(2.229) SELECTORALWAYSOCCURSTOTHELEFTOFTHELEXICALVERB
a. anímaa’ayiwaáh [20160120q.48]aní ma’aáy ∅- i- ∅ waáhh
PRO1SG water.LN∅ A.P- P.N- AUX drink.PRES “Idrinkwater.”
b. aníahhayuút[...][20150727.30]aní ∅- ∅ hhayuút
PRO1SG S.P- AUX travel.PRES “Iamtravelling[...]”The only free elements obligatory to the VP are the selector (which, itself is
composedofaseriesofdependentaffixes)andthelexicalV.Clausesinimperative
moodlackaselector.
VPsmayfeatureincorporatednouns,orencapsulatednouns.
2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa
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Incorporatednounsarelocatedbetweentheselectorandthelexicalverb,butdonot
exhibitlinkermorphology(asdo‘encapsulated’forms):
(2.230) INCORPORATEDNOUNSLEE
ugaslee-gás [20161119f.34] ∅- u- ∅ -(g)a slee- gás A.P- P.M- AUX -PRF cow- kill.2SG.PST “You(M)killedacowonhim.”(lit.‘Youcow-killedhim.’)According to the literal translationgiven, incorporatedpatientsappear tobenon-
specific (whichwould be consistentwith the semantics of incorporated nouns in
manylanguages).
Nounsmay also be ‘encapsulated’ (so named byWifred H.Whiteley (1958: 31)),
whereapatientoccurstotheimmediateleftofthelexicalV,butunlikeincorporated
nouns,retainsaspecificreading.Encapsulatednounsalwaysshowalinker:
(2.231) ENCAPSULATEDNOUNSLEE aníasleérdiíf [20160927l222-228.26]aní a- ∅ sleér diíf
PRO1SG S.1- AUX cow.LFR hit.1SG.PST“Ihitthecow.”
The vast majority of VP adverbs occur in one of two patterns. First, a set
consistentlyoccursdirectlytotheleftoftheV:
(2.232) VPADVERBSCONSISTENTLYOCCURRINGTOTHELEFTOFTHELEXICALVERB a. [...]imakmaahhát[...] [20131108b_20150725j.179]
i- ∅ makmaahhát S.3- AUX somewhatcrouch.down.F.PRES “Shecrouchesdownsomewhat.” b. [...]agaqarohhaáf [20150817d.161]
∅- a- ∅ -(g)a qarohhaáf A.P- P.F- AUX -PRF alreadylay.out.1.PST “I’vealreadylainitout.”
2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa
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Many of the VP adverbs which occur in this position are those of degree (i.e.
affecting the intensity of the verb), or those of aspect (i.e. affecting the temporal
consistencyoftheverb). OtherVPadverbsarelesslooselybound,oftenoccurring
totherightoftheV,orpossiblyattheverybeginningoftheclause.
(2.233) ADVERBSOCCURRINGCLAUSE-INITIALLY,ORCLAUSE-FINALLY
a. hindíutu/uúm[...] [20150808a.49] hindí ∅- u- ∅ tu/uúm nowA.P- P.M- AUX dig.out.PRES “NowIamdiggingitout[...]”
b. aníaqohardáhhindí[20151021c.139] aní ∅- ∅ -a =qo hardáhhindí PRO1SG S.P- AUX -PRF =EMPHarrive.1.PSTnow “Ihavearrivednow.”2.5.3Nounphrase
When modified, the noun occurs first (2.234), except when modified by the
quantifierumó,whichitselfprecedesthenounitmodifies(2.235).Nounsquantified
byumóobligatorilyoccurwiththetopicmarker.
(2.234) NOUN-MODIFIERORDERgarmaqá’wáktlarantleér[...][20160927l124-128.12]
garmá-qá’ wák ~Red~ tleér boy -DEM3one ~AMP~ tall.M “Thatoneverytallboy[...]”(2.235) SPECIALMODIFIER-NOUNORDERFORUMÓ
[...]umókurkoo[...][20151202d.158] umókurkú =oo everyyear.LMK =TOP “[...]everyyear[...]”Greenberg’sUniversal 20 states that, if demonstratives, numerals, anddescriptive
adjectivesfollowthenoun,thattheyshouldeitheroccurintheorderlisted,orinthe
exact opposite order (i.e. descriptive adjective, numeral, demonstrative). Gorwaa
2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa
175
complieswith thisuniversal, in that theseelements canoccur in the firstof these
orders(demonstrative,numeral,descriptiveadjective)only(2.236).
(2.236) DEMONSTRATIVE-NUMERAL-DESCRIPTIVEADJECTIVEORDER
moro’osítámafahhamít [20131027_20150725c.89] moro’ó -sí tám afahhamít things.LMO -DEM2 three important.M.PL “Thesethreeimportantthings.” 2.5.4Adpositionalphrase
The twomost uncontroversial adpositional elements in Gorwaa are the lative ay
(roughly, ‘to’), and the ablative wa (roughly, ‘from’). These may be used in a
concrete,spatialsense,aswellasextendedfiguratively(todescribe,say,time).
(2.237) ADPOSITIONS a. nireki/á’aydirí [20151202d.136]
ni -re ki/ -á’ ay VENT -CONSEC return.2 -2PL to dír -íplace.LFR -DEM1
“Andyou(pl.)returnedtothisplace.”
b. inaoó’wagawaqá’[...][20131108b_20150725j.78] i- ∅ -na oó’ wagawá-qá’
S.3- AUX -IMPRFsay.M.PST fromon-DEM4“Hesaidfromonthere[...]”
c. aqotantlaaqaydeelórmibeerítám[20151202d.118]
aqo t- ∅ -n tlaaq ay r EMPH MP- AUX -EXPECT cut.SUBJ to deeló mibeerí tám
days.LFR tens.LMO three “Theywouldcutuntilthirtydays(elapsed).” Asdemonstratedintheexamples,theseformsprecedetheelementtheymodify,and
maythusbelabeledprepositions.
2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa
176
Prepositions are commonly combined with a special set of ‘locational nouns’ in
ordertogivemoreprecisedescriptionsofspace.Suchpreposition-locationalnoun
stringscanrunupto3elementslong,andexhibitrestrictionsonorderingandco-
occurrence.Formoreonlocationalnouns,see§2.3.1.3.
Thelativeayisundoubtedlyrelatedtotheadverbialsuffix,-i.-ioccursconsistently
indative-shiftconstructions,inwhichanounwhichmayotherwisebeexpressedas
anadjunctispromotedtoanobjectoftheverbinanowdouble-objectconstruction
(compare(2.238)(non-dative-shift)with(2.239)(dative-shift)).Inthisnewdative-
shiftconstruction,-iencliticisestotheendofthenounwhichwouldhaveservedas
thedirectobjectinthenon-dative-shiftconstruction.
(2.238) DITRANSITIVE(DOUBLE-OBJECT)CONSTRUCTION:NODATIVE-SHIFT mwalimukitaabungwahariísdírdesi [20160928c.44]mwalimú kitaabú ng- u- ∅ -(g)a hariís teacher.LMObook.LMO A.3- P.M- AUX -PRF bring.M.PSTdír desírto girl.LFR“Theteacherbroughtthebooktothegirl.”
(2.239) DITRANSITIVE(DOUBLE-OBJECT)CONSTRUCTION:DATIVE-SHIFT
mwalimudesinginakitaabuwihariís [20160927l23-29.3]mwalimú desír ng- a- ∅ -na teacher.LMOgirl.LFR A.3- P.F- AUX -IMPRFkitaabú -i hariísbook.LMO -LAT bring.M.PST
“Theteacherbroughtthegirlthebook.”Thisencliticformshouldnotbeviewedasacase-markerinGorwaa,asthenounto
whichitaffixesisnotthedative(recipientordestination)noun.Perhapsthemost
explicitroleof-iistoidentifythedouble-objectclauseasonewhichhasundergone
dative-shift.
2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa
177
2.5.5Comparatives
Comparative constructions in Gorwaa place the item being compared to the
standard (inós in (2.240)below) in an adjectival copula construction, followedby
thequalitybywhichcomparisonisbeingmade(inthiscasetleer),followedbythe
comparativemarkerta,andthenthestandard(in thiscasegarma). Thestandard
occurswithtopicmorphology.
(2.240) COMPARATIVECONSTRUCTION inóskatleertagarmawoo [20160927m.1]inós t- ng- a- ∅ tleer ta garmá =oo
she MP- A.3- P.F- AUX tall.FCOMP boy.LMO =TOP “Sheistallcomparedtotheboy.”As may be seen, the construction in Gorwaa features comparative deletion –
obligatory ellipsis in the clause featuring the standard (the elided material
(underlined)in(2.240)aboveisinóskatleertagarmawookutleér‘sheistallerthan
theboyistall’).
2.6Pragmaticallymarkedstructures
Pragmatically marked structures convey salient information structure (focus,
contrast,topicalization),aswellasnegation,andnon-declarativespeechacts.Each
willbeexaminedbelow.
2.6.1Focus,contrast,andtopicalization
An array of different morphosyntactic tools exist for the signaling of salient
informationstructure.First,useofdemonstrative(determinersandpronouns)and
indefinites (determiners) will be examined. Second, comment will be made on
2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa
178
‘topic’ morphology. Third, dislocation and special constituent orders will be
described.Thesubsectionwillconcludewithcommentoncleftsandpseudo-clefts.
2.6.1.1Useofdemonstrativesandindefinites
Perhaps the most common markers of pragmatic status are the series of
demonstratives – suffixes which attach to nouns, or independent pronouns. For
morecommentontheformsofdemonstrativedeterminers,see§2.4.1.2.Formore
ondemonstrativepronouns,see§2.4.3.1.Pragmatically,theseformsareoftenused
togivenounsadefinitereading.
(2.241) DEMONSTRATIVESUFFIX-DÁ’ [...]heeikaáhh,aqogofaangwdá’ootlaqati
[20131108b_20150725j.149-150] heé i- ∅ kaáhh ∅ =qo person.LMO S.3- AUX be.absent.M AUX =EMPH gofaángw -dá’ oo tlaqatír
buck.LMO -DEM4 ANA.M antelope.LFR “[...]therewasnoonetobeeseen,itwasthatantelopebuck.”(i.e.thesamebuckthattheoldwomanhadmetearlierinthestory)(2.242) DEMONSTRATIVEPRONOUNKOQÁ’
Atsa/a/án.Koqá’na/áydetingunatsaát[...][20131108b_20150725j.86-87]
i- ∅ -(g)a ~Red~ tsa/ánkoqá’ S.3- AUX -PRF ~PLUR~ climb.MPRODEM3.M na/áy detitá ng- u- ∅ -na tsaát child.LMO tree.sp.LFT A.3- P.M- AUX -IMPRFcut.M.PST “Heisclimbing.Thatone,cutaseedpodofthedetitree[...]”(i.e.Theantagonistisclimbingupthetree.Theprotagonist–koqá’(lit.thatone)–cutaseedpod.)Inadditiontothedemonstrativedeterminers,whichgivenounsadefinitereading,
there is also an indefinite suffix, which renders the noun in question not-yet-
identified(2.243).Formoreontheformsoftheindefinitedeterminer,see§2.4.1.3.
2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa
179
(2.243) INDEFINITESUFFIX-KO tanahardáhdírxa’anokoyariìr [20131108b_20150725j.53]
t- ∅ -na hardáh dír xa’anó -ko MP- AUX -IMPRFarrive.PST at tree.LMO -INDEF.M yariìr
big.EMPH “Theyarrivedatagreattree.”(i.e.atreethatisbeingmentionedforthefirsttime,andonethatwillfeatureprominentlyinthestory).
2.6.1.2‘Topic’morphology
Anencliticexiststobackgroundinformation.Inthissketch,itwillbereferredtoas
the‘topic’marker.Theformis=oo,=eeifthenountowhichitattachesendsinRPA.
(2.244) TOPICMARKERa. [...]matlatleerooyata/a/amiín[20131108b_20150725j.105]
matlatleér =oo ya t- ∅ ~Red~ /amiín morning.LFR =TOP thus MP- AUX ~PLUR~ cry.PST
“Inthemorningitwasthus:theycried.”
b. idosiyeeugwagwétneerawu [20151202d.31]idór -sí =ee ∅- u- ∅ -(g)a manner.LFR -DEM3=TOP A.P- P.2SG.M- AUX -PRF
gwét neer awúfree.2.PST with bull.LMO“Inthiswayyoufreedwithabull.”
Ascanbeseenfromthelastexample,the‘topic’markercanjointoademonstrative
cliticalreadyattachedtotheheadnoun.
Theterm‘topic’markerisnotparticularlysatisfactoryforthisform,asitoccursin
several,seeminglydisparatemorphosyntacticenvironments,includingontheobject
ofcomparison(2.245),onnounsquantifiedbyumó(2.246),aspartofthenegative
morphologyfornominals(2.247),andonpolarquestions(2.248).
2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa
180
(2.245) TOPICMARKERONTHEOBJECTOFCOMPARISON inóskatleertagarmawoo [20160927m.1]inós t- ng- a- ∅ tleer ta
PRO.3SG MP- A.3- P.F- AUX tall.F COMP garmá =oo
boy.LMO =TOP “Sheistallcomparedtotheboy.”(2.246) TOPICMARKERONNOUNSQUANTIFIEDBYUMÓ
[...]umóqoomaroo [20150730.74] umó qoomár =oo every time.LFR =TOP “[...]allthetime”(2.247) TOPICMARKERASPARTOFNEGATIVEMORPHOLOGYONNOUNS
atsir/ooweekágarí [20151021c.354] ∅ tsir/oór =ee =(a)kágár -í AUX birds.LFR =TOP =NEG thing.LFR -DEM1 “thisisnotatypeofbird”(2.248) TOPICMARKERASPARTOFPOLARQUESTIONS
[...]gáraidórtsir/iroô [20151021c.369] gár ∅ idór tsir/ír =oo ~ˆ~ thing.LFR AUX manner.LFR bird.LFR =TOP -Q “[...]thethingislikeabird?”
2.6.1.2Dislocation
Thissectionwillfirsttreatleft-andright-dislocation,thenrepetition.
Left-andright-dislocationLeft- (2.249) and right-dislocation (2.250) are both commonly employed special
constituentorders.Pragmatically,dislocatedelementsarefocused.Left-dislocation
isnotfronting,becausethereisareferentialpronouninthemainclause.
(2.249) LEFT-DISLOCATION
desirqá’aníanagaás [20131108b_20150725j.83]desír -qá’ aní ∅- a- ∅ -na girl.LFR -DEM3PRO1SG A.P- P.F- AUX -IMPRFgaáskill.1.PST“Thatgirl,Ikilledher.”
2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa
181
(2.250) RIGHT-DISLOCATION ada’ayumiítda’aangoo [20150727.21] ∅- ∅ da’ayumiít da’aángw =ooS.P- AUX fear.1.PRES singing.LMO =TOP“Iamafraidofsinging.”
RepetitionAvariantofdislocation,anounmayberepeated. This tooseems to functionasa
pragmaticfocusoperation. Sometimes, itevenappearsthatmorethananNPmay
berepeated,asin(2.252),wheretheformneeisdoubledaswellasthenoundanú.
(2.251) REPETITIONOFNPDOWÍ
anídowíoodírafeéuruwauslaa’akádowí[20131108b_20150725j.123]
anídó’ -í oo dírafeéuruwárPRO1SGhouse.LMO -DEM1PROMOD.M atbesideroad.LFR∅- u- ∅ slaá’=akádó’ -íA.P- P.M- AUX like.1=NEG.PREShouse.LMO -DEM1“ThishousebesidetheroadIdonotwant–thishouse.”
(2.252) REPETITIONOFPPDANÚNEE danúneeanal/a/ayaandanúnee[20131108b_20150725j.38]
danú nee ∅- a- ∅ -n honey.LMO with A.P- P.F- AUX -EXPECTal/a/áy -aan danú neeeat.together.1-1PL.SUBJ honey.LMO with“Withhoneywewouldeattogether–withhoney!”
2.6.1.3Cleftsandpseudo-clefts
The two cleft-constructions identified in Gorwaa thus far are the it-cleft
construction,aswellasthepseudo-cleftconstruction.it-cleftconstructions(2.253)
feature theauxiliary, followedbyanNP, followedbyadependent clause. TheNP
following the auxiliary is generally in focus. Pseudo-cleft constructions (2.254)
featureawh-relativeclause,anauxiliary,andanNP.TheNPfollowingtheclauseis
infocus.
2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa
182
(2.253) IT-CLEFTCONSTRUCTION hindía/ayto’ooandooslaan[DSC_5354_20150705b.69.6]
hindí∅ /ayto’oór ∅- a- ∅ -n now AUX corn.LFR A.1- P.F- AUX -EXPECT doósl -aan
farm.1-1PL.SUBJ “Now,itiscornthatwefarm.” (2.254) PSEUDO-CLEFTCONSTRUCTION
gárnislaaafa/aa [20160927l159-158.39]gár ni- ∅ slaa ∅
thing.LFR DEP.1SG- AUX want.1SG.SUBJ AUX fa/aár
ugali.LFR “WhatIwantisugali.”
2.6.2Negation
NegationisaccomplishedinGorwaabytheenclitic=ká(ng).Thefollowingprovides
anoverviewofverbalnegation,nominalnegation,andclausalnegation(inGorwaa,
derivationalnegation(suchastheun-inEnglishunhappy),hasnotbeenidentified).
Finally,acreativeusageoftheenclitic=ká(ng)isdescribed.
2.6.2.1Verbalnegation
Negative clauses aremarked by the negative clitic =káng (often reduced to =ká).
Thiscliticattachestoverbrootsonlyiftherootshavebeenextendedbythesuffix-a
(inthepresenttense)and-i(inthepasttense).
(2.255) VERBALNEGATIONINTHEPRESENTTENSE
tammotloongixu’aká [20131108a.191] tammotloo ng- i- ∅ xú’-aká’ eventomorrow A.3- P.N- AUX know.F-NEG.PRES “Shedoesn’tevenknowtomorrow.”(lit.sheisn’tthinkingabouttomorrow)
2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa
183
(2.256) VERBALNEGATIONINTHEPASTTENSE inóstunáynguxu’iká’[20150808a.147]
inós tunáy ng- u- ∅ PRO3SG dried.honey.LMO A.3- P.M- AUX xú’-iká’
know.F-NEG.PST “Shedidn’tknowofdriedhoney.”2.6.2.2Nominalandadjectivalnegation
Onnouns,nounphrases,andadjectivesthenegativeclitic=ká(ng)attachestoforms
extendedwiththetopicclitic.
(2.257) NEGATIONOFNTSIR/OO
garíatsir/irookáge [20151021c.376]gár -í ∅ tsir/iroór =ee =kágething.LFR -DEM1AUX bird.LFR =TOP =NEGEMPH“Thisthingisn’tatypeofbird.”
(2.258) NEGATIONOFNPDIRÍ
/aatsoroókadiriheeká [20150727.17]/aatsoór -ók ∅ dír -í =ee=káplaying.LFR -POSS2SG AUX place.LFR -DEM1=TOP=NEG“Yourplayingisnothere.”
(2.259) NEGATIONOFADJECTIVEBOO/
[...]kaboo/eeká[...] [20150818a.13] t- ng- a- ∅ boo/ =ee =ká
MP- A.3- P.F- AUX black.F =TOP =NEG“[...]itisnotblack[...]”
2.6.2.3Clausalnegation
Entire clausesmaybenegated, inwhich case themorphology attaches to the last
elementintheclause.
(2.260) CLAUSALNEGATION BabatisaweemawósaidórooDawareeká [20150727.64] Babatír saweemá -ós ∅ idór Babati.LFR distance.LN∅ -POSS3SG AUX manner.LFRoo Dawár =ee =káANA.MDawár.LMO =TOP =NEG“ThedistanceofBabatiisn’tlikethedistanceofDawár.”
2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa
184
2.6.2.4Creativeuseofthenegative
Negative morphology may be applied to a constituent not to negate it, but to
emphasizeitssuperlativeorastonishingnature(2.261).
(2.261) NEGATIVEMORPHOLOGYTOEMPHASIZEASUPERLATIVEQUALITY gadá’auru’umisooaká[20150726d.35] gár -dá’∅ uru’umís =oo =aká
thing.LFR -DEM4AUX ululation.LMO =TOP =NEG “Thatthingwasastoundingululation.”(lit.notululation)The formkangokang is a reduplicationof twonegative clitics, tomean something
like‘astonishing’or‘unbelievable’.
(2.262) KANGOKANG:‘ASTONISHING’OR‘UNBELIEVABLE’ akangokang [20150818a.154]
∅ kangokang AUX astonishing “it’sastonishing” 2.6.3Non-declarativespeechacts
Belowisadescriptionofpolarquestions,informationquestions,andimperatives.
2.6.3.1Polarquestions
Polar questions are usuallymarked by the particle xáy, which occurs as the first
elementinthephrase.
(2.263) POLARQUESTIONPARTICLEXÁY a. xáy,do’utlehhanâ [20160120q.9]
xáy dó’ ∅- u- ∅ POLARQ house.LMO A.P- P.M- AUX tleéhh-aán -âmake.1-1PL -Q.PRES“Arewemakingahouse?”
2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa
185
b. xáy,sukaariagaqasîbaráchayiroô [20160120q.7] xáy sukaarír ∅- a- ∅ -(g)a POLARQ sugar.LFR A.P- P.F- AUX -PRF qás-îbará chayír =oo
put.2 -Q.PST in tea.LFR =TOP“Didyouputsugarinthetea?”
2.6.3.2Informationquestions
Information questionwords are predicates in copular constructions (2.264). For
‘why’questions,questionmorphologyisprefixedtotheselector(2.265).
(2.264) INFORMATIONQUESTIONSAREPREDICATESINCOPULARCONSTRUCTIONSa. hareeríama’â [20160111h.22]
hareér -í ∅ ma’âwoman.LFR -DEM1 AUX who“Whoisthiswoman?”
b. tsir/írhatlá’amilâ [20151021c.147]
tsir/ír hatlá’ ∅ milâbird.LFR other AUX what“Whatistheotherbird?”
c. hhayumarókadaqalâ [20150727.31]
hhayumár -ók ∅ daqalájourney.LFR -POSS2SG AUX when“Whenisyourjourney?”
d. diríadilâ [20160111h25]
dir -í ∅ dilâplace.LFR -DEM1AUX where“Whereisthisplace?”
(2.265) ‘WHY’QUESTIONS:QUESTIONMORPHOLOGYISPREFIXEDTOTHESELECTOR
fu’unaymisabo/eemís fu’unáy m- s- ∅- i- ∅ -(g)a
meat.LN∅ Q- REASON- A.P- P.N- AUX -PRF bo/eemís blacken.2.PST “Whydidyoublackenthemeat?”
2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa
186
Inwhyquestionsinwhichthestateofaffairsseemsunexpectedorissurprisingin
some way, the adverb bere may be used as a stronger alternative to question
morphology.ApossibleEnglishtranslationis‘whyever’.
(2.266) BERE:‘WHYEVER’ dowíberekulowaúr[20150817d.491]
do’ -íbere t- ng- u- ∅ lowa house.LMO -DEM1whyever MP- A.3- P.M- AUX very úr big.M “Whyisthishousesodamnbig?”2.6.3.3Imperatives
Imperativesareformedbyagroupofsuffixesaddedtotheverb.Mostimperatives
do not feature a selector, though the two negative imperatives are usedwith the
prohibitiveselectorma.
Table2.21:IMPERATIVESINGORWAA
Meaning SuffixExample
Sg PlImperative -∅
oo’‘speak!’-e’oo’e’‘speak!’(manyaddressees)
Imperativewithobject -ee(k)oo’ee‘sayit!’
-aakoo’aak‘sayit!’(manyaddressees)
Imperativetowardsthespeaker(ventive)
-ángoo’áng‘speaktome!’
-aré’oo’aré’‘speaktome!’(manyaddressees)
Imperativetowardsthespeaker(ventive)withobject
-angoo’ang‘sayittome!’
-are’oo’are’‘sayittome’(manyaddressees)
Negativeimperative ma-aarmaoo’aar‘don’tspeak!’
ma–ara’maoo’ara’‘don’tspeak!’(manyaddressees)
2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa
187
So-called‘firstpersonimperatives’,orhortatives,occurasverbformsmarkedwith
1stpersonpluralmorphology,andnoselector.
(2.267) HORTATIVES:1STPERSONPLMORPHOLOGYONTHEV,NOSELECTOR
tlawaántláw-aán
go.1-1PL ‘let’sgo’2.7Clausecombinations
Belowprovidesanoverviewofrelativeclauses,aswellascoordination.
2.7.1Relativeclauses
Relativeclauses inGorwaaarepostnominal, that is, therelativeclause followsthe
headnoun itmodifies. Theheadnounshowsthe linker. Mous(1993:281)notes
that conditional and prohibitive mood prefixes, as well as imperfect, expectative,
andconsecutiveaspectsuffixescannotbeusedwithinrelativeclauses.
(2.268) SUBJECTRELATIVECLAUSES
a. garmábaahaangataahh [20160928c.32]garmá baahaár ng- a- ∅ -(g)a
boy.LMO hyaena.LFR A.3- P.F- AUX -PRF taahh
hit.M.SUBJ ‘Theboywhohitthehyaena.’ b. desírbaahaangatahh [20160928c.34] desír baahaár ng- a- ∅ -(g)a girl.LFR hyaena.LFR A.3- P.F- AUX -PRF tahh hit.F.SUBJ ‘Thegirlwhohitthehyaena.’
2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa
188
c. na/i’íbaahaangadiifiyi’ [20160928c.36] na/i’í baahaár ng- a- ∅ -(g)a children.LN∅hyaena.LFR A.3- P.F- AUX -PRF diif -iyí’
hit.N -N.PST ‘Thechildrenwhohitthehyaena.’ d. anírkitaabungwahariisdírgarma[20161003.7] anír kitaabú ng- u- ∅ -(g)a PRO1SG book.LMO A.3- P.M- AUX -PRF hariis dírgarmá
bring.1.SUBJ toboy.LMO ‘I(F)whobroughtthebooktotheboy.’ e. kuúngookitaabungwaharisdírgarma[20161003.8] kuúng oo kitaabú ng- u- ∅ -(g)a PRO2SGM ANA.Mbook.LMO A.3- P.M- AUX -PRF haris dír garmá
bring.2.SUBJ to boy.LMO ‘You(M)whobroughtthebooktotheboy.’
f. garmáamamaa/ [20160928c.26] garmá i- ∅ -(g)a mamaa/ boy.LMO S.3- AUX -PRF be.ill.M.SUBJ ‘Theboywhowasill.’
g. desíramama/ [20160928c.27] desír i- ∅ -(g)a mama/ girl.LFR S.3- AUX -PRF be.ill.F.SUBJ ‘Thegirlwhowasill.’PositionsontherelativizabilityhierarchywhichcanberelativizedinGorwaarange
fromsubject(2.269), todirectobject(2.270), to indirectobject(2.271), tooblique
(2.272).
(2.269) SUBJECTRELATIVECLAUSE(B)VERSUSINDEPENDENTCLAUSE(A) a. garmabaahaárnginataáhh [20160921i.1]
garmá baahaár ng- a- ∅ -na boy.LMO hyaena.LFR A.3- P.F- AUX -IMPRF taáhh hit.M.PST ‘Theboyhitthehyaena.’
2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa
189
b. garmábaahaangataahh [20160928c.32] garmá baahaár ng- a- ∅ -(g)a boy.LMO hyaena.LFR A.3- P.F- AUX -PRF taahh hit.M.SUBJ ‘Theboywhohitthehyaena.’(2.270) DIRECTOBJECTRELATIVECLAUSE(B)VERSUSINDEPENDENTCLAUSE(A)
a. mwalimuna/i’inginakitaabuwihariís[20160927l23-29.5]mwalimú na/i’í ng- i- ∅ -na
teacher.MOchildren.LN∅ A.3- P.N- AUX -IMPRF kitaabú -i hariís
book.LMO -LAT bring.M.PST ‘Theteacherbroughtthechildrenthebook.’
b. kitaabúmwalimuahariísdírna/i’i[20160928c.49] kitaabú mwalimú i- ∅ -(g)a book.LMO teacher.LMOMP.S.3- AUX -PRF hariísdír na/i’í bring.M.PSTto children.LN∅ ‘Thebookthattheteacherbroughttothechildren.’ (2.271) INDIRECTOBJECTRELATIVECLAUSE(B)VERSUSINDEPENDENTCLAUSE(A)
a. mwalimuna/i’inginakitaabuwihariís[20160927l23-29.5]mwalimú na/i’í ng- i- ∅ -na
teacher.LMOchildren.LN∅A.3- P.N- AUX -IMPRF kitaabú -i hariís
book.LMO -LAT bring.M.PST ‘Theteacherbroughtthechildrenthebook.’
b. na/i’ímwalimuakitaabuwihariís[...] [20160928c.47]na/i’í mwalimú i- ∅ -(g)a
children.LN∅teacher.LMOMP.S3-AUX -PRF kitaabú -i hariís
book.LMO -VENT bring.M.PST ‘Thechildrentowhomtheteacherbroughtthebook[...]’(2.272) OBLIQUERELATIVECLAUSE(B)VERSUSINDEPENDENTCLAUSE(A)
a. garmatla/anóngunakwaáhhbaráqaymoo[20161004b.1]garmá tla/anó ng- u- ∅ -na boy.LMO stone.LMO A.3- P.M- AUX -IMPRF
kwaáhh bará qaymoórthrow.M.PSTin field.LFR
‘Theboythrewthestoneintothefield.’
2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa
190
b. qaymoórgarmaatla/anowikwaáhh [20161004b.2] qaymoór garmá i- ∅ -(g)a field.LFR boy.LMO MP.S.3- AUX -PRF tla/anó -i kwaáhh
stone.LMO -LAT throw.M.PST ‘Thefieldintowhichtheboythrewthestone.’In each case, the relativized NP is conspicuously absent from the relative clause,
includinginanysortofagreementontheselector.Itisthis‘gapping’phenomenon
whichallowscaserecoverabilityfromtherelative.Subjectagreement(ontheverb
oftherelativeclause)indicatesgenderofthesubject.
(2.273) SUBJECTRELATIVECLAUSE(B)VERSUSINDEPENDENTCLAUSE(A) a. garmabaahaanginataáhh [20160921i.1]
garmá baahaár ng- a- ∅ -na boy.LMO hyaena.LFR A.3- P.F- AUX -IMPRF taáhh hit.M.PST ‘Theboyhitthehyaena.’
b. garmá[∅baahaangataahh] [20160928c.32] garmá [∅ baahaár ng- a- ∅ -(g)a boy.LMO [boy]hyaena.LFR A.3- P.F- AUX -PRF taahh] hit.M.SUBJ ‘Theboywhohitthehyaena.’(2.274) OBJECTRELATIVECLAUSE(B)VERSUSINDEPENDENTCLAUSE(A)
a. mwalimuna/i’inginakitaabuwihariís[20160927l23-29.5]mwalimú na/i’í ng- i- ∅ -na teacher.LMOchildren.LN∅A.3- P.N- AUX -IMPRF kitaabú -i hariísbook.LMO-LAT bring.M.PST
‘Theteacherbroughtthechildrenthebook.’
b. na/i’í[mwalimu∅akitaabuwihariís][...][20160928c.47]na/i’í [mwalimú ∅ i- ∅ -(g)a
children.LN∅teacher.LMO [children] MP.S3-AUX -PRFkitaabú -i hariís]book.LMO -LAT bring.M.PST
‘Thechildrentowhomtheteacherbroughtthebook[...]’
2.AgrammaticalsketchofGorwaa
191
2.7.2Coordination
Asmentioned above (see §2.4.5), the conjunctionnee is used solely to coordinate
constituentssuchnounphrases(2.275)andadjectives(2.276).Forverbalconcepts,
amore complex interplay ofmood andmorphologicalmarking achieves a similar
effectofsimultaneity(2.277)andconsecutiveness(2.278).
(2.275) COORDINATINGCONJUNCTIONNEECOORDINATINGTWONPS
[...]na/a’ínneetiyay’ín [20131027_20150725c.31]na/á’ -ín nee tiyáy -’ín
children.LN∅-POSS.3PL and wives.LN∅ -POSS.3PL “[...]theirchildrenandtheirwives”(2.276) COORDINATINGCONJUNCTIONNEECOORDINATINGTWOADJECTIVES
hayookin/awakwneebo/abò/ [20151021c.443] hayoó t- ng- i- ∅ -n /awakw feathers.LN∅MP- A.3- P.N- AUX -EXPECT white.N.PL nee ~Red~ bò/
and ~ATTEN~ black.N.PL.EMPH “thefeatherswillbewhiteandblackish”(2.277) BACKGROUNDASPECTSUFFIX-WAMARKSSIMULTANEITY
/aatsookwahhe’eéspernatkunadiíf [20150726d.13] /aatsoór t- ng- a- ∅ -wa hhe’eés game.LFR MP- A.3- P.F- AUX -BACKfinish.PST pernató t- ng- u- ∅ -na diíf penalty.LMO MP- A.3- P.M- AUX -IMPRFhit.PST “Whenthegamewasover,thepenaltiesweretaken.”(2.278) CONSECUTIVEASPECTSUFFIX-REMARKSCONSECUTIVENESS [...]yiikwakahúwdó’Dodoód,koqá’Dodósleerósngirehúw
[20151202e.161-163] yiikwá t- ng- a- ∅ húwdó’ cow.LN∅ MP- A.3- P.F- AUX bring.PSThouse.LMO
Dodoód koqá’ Dodó sleér -ós Dodoód.LMO PRODEM3.M Dodoód.LMO cow.LFR -POSS.3SG ng- a- ∅ -re húw A.3- P.F- AUX -CONSEC bring.M.PST “[...]acowwasbroughttoDodoód,andthatperson(i.e.thatrainmaker),Dodoódbroughthimthecow.”
3.Thetheoreticalframework
192
3.Thetheoreticalframework
3.1Introduction
Followingthesketchgrammarpresentedinthepreviouschapter(whichwas
necessarilybothbriefandgeneral)therestofthisworkwillprovidemore
detaileddescriptionandanalysisoftheGorwaanoun.Thischapterisprimarily
concernedwithfurnishingabasicdescriptionofthetheoreticalframework
employedforanalysis:DistributedMorphology(Halle&Marantz1993,1994).
Thiswillprovideabasisforfurtherelaborationandmodificationinthecoming
chapters.
BecauseDistributedMorphology(hereafterDM)islargelypredicatedonsome
modelofsyntax,thenextsection(3.2)ofthischapterintroducesMinimalist
Syntaxasthechosenmodelofsyntaxforthiswork.Section3.3providesa
samplederivationofabasicEnglishphraseusingtheMinimalistmodel.Having
establishedamodelofsyntax,section3.4introducesDMproper.Thesection3.5
summarizesandconcludes.
3.2Amodelofsyntax
Distributedmorphologyis‘distributed’becausethereexistsnosinglerepository
forwords,theirmeanings,andtheirpronunciationsinthegrammar.Rather,
thesefunctionsarespread(distributed)throughoutdifferentpartsofthe
grammar.Itisthesyntax,broadlyconstrued,whichtiesthesedifferentparts
together,allowingabstractbundlesofstructuralprimitivestoreceiveboth
3.Thetheoreticalframework
193
pronunciationandmeaning.Becauseofthecentralrolethesyntaxplaysinthis
system,itisherewhereourintroductiontoDMwillbegin.
Thereexistagreatrangeofframeworksavailabletolinguistswishingtoboth
representsyntacticstructure,aswellasconductsyntacticanalysis,manyof
whichhaveproducedinterestingandusefulinsightonempiricaldata.The
frameworkchoseninthisworkisMinimalism.Thisis,tosomedegree,achoice
ofconvenience:itistheframeworkwithwhichtheauthorismostfamiliar.More
pertinently,itislargelywithinthistraditionofGenerativePhraseStructure
Grammars(e.g.Chomsky1995)thatDMwasconceived.Assuch,Minimalism
andDMarelargelycompatible.
WhatfollowsisbasedheavilyonMerchant(2014)andAdger(2002).Thereader
isreferredtothesetwoworksiffurtherdetailisrequired.
Tobegin,agrammarismadeupoftwosets:asetoflexicalelements,andasetof
operations.
(3.1) THEGRAMMAR
LexicalElements
Charlesyoungfinch
examineGalapagoswrite
T!"#$#%&…
Operations
MergeAdjoinAgreeMove
Eachofthesesetswillbefurtherexaminedinthesubsectionsbelow.
3.Thetheoreticalframework
194
3.2.1 Thelexicalelements
Allutterancesarederivedfromanumeration,whichitselfisasetoflexical
elementsdrawnfromthegrammar’slargersetoflexicalelements,and(possibly)
asetofphrasemarkers,themselvestheresultofseparatederivations1.
(3.2) INITIALNUMERATIONFOR:CharlesexaminesfinchesontheGalapagos
Lexical Elements
examineT!"#$#%&Charlesv!"#$%finches
Phrase Markers PP [on the Galapagos]
Alllexicalelements(andmostphrasemarkers)arecomposedoffeatures.These
featuresareofthreebroadtypes:categorical(cat)features,whichdeterminethe
lexicalcategoryandtheinherentsemanticfeaturesofagivenlexicalitem;
inflectionalfeatures(infl),whicharesensitivetothesyntaxanddeterminethe
particularshapeawordhas;andselectional(sel)features,whichdictatethe
furtherlexicalelementswithwhichthelexicalelementmustoccurtoresultina
grammatical(convergent)structure.
1NotethatitisnotnecessarythatthePP[ontheGalapagos]alreadybederivedatthis
stage.Infact,itislikelythatalltheformswouldfirstexistinthesetoflexicalelements
attheverybeginningofthederivation.ThePPisrepresentedhereaspreviously
derivedsimplyinordertoexemplifywhatmayconstituteaphrasemarker.
3.Thetheoreticalframework
195
(3.3) FEATURESTRUCTURESFORTHELEXICALELEMENTSIN(3.2)
examine cat V,−auxinfl sel N
T!"#$#%&
cat T,+!"#,Tns:!"#$
infl !: N∗
Case:NOMsel v
Charles cat N,!: 3SgMinfl Case: [ ]
sel
v!"#$%
cat v,−aux
infl !: V∗
Infl: Case:ACC sel N,V
finches cat N,!: 3PlMinfl Case: [ ]
sel
Featuresareoftwotypes:interpretable,anduninterpretable.Interpretable
featureshaveaneffectonthesemanticinterpretationofthelexicalitem.For
example,person/number/genderfeatures(abbreviated!)areessentialtothe
interpretationofnouns2,thePl.!-featureonfinches,ensuresthatitwillbe
interpretedasmorethanonefinch.Uninterpretablefeaturesdonothavean
effectonsemanticinterpretationofthelexicalitem.Accusativecaseonthe
transitivelightverbvTRANSisanexampleofanuninterpretablefeature.In
additiontothis,featuresmayenterthenumerationasvalued,orasunvalued.
Charlesisvaluedforcategory(i.e.itisN),butunvaluedforCase,forexample.
Featuresplayanintegralroleinagreementoperations,tobeexaminedbelow.
2Butsee§7.4.2and§7.5.1belowformoreongenderandinterpretability.
3.Thetheoreticalframework
196
Withthenumerationhavingbeenestablishedastwounorderedsets--onesetof
lexicalelementsandonesetofphrasemarkers--wherelexicalitemsare
essentiallybundlesoffeatures,thederivation(i.e.theformationofthe
utterance)maynowproceed.Thisisaccomplishedviatheapplicationofasetof
operations(displayedin(3.1)asthesecondsetofthegrammar).
3.2.2 Theoperations
Minimalismemploysfoursyntacticoperations,eachofwhichwillbebriefly
describedandexemplifiedbelow.Notethattheoperationsgivenbelowdonot
necessarilyoccurinthisorder,nordotheexamples(3.4)-(3.8)represent
sequentialstagesinthederivationoftheclauseCharlesexaminesfinchesonthe
Galapagos.Forthefullderivation,seesubsection3.3.
3.2.2.1Merge
Mergejoinstwosyntacticobjectstogether.Mergebeginswithasyntacticobject
αwhichbearsanuncheckedselectionalfeatureF,andjoinsαwithasyntactic
objectβ bearingamatchingcategoricalfeatureF’.Fischecked(checked
featureswillbewrittenas<F>),andthetwosyntacticobjectsfallunderthenew
label!,ofwhichαisthehead.Allcategoryfeaturesanduncheckedselectional
featuresoftheheadproject,or,inotherwords,areinheritedasfeaturesofthe
newlabel!.Theoperationisdemonstratedin(3.4).
3.Thetheoreticalframework
197
(3.4) MERGEOFEXAMINEANDFINCHES
a. Step1:examine(syntacticobjectα)bearsanuncheckedselectional
featureN,andfinches(syntacticobjectβ)bearsamatchingcategorialfeatureN
examine finches
cat V,−auxinfl sel !
cat !,!: 3PlMinfl Case: [ ]
sel
b. Step2:Mergejoinsthetwosyntacticobjectstogether,andthe
uncheckedselectionalfeatureofexamineischecked
5 examine finches
cat V,−auxinfl
sel < ! >
cat !,!: 3PlMinfl Case: [ ]
sel
c. Step3:Thetwosyntacticobjectsexamineandfinchesfallundera
newlabel(label!)ofwhichexamine(byvirtueofitbeingsyntacticobjectα)ishead,henceitslabelVP.VPinheritsallcategorialanduncheckedselectional
featuresofthehead,examine.
VPexaminefinches
!"# !, -aux!"#$
5 examine finches
cat V,−auxinfl
sel < N >
cat N,!: 3PlMinfl Case: [ ]
sel
3.2.2.2Agree
Agreevaluesunvaluedinflectionalfeatures.Inorderforagreetoapply,both
syntacticobjectsmustbeinarelationshipofc-command.Using(3.5)asan
example,becausevTRANSandVPexaminefinchesaresiblings,andbothexamine
andfinchesaredescendantsofVPexaminefinches,arelationshipcalledc-
commandexistsbetweenthevTRANSandfinches:vTRANSc-commandsfinches,and
finchesisc-commandedbyvTRANS.
3.Thetheoreticalframework
198
(3.5) AGREEBETWEENVTRANSANDFINCHESa. Step1:vTRANSc-commandsfinches
vP
vTRANSexaminefinches
cat v,−auxsel N
5 vTRANS VPexaminefinches
!"# !,−!"#
!"#$ !: !∗
!"#$: !"#$:!""
!"# !,< ! >
cat V,−auxinfl
5 examine finches
cat V,−auxinfl
sel < N >
!"# !,!: !"#$!"#$ !"#$: [ ]
!"#
b. Step2:vTRANShasavaluedcasefeature,andfincheshasan
unvaluedcasefeature
vP
vTRANSexaminefinches
cat v,−auxsel N
5 vTRANS VPexaminefinches
cat v,−aux
infl !: V∗
Infl: !"#$:!""
sel N,< V >
cat V,−auxinfl
5 examine finches
cat V,−auxinfl
sel < N >
cat N,!: 3PlM!"#$ !"#$: [ ]
sel
3.Thetheoreticalframework
199
c. Step3:vTRANS,whichc-commandsfinches,agreesincasewith
finches,valuingtheunvaluedcasefeatureonfinchesasACC.
vP
vTRANSexaminefinches
cat v,−auxsel N
5 vTRANS VPexaminefinches
cat v,−aux
infl !: V∗
Infl: !"#$:!""
sel N,< V >
cat V,−auxinfl
5 examine finches
cat V,−auxinfl
sel < N >
cat N,!: 3PlM!"#$ !"#$: [ !"" ]
sel
3.2.2.3Move
Movemovesasyntacticobjecttoahigherprojection.Thisisexemplifiedin(3.6).
3.Thetheoreticalframework
200
(3.6) MOVETOSATISFYTHEFEATUREV*ONVTRANS
a. Step1:vTRANSisaheadwithastronginflectionalfeatureV*(where
*indicatesafeatureisstrong).examineisaheadwithamatchingcategorial
featureV.
vP
vTRANSexaminefinches
cat v,−auxsel N
5 vTRANS VPexaminefinches
cat v,−aux
infl !: !∗
Infl: Case:ACC
sel N,< V >
cat V,−auxinfl
5 examine finches
cat !,−auxinfl
sel < N >
cat N,!: 3PlMinfl Case: [ ACC ]
sel
b. Step2:vTRANSc-commandsexamine
vP
vTRANSexaminefinches
cat v,−auxsel N
5 vTRANS VPexaminefinches
!"# !,−!"#
!"#$ !: !∗
!"#$: !"#$:!""
!"# !,< ! >
cat V,−auxinfl
5 examine finches
!"# !,−!"#!"#$
!"# < ! >
cat N,!: 3PlMinfl Case: [ ACC ]
sel
3.Thetheoreticalframework
201
c. Step3:examinemovestoahigherprojection,checkingthestrong
featureofV.examineleavesbehindatrace,written<examine>whichgoes
unpronounced.ThenewsyntacticobjectisstillheadedbyvTRANS,andis
thereforestilllabeledvP.
vP
examinevTRANSfinches
cat v,−auxsel N
5 examine vP
vTRANSexaminefinches
cat v,−auxsel N
!"# !,−!"#!"#$
!"# < ! >
5 vTRANS VPexamine
finches
cat v,−aux
infl !: V∗
Infl: Case:ACC
sel N,< V >
cat V,−auxinfl
5 <examine> finches
cat N,!: 3PlMinfl Case: [ ACC ]
sel
3.2.2.4Adjoin
Adjoinattachestwosyntacticobjects,whereneitherhasanyunchecked
selectionalfeaturesremaining.Thisfinaloperationisdemonstratedin(3.7).
3.Thetheoreticalframework
202
(3.7) ADJOININCHARLESEXAMINESFINCHESONTHEGALAPAGOS
a. Step1:TheTPCharlesTPRESENTexaminevTRANS-sfinches(syntactic
objectα)bearsnouncheckedselectionalfeatures,andthePPontheGalapagos
(syntacticobjectβ)alsobearsnouncheckedselectionalfeatures.
TPPP
3 3 CharlesT’ontheGalapagos 3 TPRESENTvP 3 <Charles> v’ 3 examinev
3
vTRANSVP
-s 3 <examine>finches
b. Step2:Adjoinjoinsthetwosyntacticobjectstogether,withtheTP
asthehost.
TP
5 T’PP
3 3 CharlesT’ontheGalapagos 3 TPRESENTvP 3 <Charles> v’ 3 examinev
3
vTRANSVP
-s 3 <examine>finches
3.Thetheoreticalframework
203
c. Step3:ThetwosyntacticobjectsTPCharlesTPRESENTexaminevTRANS
-sfinchesandPPontheGalapagosfallunderanewlabel(label!)ofwhichTPCharlesTPRESENTexaminevTRANS-sfinches(byvirtueofitbeinghost)ishead,hence
itslabelTP.VPinheritsallcategorialanduncheckedselectionalfeaturesofthe
clausalhead,CharlesTPRESENTexaminevTRANS-sfinches.
TP
CharlesTPRESENTexaminevTRANS-sfinchesontheGalapagos
cat[T,+!"#,Tns:!"#$ 5 T’PP
3 3 CharlesT’ontheGalapagos 3 TPRESENTvP 3 <Charles> v’ 3 examinev
3
vTRANSVP
-s 3 <examine>finches
3.3 SamplederivationofanEnglishclause
ThefollowingprovidesadescriptionofthefullderivationfortheclauseCharles
examinesfinchesontheGalapagos.
Thenumerationforthisclausecontainsthelexicalelementsexamine,TPRESENT,
Charles,vTRANS,andfinches,andthephrasemarkersontheGalapagos.This
numerationisshownin(3.2)above.Alllexicalelementsexistasbundlesof
specificfeatures.Featurebundlesforeachlexicalelementinthenumerationare
shownin(3.3)above.
ThefirstoperationtoapplyisMergeofexamineandfinches.Step1:examine
(syntacticobjectα)bearsanuncheckedselectionalfeatureN,andfinches
(syntacticobjectβ)bearsamatchingcategorialfeatureN.Step2:Mergejoins
3.Thetheoreticalframework
204
thetwosyntacticobjectstogether,andtheuncheckedselectionalfeatureof
examineischecked.Step3:Thetwosyntacticobjectsexamineandfinchesfall
underanewlabel(label!)ofwhichexamine(byvirtueofitbeingsyntactic
objectα)ishead,henceitslabelVP.VPexaminefinchesinheritsallcategorial
anduncheckedselectionalfeaturesofthehead,examine.Thisoperationis
illustratedin(3.4)above.
ThesecondoperationtoapplyisMergeofvTRANSandVPexaminefinches.Step1:
vTRANS,atransitivelightverb(syntacticobjectα)bearsanuncheckedselectional
featureV,andexaminefinches(syntacticobjectβ)bearsamatchingcategorial
featureV.Step2:Mergejoinsthetwosyntacticobjectstogether,andthe
uncheckedselectionalfeatureofvTRANSischecked.Step3:Thetwosyntactic
objectsvTRANSandexaminefinchesfallunderanewlabel(label!)ofwhichvTRANS
(byvirtueofitbeingsyntacticobjectα)ishead,henceitslabelvP.vPinheritsall
categoricalanduncheckedselectionalfeaturesofthehead,vTRANS.
ThethirdoperationtoapplyisAgreebetweenvTRANSandfinches.Step1:vTRANSc-
commandsfinches.Step2:vTRANShasavaluedcasefeature,andfincheshasan
unvaluedcasefeature.Step3:vTRANS,whichc-commandsfinches,agreesincase
withfinches,valuingtheunvaluedcasefeatureonfinchesasACC.Thisoperation
isillustratedin(3.5)above.
ThefourthoperationtoapplyisMoveofexaminetosatisfyastrongfeatureV*on
vTRANS.Step1:vTRANSisaheadwithastronginflectionalfeatureV*.examineisa
headwithamatchingcategorialfeatureV.Step2:vTRANSc-commandsexamine.
Step3:examinemovestoahigherprojection,checkingthestrongfeatureofV.
3.Thetheoreticalframework
205
examineleavesbehindatrace,written<examine>whichgoesunpronounced.
ThenewsyntacticobjectisstillheadedbyvTRANS,andisthereforestilllabeledvP.
Thisoperationisillustratedin(3.6)above.
ThefifthoperationtoapplyisMergeofvPexaminevTRANSfinchesandCharles.
Step1:vPexaminevTRANSfinches(syntacticobjectα)bearsanunchecked
selectionalfeatureN,andCharles(syntacticobjectβ)bearsamatchingcategorial
featureN.Step2:Mergejoinsthetwosyntacticobjectstogether,andthe
uncheckedselectionalfeatureofvPvTRANSexaminefinchesischecked.Step3:The
twosyntacticobjectsCharlesandvPvTRANSexaminefinchesfallunderanewlabel
(label!)ofwhichvPexaminevTRANSfinches(byvirtueofitbeingsyntacticobject
α)ishead,henceitslabelvP.VPinheritsallcategorialanduncheckedselectional
featuresofthehead,vPexaminevTRANSfinches.
ThesixthoperationtoapplyisAgreebetweenCharlesandexamine.Step1:
Charlesc-commandsvTRANS.Step2:Charleshasvalued!-features,andvTRANShas
aunvalued!-features. Step3:Charles,whichc-commandsvTRANS,agreesin!-
features with vTRANS,valuingtheunvaluedcasefeatureonvTRANSas3SgM.Since
!-features are interpretable on vTRANS, this will be instantiated as the morpheme
-s.
The seventh operation to apply is Merge of TPRESENTandvPCharlesvTRANS
examinesfinches.Step1:TPRESENT(syntacticobjectα)bearsanunchecked
selectionalfeaturev,andvPCharlesvTRANSexaminesfinches(syntacticobjectβ)
bearsamatchingcategorialfeaturev.Step2:Mergejoinsthetwosyntactic
3.Thetheoreticalframework
206
objectstogether,andtheuncheckedselectionalfeatureofTPRESENTischecked.
Step3:ThetwosyntacticobjectsTPRESENTandCharlesvTRANSexaminesfinchesfall
underanewlabel(label!)ofwhichTPRESENT(byvirtueofitbeingsyntacticobject
α)ishead,henceitslabelTP.TPinheritsallcategorialanduncheckedselectional
featuresofthehead,TPRESENT.
TheeighthoperationtoapplyisAgreebetweenTPRESENTandCharles.Step1:
TPRESENTc-commandsCharles.Step2:TPRESENThasavaluedCasefeature,and
CharleshasanunvaluedCasefeature. Step3:TPRESENT,whichc-commands
Charles,agreesinCase with Charles,valuingtheunvaluedcasefeatureonCharles
asNOM.
TheninthoperationtoapplyisAgreebetweenTPRESENTandvTRANS.Step1:
TPRESENTc-commandsvTRANS.Step2:TPRESENThasaTns:prescategorialfeature,and
vTRANShasanunvaluedinflectionfeature. Step3:TPRESENT,whichc-commands
vTRANSagreesinCase with vTRANS,valuingtheunvaluedinflectionfeatureonvTRANS
aspres.
ThetenthoperationtoapplyisMoveofCharlestosatisfyastrongN*featureon
TPRESENT.Step1:TPRESENTisaheadwithastronginflectionalfeatureN*(where*
indicatesafeatureisstrong).Charlesisaheadwithamatchingcategorial
featureN.Step2:TPRESENTc-commandsCharles.Step3:Charlesmovestoa
higherprojection,checkingthestrongfeatureofN.Charlesleavesbehindatrace,
written<Charles>whichgoesunpronounced.Thenewsyntacticobjectisstill
headedbyTPRESENTandisthereforestilllabeledTP.
3.Thetheoreticalframework
207
TheeleventhoperationtoapplyisAgreebetweenCharlesandTPRESENT.Step1:
Charlesc-commandsTPRESENT.Step2:Charleshasvalued!-features,andTPRESENT
hasunvalued!-features. Step3:Charles,whichc-commandsTPRESENT,agreesin
!-featureswithTPRESENTvaluingtheunvalued!-featuresonTPRESENTas3SgM.
ThetwelfthoperationtoapplyisAdjoinoftheTPCharlesTPRESENTexaminevTRANS-
sfinchesandthePPontheGalapagos.Step1:TheTPCharlesTPRESENTexamine
vTRANS-sfinches(syntacticobjectα)bearsnouncheckedselectionalfeatures,and
thePPontheGalapagos(syntacticobjectβ)alsobearsnouncheckedselectional
features.Step2:Adjoinjoinsthetwosyntacticobjectstogether,withtheTPas
thehost.Step3:ThetwosyntacticobjectsTPCharlesTPRESENTexaminevTRANS-s
finchesandPPontheGalapagosfallunderanewlabel(label!)ofwhichTP
CharlesTPRESENTexaminevTRANS-sfinches(byvirtueofitbeinghost)ishead,hence
itslabelTP.VPinheritsallcategorialanduncheckedselectionalfeaturesofthe
head,CharlesTPRESENTexaminevTRANS-sfinches.Thisoperationisillustratedin
(3.7)above.
3.4DistributedMorphology
Intheprecedingtwosubsections,thesyntaxwasintroducedasthemechanism
whichgiveslexicalelementsstructure.Assuch,fromaninchoatenumeration
suchas(3.2)emergesastructuredclauseCharlesexaminesfinchesonthe
Galapagos.Ourtopic,ofcourse,isthenoun.Whathasbeenrepresentedinthe
examplesthusfarasasinglelexicalelement,nounsare,infact,considerably
morecomplexthanthis.Considerthenounfinches:whatwasaboverepresented
asasinglelexicalelementmayeasilybesubdividedintoatleasttwoidentifiable
elements:finch,andthepluralizingelement-s.Furthermore,suchsub-word
3.Thetheoreticalframework
208
elementsexhibitrestrictionsonordering:*es-finchisasmeaninglessa
correspondenttofinch-esas*examinesfinchesCharlesontheGalapagosisto
CharlesexaminesfinchesontheGalapagos.Itisatthispointthatappealwillbe
madetoDistributedMorphology.
Basedonobservationssuchasfinch,finch-es,*es-finch,andnumerousothers,DM
(Halle&Marantz1993,1994)viewstheprocessofbuildingphrasesfromwords,
andbuildingwordsfrommorphemesasthesame.Thatis,asthewordsin
sections3.2and3.3abovewereformulatedasfeaturebundlesandmanipulated
inthesyntaxbyoperations,sotooaretheindividualmorphemes.Assuch,
finchesmaybereanalyzedasfollows3:
(3.8) INITIALNUMERATIONFOR:finches
Lexical Elements -sfinch
(3.9) FEATURESTRUCTURESFORTHELEXICALELEMENTSIN(3.8)
-s cat F,!:Plinfl sel N
finch cat
N! 3M
infl [Case ]sel
Derivationoffincheswouldproceedthus.4
3Notethatthecategoryofthelexicalelement-sissimplylabeledF(for‘functional’).
Thisisanindicationthattheidentityofthiselementisunknown,andnotofcentral
importancetothecurrentexplanation.
4Notethat,forthisderivation,themorpheme-s(syntacticobjectα)hasmergedasthe
rightmostelement,andthemorphemefinch(syntacticobjectβ) hasmergedasthe
3.Thetheoreticalframework
209
(3.10)FINCHESUNDERDISTRIBUTEDMORPHOLOGY
a. Operation1:Mergeof-s(syntacticobjectα)andNfinch(syntactic
objectβ). FP
finch-s
cat F,!:Pl 5
finch -s
cat N
! 3M
infl Case: [ ]sel
cat [F,!:Plinfl [ ]
sel [< ! >]
Withinthelargerarchitecture,thissyntacticderivationrepresentsonestepin
thelargerprocess.Followingderivation,syntacticitemsare‘spelled-out’,and
simultaneouslytransferredtothephonologicalcomponent,wheretheyreceive
pronunciation(List2),andtothesemanticcomponent,wheretheyreceive
meaning(List3).Harley’s(2014)model,basedHalleandMarantz(1993),isa
classicrepresentation.
leftmostelement.Thisisthefirsttimethatsuchaconfigurationhasbeendisplayed,and
isessentiallyoneofconvenience,inthatmergingtheelementsinthiswayresultsin
finch-s,ratherthan-sfinchand,therefore,eliminatestheneedforaMoveoperation.
Suchadecisionisnotuncontroversial(seeesp.Kayne1994),butislicitundertherules
givenuptothispoint(wherethestructureissensitivetohierarchy,butnotlinearorder).
Thisconfigurationwill,infact,suitthestructureoftheGorwaanounaswell,andwillbe
employedthroughout.
3.Thetheoreticalframework
210
Figure3.1:MODELOFDISTRIBUTEDMORPHOLOGY(BASEDONHARLEY(2014:228)
Asexpositionprogresses,theDMarchitecturewillbemodifiedandfurther
refined.Sufficeittosayatthispointthat,nouns(andotherlexicalelements)
mayhaveacomplexstructure.Resultantly,theirfeaturestructureswillbe
considerablylesscompletethanhasbeenrepresentedin(3.3),andtheirinternal
syntacticstructuresconsiderablymorerich.Thiswillbeacentralassumption
runningthroughouttherestofthework,visitedandre-visitedwiththeDM
architectureasausefulframework.
3.5Summary
ThischapterhasoutlinedDistributedMorphologyasthetheoreticalframework
whichwillbeappliedinthecomingchapterstoanalysethestructureofthe
Gorwaanoun.Thebasisprovidedherewillbefurtherelaboratedandmodified
asnecessary.
Spell-Out
SyntacticOperations:
Merge,Move,Agree,Adjoin
MorphologicalAdjustments:
Linearization,Fusion,etc.
VocabularyInsertion
fromList2
EncyclopedicContribution
fromList3
Phonological
Component
Semantic
Component
Numeration:SubsetofList1
List1:Featurebundles
List2:Instructionsforpronouncingterminalnodesincontext
List3:Instructionsforinterpretingterminalnodesincontext
3.Thetheoreticalframework
211
BecausetheDMarchitectureisbuiltaroundaphrasestructuregrammar,section
3.2providedanintroductiontoMinimalistsyntax,itscomponentsandits
functions.Section3.3providedastepwisederivationofasimplesentenceinthe
languageofexamination:English.Section3.4introducedDMasanarchitecture
withinwhichi)syntaxappliestomorphemesnthesamewayinwhichitapplies
towordsandii)pronunciationandmeaningarefedbyfeaturebundles(List1)
structuredandmediatedbythesyntax.
4.Fundamentals:nominalstructureandnounstems
212
4.Fundamentals:nominalstructureandnounstems4.1Introduction
InChapter3,itwasidentifiedthatEnglishnounsarenotunitarylexical
elements,butdecomposableintosubparts(finches,inarudimentaryexample,
wasrecognizedasbeingcomposedoffinchand-s).Further,itwasestablished
thatthemechanismswhichdictatethecompositionofthewordfincheswerethe
sameasthosewhichdictatethecompositionoflargerunits:finchand-sare
bundlesoffeatureswhichundergoMergeinthesyntaxtoformfinches–the
samemechanismstohowlargerelementsform,say,clauses.Thischapter
examinestheseclaimsatagreaterlevelofdetail,applyingthemtotheGorwaa
noun.
§4.2establishesthepreciseobjectofstudy--theGorwaanoun--andestablishes
itsmajorsubparts.§4.3makessomecommentonthenoun’swordhoodcriteria.
§4.4providesananalysisforthestem(STM).§4.5providesasummary.
4.2Nominalstructure
InthesketchgrammarpresentedinChapter2,nounswereidentifiedasthose
formshighlightedin((4.1))1.
(4.1) a. garmaina/akuút [20160921i.23] garmái- ∅ -na/akuút
boy S.3- Aux -Imprfjump.M.Pst “Theboyjumped.”b. sleeagagaás [20161102b.51]
sleér ∅- a- ∅ -(g)a gaás cow A.P- P.F- Aux -Prf kill.1Sg.Pst “Ikilledthecow.”1Theunboldedformsin((4.1)c)xaa’íandsla/aaarealsonouns.
4.Fundamentals:nominalstructureandnounstems
213
c. xaa’ísla/aaadaawaa [20131108b_20150725j.7] xaa’í sla/aatá i- ∅ -(g)a daawaa trees forest S.3- Aux -Prf medicine “Thetreesoftheforestaremedicine.”
Uptothispoint,theGorwaanounshavebeenpresentedasunitarylexical
elements,evidentinthewayinwhichthenominalglossappearsinaone-to-one
relationshipwiththeformidentified.Infact,nounsareformedofatleastthree
identifiablesubparts:thestem(STM),thesuffix(SFX),andthelinker(L).The
nounsabovemaythereforebereanalyzedasfollows:
(4.2) a. garma garm- -a -ó STM- -SFX -L
!"#
‘aboy’ b. slee sl- -ee -r~´~ STM- -SFX -L
!"#
‘acow’ c. daawaa daaw- -aa -r~´~ STM- -SFX -L
!"#$%$&"
‘medicine’Thedecompositionsmadeheremaynotbeimmediatelyintuitive,andwillbe
motivatedbelow.Inthemeantime,itisimportanttostatethatIadoptan
underbracenotationinordertoindicatethat,atthislevel,themeaningofthe
noun(e.g.‘boy’,‘cow’,or‘medicine’)ispurelycompositional:aswillbeseenin
§4.4,thestemsarenotinterpretableinadenotationalsense(e.g.garm-doesnot
mean‘boy’)unlesstheyarecombinedwiththepropersuffix(inthiscase,-a).
Thisspecialnotationwillbeusedthroughouttherestofthisworkfornounsto
4.Fundamentals:nominalstructureandnounstems
214
whichthereader’sattentionshouldbedrawn.Otherwise,nounswillbegivena
simplifiednotation,asin(4.1).
Thefirstdecompositiontobemadeisbetweenthestem(STM)andthesuffix
(SFX).Thenounsdaawaa‘medicine’anddaawudu‘medicines’suggesttwo
distinguishableparts:thatmeaning‘medicine’,thestem,andthatindicating
number,thesuffix.Thisbasicdecompositionappearsasin(4.3).2
(4.3) a. daawaa ‘medicine’ = daaw- + -aa medicine Sg. b. daawudu ‘medicines’ = daaw- + -udu medicine + -Pl.Furtheroccurrencesofbothsuffixes-aaand-udumaybeobservedonother
nounpairs,includingburaa‘beer’andburdu‘beers’,layaa‘brandingiron’and
laydu‘brandingirons’,andnaadaa‘cattlemarket’andnaadadu‘cattlemarkets’.
Inothercases,-aaentersintopairswithothersuffixes:baahaa‘hyaena’and
bahu‘hyaenas’,forexample.-udumayalsooccurwithothersuffixes:lo’oo
‘curse’andlo’odu‘curses’,forexample.Atotalof42differentsuffixeshavebeen
identifiedinGorwaathusfar,andaretreatedindetailinChapter5.Notethat
suffixesmayalsobenull,suchasgwar/i‘wildebeest’andgwár/‘wildebeests’.
Aswiththesuffixes,thestemsmayalsooccurindifferentcombinationsaswell.
Considerthepairsyaa’ee‘river’andya’eemi‘stream’,andtsifiraangw‘tongue’
andtsifiri‘language’.Stemswillbeexaminedin§4.4below.
2Asexplainedabove,thisisasimplification(i.e.daaw-doesnotmean‘medicine’,nordoes-aamean‘singular’or-udumean‘plural’).Thelabelinghereisusefulforourpurposeofintroducingthesesubpartsofthenoun.
4.Fundamentals:nominalstructureandnounstems
215
Afurtherelementexists,whichhasbeenlabeledthelinker(L).Itsovert
occurrenceisrestrictedtocertainsyntacticenvironments(4.4)a),andelsewhere
iseitherunpronounced(4.4)b)orabsent(4.4)c)3.
(4.4) a. aníasleérdiíf [20160927l222-228.26]aní ∅- ∅ sl- -ee -r~´~diíf
Pro1Sg S.P- Aux !"#- -!"# -! !"#
hit.1Sg
“Ihitthecow.”
b. sleeagagaás [20161102b.51] sl -ee -r~´~ ∅- a- ∅ -(g)a gaás
!"#- -!"# -! !"#
A.P- P.F- Aux -Prf kill.1Sg.Pst
“Ikilledthecow.”
c. ugaslee-gás [20161119f.34]∅- u- ∅ -(g)asl- -ee gás
A.P- P.M- Aux -Prf !"#- -!"# !"#
kill.2Sg.Pst
“You(M)killedacowonhim.”Thisfinaldistinction--thatofwhetherthelinkerisabsentorunpronounced--is
nottrivial,andanalysiswillbeprovidedin§7.3.Incasesinwhichthelinkeris
presentbutunpronounced,itwillberepresentedinboththesecondandthird
lineofthegloss.
Forthepurposesoftheimmediatediscussion,itsufficestopointouttwomajor
propertiesofthelinker.First,whenthelinkerisexpressed,itmakesexplicitthe
agreementpatternsthatthenounwilltriggerontargetssuchastheadjective
(i.e.itsgender).Asshownin(4.5),thenounsdesi‘girl’andbooloo‘day’areboth
(F)gender(triggeringthesameagreementontheadjectivehhoó’‘nice’in(a)and
(b)).Whenthegenderlinkerisovert(asin(c)and(d)),bothdesiandboolooare
3In(4.4)a)theformaní‘I’isapronoun.Theseareconsideredaspecialkindofnoun,andwillnotbeconsideredhere.
4.Fundamentals:nominalstructureandnounstems
216
markedwiththesamemorphology,makingthisgendervalueexplicitonthe
noun4.
(4.5) a. desikahhoo’ des- -i -r~´~ t- ng- a- ∅ hhoo’ STM- -SFX -L
!"#$MP- A.3- P.F- Aux good.F
‘thegirlisgood’ b. boolookahhoo’ bool- -oo -r~´~ t- ng- a- ∅ hhoo’ STM- -SFX -L
!"# MP- A.3- P.F- Auxgood.F
‘thedayisgood’ c. desírhhoo’ des- -i -r~´~ hhoo’
STM- -SFX -! !"#$
good.F
‘agoodgirl’ d. booloórhhoo’ bool- -oo -r~´~ hhoo’ STM- -SFX -!
!"#good.F
‘agoodday’ Second,theformtakenbythelinkeriscontrollednotbythestem,butbythe
suffix.Notethatin(4.6),thestemtlaf-isthesameinboth(a)and(b),butthe
suffixesaredifferent:-iin(a)and-ooin(b).Resultantly,theformofthelinkerin
(a)is-tá,andtheformofthelinkerin(b)isrisingpitchaccent.Itis,therefore,
thesuffixwhichdeterminesthegenderofthelinker.5
(4.6) a. tlafitá/awaakw tlaf- -i -tá /awaakw STM- -!"# -L
!"#$%white.F
‘awhitecloud’
4Whenfurtherdataisconsidered,thepictureisslightlylessstraightforwardthanthis.Moredetaileddiscussionwilltakeplacein§6.3.5.5Furthermore,itisthesuffixthatdeterminesthegenderagreementofallformsbeyondthenoun(suchastheadjective/awaákw‘white’intheexample).ThiswillbemoreexplicitlyestablishedinChapter6below.
4.Fundamentals:nominalstructureandnounstems
217
b. tlafoó/awakw tlaf- -oo ~´~ /awakw STM- -!"# -L
!"#$% white.N.Pl
‘whiteclouds’Thissectionestablishedthenounasmorphologicallycomplex,andidentifiedthe
threemajorelementsintowhicheverynouncanbesubdivided6.Thefollowing
sectionexaminessomecriteriabywhichthesethreeelementsmaybe
consideredaword.
4.3Nounsaswords?Commentsonwordhood
Withabasicstructureforthenounestablished,theformsin(4.1),originally
identifiedasnounsinthesketchgrammar(seeesp.§2.3.1)maybere-glossedas
follows:
(4.7) a. garmaina/akuút [20160921i.23] garm--a -ó i- ∅ -na/akuút
!"#- -!"# -! !"#
S.3- Aux -Imprfjump.M.Pst
“Theboyjumped.”b. sleeagagaás [20161102b.51]
sl- -ee -r~´~ ∅- a- ∅ -ga gaás !"#- -!"# -!
!"#A.P- P.F Aux -Prf kill.1Sg.Pst
“Ikilledthecow.” c. xaa’ísla/aadaawaa[20131108b_20150725j.7] xaa’í sla/atá i- ∅ -(g)a daaw--aa -r~´~ trees forest S.3- Aux -Prf !"#- -!"# -!
!"#$%$&"
“Thetreesoftheforestaremedicine.”
6Thoughsee§5.2.1belowforapossiblefurthersubdivisionofsomesuffixmorphemes.
4.Fundamentals:nominalstructureandnounstems
218
Itiswhennounsappearwithadditionalmorphologythattheissueofidentity
becomesmorecomplex.Why,forexample,shouldtheboldedformsin(4.8)a,c,e)
beanalyzedaspartofthenoun,andtheformsin(4.8)b,d,f)beanalyzedasextra-
nominalmorphology?
(4.8) a. [...]garmátleér [20160927m.35] garm- -a -ó tleér STM- -!"# -!
!"# tall.M
‘Thetallboy.’ b. garmaqá’atlatláy[20161102b.28] garm- -a -ó -qá’ i- ∅ -(g)a STM- -SFX -L
!"# -Dem3 S.3- Aux -Prf
~Red~ tláy~Plur~ go.M.Pst
‘Thatboywasleaving.’
c. aníasleérdiíf [20160927l222-228.26] aní a- ∅ sl- -ee -r~´~ diíf
Pro1Sg S.1- Aux STM- -SFX -! !"#
hit.1Sg
‘Ihitthecow.’ d. Dodósleerósngirehúw[20151202e.161-163] Dodó sl- -ee -r~´~ -ós Dodoód STM- -SFX -L
!"# -Poss.3Sg
ng- a- ∅ -re húw A.3- P.F- Aux -Consec bring.M.Pst ‘[...]Dodoódbroughthimhiscow.’ e. daawaa daaw- -aa -r~´~ STM- -SFX -L
!"#$%$&"
‘medicines’ f. daawaaroô daaw- -aa -r~´~ =oo ~ˆ~ STM- -SFX -L
!"#$%$&" =Top ~Q~
‘medicine?’
4.Fundamentals:nominalstructureandnounstems
219
Thisisclearlyimportantforthescopeofthepresentwork:ifitclaimstotreat
‘thenoun’,thentheremustbesomereasonwhythestem,suffix,andlinkerare
consideredpartofthenoun,whereasformssuchasdemonstratives(suchas=qá’
and=ós)aswellasthetopicandquestionmorphology(e.g.=ooand~ˆ~)arenot.
Tothisend,thissectionexploreswordhoodinGorwaa,arrivingataclusterof
criteriawhichholdwithinaword,butdonotholdelsewhere.Assuch,the
primaryevidenceforconsideringthe-aaofdaawaa(4.8)e)apartofthenoun,
andthe-roôofdaawaroô(4.8)f)asnotpartofthenounisthatcertainrelations
holdbetweendaaw-and-aathatdonotholdbetweendaawaaand-roô.These
relationsdifferbetweenlanguages(c.f.Haspelmath2011),butfourwhichare
commonlycited(andforwhichthereissufficientdatainGorwaa)are
orthographicboundaries,potentialpause,phoneticboundaries,and
indivisibility.Eachofthesecriteriawillbeexaminedinturnbelow,and
evaluatedtodeterminetheirusefulnessforidentifyingwords.
4.3.1Orthographicboundaries
Thefirstcommonly-citedcriterionforidentifyingawordareorthographic
boundaries.Theassumptionisthat,Gorwaa-speakerswhoareacquaintedwitha
writingsystemwhichconventionallyseparateswordswithspaces(suchas
SwahiliandEnglish)willgeneralizethisspacingconventiontoGorwaa,writing
whattheyperceiveaswordswithaspacebeforeandafter.Thedatausedtotest
thishypothesisareexamplesoftheGorwaalanguageaswrittenbyGorwaa-
speakersunacquaintedwitheitherformallinguisticanalysis,orthestandardized
Gorwaawritingsystem.ThroughoutthesamplesofinformalGorwaa
orthographiesrecordedinthecorpus,nounsareconsistentlyseparatedfrom
4.Fundamentals:nominalstructureandnounstems
220
otherlexicalcategoriesbyspaces.Examplesareprovidedin(4.9)below.Note
especiallytheobjectnouns(na/ay‘child’(writtenNAAY)in(a),andyiikwa
‘cattle’(writtenHIKWA)in(b),bothofwhicharerealizedasdistinct
orthographicunits.
(4.9) a. MUNGUNAAYGHWAHUU [20150815m] Muungúna/ayngwahúw Muungú na/ayng- u- ∅ -wahúw God childA.3- P.M- Aux -Imprfbring.Pst ‘Godbroughtachild.’ b. [...]AMAMIIURENONALAQWALIIKANGNEIHIKWAKONAH
[20151127h]
amaami’íurenngunalaqwaalikángneeiyiikwákoná’ amaami’í uren ng- u- ∅ -na grandmothers.LF old.F.Pl A.3- P.M- Aux -Imprf laqwaal-ikáng nee i- ∅ yiikwákoná’ give.birth.F-Neg.Pst and S.3- Aux cattle.LFhave.N.Pst “[...]oldwomenhavenotgivenbirthandtheyhavecattle”However,thewrittenmaterialscollectedalsotendtorepresentadditional
suffixesaspartoftheorthographicunit.
(4.10) a. HEBIRAGWA,HHIYAWOSHARENG’INAL[20151127g] heebiragwaáhhiyawóshareenginaal heebar= i- ∅ -(g)agwaáhhiyá-ós personif= S.3- Aux -Prf die.M.Pstbrother-Poss.3 haree ng- a- ∅ -naal wife A.3- P.F- Aux -Expectinherit.M.Subj “Ifapersondies,hisbrotherwillinheritthewife.” b. AMASIBIRA-HARDATDOOWOSE[20151127h] aamasíbirahardátdowosee aamár -síngbar= i- ∅ -(g)a hardát grandmother -Dem2if=S.3- Aux -Prf arrive.F.Pst dó’ -ós=oo house.LF-Poss.3=Top “Ifthatladyarrivedattheirhouse[...]”Assuch,Gorwaaspeakersseemtoconsistentlyseparatelexicalcategoriesfrom
eachother,butmanyfunctionalcategoriesarewrittentogetherwiththenounas
4.Fundamentals:nominalstructureandnounstems
221
oneorthographicunit.Thiscriterionisthereforenotentirelyusefulfor
distinguishingnoun-internalmorphologyfromextra-nominalmorphology.
4.3.2Pausa
Inslowspeech,subjectnounsoccurwithdistinguishablepost-pause.Defining
pauseas“anyintervaloftheoscillographictracewheretheamplitudeis
indistinguishablefromthatofthebackgroundnoise”(Duez1982:13)fora
periodof100msorlonger,thefollowingpausawereidentifiedandmeasured
usingthePraatsoftwareprogramme(Boersma&Weenink,2016).
(4.11) a. slee(0.1)igalây [20160111h.26] slee(0.1)i- ∅ galây cowPAUSES.3- AUX where “Whereisthecow?” b. [...]ilaá(0.2)tám[...][20150810.15] ilaá(0.2)tám eyesPAUSEthree “threeeyes”However,pausaarenotaparticularlyreliablecriterionofwordhoodinGorwaa.
First,mostnounsendinavowel,which,eveninslowspeech,tendtoeliminate
pausabyfillingthemwithresidualvocalicsound.Second,objectnouns,even
whenconsonant-final,donotshowsignificantpausa.In(4.12)a),thisseemsto
beduebothtotheobjectnounbaahaa‘hyaena’beingvowel-final,andtothe
generaltendencyofthefollowingselectortobeutteredinveryclosesuccession
withtheobjectnoun.In(4.12)b),thisseemstobeduebothtotheobjectnoun
/aaymár‘food’endinginavocalicconsonant,aswellasthegeneraltendencyfor
theencapsulatedobjectnounandthefollowingverbtobeutteredinveryclose
succession.
4.Fundamentals:nominalstructureandnounstems
222
(4.12) a. desi(0.5)baahaa(0.0)nginatáhh [20160921.2] desi(0.5)baahaa(0.0) ng- a- ∅ -na táhh girlPAUSEhyaenaNOPAUSEA.3- P.F- Aux -Imprf hit.Pst “Thegirlhitthehyaena.” b. [...]bar/aaymár(0.0)sla’ [20150808a.117]
bar- ∅- ∅ /aaymár(0.0)sla’if S.P- Aux food.LFNOPAUSEwant.2.Subj
[...]ifyouwantfood.”Pauseisthereforenotareliablecriterionfordistinguishingnoun-internal
morphologyfromextra-nominalmorphology.
4.3.3Word-internalphonologicaloperations
Athirdcriterion(orrather,setofcriteria)toexplorearephonologicaloperations
whichoperatewithinthedomainoftheword.Detailedin§2.2.5.3above,these
word-internaloperationswillberepeatedbrieflybelow.Essentially,these
phonologicaloperationsareoftwokinds:metrical(syllabificationandstress
assignment),andsegmental(vowelepenthesis).
Firstly,itiswithinthewordthattherulesofsyllabificationandstress-
assignmentapply.Thisisespeciallymanifestwhennounsareusedintheir
vocativeforms,whichtargetsthepenultimatesyllableforhightone,followedby
lowtoneonthefinalsyllable.
(4.13) a. [dési] desi! ‘girl!’ b. [hhe:wá:si] Hheewaasi! ‘Mr.Hheewaasi!’ThenouninGorwaaisthereforeametricaldomain.
4.Fundamentals:nominalstructureandnounstems
223
Thesegmentaloperationofepenthesisalsooperatesexclusivelywithinthe
domainoftheword,producinganepentheticvoweltobreakaconsonantcluster
in(4.14)a,b),butnotin(4.14)c).
(4.14) a. hhurahúr ‘bulbul,greenbul’ b. qoonqalumó ‘acrownedcrane’ c. qoonqalsíng ‘thisflockofcrownedcranes’(i.e.qoonqal∅síng)Notethatothersegmentaloperations,notablyvowelcoalescence,vowel
assimilation,andconsonantclustersimplificationalsooperatewithintheword.
Theydonot,however,operatesolelywithintheword,andmayholdbetween
largerelements.(4.15)showsvoweldeletionbetweenanounandits
determiner.
(4.15) a. muukú+-í → muukí‘thesepeople’ b. asltá+-í → asltí‘thesefires’Assuch,thesesegmentaloperations,thoughsometimesword-internal,arenot
exclusivelyso.
4.3.4Indivisibility
Perhapsthemostconsistentcriterionfordeterminingmorphologyinternalto
thenounversusmorphologyexternaltothenounisindivisibility.Word-external
morphologyisseparablefromthenounitself(suchasthedeterminer-dá’in
(4.16),whereasmorphologyinternaltothewordcannotbeseparatedfromit
(suchasthesuffixandlinker-udúin(4.17).
(4.16) a. garmadá’unataáhh[20160927l159-168.21] garmá-dá’ ∅- u- ∅ -nataáhh boy.LF-Dem4 A.P- P.M- Aux -Imprfhit.1.Pst “Ihitthatboy.”
4.Fundamentals:nominalstructureandnounstems
224
b. [...]garmasí-kudá’ooda/alusumo[...][20131108b_20150725j.30-31]
garmá-síkudá’ooda/alusumo boy.LF-Dem2ProDem2.MProMod.Msorcerer “[...]thisboy-thatoneofthesorecerer[...]”(4.17) a. daawudu daawudu medicines “medicines” b. *daawasítoduarda/alusumo daawár -sí to(a)duar da/alusumo medicine.LF-Dem2ProDem.Pl.FProMod.Fsorcerer (intendedmeaning:‘thismedicine-thoseonesofthesorcerer’)Assuch,thatthenounisawordmaybebasedonitsindivisibility.4.3.5Wordhood:summary
Tosummarize,fourtypesofevidencewereexaminedaboveinordertoestablish
thenounasaword:orthographicboundaries,pausa,word-internalphonological
operations,andindivisibility.InformalGorwaaorthographiesconsistentlyplace
boundariesbetweenalllexicalcategories,buttreatlexicalcategorieswith
encliticsasoneorthographicword.Pausaoccurfollowingsubjectnouns,butnot
obligatorily.Furthermore,nosuchpausacanbeidentifiedforobjectnouns.
Phonologically,thenounisreliablyametricaldomainforsyllabificationand
stress-assignment.Thesegmentaloperationofepentheticvowelinsertionisa
consistentword-internaloperation,butvowelcoalescence,vowelassimilation,
andconsonantclustersimplificationmayapplybothwithintheword,aswell
withinelementslargerthantheword(e.g.thenounphrase).Mostconsistently,
noun-internalmorphologycannotoccurseparatefromthenoun,whereasextra-
nominalmorphologymayappearseparatefromthenoun,attachedtoelements
suchasdemonstratives.
4.Fundamentals:nominalstructureandnounstems
225
Assuch,perhapsthebestdefinitionoftheGorwaanounwemaypresentthusfar
isacomplexstructurewhosesubpartsareindivisiblefromeachotherandwhich
servesasametricaldomainforsyllabificationandstressassignment,andisa
domainforepentheticvowelinsertion.Furtherresearch,alongthelinesofDyck
(2009),Haspelmath(2011),andGreenandMorrison(2016)wouldbehighly
usefulbutwillremainadesideratumfornow.
Thisworkislargelyconcernedwiththephenomenawhichfallwithinthenoun
asdefinedabove.Thisincludesthestem,thesuffix,andthelinker.Allother
materialfallsoutsidethescopeofthepresentinquiry.
4.4Thestem
Theremainderofthischapterwilltreattheleftmostsubpartofthenoun:the
stem(STM).Allboldedmaterialin(4.18)belowcorrespondstostems.
(4.18) a. tsir/i tsir/- -i -r~´~ !"#- -SFX -L
!"#$
‘abird’
b. tsifiri tsifir- -i -r~´~ !"#- -SFX -L
!"#$%"$&
‘alanguage’
c. slee sl- -ee -r~´~ !"#- -SFX -L
!"#
‘acow’
4.Fundamentals:nominalstructureandnounstems
226
d. wa/aangw wa/- -aangw -ó !"#- -SFX -L
!""#$#
‘anarroyo’
e. do’ do’ -∅ -ó !"#- -SFX -L
!"#$%
‘ahouse’
Subsection4.4.1offersareviewofthephonotacticconstraintsthatholdwithin
stems.Subsection4.4.2examinesthedifficultyassociatedwithdefiningthe
stem,andconcludesthataunifiedaccountofstemsbasedoneitherphonological
orsemanticidentityisimpossible.Subsection4.4.3appliesaDManalysistothe
stem,decomposingitintoacategorilessroot(√)withinanominalsyntactic
environment.Thisallowsaunifiedsyntacticaccountofthestem.Subsection
4.4.4summarizes.
4.4.1Stem-internalphonotacticconstraints
Stemsarethedomainofseveralphonotacticconstraints.Detailedin§2.2.5.2
above,theywillbebrieflyreviewedhere,asubsetoftheexamplesgivenin
Chapter2havebeenparsedaccordingtotheunderbracenotation,showingthe
stem,suffix,andlinker.
InitialsyllablesofpolysyllabicstemsareusuallyofCVorCVCstructure,withCVV
possible,butusuallybeforeanNCcluster(see(4.5),basedon(2.12.b).CV:,
CVNC,andCV:NCareneverlicitstructuresforpolysyllabicstems.
4.Fundamentals:nominalstructureandnounstems
227
(4.19) daangafi daangaf- -i -tá STM- -SFX -L
!"##$%!!"##$%.!"#$%
“amillet-filledgourd”Vowel-sequencingrestrictionsapplytopolysyllabicstems.Eitheri)thefirst
vowelishighorlow(notmid),andthesecondvoweliseitherepenthetic,low,or
mid(nothigh)(see(4.20)),orii)allvowelsareidentical(see(4.21)).
(4.20) kitangeeri kitangeer- -i -r~´~ STM- -SFX -L
!"#$%&.!"#$
“adryingrack”(4.21) kwe/e/eni kwe/e/en- -i -tá STM- -SFX -L
!"#$%!!"#$"%.!"#$.!"#$%
“ablack-neckedrockhyrax”Exceptionally,forpolysyllabicstemswithalongvowelintheirinitialsyllable,
thisvowelmaybemid(see(4.22)).
(4.22) nee/ár nee/ár- -∅ -ó STM- -SFX -L
!"#$%.!"#$%&
“heavyclouds”4.4.2Phoneticsandsemantics:difficultiesinidentifyingthestem
Thusfarintheanalysis,ourdefinitionofthestemisthati)theyarethepartof
thenounwhichisbothnotthesuffixandnotthelinker,andii)theyaredomains
ofcertainphonotacticconstraints.This,infact,representsthefullextentby
whichthestemmaybedefined.Asweshallsee,whileitispossibletoidentify
twoinstancesofthesamestembyphoneticidentityandbysemanticidentity
somestemscanbeidentifiedonlybyphoneticidentity,andsomecanbe
identifiedonlybysemanticidentity.
4.Fundamentals:nominalstructureandnounstems
228
4.4.2.1Stemsidentifiablebyphoneticidentityandsemanticidentity
Considerthefollowingpairin(4.23),inwhichthestemhasbeenbolded.
(4.23) a. tsir/i tsir/- -i -r~´~ !"#- -SFX -L
!"#$
‘abird’ b. tsir/oo tsir/- -oo -r~´~ !"#- -SFX -L
!"#$
‘birds’Inthisexample,thestemsofbothforms(i.e.‘abird’and‘birds’)maybe
identifiedastwoinstancesofthesamestembyapplyingbothphoneticand
semanticcriteria.Phonetically,thestemshavethesameform:tsir-.
Semantically,thestemshavethesamemeaning:‘bird’.Suchstems,whichmay
beidentifiedbybothphoneticandsemanticcriteria,arecommon,withsome
furtherexamplesbelow.
(4.24) a. daawaa daaw--aa -r~´~ !"#- -SFX -L
!"#$%$&"
‘medicine’ b. daawudu daaw--(a)du ~´~ !"#- -SFX -L
!"#$%$&"'
‘medicine’(4.25) a. awu aw- -u -ó !"#- -SFX -L
!"##
‘abull’
4.Fundamentals:nominalstructureandnounstems
229
b. awee aw- -ee -r~´~ !"#- -SFX -L
!"##$
‘bulls’(4.26) a. qafi qaf- -i -tá !"#- -SFX -L
!"#$
‘bark,shells’ b. qafoo qaf- -oo ~´~ !"#- -SFX -L
!"#$%
‘barks,shells’Basedonthisdataalone,onecouldpositthatthestempossessesbothaphonetic
andasemanticidentity.Thepictureis,however,considerablymorecomplex
thanthis,astheothertwoconfigurationswillmakeclear.
4.4.2.2Stemsidentifiablebyphoneticidentityonly
Considerthefollowingpairin(4.27).(4.27) a. tsifiri tsifir- -i -r~´~ !"#- -SFX -L
!"#$%"$&
‘alanguage’ b. tsifireeri tsifir- -eeri -r~´~ !"#- -SFX -L
!"#$%"$&'
‘languages’Onceagain,itwouldappearthattheboldedformisidentifiableastwoinstances
ofthesameaccordingtobothphonetic(astsifir-)andsemantic(as‘language’)
criteria.Datain(4.28)complicatesthepicture.
4.Fundamentals:nominalstructureandnounstems
230
(4.28) a. tsifiraangw tsifir--aangw-ó !"#- -SFX -L
!"#$%&
‘atongue’(4.28)showsthat,giventherightsuffix,thestemtsifir-meansnotonly
‘language’,butalsomeans‘tongue’.Thisindicatesthattheformtsifir-asit
occursin(4.27)and(4.28)isnolongeridentifiableasthesamestembyusing
semanticcriteria,asitisbeingusedtoexpresstwodifferentmeanings7.Further
examplesareprovidedbelow.
(4.29) a. niinga niing- -a -ó !"#- -SFX -L
!"#$
‘adrum’ b. niingá niing- -á -ó !"#- -SFX -L
!"##$.!"#$%&
‘agreenpigeon’(4.30) a. se’eengw see’- -aangw -ó !"#- -SFX -L
!"#$
‘hair’
b. soo’ay see’- -ay -ó !"#- -SFX -L
!"#
‘adog’(4.31) a. bee/i bee/- -i -r~´~ !"#- -SFX -L
!"##$
‘asheep’7Theargumentmaybemadethatthetwomeanings(i.e.‘language’and‘tongue’)aresufficientlysimilarsoastostillconstitute‘onemeaning’.Exampleswithlessclearsemantictiesaregivenin(4.29)-(4.31).
4.Fundamentals:nominalstructureandnounstems
231
b. bee/amó bee/- -(a)mó-ó !"#- -SFX -L
!"#$.!".
‘asp.ofbird’ c. Bee/á bee/ -á -ó !"#- -SFX -L
[!"#$%&'(.!"#$]
‘a(male)personnamedBee/á’4.4.2.3Stemsidentifiablebysemanticidentityonly
Finally,considerthefollowingpairin(4.32)8:(4.32) a. slee
sl- -ee -r~´~ !"#- -SFX -L
!"#
‘acow’ b. yiikwa yiikw--a’i ~´~ !"#- -SFX -L
!"##$%
‘cattle’
(4.32)showstwoinstancesofasinglestemidentifiablenotbyphoneticform,
butbysemanticmeaning.Furtherexamplesareprovidedbelow9:
(4.33) a. garma garm--a -ó !!"- -SFX -L
!"#
‘aboy’ b. daaqay daaq- -ay -ó !!"- -SFX -L
!"#$
‘boys’8Notethatin(4.32)b)thefinalvowelandtheglottalconsonantofthesuffixarenotpresent.Thisisduetoword-finalapocope-acommonprocessforthissuffix,furtherexplainedin§5.3.4.4.9Withanadditionalcaseoftheapocopedescribedinfn.7in(4.35).
4.Fundamentals:nominalstructureandnounstems
232
(4.34) a. haree har- -ee -r~´~ !!"- -SFX -L
!"#$%
‘awoman’ b. tiyay tiy- -ay ~´~ !!"- -SFX -L
!"#$%
‘women’(4.35) a. lee’i lee’- -i -r~´~ !!"- -SFX -L
!"#$
‘agoat’ b. aara aar- -a’i ~´~ !!"- -SFX -L
!"#$%
‘goats’Tosummarize,thissubsectionshowsusthatthestemisnotconsistentlya
coherententitybyeitherphoneticorsemanticcriteria.Aswillbeshowninthe
followingsubsection,thisconfoundingpatterncanbeaddressedbyappealingto
ahigherlevelofabstractionavailableintheDMarchitecture.
4.4.3Theinternalstructureofthestem
Havingdeterminedabovethatestablishinganytwoinstancesofagivenstemis
notalwayspossibleusingphoneticorsemanticcriteria,wewillbeginthis
subsectionbyposingthequestionofwhetherthestemmayevenbeconsidered
nominalinnature.Alltheexamplesinthissectionthusfar(4.23)-(4.35)would
indicateyes:theelementsidentifiedasstemsconsistentlyoccuraspartofa
largernoun.Consider,however,thefollowing:
4.Fundamentals:nominalstructureandnounstems
233
(4.36) a. wa/aangw wa/- -aangw -ó !"#- -SFX -L
!""#$#
‘anarroyo’ b. agawaá/ ∅- ∅ -(g)a waá/ S.P- Aux -Prf vomit.1.Pst ‘Ivomited’Theboldedmaterialin(4.36)couldreasonablybetwoinstancesofthesame
stem,bothbyphoneticcriteria(wa/-andwaá/arequitesimilar),aswellas
semanticcriteria(anarroyoisadryriverbedwhichoccasionallyfloods,an
actionevocativeofvomiting).However,theexamplein(a)isanoun,andthe
examplein(b)isaverb.Similarexamplesaregivenbelow,where(4.37)isa
noun-verbpair,(4.38)isanoun-adjectivepair,and(4.39)featuresanoun,a
verb,andanadjective.
(4.37) a. da’aangw da’- -aangw -ó !"#- -SFX -L
!"#$
‘asong’ b. agadaá’ a -ga daá’ ProSubjI.P -Prf sing.1.Pst ‘Isang’(4.38) a. diraangw dir- -aangw -ó !"#- -SFX -L
!"#$
‘alion’ b. kudirén ku dirén CopAdj.M big.M.Pl ‘theyarebig’
4.Fundamentals:nominalstructureandnounstems
234
(4.39) a. na/ay na/- -ay -ó !"#- -SFX -L
!"#$%
‘achild’ b. ugana/aás ∅- u- ∅ -(g)a na/aás A.P- P.M- Aux -Prf daub.with.mud.1.Pst ‘Idaubeditwithmud’ c. kunaá/ t- ng- u- ∅ naá/ MP- A.3- P.M- Aux wet.M ‘itiswet,itisunripe’Pairssuchasthisarecommoncross-linguistically,Englishbeingnoexception10.(4.40) a. HansZimmertoscoreSirDavidAttenborough’sBluePlanetII b. [...]IturnedonmytorchandDavidAttenboroughedtheentireincident[...](saidofaneventinwhichtheauthornarratesacateatingarat)(4.41) a. CharlesexaminesfinchesontheGalapagos. b. Theyoungarefedintheusualfringillinemanner,onthepulpfromthecropsoftheparentbirds.Theobviousargumenthereisthattheseformsareallsimplyproductsof
historicalprocesses:tsifiraangw‘atongue’–tsifiri‘alanguage’showa
metonymiclink;slee‘acow’–yiikwa‘cows’areasuppletivepair;niinga‘adrum’
–niingá‘asp.ofpigeon’showalargedegreeofhomophony.Torelyonsuch
descriptions,manyofwhichhavealreadybeenwelldocumentedinworksuchas
KießlingandMous(2003),istomissthepointofthepresentwork,which,rather
thanseekingtodescribesuchphenomenaastheresultofhistoricalchange,aims10Example(4.40)a)istakenfromtheheadlineintheBelfastTelegraphDigitalhttp://www.belfasttelegraph.co.uk/entertainment/film-tv/news/hans-zimmer-to-score-sir-david-attenboroughs-blue-planet-ii-35568331.html(accessed22.10.2017).Example(4.40)b)takenfromEleven,Beck“BeckEleven:Beautyandfearunderthesea.”in:Stuff.(NewZealand)http://www.stuff.co.nz/travel/destinations/pacific-islands/91043821/beck-eleven-beauty-and-fear-under-the-sea(accessed22.10.2017).Example(4.41)b)takenfromanonlinearchiveofthefulltextof“Foreignbirdsforcageandaviary.”https://archive.org/stream/foreignbirdsforc01butl/foreignbirdsforc01butl_djvu.txt(accessed22.10.2017)
4.Fundamentals:nominalstructureandnounstems
235
forasynchronicaccountofhowtheseformsarerepresentedinthegrammarofa
givenspeaker,noneofwhomwouldbeexpectedtoknoworfeelthatmostof
thesepairsareinanywaylinked,eitherhistoricallyorconceptually.
Withtheaimofasynchronicdescriptioninmind,andhavingseentheevidence
in(4.36)-(4.39),avalidquestionthatmaybeaskediswhetherstemsarenominal
atall.Theanswertobedevelopedhereisyes,butnotinaprimitivesense.In
manyworks,includingMarantz(2001),Arad(2003,2005),Borer(2005a,b),and
Merchant(2018),itisarguedthatlexicalitemsenterthederivationwithouta
predeterminedlexicalcategory,andthatthiscategoryisrealizedbytheirlarger
syntacticcontext.Therefore,thepairwa/aangw‘arroyo’andwaá/‘tovomit’are
formedofthesamecategorilessbase,wa/aangwcomingtobeanounthroughits
largernominalstructure,andwaá/comingtobeaverbthroughitslargerverbal
structure.A(rudimentary)exampleofwhatanominalstructureversusaverbal
structuremightlooklikeisofferedbelow,where√xreferstothecategoriless
base(i.e.root)commontobothwa/aangwandwaá/.11
(4.42) CATEGORILESSBASE√xREALIZEDASDIFFERENTLEXICALCATEGORIESBASEDONDIFFERENTSYNTACTICCONTEXTSa. wa/aangw b. waá/ DP TP 2 2 NP D VP T 2-ó 2~´~√xN V’pro
-aangw 2[1,Sg] √x Vintrans
11Thenominalstructurearrivedatinthisworkwill,ultimately,lookverydifferentfromthisone,butthisstructure(basedonAbney1987)isusefulasasimplifiedstartingpoint.
4.Fundamentals:nominalstructureandnounstems
236
Infact,thisanalysiswillnotonlybeabletoaccountfordatasuchas(4.36)-
(4.39),butwillalsoprovideaunifiedaccountforstemswhichdoesnotrelyon
phoneticorsemanticcriteria,thusaddressingdatadiscussedabove,and
exemplifiedin(4.27)-(4.35).AnimplementationoftheDMprincipleoflate
insertionwillbeundertakendirectlybelow,beginningwithadiscussionofthe
rootsasanunspecifiedindex,andfollowedbyadescriptionofhowthese
underspecifiedindicesarerealizedpost-syntactically.
4.4.3.1Theroot
Inthepreviouschapter,theDistributedMorphologyconceptofsyntaxgoverning
boththeconstructionofphrasesandtheconstructionofwordsallowedusto
proposehowtheindividualsubpartsofnounswereputtogether.Inthischapter,
theDMconceptoflateinsertionwillhelpspecifywhat,exactly,thesesubparts
are,andhowtheyarerealized.
Lateinsertionviewssyntacticcategoriesasabstract.Withreferencetothe
modelofDistributedMorphology(seeFigure3.1,§3.4),allelementsinList1
(andresultantly,allelementsintheNumeration)arefeaturebundleslackingin
anyphoneticcontent.Phoneticvaluesareinserted,followingSpellout,atthe
phonologicalcomponent(List2).ThisconceptisextendedbyAcquaviva(2009)
andHarley(2014)tosemanticcontent:allelementsinList1aresemantically
emptyastheyareprocessedinthesyntax,andsemanticallyvaluedfollowing
spellout,atthesemanticcomponent(List3).
4.Fundamentals:nominalstructureandnounstems
237
Inthecaseofthestemsexaminedabove,byputtingtherestofthesyntactic
structureaside,whatisleft(i.e.whatwearecallingtheroot)seemstobean
elementvirtuallyfreeoffeatures.Asidefromthecategorial(cat)feature√,roots
havenoinflectional(infl)features,norselectional(sel)features.Thisseems
uncontroversial(Merchant(2018)arguesthesame,thoughseeLowenstamm
(2014)).Essentially,thesolefunctionofrootsisprovidinginstructionsfor
pronunciationandinterpretation,whichinturn,contributestothe
pronunciationandinterpretationofthelargerstructureofwhichtheyarepart.
Theinstructionsof√xin(4.42)a)are:i)intheenvironmentoftheheadsNandD,
pronounceaswa/andinterpretas‘arroyo’;ii)intheintheenvironmentofthe
headsVintransandT,andaprowiththefeature[1,Sg],pronounceaswaá/and
interpretas‘tovomit’.Ifthisroot--√xof(4.42)--werereplacedbyanother,say
therootof(4.37),letuscallit√y,thentheinstructionswouldbedifferent:i)in
theenvironmentoftheheadsNandD,pronounceasda’andinterpretas‘song’;ii)
intheintheenvironmentoftheheadsVintransandT,andaprowiththefeature[1,
Sg],pronounceasdaá’andinterpretas‘tosing’.Suchinstructionsarelisted(see
Acquaviva2008)inthesensethatthepronunciationsandmeaningscannotbe
reducedtothesyntacticfeatures.Takingthislogictoitsnaturalconclusion,
Acquaviva(2008)adoptsanindexnotation(e.g.√709,√028,etc.)forrootsinthe
syntax,wheretheuniquenumberreferstoan‘entry’inbothList2andList3,
containingtheappropriateinstructionsforpronunciationandinterpretation,
respectively.Assuch,thefeaturestructurefortherootin(4.42)wouldappear
thus:
(4.43) FEATURESTRUCTUREFORTHEROOTIN(4.42) [Let:√364representtherootcommontotheformswa/aangwandwaá/]
4.Fundamentals:nominalstructureandnounstems
238
√364 cat √ Havingarrivedatafeaturestructurefortheroot,itispossibletoinsertitinthe
syntax.Thiswillsatisfythecontextswhichwerespecifiedintheinstructions
above(i.e.thepartoftheinstructionswhichreadintheenvironmentof).These
instructionsarespelloutrules,andwillbediscussedbelow.
4.4.3.2Thepost-syntax
Havingestablishedthattheidentityofthestemasafeaturelessindex√withina
larger(nominal)syntacticcontext,theprocessofitsrealization(inthecaseof
(4.41)a),aswa/aangw‘anarroyo’)post-syntax,cannowbeexamined.
Accordingtotheprincipleoflateinsertion,phoneticandsemanticrealization
canonlybeaccomplishedfollowingspellout,wherethestructuredelements
(whichareatthispointstillfeaturebundles)are‘shippedoff’toboththe
phonologicalcomponentandthesemanticcomponent.Itislikelythatspellout
onlyoccursafterthesyntacticstructurehasreachedacertainpoint(Chomsky
2001),mostlikelyatapointaftermergerwiththesuffixandthelinker.Forthe
sakeofexposition,asimplifiedexampleofhowtheelement√364isvalued
(where√364istherootcommontotheformswa/aangwandwaá/)isgivenin
Table4.1.
Table4.1:Valuationoftherootofthesetwa/aangw,waá/(√364)
PhonologicalComponent(List2) SemanticComponent(List3)RootInput
SyntacticContext
Value Root SyntacticContext
Value
√364
/N,D [waʕ]
√364
/N,D ‘arroyo’
/Vintrans,Tpro[1,Sg]
/Vintrans,Tpro[1,Sg]
‘vomit’
4.Fundamentals:nominalstructureandnounstems
239
Returningtothedatapresentedsubsection4.4.2,itispreciselythisvaluation
processwhichcanaccountforstemsidentifiablebyphoneticidentityonly,and
forstemsidentifiablebysemanticidentityonly.Ineachofthesecases,theroot
ofthestemisthesame:anacategorialelement,devoidofmostsyntacticfeatures,
butwhichservesasareferenceforthephoneticandsemanticcomponentsafter
spellout.Thedifferencecomeswithvaluation.Ascanbeseeninthecaseof
tsifiri‘language’andtsifiraangw‘tongue’(originallygivenin(4.27)above),the
phoneticcomponentvaluestheformsinthesameway,andthesemantic
componentvaluesthemdifferently,dependingonwhichsuffixtheyreceive(in
thistable,representedbyadifferentsubscriptsontheheadN).Conversely,in
thecaseofgarma‘boy’anddaaqay‘boys’(originallygivenin(4.33)above),the
semanticcomponentvaluestheformsinthesameway,andthephonetic
componentvaluesthemdifferently.
Table4.2:Valuationoftherootofthesettsifiriandtsifiraangw(√709)PhonologicalComponent(List2) SemanticComponent(List3)RootInput
SyntacticContext
Value Root SyntacticContext
Value
√709
/N,D
[ts’ifir]
√709
/N1428,Dpro[Sg]
‘language’
/N2528,Dpro[Sg]
‘tongue’
Table4.3:Valuationoftherootofthesetgarmaanddaaqay(√765)
PhonologicalComponent(List2) SemanticComponent(List3)RootInput
SyntacticContext
Value Root SyntacticContext
Value
√765
/N1218,D[Sg]
[garm]
√765
/N1218,D
‘boy’
/N1218,D[Pl]
[da:q]
Bothofthesecasesrepresentextremes:tsifiraangw–tsifiriofarootwitha
strongphonologicalidentity,andgarma–daaqayofarootwithastrong
4.Fundamentals:nominalstructureandnounstems
240
semanticidentity.Moretypically,however,agivenrootwillnotfalltowardone
oftheextremes,butrather,occupyasortofmiddleground:itssuperficial
identitynotstronglyphonological,norstronglysemantic.Agoodexampleofthis
isthefollowingset,wherethestemishighlighted:
(4.44) a. do’ do’- -∅ -ó !"#- -SFX -L
!"#$%
‘ahouse’ b. maráy mar- -ay ~´~ !"#- -SFX -L
!"#$%$
‘houses’ c. mar’i ‘cave’ mar’- -i -r~´~ !"#- -SFX -L
!"#$
‘acave’ d. mar’oo mar’- -oo -r~´~ !"#- -SFX -L
!"#$%
‘caves’Valuationwouldproceedthus.Table4.4:Valuationoftherootofthesetdo’,maray,mar’i,andmar’oo(√201)
PhonologicalComponent SemanticComponentRootInput Syntactic
ContextValue Root Syntactic
ContextValue
√201
/N1510,D[Pl]
[mar] √201
/N1413,D ‘cave’
/N1510,D[Sg]
[doɁ] /N1510,D
‘house’
/N1413,D [marɁ]4.5Remarksandsummary
Thischapterhasprovidedabasisforthosethatfollow,firstbyestablishingthe
Gorwaanounasacomplexstructureandnamingitsmajorparts,andsecondby
4.Fundamentals:nominalstructureandnounstems
241
providingamorphosyntacticanalysisoftheleftmostoftheseparts,thestem.
Subsection4.5.1offerssomefurtherdiscussionofsyntacticcontext,and
subsection4.5.2summarizes.
4.5.1Remarksonsyntacticcontext
In§4.4.3above,itwasestablishedthatacommonconceptualizationoflexical
itemswasthattheyenterthederivationwithoutapredeterminedlexical
category,andthatthiscategoryisrealizedbytheirlargersyntacticcontext.In
thischapter,thesyntacticcontextrelevantfortherealizationofnounshasbeen
presentedasthepresenceofaheadNandaheadD,though(asmentionedin
fn.11),thiscontextisasimplification,usedmainlytointroducethewayinwhich
arootmaycometobenominal.
Infact,mostworksaremuchmoreexplicitaboutthekindofsyntacticcontext
whichresultinarootbecominganounornounstem.Typically(e.g.Marantz
2001,Arad2003,2005,Merchant2017),thisisaccomplishedbyacategorizing
head,N,whichdirectlydominatestheroot.Usingthestructurepositedabove,
thiscategorizingheadcouldbeidentifieddirectlyintheabovestructureasN.
(4.45) √xREALIZEDASNOMINALBYTHECATEGORIZINGHEADN(ASPERMARANTZ2001,ARAD2003,2005,ANDMERCHANT2017)
wa/aangw DP 2 NP D 2-ó √xN
-aangw
Borer(2005a,b),ontheotherhand,eliminatesthecategorizingheadentirely,
arguingthatanominalreadingarisesnotfromanexplicitlynominalizinghead,
4.Fundamentals:nominalstructureandnounstems
242
butfromamorecomplexnominalstructure,ofteninvolvingheadslowerthanD
whichmediatefunctionssuchasdivisonandquantification--headswhichmay
occurinaverbalsyntacticcontexttomediatesimilarfunctions.Evidenceforthis
nominalmorphologywillbepresentedforGorwaa(seeesp.§5.4).Thiswould,
therefore,seemtomotivateanapproachwhicheitherdispensesofthe
categorizingheadcompletely(asintheworkofBorer),orinwhichthe
categorizingheadis(orcanbe)mergedatapointhigherupinthestructure.
Thisworkoptsforthelatterapproach,positingthecategorizingheadn,which,at
itshighestmergepoint(i.e.fornumber-valuednouns)directlydominatesthe#P.
Suchanapproachwillbediscussedin§5.4and§6.5).
Acquaviva(2008:270)providesastructurewithquantificationanddivision
projectionsaswellasacategorizingheadn,butinthisstructure,ndirectly
dominatestheroot,asin(4.45).Assuch,theapproachofthepresentworkis,as
farasIknow,unique.
4.5.2Summary
§4.2establishedthepreciseobjectofstudy--theGorwaanoun--andestablishes
itsmajorsubpartsasthestem(STM),thesuffix(SFX),andthelinker(L).§4.3
reviewedwordhoodcriteriathatmaybeappliedtothenoun,distinguishing
thesecoresubpartsfromextra-nominalmaterialsuchasdemonstrativeenclitics
andtopicmarkers.§4.4appealedtoDMtoprovideananalysisforthestem
(STM),establishingitascomposedofanacategorialroot(√)withinalarger
syntacticcontext(inthecaseoftheSTM,anominalcontext).Phoneticformand
semanticmeaningarerealizedpost-syntacticallyinaprocessofevaluationin
4.Fundamentals:nominalstructureandnounstems
243
whichtheindexprovidedbytherootandthelargersyntacticcontextis
processedbyList2andList3.Inconcluding,section4.5providedsomeclosing
marksonthespecificidentityofthelargersyntacticcontext(tobedevelopedin
somedetailinthecomingchapters),andsummarized.
5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena
244
5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena
5.1Introduction
Inchapter4,thenounwasestablishedasconsistingofthreemajorsubparts:the
stem,thesuffix,andthelinker.Thestemwasanalysedasanacategorialroot(√)
withinalargernominalsyntacticcontext(thedescriptionofwhichwillform
muchofthesubsequentdiscussioninthiswork).Attentionwillnowturntothe
nextelementintheseries:thesuffix(SFX).
(5.1) THESUFFIX(SFX)a. wa/aángwwák
wa/- -!!"#$ -ó wák STM- -!"# -L
!""#$# one
“onearroyo” b. we/eerítsár wa/- -!!"# ~´~ tsár STM- -!"# -L
!""#$#% two
“twoarroyos”Suffixesaremorphosyntacticallycomplexelements:alistoftheirbasic
characteristicsfollowsin(5.2)below.
(5.2) MORPHOSYNTACTICCHARACTERISTICSOFTHEGORWAASUFFIXI. RegularPhenomena:
a. Manysuffixes(identifiedthusfarasSFX)maybedividedintoseparatemorphemes:SFX1andSFX2.AllsuffixesfeaturetheSFX2morpheme,notallsuffixesfeaturetheSFX1morpheme.
b. SuffixeswithaSFX1morphemeareeitherSgorPlinnumber,andcanthereforeoccurwithexternalelements(e.g.adjectives)onlyiftheyshowmatchingagreement.
c. SuffixeswithoutaSFX1morphemeareunvaluedfornumber,andcanthereforeoccurwithexternalelements(e.g.adjectives)whichshoweitherSgorPlagreement.(thoughseeII.d.forexceptions.)
5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena
245
II. ListedPhenomenaa. Agivennounstemtakesasetofsuffixes,knownasa
paradigm.Paradigmsmaybemonads,pairs,ortriads.b. Theparadigmtakenbyanygivennounisunpredictable.c. Agivennounstemmayhavemorethanoneparadigm.
Selectionofparadigmmayormaynotaffectthesemanticinterpretationoftheresultantnoun.
d. Suffixesunvaluedfornumbermayhavethekindsofagreementwithwhichtheymayoccurrestrictedbythecompositionoftheirparadigm.
e. Thegrammaticalgender(i.e.M,F,orN)ofanounisdeterminedbytheSFX2morpheme,whichhasastableassociationwithgender.Ifanounischangedfornumber,itsgendermayalsochange.
Itwillbeobservedthatthemajordivisioninthelistaboveisbetween
phenomenadeemed‘regular’,andphenomenadeemed‘listed’.Usingthe
DistributedMorphologyarchitectureasthepointofreference(Figure3.1in
§3.4),regularphenomenaaredefinedasstablecorrespondenceswhichcan
largelybeexplainedasproductsoffeaturebundles(i.e.materialfromList1)
beingmanipulatedinthesyntax(i.e.thesyntacticoperations),whereaslisted
phenomenarequirerecoursetomoredetailedexplanationsofrealizationrules
post-Spellout(i.e.materialfromList2andList3)--hencethetermlisted.
Eachofthemorphosyntacticcharacteristicsdescribedaboveisrelatively
complex,andafullunderstandingrequiresadetailedlookataratherlargebody
ofdata.Becauseofthesetwofactors,discussionofthesuffixwillspantwo
chapters.Thecurrentchapterwilladdresstheregularphenomenaof(5.2),and
thenextchapter,Chapter6,willaddressthelistedphenomenaof(5.2).
Followingthisintroduction,§5.2ofthischapterwillprovideabriefoverviewof
eachoftheregularphenomenalistedin(5.2)above.§5.3isadetailed
presentationanddescriptionoftheempiricalbasisofthischapter:thesuffixes.
5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena
246
§5.4providesasyntacticanalysistoaccountfortheseregularphenomena.§5.5
summarizes.
5.2Overviewoftheregularphenomena
Thissectionexpandsoneachoftheregularphenomenaassociatedwiththe
Gorwaasuffix.Foreaseofpresentation,thesearerepeatedin(5.3)below.
(5.3) THEREGULARMORPHOSYNTACTICCHARACTERISTICSOFTHEGORWAASUFFIX
a. Manysuffixes(identifiedthusfarasSFX)maybedividedintoseparatemorphemes:SFX1andSFX2.AllsuffixesfeaturetheSFX2morpheme,notallsuffixesfeaturetheSFX1morpheme.
b. SuffixeswithaSFX1morphemeareeitherSgorPlinnumber,andcanthereforeoccurwithexternalelements(e.g.adjectives)onlyiftheyshowmatchingagreement.
c. SuffixeswithoutaSFX1morphemeareunvaluedfornumber,andcantherefore
occurwithexternalelements(e.g.adjectives)whichshoweitherSgorPlagreement.(thoughseeII.d.forexceptions.)
Whatfollowsisadiscussionofeachcharacteristic.Subsection5.2.1treats
characteristic(a):thedecomposabilityofthesuffix.Subsection5.2.2treats
characteristic(b):suffixeswithnumbervalue.Subsection5.2.3treats
characteristic(c):suffixeswithoutnumbervalue.
5.2.1Characteristic(a):thedecomposabilityofthesuffixMous(1993:47)noticedthatseveralsuffixesinIraqwarepresent“asfused
elementsinothersuffixes”.Thisisimportanttotheanalysis,andwillbe
establishedhere.Manysuffixesthemselvesmaybedividedintotwoseparate
morphemes,allofwhichareboldedin(5.4)below1.
1Fromthispointon,SFX1andSFX2willbeindicatedinthegloss.
5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena
247
(5.4) THESUFFIX(SFX):COMPOSEDOFSUBPARTSSFX1ANDSFX2 a. wa/aángwwák
wa/- -!!"#$ -ó wák STM- -!"#$ -L
!""#$# one
“onearroyo”
b. we/eerítsár wa/- -!!" -(a)'! ~´~ tsár STM- -!"#$ -!"#$ -L
!""#$#% two
“twoarroyos”
Asmaybeseenin(5.4)above,whenbothmorphemesarepresent,SFX1occurs
closesttothestem.Additionally,(5.4)showsthat,whileallsuffixesfeaturea
SFX2morpheme,notallsuffixesfeatureanSFX1morpheme.
Theexamplein(5.4)risksimplyingthatSFX1oughttobeinterpretedasplural
marking.Datain(5.5)showsthatthisisnotthecase,withSFX1presentonthe
singularformofthenoun,andabsentontheformusedforplural.
(5.5) SFX1ISPRESENTINSINGULARNOUNS,SUCHASIRE/IMI‘COSMETICSCAR’ a. ire/imitáwák
ire/- -iim -i -tá wák STM- -!"#$ -!"#$ -L
!"#$%&'!.!"#$ one
“onecosmeticscar” b. ire/iíngwtsár ire/- -aangw -ó tsár STM- -!"#$ -!
!"#$%&'!.!"#$! two
“twocosmeticscars”5.2.2Characteristic(b):suffixeswithnumbervalue
TherearetwonumbervaluesinGorwaa:singular(Sg)andplural(Pl).Notably,
theonlycategorythatshowsnumberagreementinGorwaaistheadjective.This
istrueinmodifierconstructions(asin(5.6)),aswellaspredicateadjective
5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena
248
constructions(asin(5.7)).Forafulldescriptionoftheadjectiveandits
agreementpatterns,see§2.3.3.1.
(5.6) NUMBERAGREEMENTONMODIFIERADJECTIVESa. kookumótleér kook- -(a)m -ó -ó tleér STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L
!""#$%! tall.M
‘atallrooster’b. kookumá’tlet kook- -(a)m -a’(!) ~´~ tlet STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L
!""#$%!# tall.N.Pl
‘tallroosters’(5.7) NUMBERAGREEMENTONPREDICATEADJECTIVES
a. kookumokutleér kook- -(a)m -ó -ó t- ng- u- ∅ tleér STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L
!""#$%! MP- A.3- P.M- Aux tall.M
‘theroosteristall’
b. kookuma’kitlet kook- -(a)m -a’(!) ~´~ t- ng- i- ∅ tlet STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L
!""#$%!# MP- A.3- P.N- Aux tall.N.Pl
‘theroostersaretall’SuffixeswithaSFX1morphemeareeitherSgorPlinnumber.Assuch,thesuffix
-(a)móisalwaysSg,andonlyusedwithnounsdenotingsingularentities(see
(5.8)).Conversely,thesuffix-(a)ma’isalwaysPl,andonlyusedwithnouns
denotingpluralentities(see(5.9)).
(5.8) THESUFFIX-(A)MÓISSGINNUMBER
a. kookumó kook- -(a)m -ó -ó STM- -!"#$ -!"#$ -L
!""#$%!
‘arooster’
5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena
249
b. xarmó xarm- -(a)m -ó -ó STM- -!"#$ -!"#$ -L
!"#$
‘ahorn’c. tlaptumó tlapt- -(a)m -ó -ó STM- -!"#$ -!"#$ -L
!"#$%&
‘afalcon’(5.9) THESUFFIX-(A)MA’ISPLINNUMBER
a. kookuma’ kook- -(a)m -a’(!) ~´~ STM- -!"#$ -!"#$ -L
!""#$%!#
‘roosters’b. irindima’ irind- -(a)m -a’(!) ~´~
STM- -!"#$ -!"#$ -L !"#$%&
‘biceps,calves’ c. slahhama’ slahh- -(a)m -a’(!) ~´~ STM- -!"#$ -!"#$ -L
!"!"#!$
‘acacias(Acaciakirkii)’SuffixeswithanSFX1morphemeoccurwithexternalelements,suchas
adjectivesandnumerals,onlyiftheyshowmatchingagreement,orareotherwise
semanticallyconsistentwiththenumbervalueofthenoun.
(5.10) THENOUNKOOKUMÓCANNOTOCCURWITHEXTERNALELEMENTSINCONSISTENTWITHSGNUMBER
a. *kookumótlét kook- -(a)m -ó -ó tlét STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L
!""#$%! tall.M.Pl
(intendedmeaning)‘atallrooster’or‘tallroosters’
5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena
250
b. *kookumótsár kook- -(a)m -ó -ó tsár STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L
!""#$%! two
(intendedmeaning)‘tworoosters’,‘two(groupsof)roosters’(5.11) THENOUNKOOKUMA’CANNOTOCCURWITHEXTERNALELEMENTSINCONSISTENTWITH
PLNUMBERa. *kookumá’tleer
kook- -(a)m -a’(!) ~´~ tleer STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L
!""#$%!# tall.M.Pl
(intendedmeaning)‘atallrooster’,‘tallroosters’ b. *kookumá’wák kook- -(a)m -a’(!) ~´~ wák STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L
!""#$%!# one
(intendedmeaning)‘onerooster’,‘one(groupof)roosters’Configurationsofnounsvaluedfornumberthereforeresultinthehighly
commondistinctionofsingularvs.plural.
(5.12) SINGULARVS.PLURAL ‘ROOSTER’
SINGULAR PLURALkookumó
kookumóúrkook--(a)m-ó-óúrSTM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L
!""#$%!big.M
‘abigrooster’
kookuma’kookumá’urenkook--(a)m-a’~´~urenSTM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L
!""#$%!#big.N.Pl
‘bigroosters’Atthispoint,notingsuchaconfigurationmayseempainfullyobvious.However,
inthecomingsubsection,arangeoflesscommonconfigurationswillbe
introduced,allowingthissingularvs.pluralconfigurationtoactasafamiliar
benchmark.
5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena
251
5.2.3Characteristic(c):suffixeswithoutnumbervalue
SuffixeswithoutaSFX1morphemeareunvaluedfornumber,andcanbeused
withnounsreferringtoentitieswhosenumbervalueiseithernotimportantor
indeterminate(5.13).
(5.13) THESUFFIX-OO(FR)ISUNVALUEDFORNUMBERa. tsir/oo tsir/- -oo -r~´~ STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$%
‘aspecies,kindof,orflockofbirds’,‘birds’ b. daka’oo daka’- -oo -r~´~ STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#!"!$
‘aspecies,kindof,orstandofbaobabs’,‘baobabs’ c. xooroo xoor- -oo -r~´~ STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$%$"&'
‘amultitude(ofpeople)’
Becausethesesuffixesareunvaluedfornumber,theymayoccurwithexternal
elements(suchasadjectivesornumerals)withshowbothSgorPlagreement.
(5.14) THENOUNTSIR/OOCANOCCURWITHEXTERNALELEMENTSSHOWINGBOTHSGORPLAGREEMENT
a. tsir/oórtleer tsir/- -oo -r~´~tleer STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$%tall.F
“atallspeciesofbird” b. tsir/oórwák tsir/- -oo -r~´~wák STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$%one
“onespeciesofbird”
5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena
252
c. tsir/oórtlet tsir/- -oo -r~´~tlet STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$%tall.F.Pl
“tallspeciesofbirds”,“tallbirds” d. tsir/oórtsár tsir/- -oo -r~´~tsár STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$%two
“twospeciesofbirds”,“twobirds”HavingnounformsunspecifiedfornumberisnotuniquetoGorwaaandisalso
describedinCorbett(2000:9)asoccurringintheCushiticlanguageBayso(bsw;
Ethiopia)andotherunrelatedlanguages.Mous2008notesthesame
phenomenoninTsamakko(tsb;Ethiopia)(relevantdatainSavà2005:61)and
K’abeena(alw;Ethiopia)(relevantdatainCrass2005:63).Theformislabeled
byCorbettasgeneralnumber,andthedistinctionbetweenitandnumber-valued
formsisrepresentedasfollows.
Figure5.1:Generalnumberversussingularandplural(fromCorbett2000:11)
Assuch,thenountsir/oo(withthesuffix-oo(Fr))is,onitsown,noncommittalas
tonumber.Perhapsthebesttranslationwouldbe‘bird’inthegeneralsense.
Thatis,ifone‘huntsbird’,itisuncertainastohowmanybirdsareactually
involved:perhapsone,perhapsmany--itissimplynotconveyedinthe
utterance.
Closeexaminationofthetranslationsoftheseformsissalutary.Ineverycasein
whichthenounisunambiguouslyexpressinggeneralnumber(Gen),thenoun
general 5singularplural
5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena
253
referstoakindorgroup,notanindividualorpluralityofindividuals.Thisis
demonstratedinthetranslationsin(5.15).
(5.15) TRANSLATIONSOFGENFORMSa. qoonqál
qoonqal- -∅ -ó STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$%&'.!"#$%
‘aflockofcrownedcrane’,or‘aspeciesofcrownedcrane’,or‘crownedcrane’
b. malmáw
malmaw- -∅ -ó STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$.!"##
‘astandoflimetree’,or‘aspeciesoflimetree’,or‘limetree’
c. nee’ár nee’ar--∅ -ó STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$%"
‘aflockofthrush’,or‘aspeciesofthrush’,or‘thrush’Crucially,then,thesenounsofgeneralnumberinGorwaamaybedefinedas
referringtoakindofundifferentiatedunity,homogeneousinconsistencyand
indeterminateinshapeandboundary.Thisthereforeexplainsqoonqálhaving
theresultantmeaningof‘flockofcrownedcranes’,‘typeofcrownedcrane’,or
‘crownedcrane’toutcourt.Conversely,nounswhichoccurwithSgorPlnumber
agreementrefertodiscreteindividualsorsetsofindividuals,bothwell-defined
intermsofshapeandphysicalboundary(Koptjevskaya-Tamm,2006).
Theintroductionofnounsunvaluedfornumber(i.e.generalnumber)allowsfor
asystemofconsiderablecomplexity.Asnotedinthesketchabove(§2.3.1.2),
muchofthiscomplexityhastodowithnounsbeingarrangedinamannerthat
doesnotalwaysfitwellwiththetraditionalnotionsofsingularversusplural.
5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena
254
Withsingularvs.pluralasabenchmarkin(5.12)above,allpatternsare
examinedindetailbelow.
Alessfamiliarconfigurationisanounstemwhichtakestwodifferentsuffixes,
onetriggeringsingularagreementontheadjective,andtheotherallowingthe
nountooccurwitheithersingularorpluralagreementontheadjective.This
configurationiscalledsingularvs.general.
(5.16) SINGULARVS.GENERAL‘LEAF’
SINGULAR GENERALloo/i loo/oo
loo/írurloo/--i -r~´~urSTM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$big.F
‘abigleaf’
loo/oórurloo/--oo-r~´~ur STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$"%big.F
‘manyleaves(foliage)’
loo/oórurenloo/--oo-r~´~urenSTM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$
big.F.Pl‘bigleaves’
Conversely,anounstemmaytaketwodifferentsuffixes,onetriggeringplural
agreementontheadjective,andtheotheroccurringwitheithersingularor
pluralagreementontheadjective.Thisconfigurationiscalledgeneralvs.plural.
(5.17) GENERALVS.PLURAL‘DRAGONFLY’
GENERAL PLURALpiiró piireema’
piiróúrpiir--ó-óúr STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$%&'()big.M
“abigdragonfly”
piiróurénpiir--ó-óurén STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$%&'()big.M.Pl
“abig(groupof)dragonflies”
piireemá’urenpiir--eem-a'(!)~´~urenSTM- -SFX1-SFX2-L
!"#$%&'()*+big.N.Pl
“bigdragonflies”
Anounstemmaytakethreedifferentsuffixes.Inthisconfiguration,onetriggers
singularagreementontheadjective,anothertriggerspluralagreementonthe
5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena
255
adjective,andthethirdmayoccurwitheithersingularorpluralagreementon
theadjective.Thisconfigurationiscalledsingularvs.generalvs.plural.
(5.18) SINGULARVS.GENERALVS.PLURAL‘CROWNEDCRANE’
SINGULAR GENERAL PLURALqoonqalumó qoonqál qoonqalima’
qoonqalumóuúrqoonqál--(a)m-ó-óúrSTM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L
!"#$%&'.!"#$% big.M
“abigcrane”
qoonqalóuúrqoonqál--∅-óuúrSTM- -SFX2 -L!"#$%&'.!"#$%&
big.M
“abig(flockof)cranes”
qoonqalóurénqoonqál--∅-óurenSTM- -SFX2 -L!"#$%&'.!"#$%&
big.M.Pl
“many(flocksof)cranes”
qoonqalima’urenqoonqál--(a)m-a’(!)~´~urénSTM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L
!"#$%&'.!"#$%& big.M.Pl
“bigcranes”
Whenanountakesonlyonesuffix,itmaybemass,asin(5.19),singularia
tantum,asin(5.20)orgeneral(5.21).PropertiesassociatedwithGorwaamass
nounsrecordedsofar(basedonChierchia1998)aretheirinabilitytotake
cardinalnumeralswithoutuseofanobligatorymeasure(5.22),thechoiceof
adjectivesofquantityavailabletothem(5.23),andtheirindependencefrom
structureofthematterathand(5.24).
(5.19) MASS‘WATER’MASSma’ay
ma’áyyaariirma’--ay~´~yaariirSTM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$% much.N
“muchwater”(5.20) SINGULARIATANTUM
‘SKY’SINGULAR PLURALdawri
dawrírurdawr--i-r~´~urSTM- -SFX2 -L
!"# big.F
“thegreatsky”
5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena
256
(5.21) GENERAL‘EARTHQUAKE’GENERALkuunseeli
kuunseelírurkuunseel--i-r~´~urSTM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$%&'"(! big.F
“abigearthquake”
kuunseelírurenkuunseel--i-r~´~urenSTM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$%&'"(! big.F.Pl
“bigearthquakes”(5.22) MASSNOUNSCANNOTTAKECARDINALSWITHOUTAMEASURE a. *ma’áywák [seecommentin20150810d.8] ma’- -ay ~´~ wákSTM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$% one
(intendedmeaning)‘onewater’
b. [...]ma’aychupadútám[...] [20150810d.10] ma’- -ay ~´~ chupadú támSTM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$% bottles.LN∅ three
“[...]threebottlesofwater[...]”(5.23) MASSNOUNSANDQUANTITYADJECTIVES a. *tseereéruren tseer- -ee -r~´~urenSTM- -SFX2 -L
!"##$ big.F.Pl
(intendedmeaning)‘muchblood’
b. #tseereérur tseer- -ee -r~´~urSTM- -SFX2 -L
!"##$ big.F
(intendedmeaning)‘muchblood’
c. tseereéryaariir tseer- -ee -r~´~yaariirSTM- -SFX2 -L
!"##$much.F
‘muchblood’(5.24) MASSESAREINDEPENDENTOFTHESTRUCTUREOFTHEMATTER karkari vs. naanagumó | naanagí ‘grubs’ ‘a(single)larva’ ‘larvae’Insomecasesnounstemsmaytakeonesuffixandbemass,andtakeanother
suffixandtriggerpluralagreement.Inthislattercase,theycometomeanthe
5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena
257
substanceofthemasshasbeendispersed.Theygainallthepropertiesofcount
nouns.Asdemonstratedin(5.23),themassnountseereemostnaturallytakes
thequantityadjectiveyaariír,andisungrammaticalwiththequantityadjective
uren.In(5.25),thepluralizedformoftseereecangrammaticallytakethe
quantityadjectiveuren.
(5.25) MASSVS.PLURAL‘BLOOD’
MASS PLURALtseeree
tseereéryaariirtseer--ee-r~´~yaariirSTM- -SFX2 -L
!"##$ much.F
“muchblood”
tseerdutseerdúurentseer--(a)d-u(!)-r~´~urenSTM- -SFX1-SFX2 -L
!"##$ big.N.Pl
“manyspots(orpools)ofblood”Forexceptionstothischaracteristic,i.e.situationsinwhichformsmarkedwith
generalnumbersuffixesarerestrictedtoonlySgoronlyPlcontexts,see§6.3.4.
5.3Characterizingthesuffix:datapresentation
Thisisadetailedpresentationanddescriptionoftheempiricalbasisofthis
chapter:thesuffixes.
42differentnounsuffixeshavebeenidentifiedinGorwaathusfar,andare
presentedinTable5.1below.Adetaileddiscussionofeachsuffixfollows.
SuffixeshavebeenorganizedaccordingroughlytotheiroccurrencewithSg
versusPlmorphology:‘Sg’suffixesoccurringtowardthetop,and‘Pl’suffixes
occurringtowardthebottom.Thosesuffixesinbetweenareorganizedonacline
withthosewhichare‘general(Sg-leaning)’bleedingintothe‘general’suffixes,
whichinturnbleedintothesuffixeswhichare‘general(Pl-leaning)’.This
continuumisbasedonfrequencyinthesample:asshownabove,the-oo(F)
5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena
258
suffixoflo/ooin(5.16)andthe-∅(M)suffixofqoonqálin(5.17)canbothtake
eitheraSgoraPladjective:adifferent(orlarger)samplecouldindeedyielda
differentarrangementofthesein-betweencases.Whatiscertainisthatthere
arethreebroadgroups:suffixesthatareconsistentlySgnumber,suffixesthatare
consistentlyPlnumber,andsuffixesthatare,moreorless,generalnumber.
Suffixesareshownwiththeirgender,aswellastheirsubgender.Asdescribed
above(§2.3.1.2),subgenderreferstoadifferentmorphologicalpatternoccurring
withinagivengender,usuallyinaveryrestrictedenvironment.Inthecaseof
Gorwaa,everygenderhastwosubgenderpatterns:MoandMk,FrandFt,andN∅
andNa.Thismorphologyisonlyeverinstantiatedonthegenderlinker,andeach
suffixislinkedwithoneandonlyonesubgender.Thisiswhy,forexample,the
morpheme-aisconsideredthreedifferentsuffixes:onesuffix-atriggersMo
agreement,anothersuffix-atriggersMkagreement,andathirdsuffix-atriggers
Ftagreement.Thereisfurtherevidenceforwhythisdivisionisvalid,andwillbe
dealtwithlaterinthesectionsdescribingtheparadigms(see§6.2,§6.3,and
§6.4).
5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena
259
Table5.1:NOUNSUFFIXES SUFFIX GENDER CONSTITUENTMORPHS EXAMPLE
SFX1 SFX2SG
-(a)mó Mo (a)m ó(M) gasesmó‘ablacksnake’-ito’o Fr it o’o(F) makito’o‘ananimal’-imo Mo iim o(M) nanahhumo‘askull’-iimi Fr iim i(Fr) se’eemi‘astrandofhair’-aaCzi Fr aaCz i(Fr) balaali‘agrainofmillet’
GENERAL
(SG-LEANING)
-o Mo aako‘agrandfather’-í Fr fuufí‘aweasel’-í Ft hhinhhiní‘pumpkins’-ó Mo boohoontó‘ahole’
GENERAL
-a Mk dawa‘ahand’-a Mo niinga‘adrum’-i Ft luki‘areedmat’-i Fr ba’aari‘bees’-∅ Mo gumbayaya’‘akidney’-ay N∅ fu’unay‘meat’-ú Mo /aamú‘fruit’-oo Fr tsir/oo‘birds’-a Ft asla‘fire’-aa Fr /ameenaa‘women’-ee Fr yaa’ee‘ariver’-á Mo niingá‘greenpigeons’-ay Mo na/ay‘achild’-u Mo daawu‘anelephant’-aangw Mo kwu/uungw‘awall’-oo N∅ daqoo‘herds’
GENERAL
(PL-LEANING)
-áy Mo fiitsáy‘brooms’-u! N∅ gamu‘anunderside’-a’(!) N∅ gongoxa’‘elbows’-a’i N∅ tsati’i‘knives’
PL
-náy Mo (a)m áy(M) ga/atanáy‘fevers’-iya’ N∅ iy a’i(N) tsi/iya’‘shins’-(a)ma’ N∅ (a)m a’(!)(N) tla/ama’‘ditches’-iyoo N∅ iy oo(N) kuriyoo‘anuses’-aCzi’i N∅ (a)Cz a’i(N) aamaami’i‘grandmothers’-<ee>-aCzu N∅ ee(t,m,r)+aCz u!(N) tla/eefufu‘livingquarters’-eemooor-<ee>-oo
N∅
eemee(t,m,r)
oo(N)oo(N)
hhafeetoo‘largereedmats’
-aawee Fr aw ee(F) himtaawee‘owls’-eeri N∅ eer (a)’i(N) kwa/eeri‘hares’-eema’ N∅ eem a’(!)(N) murungeema’‘bellybuttons’-(a)du N∅ (a)d u!(N) laydu‘brandingirons’-aCzee Fr (a)Cz ee(F) himtetee‘metalnecklace’-aCzu N∅ (a)Cz u!(N) /ampupu‘platforms’
5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena
260
5.3.1Sg
Asthelabelimplies,thisgroupofsuffixesformnounswhichonlyoccurwith2other
formsshowingSgagreement.Putdifferently,thesesuffixesneveroccurwithPl
agreementontheadjective(5.26).Notethat,crucially,thisisnotthecasewith
othergroupsofsuffixes(5.27).
(5.26) SGSUFFIX-(A)MÓMAYOCCURONLYWITHOTHERFORMSSHOWINGSGAGREEMENT a. gasesmótleér
gases- -(a)m -ó -ó tleérSTM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L
!"#$%.!"#$% long.M
‘alongblacksnake’
b. *gasesmótlét gases- -(a)m -ó -ó tlétSTM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L
!"#$%.!"#$% long.M.Pl
(intendedmeaning)‘longblacksnakes’
c. gasesima’tlet gases- -(a)m -a’(!) ~´~ tletSTM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L
!"#$%.!"#$%! long.N.Pl
‘longblacksnakes’(5.27) GENSUFFIX-ÚMAYOCCURWITHOTHERFORMSSHOWINGEITHERSGORPLAGREEMENT
a. slanútleér slan- -ú -ó tleérSTM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$%& long.M
‘alongpython’ b. slanútlét slan- -ú -ó tlétSTM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$%& long.M.Pl
‘longpython’(i.e.asaspecies,versusshortkindsofpython)2Thechoiceoftheterm‘occurwith’ratherthan‘trigger’isusedadvisedly,asitseemsasifnumberagreement(seenontheadjective)consistentlycomesfromanelementotherthanthenoun.Numberagreement(aswellascasesofgenderagreement‘mismatch’)willbeexaminedfullyinChapter7.
5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena
261
Thisgroupmayalsobedistinguishedbyits‘composed’suffixes.Thatis,allthe
suffixesofthisgroupmaybebrokendownintotwosmallersubcomponents.The
firstsubcomponentisoneofaseriesofmorphemesreadilyidentifiableas
‘derivational’whenusedwithverbstems(c.f.§2.3.2.4).Thesecondsubcomponent
isalwaysanumbersuffixfromthe‘general’group.
Eachmemberofthe‘Sg’groupisfurtherexaminedbelow.5.3.1.1-(a)mó(Mo)
-(a)móisoneofthemostcommonsuffixes,withapproximately190tokens
identified.Theinitialvowelisepenthetic,andthusitssurfaceformmayvary.
(5.28) THESUFFIX-(A)MÓ(MO) a. gasesmó
gases- -(a)m-ó -ó STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L
!"#$%.!"#$%
‘ablacksnake’
b. bee/amó bee/- -(a)m-ó -ó STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L
!"#$%&$'()
‘aflycatcher’ c. piindimó piind- -(a)m-ó -ó STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L
!""#.!"#$%
‘adoorplank’
Theprimarydifferencebetweenthesuffixes-(a)móand-imoisinthepresenceof
risingpitchaccent.
5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena
262
Asimilarform---mo--existsinIraqw(Mous1993:63),whichisprobablycognate,
butdoesnothaverisingpitchaccent.NosuchsuffixisreportedinAlagwa(Mous
2016).
Thesuffixmaybedecomposedintotwoparts:(a)mSFX1,andóSFX2.Notethat
SFX1isrecognizableinthe-VVmofthedurativeverbalsuffix(§2.3.2.4).SFX2isthe
generalsuffix-ó.
5.3.1.2-(i)to’o(Fr)
-(i)to’ooccursonly7timesinthesample.(5.29) THESUFFIX-(I)TO’O(FR)
makito’o mak- -it -o’o -r~´~STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L
!"#$!%
‘ananimal Kießling(2000:8)notedthatamasculinesuffixistypicallyusedtorefertoone
specimenofatreeorshrub,whereasafemininesuffixisusedtorefertoitsflower
orfruit.Whereitisthesuffix-(a)móaccomplishestheformer,itisthesuffix-(i)to’o
whichisoftenusedforthelatter.
(5.30) SUFFIX-(A)MÓ(MO)USEDTODENOTEAPLANT,SUFFIX-(I)TO’O(FR)USEDTODENOTEAFLOWERORFRUIT
a. maangwaré’ maangware’- -∅ ~´~ STM- -SFX2 -L
!.!.!"#$%&'
‘sorghum’
5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena
263
b. maangware’umó maangware’- -(a)m -ó -ó STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L
!.!.!"#$%&'.!"#$%
‘asorghumplant’
c. maangware’ito’o maangware’- -it -o’o -r~´~ STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L
!.!.!"#$%&'.!"#$
‘aheadofsorghum’TheIraqwcognateisidentical(Mous1993:67).NoequivalentexistsinAlagwa.
Thesuffixmaybedecomposedintotwoparts:itSFX1,ando’oSFX2.SFX1is
isomorphicwiththeverbalmiddlevoicesuffix-VVt(§2.3.2.4).SFX2isnot
immediatelyidentifiablewithacurrentsuffixofGorwaa,butIraqwhasafeminine
nominalsuffix-o’o(Mous1993:67),cognatewiththecurrentGorwaageneralsuffix-
oo(F).
5.3.1.3-imo(Mo)
-imoisrare,withjust2occurrencesinthesample.(5.31) THESUFFIX-IMO(MO) a. bambarimo bambar- -iim -o -ó STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L
!"##$%.!"#$%
‘agrainofbulrushmillet’
b. nanahhumo nanahh- -iim -o -ó STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L
!"#$$
‘askull’
5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena
264
InIraqw,theformmayhavebeensubsumedintothemorewidespread-mo.In
Alagwa,thecognate-imoo(Mous2016:98)canbeidentified.
Thesuffixmaybedecomposedinto-imforSFX1(onceagain,recognizableasthe
durative),andthegeneralsuffix-oforSFX2.
5.3.1.4-iimi(Fr)
-iimioccurs10timesinthesample.(5.32) THESUFFIX-IIMI(FR)
a. se’eemi se’- -iim -i -r~´~ STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L
!"#$%&.!".!"#$
‘astrandofhair’
b. ya’eemi ya’- -iim -i -r~´~ STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L
!"#$%&
‘astream’
c. gitsiimi gits- -iim -i -r~´~ STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L
!"#$
‘asingleleaf’ThereisnorecordedcognateinIraqw.InAlagwa,thecognateisidentical,butonly
has1form(Mous2016:96).
Thesuffixmaybedecomposedinto-iimforSFX1(isomorphicwiththedurative),
andthegeneralsuffix-i(Fr)forSFX2.
5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena
265
5.3.1.5-aaCzi(Fr)
Thesuffix-aaCzi(wheretheCzisaconsonantreduplicatedfromthelastinthestem)
occursonasinglenouninthesample.
(5.33) THESUFFIX-AACZI(FR) balaali bal- -aaCz -i -r~´~ STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L
!"#$%&'.!"#$%
‘agrainofmillet’ThecognateisidenticalinIraqw(Mous1993:69),aswellasinAlagwa(Mous2016:
96).
Thesuffixmaybedecomposedinto-aaCzforSFX1,and-iforSFX2.-aaCzis
recognizableinthepluractionalsuffixforverbs(§2.3.2.4),and-iisthe-i(Fr)
generalsuffixbelow.
5.3.2General(Sg-leaning)(GenSG)
Thisgroupofsuffixesaregeneralinnumber,butareoftenusedwithnounsto
denoteSgentities.NounsformedwiththesesuffixesusuallyoccurwithSg
agreementonly(5.34),butwhentheyexistinapairwithanounformedwithaSg
suffix(5.35),oranounformedwithaPlsuffix(5.36),theymayoccurwitheitherSg
orPlagreement.
(5.34) THEGENSUFFIX-I(FR)ISUSUALLYSG a. fuufírtleer fuuf- -í -r~´~ tleer STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$"% long.F
‘alongweasel’
5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena
266
b. *fuufírtlet fuuf- -í -r~´~ tlet STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$"% long.F.Pl
(intendedmeaning)‘longweasels’
c. fuufeemoótlet fuuf- -eem -oo ~´~ tlet STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L
!"#$"%$ long.N.Pl
‘longweasels’(5.35) SGANDGENSG
‘FISH’siyumó siyó
siyumóúrsiy--(a)m-ó-óúrSTM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L
!"#$ big.M
‘abigfish’
siyóúrsiy--ó-óúrSTM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$ big.M
‘abig(speciesof)fish’
siyóurénsiy--ó-óurenSTM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$ big.M.Pl
‘bigfishes’(5.36) GENSGANDPL
‘DRAGONFLY’piiró piireema’
piiróúrpiir--ó-óúrSTM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$%&'() big.M
‘abigdragonfly’
piiróurénpiir--ó-óurenSTM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$%&'() big.M.Pl
‘abig(groupof)dragonflies’
piireemá’urenpiir--eem-a’(!)~´~urenSTM- -SFX1-SFX2 -L
!"#$%&'() big.M.Pl
‘bigdragonflies’
Noneofthesuffixesinthisgroupmaybebrokendownintosmallerconstituent
parts.Indeedoneoftheforms(thesuffix-ó),formspartoftheSgsuffix-(a)mó.
Eachmemberofthe‘general(Sg-leaning)groupisexaminedbelow.
5.3.2.1-o(Mo)
Nounsformedinthesuffix-oarefoundonlytwiceinthesample.
5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena
267
(5.37) THESUFFIX-O(MO) a. aako
aak- -o -ó STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$%&#'()"
‘agrandfather’
b. tsoyo tsoy- -o -ó STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#!"#
‘adikdik’Thissuffixisslightlydifferentfromtherestinthisgroup,inthat,thoughthereare
recordedcasesofitinnounswhichmayoccurwitheitherSgorPlagreement(asthe
examplesin(5.37))therearenorecordedcasesofitoccurringwithinonlySg
agreement.Thistraitmakesitmoresimilartothegeneralsuffixes(tobediscussed
below).Inadditiontothis,thereexistslittleevidenceforformallydifferentiating
thissuffixfrom-u.NocognatesareidentifiedineitherIraqworAlagwa.Ultimately,
thismorphemeisnotwell-representedinthesample,andbecauseofthis,itishard
toclassifyitexactlybasedonitsbehavior.
Thesuffix-oisrecognizableastheSFX2oftheSgsuffix-imo.5.3.2.2-í(Fr)
Thereare23occurrencesofnounstakingthesuffix-í(Fr)inthesample.(5.38) THESUFFIX-Í(FR)
a. bi/iní bi/in- -í -r~´~ STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$%.!"#$%&"
‘asilkyblesmol’
5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena
268
b. loosí loos- -í -r~´~ STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$%
‘beans’
c. fuufí fuuf- -í -r~´~ STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$"%
‘aweasel’Thesuffix-í(Fr)andthesuffix-í(Ft)maybedistinguishedchieflybasedonthe
subgendertheydisplayinthegenderlinker.Thisseemsalegitimatebasisfor
makingthedivision,inthattherearenogeneralpatternsbywhichtopredictwhich
-ísuffixwillbeFrandwhichwillbeFt.
(5.39) THESUFFIX-Í(FR)VS.THESUFFIX-Í(FT) a. loosíruren
loos- -í -r~´~ uren STM- -SFX2 -!
!"#$% big.F.Pl
‘bigbeans’
b. babitáuren bab- -í -táuren STM- -SFX2 -!
!.!.!"#$%&big.F.Pl
‘biginsects’Thesuffix-í(Fr)and-i(Fr)aredifferentbasedsolelyontheirpitchaccent.
Morphologicalramificationsofpitchaccentcanbeseenmostclearlyin‘topic’
morphology,which(amongotherenvironments),occursobligatorilyafterumó
‘every’.Ifanounhasrisingpitchaccent,theformwillbe-ee,ifanounhaslevel
pitchaccent,theformwillbe-oo.
5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena
269
(5.40) THESUFFIX-Í(FR)VS.THESUFFIX-I(FR) a. umóbi/inihee
umó bi/in- -í -r~´~ -oo every STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$%.!"#$%&" -Top
‘everysilkyblesmol’
b. umóba’aariroo umó ba’aar--i -r~´~ -oo every STM- -SFX2 -L
!"" -Top
‘everybee’Kießlingdescribeshightonesuffixesaslexicalizationsofhightoneusedforderiving
onomasticafromexisting,level-toned,suffixes.Assuch,thecommonnounsiigan(d)
‘grasshopper’derivesthepropernameSiigán.Themechanismisextendedfrom
derivingpropernounsfromcommonnouns,toderivingcommonnounsfroman
associatedcommonnoun,thus:xir’ima‘swelling’andxir’imá‘catarrh’(Kießling
2004:10).Thisthenexplainswhyeveryhigh-tonedsuffixhasalevel-toned
counterpart,aswellaswhymanyofthenounswithhigh-tonedsuffixesareforplant
andanimalnames(5.41).Thispatternisnotabsolute,however,andmany
exceptionsoccur(5.42),thusrequiringthe(synchronic)divisionofwhat,
historicallymayhavebeenonlyonesuffixintotwo.
(5.41) HIGH-TONEDSUFFIXESFORPLANTSANDANIMALS a. -í(Fr) bi/iní bi/in- -í -r~´~ STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$%.!"#$%&"
‘asilkyblesmol’ b. -í(Ft) hhinhhiní hhinhhin- -í -tá STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#!$%&
‘pumpkin’
5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena
270
c. -ó(Mo)mootó moot- -ó -ó STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$%&%.!"#$$%&
‘Swahilisparrow’
d. -ú(Mo)puundú puund- -ú -ó STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$%.!".
‘aplant’
e. -áy(Mo)/aráy /ar- -áy -ó STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$%!!"##$%.!"!"#!
‘white-galledacacias’(5.42) a.HIGH-TONEDSUFFIXESFORNON-PLANTSANDANIMALS i. /eetlí /eetl- -í -r~´~ STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#!$%
‘apimple’
ii. duutsú duuts--ú -ó STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$
‘soup’
iii. naqáy naq- -áy -ó STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$%
‘canoe’ b.LEVELPITCHACCENTSUFFIXESFORPLANTSANDANIMALS i. tsoyo tsoy- -o -ó STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#!"#
‘adikdik’
5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena
271
ii. tsarma’i tsarma’- -i -r~´~ STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$%.!".
‘plants’
iii. daawu daaw- -u -ó STM- -SFX2 -L
!"!#$%&'
‘elephant’-í(Fr)doesnotseemtobeseparatedfromthelarger-i(Fr)suffixinMous’(1993)
grammar,butinthedictionary(Mous,Qorro,Kießling:2002),manyformsappear
withthesuffix:awkí(p.17),busí(p.23),andqulmí(probablycognatewiththe
Gorwaaqaalimí)(p.88).NosuchcognateisevidentforAlagwa.
5.3.2.3-í(Ft)
4nounstakethesuffixí(Ft)inthesample.(5.43) THESUFFIX-Í(FT)
a. naanagí naanag- -í -tá STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$"%
‘larvae’ b. ma/a/ayí ma/a/ay- -í -tá STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$%&.!".
‘insects’
c. hhinhhiní hhinhhin- -í -tá STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#!$%&
‘pumpkin’
5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena
272
Asdetailedabove,thesuffixisdistinctfrom-í(Fr)inthesubgenderittakes,andis
distinctfrom-i(Ft)initstone.
Theforms-i(Fr),-í(Fr),-i(Ft)and-í(Ft)arenotdifferentiatedintheIraqw
grammar.AcursorylookthroughtheIraqwdictionarydonotyieldany-í(Ft)
forms.NocognateisevidentforAlagwa.
5.3.2.4-ó(Mo)
Thesuffix-óoccurswith11nounsinthesample.(5.44) THESUFFIX-Ó(MO) a. piiró piir- -ó -ó STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$%&'()
‘adragonfly’
b. loomó loom--ó -ó STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$%.!".
‘aplant’
c. amayó amay- -ó -ó STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$%.!".
‘plants’
-óisdifferentiatedfrom-ointone.Asfor-ovs.-u,thereexistslittleevidencefor
formallydifferentiating-ófrom-ú.NocognatesareidentifiedineitherIraqwor
Alagwa.
5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena
273
-óispresentastheSFX2ofthecommonSgsuffix-(a)mó.
5.3.3General
Thegeneralsuffixesconsistofformswhichmayoccurwithotherformsshowing
eitherSgorPlmorphology(5.45).
(5.45) THEGENSUFFIX-OO(FR)MAYOCCURWITHOTHERFORMSSHOWINGEITHERSGORPLAGREEMENT
a. tsir/oórhatlee tsir/- -oo -r~´~ hatlee STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$% other.F.Pl
‘otherbirds’
b. tsir/oórhatlá’amilá[...] [20151021c.354] tsir/- -oo -r~´~ hatlá’ a milá STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$% other.F.Pl CopN what
‘whatisanotherbird(species)?’Asageneralpattern(andexcludingthesuffixes-i(Fr)and-i(Ft)),thesesuffixesdo
notcommonlyformpairswitheachother.Asanexhaustivelist,thegeneralsuffixes
-úand-aapaironce,and-a(Ft)and-oo(N)pairninetimes(5.46).
(5.46) a.THESINGLE-Ú(MO)AND-AA(FR)PAIR i. puundú puund- -ú -ó STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$%.!"
‘aplant’
ii. puundaa puund- -aa -r~´~ STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$%.!"!
‘plants’
5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena
274
b.EXAMPLEOFAN-A(FT)AND-OO(N)PAIR i. asla asl- -a -tá STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$
‘fire’
ii. asloo asl- -oo ~´~ STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$%
‘fires’Commontoallgeneralformsisthattheyhaveatleastonenounwhichhasnoother
form.Whethersuchformsaremass,singulariatantumorpluraliatantumis
unclear.Theothergroupthatsharesthispatternarethe‘general(Pl-leaning)’
suffixes.
(5.47) EXAMPLESOF‘ONEFORMNOUNS’WITHGENERALSUFFIXES a. bahhi bahh- -i -r~´~ STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#!$$%&!.!"#$%
‘excessivenoise’ b. tsoobú tsoob--ú -ó STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$"%.!"#$%
‘liquidhoney’
c. boohhaa boohh- -aa -r~´~ STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$%&&'.!"#$%&
‘bundleoffirewood’ d. ageengw ag- -aangw -ó STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#.!"#!$%
‘thedryseason’
5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena
275
e. siigan(d) siigand- -∅ -ó STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$$%&''("
‘grasshoppers’Noneofthesuffixesinthisgroupmaybebrokendownintosmallerconstituent
parts.Severalforms:-i(Fr),-oo(N∅),and-eeareusedtoformcomposedsuffixes.
5.3.3.1-a(Mk)
Thesuffix-a(Mk)occurs4timesinthesample.(5.48) THESUFFIX-A(MK)
a. dawa daw- -a -kú STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$
‘ahand’
b. qara qar- -a -kú STM- -SFX2 -L
!"##
‘gall,bile’
c. afa af- -a -kú STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$%
‘mouth’Inanexaminationofnounselicitedinverbalcontexts,the-a(Mk)affixissomewhat
commoner(5.49).Iamhesitanttocalltheseforms‘nominalisations’,becauseitis
notatallclearwhattheentirerangeofsyntacticpropertiesoftheseformsare.
Sufficeittosaythat,thoughthereissignificantoverlapbetweennounsuffixesand
5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena
276
thesetofsuffixesusedforthistypeofnoun,manyofthesuffixesareentirely
differenttothosepresentedhere.
(5.49) THE-A(MK)SUFFIXFORNOUNSELICITEDINVERBALCONTEXTS tsu’a (c.f.tsuú’‘besweet’) tsu’- -a -kú
STM- -SFX2 -L !"##$%#!!
‘sweetness’ Thesuffixes-a(Mk),-a(Mo),and-a(Ft)alltakedifferentgenderlinkers,andcan
thereforebeestablishedasseparatesuffixes.
(5.50) -A(MK),-A(MO)AND-A(FT)AREDIFFERENTSUFFIXES a. afkúúr af- -a -kú úr STM- -SFX2 -!
!"#$% big.M
‘abigmouth’
b. niingóúr niing- -a -ó úr STM- -SFX2 -!
!"#$ big.M
‘abigdrum’
c. asltáur asl- -a -tá ur STM- -SFX2 -!
!"#$ big.F
‘abigfire’Thesuffix-a(Mk)isnotlistedasaseparatesuffixintheIraqwgrammar,butis
attestedonseveralforms(Mous1993:84),allofwhichhaveidenticalcognatesin
Gorwaa.-kisidentifiedasoneofthegenderlinkersinAlagwa(Mous2016:49).
5.3.3.2-a(Mo)
Thesuffix-a(Mo)occurson19nounsinthesample.
5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena
277
(5.51) THESUFFIX-A(MO) a. yaqamba yaqamb- -a -ó STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$
‘abuck’
b. goranga gorang- -a -ó STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$!!.!"#$
‘hero’ssong’
c. hima him- -a -ó STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$
‘rope’Thesuffix-a(Mo)isdifferentfromthesuffixes-a(Mk)and-a(Ft)becauseeach
realizeseparategenderlinkers.Thesuffix-a(Mo)isdifferentfromthesuffix-á
(Mo)becauseofpitchaccent.
(5.52) AMINIMALPAIRFORTHESUFFIXES-A(MO)AND-Á(MO) a. niinga niing- -a -ó STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$
‘adrum’
b. niingá niing- -á -ó STM- -SFX2 -L
!"##$.!"#$%&'
‘green.pigeons’-a(Mo)isnotrecognizedasaseparatesuffixinIraqw,butcursoryexaminationof
theIraqwdictionary(Mous,Qorro,andKießling2002)producesformssuchasbela
(p.21),daanda(p.26),andmusa(p.75),allofwhichseemtobegoodevidenceofa
5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena
278
cognate-a(Mo)inthislanguage.bi/ina(p.275),muuna(p.301),anduma(p.321)
arepossiblecognatesfromtheAlagwagrammar(Mous2016).
5.3.3.3-i(Ft)
Thesuffix-i(Ft)occursonatotalof58nounsinthesample.(5.53) THESUFFIX-I(FT) a. bu’i bu’- -i -tá STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$%&'!.!"#$.!"#$
‘acosmeticburnmark’
b. iingigi iingig--i -tá STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$%&
‘locusts’
c. deli del- -i -tá STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$%&&!
‘amushroom’Thissuffixisdifferentfromtheothergeneralsuffixesinthatitfreelypairswith
othersuffixesofthisgroup.
(5.54) a.THEGENERALSUFFIXES-I(FT)AND-OO(FR)ASAPAIR i. tsisi tsis- -i -tá STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$%
‘aspark’ ii. tsisoo tsis- -oo -r~´~ STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$%!
‘sparks’
5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena
279
b.THEGENERALSUFFIXES-I(FT)AND-AA(FR)ASAPAIR i. kuti kut- -i -tá STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$
‘amole’(i.e.therodent)
ii. kutaa kut- -aa -r~´~ STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$%
‘moles’(i.e.therodents)Asmentionedabove,thesuffix-i(Ft)differsfromthesuffix-í(Ft)inpitchaccent.
Thesuffix-i(Ft)differsfromthesuffix-i(Fr)intheformofthegenderlinkerit
takes.
Thesuffix-i(Ft)isincludedinthesuffix-iintheIraqwgrammar,whichincludes
boththe-i(Ft)andthe-i(Fr)suffixes(Mous1993:68).Thereisnocognatein
Alagwa.
5.3.3.4-i(Fr)
Thesuffix-i(Fr)occursonatotalof194nounsinthesample.(5.55) THESUFFIX-I(FR) a. fiitsi fiits- -i -r~´~ STM- -SFX2 -L
!"##$
‘abroom’
b. ba’aari ba’aar- -i -r~´~ STM- -SFX2 -L
!""#
‘bees’
5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena
280
c. wa’ami wa’am- -i -r~´~ STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$.!"##$%
‘bonemarrow’Thissuffixisdifferentfromtheothergeneralsuffixesinthatitfreelypairswith
othersuffixesofgeneralsuffixgroup.
(5.56) a.THEGENERALSUFFIXES-I(FR)AND-∅(MO)ASAPAIR i. sakweeli sakweel- -i -r~´~ STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$%&'
‘anostrich’
ii. sakwél sakweel- -∅ -ó STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$%&'
‘ostriches’ b.THEGENERALSUFFIXES-I(FR)AND-AA(FR)ASAPAIR
i. /urfi /urf- -i -r~´~ STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$"
‘askink’
ii. /urfaa /urf- -aa -r~´~ STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$"!
‘skinks’Asmentionedabove,thesuffix-i(Fr)isincludedinthesuffix-iintheIraqw
grammar(Mous1993:68).
Thesuffix-i(Fr)ispresentasSFX2intheSgsuffixes-iimiand-aaCzi.
5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena
281
5.3.3.5-∅(Mo)
Thesuffix-∅(Mo)occurson71nounsinthesample.(5.57) THESUFFIX-∅(MO) a. magá’ maga’--∅ -ó STM- -SFX2 -L
!""#$
‘leech’
b. tlangás tlangas- -∅ -ó STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$%&'
‘quivers’
c. poohám pooham- -∅ -ó STM- -SFX2 -L
!"!##$
‘baboon’Togetherwithazerosuffix-∅,thissuffixhastheassociatedsuprasegmentaleffects
ofshorteninglongvowelsandaddinghightone.Thefactthatthesesuprasegmental
featuresarenotpresentinthestemcanbeseeninexaminingtheothermemberofa
pair(5.58).Inmosteverycase,thelongvowelandlevelpitchaccentseemto
indicatethatitisthesuffix-∅(Mo)whichisaddingtheseeffects.
(5.58) LONGVOWEL,LEVELPITCHACCENTINTHEMATEOF-∅(Mo) a. sakweeli sakweel- -i -r~´~ STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$%&'
‘anostrich’ b. sakwél sakweel- -∅ -ó STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$%&'("
‘ostriches’
5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena
282
Kießling(2000:11)describesthesuffix-∅(Mo)asahistoricalprocessofregressive
hightonespreadingandapocope,anexampleisgivenbelow:
(5.55)TONESPREADINGANDAPOCOPERESULTINGIN-∅(Mo)PROTOWESTRIFT PROTO-IRAQWOID GORWAA
HIGHTONESPREAD APOCOPE *masladú‘fruittrees’
*maslárú *maslár maslár
AdaptedfromKießling(2000:11)ThisformisnotmentionedintheIraqwgrammar,butisclearlypresent,inboththe
grammaranddictionary.
5.3.3.6-ay(N∅)
Thesuffix-ay(N∅)occursonthreenounsinthesample.(5.59) THESUFFIX-AY(N∅) a. fu’unay fu’un- -ay ~´~ STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$
‘meat’
b. makay mak- -ay ~´~ STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$!%&
‘animals’
c. maa’ay maa’- -ay ~´~ STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$%
‘water’Itisdifficulttoseethedifferencebetweenthesuffix-ay(N∅)andthesuffixes-ay
(Mo),andthesuffix-áy(Mo)becausethegenderlinker,duetovowelcoalescence,
willoftenappearthesame(i.e.arisingpitchaccentonthefinalvowel).Asshownin
5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena
283
(5.60),whencomparingfu’unay(-ay(N∅)suffix),sookitáy(-áy(Mo)suffix),and
tsa/atay(-ay(Mo)suffix),thegenderagreementontheadjectiveprovidesthemost
salientdifference.
(5.60) THESUFFIXES-AY(N∅),-AY(MO),AND-ÁY(MO)APPEARINGTHESAMEINSURFACEFORM a. fu’unáynaa/ fu’un- -ay ~´~ naa/ STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$ fresh.N
‘freshmeat’
b. sookitáynaá/ sookit--ay -ó naá/ STM- -SFX2 -L
!"##$.!"#"$%&'" fresh.M
‘freshgreens’
c. tsa/atáynaá/ tsa/at--áy -ó naá/ STM- -SFX2 -L
!"".!"#$ fresh.M
‘fresheggyolk’The-ay(N∅)suffixisnotidentifiedasasuffixintheIraqwgrammar,butisclearly
presentincognatesofthethreeformsgivenabove.
5.3.3.7-ú(Mo)
Thesuffix-ú(Mo)occurson34nounsinthesample.(5.61) THESUFFIX-Ú(MO)
a. /aamú /aam- -ú -ó STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$%
‘fruit’
5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena
284
b. /awtú /awt- -ú -ó STM- -SFX2 -L
!"##$%&'(
‘butterfly’
c. du/ú du/- -ú -ó STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#
‘fat’Asmentionedabove,thesuffix-ú(Mo)canbedifferentiatedfromthesuffix-u(Mo)
onthebasisofpitchaccent.Whatislesscertainisthatthesuffix-ú(Mo)andthe
suffix-ó(Mo)aredifferent.
TheIraqwdictionary(Mous,Qorro,Kießling2002)recordsseveralformswiththis
ending,including/awtú(p.17),danú(p.27),andtsamú(p.107),allofwhosesuffixes
arecognatewiththeoneathand.
5.3.3.8-oo(Fr)
Thesuffix-oo(Fr)occurson51nounsinthesample.(5.62) THESUFFIX-OO(FR)
a. tsir/oo tsir/- -oo -r~´~ STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$%
‘birds’
b. daka’oo daka’- -oo -r~´~ STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#!"!.!"##$
‘baobabtrees’
5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena
285
c. hho’oo hho’- -oo -r~´~ STM- -SFX2 -L
!"!#$%
‘sister’Thissuffixcanbedifferentiatedfromthesuffix-oo(N∅)basedonthegender
agreementittriggers.
(5.63) THESUFFIX-OO(FR)VS.THESUFFIX-OO(N∅) a. tsir/oórtsár tsir/- -oo -r~´~ tsár STM- -SFX2 -!
!"#$% two
‘twobirds’
b. dageenoótsár dageen- -oo ~´~ tsár STM- -SFX2 -!
!"#$%.!"#$% two
‘twoyoungwomen’Thecognateofthesuffix-oo(Fr)isidentifiedinIraqwas-o(Mous1993:60),andin
Alagwaas-oo(Mous2016:87).
5.3.3.9-a(Ft)
Thesuffix-a(Ft)occurson15nounsinthesample.(5.64) THESUFFIX-A(FT) a. asla asl- -a -tá STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$
‘fire’ b. hhafa hhaf- -a -tá STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$#%&.!"#$%
‘ceilingpoles’
5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena
286
c. fara far- -a -tá STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$
‘bone’Inanexaminationofnounselicitedinverbalcontexts,the-a(Mk)affixissomewhat
commoner(5.65).
(5.65) THE-A(FT)SUFFIXFORNOUNSELICITEDINVERBALCONTEXTS a. ara (c.f.aár‘tosee’) ar- -a -tá STM- -SFX2 -L
!""#$%
‘seeing’
b. da/a (c.f.daa/‘toburn’) da/- -a -tá STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$%$&
‘burning’
c. kwahha (c.f.kwaáhh‘tothrow’) kwahh- -a -tá STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$%&'(
‘throwing’InIraqw,thesuffix-a(Ft)isgroupedtogetherwiththesuffix-a(Fr)asaproductive
‘nominalizingsuffix’(Mous1993:76).InAlagwa,anidenticalsuffixisalsoidentified
asanominalizer(Mous2016:107).Itsnominalizingstatusforcesonetoreviewthe
stemsofwhatwereconsideredin(5.64)tobeentirely‘nominal’,anddrawsome
interestingassociations:in(5.64).b),thestemhhaf-seemstobethesameasthe
verbhhaáf‘tolayout’;in(5.64).c),thestemfar-andtheverbfaár‘tocount’arealso
temptinglysimilar.Nosuchparallelcouldbefoundbetweenasl-thestemin
(5.64).a)andanyotherverb.
5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena
287
5.3.3.10-aa(Fr)
Thesuffix-aa(Fr)occurson132nounsinthesample.(5.66) THESUFFIX-AA(FR)
a. hhanslaa hhansl- -aa -r~´~ STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$%&'()%
‘cornstalks’
b. deeqwaa deeqw- -aa -r~´~ STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$!
‘razor’
c. /aantaa /aant--aa -r~´~ STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$%!".!"#$%
‘atermitemound’Thesuffix-aa(Fr)isgroupedwiththe-asuffixinIraqw,discussedaboveinits
‘nominalizing’function,anddiscussedinitsfunctionasnounsuffixin(Mous1993:
60).TheonlycomparablesuffixinAlagwaisonceagainthe‘nominalizer’(Mous
2016:107).
5.3.3.11-ee(Fr)
Thesuffix-ee(Fr)occurs19timesinthesample.(5.67) THESUFFIX-EE(FR)
a. bambaree bambar- -ee -r~´~ STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$"%&.!"##$%
‘bulrushmillet’
5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena
288
b. tseeree tseer- -ee -r~´~ STM- -SFX2 -L
!"##$
‘blood’
c. iimpee iimp- -ee -r~´~ STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$%&
‘atrough’Thesuffix-ee(Fr)isthesameaswhatMousidentifiedas-einIraqw(1993:50),and
as-eeinAlagwa(2016:82).
Thesuffix-ee(Fr)isvisibleasSFX2inthePlcomposedsuffixes-aaweeand-aCzee.
5.3.3.12-á(Mo)
Thesuffix-á(Mo)occurson11nounsinthesample.(5.68) THESUFFIX-Á(MO)
a. niingá niing- -á -ó STM- -SFX2 -L
!"##$.!"#$%&'
‘greenpigeons’
b. filá fil- -á -ó STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$!#$%
‘anteater’ c. kuumbá kuumb- -á -ó STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$%&"!!"!!"#
‘brother-in-law’
5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena
289
TheIraqwgrammardoesnotlist-á(Mo)asaseparatesuffix,butacursorylook
throughtheIraqwdictionary(Mous,Qorro,andKießling2002)yieldsformssuchas
aará(p.15)andil/ará(p.55).
5.3.3.13-ay(Mo)
Thesuffix-ay(Mo)occurson34nounsinthesample.(5.69) THESUFFIX-AY(MO)
a. na/ay na/- -ay -ó
STM- -SFX2 -L !"#$%
‘child’
b. tsaxway tsaxw--ay -ó STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$$%&''("
‘agrasshopper’
c. tsuhay tsuh- -ay -ó STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$%.!"#$
‘lowerback’Thesuffix-ay(Mo)isidentifiedinIraqwasthesuffix-aay(Mous1993:48).Nosuch
suffixisidentifiedforAlagwa.
5.3.3.14-u(Mo)
Thesuffix-u(Mo)occurson24nounsinthesample.
5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena
290
(5.70) THESUFFIX-U(MO) a. daawu
daaw- -u -ó STM- -SFX2 -L
!"!#$%&'
‘elephant’
b. desu des- -u -ó STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$%
‘girls’
c. musu mus- -u -ó STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$%"
‘apestle’TheIraqwdictionary(Mous,Qorro,Kießling2002)recordsseveralformswiththis
ending,includingawu(p.17),qaytsu(p.86),andyuundu(p.122).
5.3.3.15-aangw(Mo)
Thesuffix-aangw(Mo)occurson36nounsinthesample.(5.71) THESUFFIX-AANGW(MO)
a. se’eengw se’- -aangw -ó STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$
‘hair’
b. diraangw dir- -aangw -ó STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$
‘alion’
5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena
291
c. kwu/uungw kwu/- -uungw -ó STM- -SFX2 -L
!"##
‘awall’Thesuffix-aangw(Mo)isidentifiedinIraqwas-angw(Mous1993:p.49).No
similarsuffixexistsinAlagwa.
5.3.3.16-oo(N∅)
Thesuffix-oo(N∅)occurson23nounsinthesample.(5.72) THESUFFIX-OO(N∅)
a. dageenoo dageen- -oo ~´~ STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$%.!"#$%
‘youngwomen’
b. daqoo daq- -oo ~´~ STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$%
‘herds’
c. gwe’edoo gwe’ed- -oo ~´~ STM- -SFX2 -L
!"##$%&
‘abuttock’Thesuffix-oo(N∅)isidentifiedas-oinIraqw(Mous1993:57),andas-ooinAlagwa
(p.87).
Thesuffix-oo(N∅)ispresentasSFX2inthePlcomposedsuffixes-iyooand-eemoo
or-<ee>-oo.
5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena
292
5.3.4General(Pl-leaning)(GenPL)
Thisgroupofsuffixesisgeneralnumber,butareusuallyusedtoformnounswhich
denotePlentities(5.73),butwhentheyexistinapairwithanounformedwithaSg
suffix(5.74),oranounformedwithaPlsuffix(5.75),theymayoccurwithother
formsshowingeitherSgorPlagreement.
(5.73) GENPLSUFFIX-AYMAYONLYOCCURWITHOTHERFORMSSHOWINGPLAGREEMENTa. purusáytlét
purus--ay -ó tlét STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$%&.!" long.M.Pl
‘longinsects’
b. *purusáytleér purus--ay -ó tleér STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$%&.!" long.M
(intendedmeaning)‘alonginsect’ c. puruseértleer purus--ee -r~´~ tleer STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$%&.!" long.F
‘alonginsect’(5.74) SGANDGENPL
‘ORPHAN’panimó panáy
panimóúrpan--(a)m-ó-óúrSTM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L
!"#$%&big.M
‘abigorphan’
panáyúrpan--áy-óúrSTM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$%&big.M
‘abig(groupof)orphans’
panáyurénpan--áy-óurénSTM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$%&'big.M.Pl
‘bigorphans’
5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena
293
(5.75) GENPLANDPL‘EVENING’3
xweera xweerduxweerátleerxweer--a’(!)~´~tleerSTM- -SFX2 -L
!"!#$#%long.N
‘alongevening’
xweerátletxweer--a’(!)~´~tletSTM- -SFX2 -L
!"!#$#%long.N.Pl
‘along(seriesof)evenings’
xweerdutletxweer--(a)d-u!~´~tletSTM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L
!"!#$#%long.N.Pl
‘longevenings’(i.e.isolatedevenings,notinseries)
Noneofthesuffixesinthisgroupmaybebrokendownintosmallerconstituent
parts.Infact,alloftheseformsareusedtoformthecomposed‘Pl’suffixes,tobe
discussedbelow.
5.3.4.1-áy(Mo)
Thesuffix-áy(Mo)occurson121nounsinthesample.(5.76) THESUFFIX-ÁY(MO) a. deeláy deel- -áy -ó STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$
‘kids’(i.e.babygoats)
b. fiitsáy fiits- -áy -ó STM- -SFX2 -L
!"##$%
‘brooms’
c. yaaháy yaah- -áy -ó STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$.!"#$
‘softrain’
3Thenounintheexamplexweera‘evening’is,onthesurface,anounendingin-a.However,becauseoftheN∅agreementittriggers,itisassumedthatthesuffixis-a’(!),andthatthefinalglottalstophasundergoneapocope.
5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena
294
Thesuffix-áy(Mo)isidentifiedinIraqwasthesuffix-aay,followingatone-
spreadingoperation.Thissignalsasignificantdifferenceintheclassificationof
suffixestothatundertakeninthiswork,andwillbeexpandedupon.
Mous(1993:49)notesthatthesuffixidentifiedhereas-áy(Mo)isactuallythesuffix
-ay(Mo)(discussedabove),andisrealizedwithrisingpitchaccent(RPA)becauseof
tonespreadingfromhightoneonthelexicalroot(modeledin(5.77)).Theargument
seemsvalidfortwoprimaryreasons:i)ahigh-tonedsuffixmaybepairedwithother
high-tonedsuffixes(5.78),whichcreatestheappearanceofacommonhigh-toned
stemspreadingRPAtothesuffixunderlyingly,andii)whenahigh-tonedsuffixis
pairedwiththesuffix-∅Mo(5.79),whichcouldbeinterpretedasabarerootrather
thanasuffixedform.
(5.77) PROGRESSIVETONESPREADTOTHESUFFIX(Mous1993:49)SURFACESUFFIX STEM+SUFFIX SURFACEFORMFOLLOWINGHIGH
TONESPREAD-ay(Mo) na/+ay(Mo) na/ay‘achild’-áy(Mo) deél+ay(Mo) deeláy‘kids’(i.e.babygoats)(5.78) HIGH-TONEDPAIRS,CREATINGTHEIMPRESSIONOFAHIGH-TONEDSTEM(Mous1993:
49) -u xuuntlú ‘unusualprotuberance’xuúntl- + = -ay xuuntláy ‘unusualprotuberances’
(5.79) HIGH-TONEDSUFFIXPAIREDWITHSUFFIX-∅(Mo),CREATINGTHEIMPRESSIONOFAHIGH-
TONEDSTEM(MOUS1993:49)
-i tsaxweelí ‘springtrap’tsaxweél- + = -∅ tsaxwél ‘springtraps’
5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena
295
Inbothoftheseconfigurations,therisingpitchaccentcouldbeviewedasinherent
tothestem,andundergoingprogressivetonespreadtothesuffix.
Itisarguedinthiswork,contraMous(1993)thattoneis,infact,notapropertyof
thestem,butapropertyofthesuffixes.
Thoughthe‘hightoneonthestem’(demonstratedin(5.77)-(5.79))argumentholds
wellforpairsinwhichtoneisthesameonbothmembers(asabove),itfaresless
wellforpairsinwhichtoneisdifferent(5.80).Thisisrenderedespecially
problematicwheninsomecases,thesuffixcanbearRPA,andinothercases,itdoes
not(5.81).
(5.80) PAIRWITHDIFFERINGTONEVALUE -i bi/iní(RPA) ‘silkyblesmol’bi/ín- + = -aa bi/inaa(LPA) ‘silkyblesmols’
(5.81) ONESUFFIX,TWOTONALREALIZATIONS a.-IOFFIITSI:LEVELPITCHACCENT
-i fiitsi(LPA) ‘springtrap’fiíts- + = -ay fiitsáy(RPA) ‘springtraps’
b.-IOFDO/Í:RISINGPITCHACCENT -i do/í(RPA) ‘canerat’dó/- + = -ay do/áy(RPA) ‘canerats’
Theprogressivetonespreadingargumentcouldbesavedbypositingthat,insome
cases,tonespreadingisblocked,asitmustbeincasessuchas-aain(5.80),butthis
isaharderargumenttomakewhenthesuffixisphonologicallythesame,asinthe-i
offiitsiandthe-iofbi/iní.Essentially,onewouldhavetoposittwodifferentkinds
of-isuffix,onethatallowstonespreading,andonethatdoesnot.Thisyieldsthe
samenumberofsuffixesasproposedinthecurrentwork,buthastheadditional
5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena
296
complexityofeitheri)havingtostoreinformationontoneintheroot/stem(e.g.to
achievethecorrectsurfaceforms,the(otherwiseidentical)niinga‘drum’andniingá
‘greenpigeon’,wouldhavetoexistastwoseparateunderlyingstems,niing-and
niíng-,respectively);orii)havingtostoreonenounofanotherwiseidenticalpairas
alexicalizedentry(e.g.niinga‘drum’andniingá‘greenpigeon’,wouldhavetoexist
astwoseparateunderlyingstems,niing-andniingá,respectively).Thesystem
envisagedinthecurrentworkproposesthattonalinformationisstoredneitheron
theroot,norinitsspell-outrulesinList2,butthatthisworkiscarriedoutbythe
suffixinaprincipled,regularway.Inadditiontothis,lexicalentries(including
manypropernames)areminimized,andlefttobederivedconstructionally(c.f.
§4.4.3).Assuch,sufficeittosayatthispointthatthedifferencebetween-áy(Mo)
and-ay(Mo)(andofotherhigh-tone,low-tonesuffixpairs)isnotduetoprogressive
tonespreading,butisbecausethesuffixesthemselvesaredifferent,andtheirtone
patternisinherenttothem.
Noequivalenttothesuffix-áy(Mo)isidentifiedinAlagwa.Thesuffix-áyispresentasSFX2inthePlcomposedsuffix-náy.5.3.4.2-u!(N∅)
Thesuffix-u!(N∅)occurson34nounsinthesample.(5.82) THESUFFIX-U!(N∅)
a. gamu gam- -u! ~´~ STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$%&'#$
‘underside’
5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena
297
b. bolu bool- -u! ~´~ STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$
‘days’
c. manu maan--u! ~´~ STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$%&'
‘zombies’Togetherwitha-u,thissuffixhasthesuprasegmentaleffectinthepreceeding
syllableofshorteningalongvowel(5.83),eliminatingaglide(5.84)aswellas
changing[w]to[b]and[r]to[d]inaprocessoffortition(5.85).Followinga
conventionbegunbyKießling(1994),thiseffectisrepresentedbythesymbol!.The
factthatthissuprasegmentaleffectisnotpresentinthestemcanbeseenby
examiningtheothermemberofapair.
(5.83) SHORTENINGEFFECTOF-U!(N∅)a. i.booloo
bool--oo -r~´~ STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#
‘aday’ ii.bolu bool- -u! ~´~ STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$
‘days’
b. i.yaa’ee yaa’--ee -r~´~ STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$!
‘ariver’
5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena
298
ii.ya’u yaa--u! ~´~ STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$!%
‘rivers’
(5.84) GLIDE-ELIMINATIONEFFECTOF-U!(N∅) a. qaymoo qaym--oo -r~´~ STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$%
‘field’ b. qamu qaym--u! ~´~ STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$%&
‘fields’(5.85) FORTITIONEFFECTOF-U!(N∅) a. i.siiwaa siiw--aa -r~´~ STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$#%#&
‘protocol’
ii.sibu siiw- -u! ~´~ STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$#%#&'
‘protocols’
b. i.fara far- -a -tá STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$
‘abone’
ii.fadu far--u! ~´~ STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$%
‘bones’
5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena
299
Thesuffix-u!(N∅)isidenticalinIraqw(Mous1993:55),aswellasinAlagwa(Mous
2016:92).
Thesuffix-u!(N∅)ispresentasSFX2inthePlcomposedsuffixes-aCzu,-(a)du,and
-<ee>-aCzu.
5.3.4.3-a’(!)(N∅)
Thesuffix-a’(!)(N∅)occurson37nounsinthesample.(5.86) THESUFFIX-A’(!)(N∅)
a. laqeela’ laqeel--a’(!) ~´~ STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$%&
‘thorns’
b. gongoxa’ gongoox- -a’(!) ~´~ STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$%&
‘elbows’
c. giitsee/a’ giitsee/- -a’(!) ~´~ STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$
‘aface’Thegroupofsuprasegmentaleffects!thataccompanythesuffix-a’donot
consistentlyapply,andarethereforerepresentedas(!).Effectscanbeseenwhen
comparingmembersofapair(5.87).
5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena
300
(5.87) SUPRASEGMENTALEFFECTSOF-A’(!)(N∅) a.EFFECTSOBSERVED i.gongooxi gongoox- -i -r~´~ STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$%
‘anelbow’
ii.gongoxa’ gongoox- -a’(!) ~´~ STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$%&
‘elbows’ b.EFFECTSUNOBSERVED i.akeesi akees- -i -r~´~ STM- -SFX2 -L
!""#$%&.!"#$%
‘acookingstone’
ii.akeesa’ akees- -a’(!) ~´~ STM- -SFX2 -L
!""#$%&.!"#$%!
‘cookingstones’Sometimes,thefinalglottalstopisnotpresent.Thisisduetoword-finalapocope.(5.88) WORD-FINALAPOCOPEOFGLOTTALSTOP a. /ayla /ayl- -a’(!) ~´~ STM- -SFX2 -L
!"##$%&.!"#$
‘weddingsong’ b. xweera xweer--a’(!)~´~
STM- -SFX2 -L !"!#$#%
‘anevening’
5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena
301
Thesuffix-a’(!)isidentifiedintheseforms,asopposedtoother-asuffixes(-a(Ft),
-a(Mk)or-a(Mo))becauseofagreementpatternspresentonthegenderlinkeras
wellasadjective(5.89).
(5.89) AGREEMENTPATTERNSDIFFERENTIATE-A(!)(N∅)WITHWORD-FINALAPOCOPE,-A(MK),-A(MO),ANDA(FT)
a. dungáur (suffix:-a’(!),withword-finalapocope) dung--a’(!)~´~ ur
STM- -SFX2 -L !"#$
big.N
‘abignose’
b. afkúúr (suffix:-a(Mk)) af- -a -kú úr STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$% big.M
‘abigmouth’ c. niingóúr (suffix:-a(Mo)) niing- -a -ó úr
STM- -SFX2 -L !"#$
big.M
‘abigdrum’
d. asltáur (suffix:-a(Ft)) asl- -a -tá ur
STM- -SFX2 -L !"#$
big.F
‘abigfire’Thesuffix-a’(!)isidenticalinIraqw(Mous1993:57),and-ainAlagwa(Mous2016:
94).
Thesuffix-a’(!)(N∅)ispresentasSFX2inthePlcomposedsuffixes-(a)ma’,and
eema’.
5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena
302
5.3.4.4-a’i(N∅)
Thesuffix-a’i(N∅)occurson33nounsinthesample.(5.90) THESUFFIX-A’I(N∅)
a. tloomi’i tloom--a’i ~´~
STM- -SFX2 -L !"#$%&'$(
‘mountains’
b. na/i’i na/- -a’i ~´~ STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$%&'(
‘children’
c. himi’i him- -a’i ~´~ STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$%
‘ropes’Invirtuallyallcases,the[a]ofthesuffixhasundergoneregressiveassimilation
acrosstheglottalconsonant,thusresultinginasuffixwhoseformistypically-i’i.
Insomecases,thefinalvowelandtheglottalconsonantarenotpresent.Thisisdue
toword-finalapocope.
(5.91) WORD-FINALAPOCOPEOFGLOTTALSTOPAND[i] a. bihhi bihh- -a’i ~´~ STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$
‘side’(i.e.ofthebody) b. amsi ams- -a’i ~´~ STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$%
‘night’
5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena
303
Thesuffix-a’iisidentifiedintheseforms,asopposedtoother-isuffixes(-i(Fr),or-
a(Ft))becauseofagreementpatternspresentonthelinkeraswellasadjective
(5.92).
(5.92) AGREEMENTPATTERNSDIFFERENTIATE-A’I(N∅)WITHWORD-FINALAPOCOPE,-I(FR),AND-I(FT)
a. amsítleer (suffix:-a’i,withword-finalapocope) amsi--a’i ~´~ tleer
STM- -SFX2 -! !"#$%
long.N
‘alongnight’
b. mulkírtleer (suffix:-i(Fr)) mulk- -i -r~´~ tleer
STM- -SFX2 -! !"#$
long.F
‘alongscar’
c. lukitátleer (suffix:-i(Ft)) luk- -i -tá tleer
STM- -SFX2 -! !""#.!"#
long.F
‘alongreedmat’ Thesuffix-a’i(N∅)isidenticalinIraqw(Mous1993:52),and-(a)a’iinAlagwa
(Mous2016:83).
Thesuffix-a’i(N∅)ispresentasSFX2inthePlcomposedsuffixes-iya’,-eeri,and
-aCzi’i.
5.3.5Pl
ThisgroupofsuffixesformnounswhichonlyoccurwithPlagreement.These
suffixesnevershowSgagreementontheadjective(5.93).Thisisacrucialdifference
fromallothergroupsofsuffixes(5.94).
5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena
304
(5.93) PL.SUFFIX-EEMA’(N∅)MAYOCCURONLYWITHOTHERFORMSSHOWINGPLAGREEMENTa. tlapteemá’tlet
tlapt- -eem -a’(!) ~´~ tlet STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L
!"#$%&' long.N.Pl
‘tallfalcons’
b. *tlapteemá’tleer tlapt- -eem -a’(!) ~´~ tleer
STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L !"#$%&'
long.N
(intendedmeanings)‘tallfalcons’,‘agroupoftallfalcons’ c. tlaptumótleér tlapt- -(a)m -ó -ó tleér
STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L !"#$%&
long.M
‘atallfalcon’(5.94) GENERALSUFFIX-AA(FR)MAYOCCURONLYWITHOTHERFORMSSHOWINGEITHERSGOR
PLAGREEMENTa. sirooraártleer
siroor--aa -r~´~ tleerSTM- -SFX2 -L
!"#"$%&'tall.F
‘tallcanary’(i.e.asaspecies,versusshortkindsofcanary)
b. sirooraártlet siroor--aa -r~´~ tlet
STM- -SFX2 -L !"#$%&'
long.F.Pl
‘tallcanaries’Thisgroupmayalsobedistinguishedbyits‘composed’suffixes.Thisis,allthe
suffixesofthisgroupmaybebrokendownintotwosmallersubcomponents.Asfor
theSgsuffixes,thesubcomponentsofthisgroupofPlsuffixesshowthesamesortof
composition.Thefirstsubcomponentisoneofaseriesmorphemesreadily
identifiableas‘derivational’whenusedwithverbstems[CROSSREFERENCE],and
whichwillbefurtherdiscussedbelow.Thesecondsubcomponentisalwaysasuffix
fromthegeneralgroup.
5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena
305
(5.95) SUBDIVISIONOF‘COMPOSEDSUFFIXES’INTOSFX1ANDSFX2 murungeema’
murung- -eem -a’(!) ~´~STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L
!"##$!%&&'()
‘bellybuttons’EachofthesuffixesofthePlgroupwillbeexaminedindetailbelow.5.3.5.1-náy(Mo)
Thesuffix-náy(Mo)occursonsixnounsinthesample.(5.96) THESUFFIX-NÁY(MO)
a. ga/atanáy ga/at- -(a)m -áy -ó
STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L !"#"$%
‘fevers’
b. tsetse/imáy tsetse/- -(a)m -áy -ó STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L
!"#$.!"#$%&
‘openplaces’
c. afurtlumáy afurtl--(a)m -áy -ó STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L
!"#$%&.!"#$%
‘simpleknots’Ascanbeseenfrom(5.96).b)and(5.96).c),thesuffixisoftenrealizedwithan[m]
insteadofan[n].
Thesuffix-náy(Mo)hasnoidentifiedequivalentineitherIraqworAlagwa.Thesuffix-áymaybefurtherdecomposedintotwoparts:(a)mSFX1,andáySFX2.
NotethatSFX1isrecognizableinthe-VVmofthedurativeverbalsuffix(see
§2.3.2.4).SFX2istheGenPLsuffix-áy(Mo).
5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena
306
5.3.5.2-iya’(N∅)
Thesuffix-iya’(N∅)occursonfournounsinthesample.(5.97) THESUFFIX-IYA’(N∅)
a. slufiya’ sluf- -iy -a’(!) ~´~ STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L
!"#$
‘lips’
b. tsi/iya’ tsi/- -iy -a’(!) ~´~ STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L
!"#$!
‘shins’ c. tsiniya’ tsin- -iy -a’(!) ~´~ STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L
!"#$
‘ends’Thefourthoccurrenceofthesuffix-iya’(N∅)involvesword-finalapocopeofthe
glottalstop.
(5.98) WORD-FINALAPOCOPEOFTHEGLOTTALSTOPOFTHESUFFIX-IYA’(N∅) laqayiya laqay- -iy -a’(!) ~´~ STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L
!"#$%&
‘thorns’Theequivalentofthesuffix-iya’(N∅)inIraqwisidentical(Mous1993:57).No
similarformisidentifiedinAlagwa.
Mous(1993:57)notesthatthisformisidenticaltotheverbalthirdpersonplural
suffix-iya’.Decompositionispossible,butslightlylesssatisfyingthantheother
decompositions,inthatthefirstelement(SFX1)isnotidentifiablewithan
5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena
307
independentmorpheme.Nevertheless,thetwopartsareasfollows:iySFX1,and
a’(!)SFX2.SFX2istheGenPLsuffix-a’(!)(N∅).
5.3.5.3-(a)ma’(N∅)
Thesuffix-(a)ma’(N∅)occurson61nounsinthesample.(5.99) THESUFFIX-(A)MA’(N∅)
a. tla/ama’ tla/- -(a)m -a’(!) ~´~ STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L
!"#$%&'
‘ditches’ b. kitangeerima’ kitangeer- -(a)m -a’(!) ~´~
STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L !"#$%&.!"#$%
‘dryingracks’
c. kiintima’ kiint- -(a)m -a’(!) ~´~ STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L
!"#$%&!'
‘thickets’Thesuffix-(a)ma’isidentifiedas-ma’inIraqw(Mous1993:52).Thereisno
equivalentforminAlagwa.
Thesuffix-(a)ma’maybefurtherdecomposedintotwoparts:(a)mSFX1,anda’(!)
SFX2.NotethatSFX1isrecognizableinthe-VVmofthedurativeverbalsuffix(see
§2.3.2.4).SFX2istheGenPLsuffix-a’(!)(N∅).
5.3.5.4-iyoo(N∅)
Thesuffix-iyoo(N∅)occursontwonounsinthesample.
5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena
308
(5.100) THESUFFIX-IYOO(N∅) a. kuriyoo
kur- -iy -oo ~´~ STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L
!"#$%$
‘anuses’
b. tsariyoo tsar- -iy -oo ~´~
STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L !"#$%&#'('
‘clitorises’Equivalentstothesuffix-iyoo(N∅)havebeenidentifiedneitherinIraqw,norin
Alagwa.
Decompositionofthesuffix-iyoo(N∅)yields:iyforSFX1(discussedabove),andoo
forSFX2.SFX2isthegeneralsuffix-oo(N∅).
5.3.5.5-aCzi’i(N∅)
Thesuffix-aCzi’i(N∅)(wheretheCzisaconsonantreduplicatedfromthelastinthe
stem)occursontwonounsinthesample.
(5.101) THESUFFIX-ACZI’I(N∅)a. akoki’i
ako- -aCz -a’i ~´~STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L
!"#$%&#'()"*
‘grandfathers’
b. aamami’i aama- -aCz -a’i ~´~
STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L !"#$%&'()*"+
‘grandmothers’NosimilarformisidentifiedinIraqworAlagwa.
5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena
309
ThesuffixmaybedecomposedintoaCzforSFX1,anda’iforSFX2.aCzis
recognizableinthepluractionalsuffixforverbs,anda’iisthe-a’iGenPLsuffix,
describedabove.
5.3.5.6-<ee>-aCzu(N∅)
Thesuffix-<ee>-aCzu(N∅)(wheretheCzisaconsonantreduplicatedfromthelastin
thestem)occursonfournounsinthesample.
(5.102) THESUFFIX<EE>-ACZU(N∅)a. tlaqeesusu
tlaqas--ees -aCz -u! ~´~ STM- -SFX1 -SFX1 -SFX2 -L
!"#$%&'.!"#$%#
‘sorghummashes’ b. hhafeetutu hhaf- -eet -aCz -u! ~´~
STM- -SFX1 -SFX1 -SFX2 -L !""#.!"#$
‘reedmats’
c. tsa/eetutu tsa/at--eet -aCz -u! ~´~ STM- -SFX1 -SFX1 -SFX2 -L
!"#$%
‘yolks’The-<ee>partofthesuffixreferstoaninfixedee,whichbreaksthefinalconsonant
fromthestem.Interestingly,thissuffixisonlyeverappliedwhentheconsonant
concernedist,m,s,allofwhichserveasverbalderivationalmorphemes(-tthe
middle,-mthedurativeand-sthecausative).Itispredictedthattheconsonant-r,
missingfromthecurrentsample,wouldalsoundergothisprocess,asitisalsoa
durativeverbalsuffix.Inhissectiononverbalderivationalmorphemes,Mous
5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena
310
(1993:190)observestheabilityofcertainoperationstoreanalyzethecontentof
theirbases,severaloperationsseemingtotreattheconsonantst,m,sorrasifthey
wereindeedthederivationalmorphemes.Forexample,theverblakiit‘towait’has
nounderivedform(therefore*lak),buttheiitofthestemseemstobereanalyzed
andtreatedasthemiddlesuffix-iitinthereduplicativedurativeconstruction(hence
lakmaamiit‘tobewaiting’).Perhapsthesameoperationistakingplaceinthis
nominaloperation,thusthestemof(5.102).c)tsa/atisreanalyzedastsa/-t.
NosimilarsuffixisidentifiedforIraqworAlagwa.Thesuffix-<ee>-aCzu(N∅)isuniqueinthatitmaybedecomposedintothree
subcomponents,ratherthantwo.Thefirst,asdiscussedabove,isthereanalysisofa
stem-finalt,m,s,orrinto-eet,-eem,-ees,oreer.ThesecondisaCz.Bothoftheseare
labeledSFX1.Thethirdelement,SFX2is-u.Asstatedabove,-eet,-eem,-ees,and-
aarareallsimilartoverbalderivationalsuffixes,asis-aCz,whichalsoservesasa
durativesuffix.Theelement-uistheGenPLsuffix-u!,discussedabove.
5.3.5.7-eemooor-<ee>-oo(N)
Thesuffix-eemo(N)oritsallomorph-<ee>-oo(N)occur21timesinthesample.(5.103) THESUFFIX-EEMOO(N∅) a. uuneemoo uun- -eem -oo ~´~
STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L !"#$
‘laws’
5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena
311
b. fuufeemoo fuuf- -eem -oo ~´~
STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L !"#$"%$
‘weasels’
c. slareemoo slar- -eem -oo ~´~ STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L
!"#$%&'
‘armpits’Theallomorph-<ee>-oo(N)occursonlywhenthefinalconsonantofthestemist,m,
orr.Itispredictedthat-swouldalsobehavethesame,butthisisnotrecordedin
thesample.Reminiscentofthepatterndiscussedabove,thismayrepresentthe
sameoperationofreanalysis.
(5.104) THESUFFIX-<EE>-OO(N∅) a. ya/eetoo ya/at- -<ee> -oo ~´~
STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L !"#$!
‘shoes’
b. wa’eemoo wa’am- -<ee> -oo ~´~
STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L !"#$.!"##$%
‘bonemarrow’
c. anxeeroo anxar--<ee> -oo ~´~
STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L !"#$%&
‘phlegm’Thisoperationdoesnotoccurforeverycaseofastem-finalt,m,orr,however.
5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena
312
(5.105) [t]OF/AANTEEMOOISNOTREANALYSED /aanteemoo
/aant--eem -oo ~´~ STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L
!"#$%!".!"#$%&
‘termitemounds’
AnidenticalsuffixisidentifiedinbothIraqw(Mous1993:58)andAlagwa(Mous
2016:85).
Thesuffix-eemoo(N)canbebrokenintotwosubparts,eemasSFX1,andooasSFX2.
Similarly,itsallomorph-<ee>-oocanbesubdividedintoareanalysisofastem-final
t,m,s,orrinto-eet,-eem,-ees,oraarasSFX1,andooasSFX2.BothSFX1elements
aresimilartoverbalderivationalsuffixes.Thefinalelementoo,however,isslightly
problematic.Inmanycases,thegender-linkerrealizedbythisformisrisingpitch
accent~´~,thismakesthesuffixidenticalwith-oo(N∅),thegeneralsuffixidentified
above(see§5.3.3.16).However,insomecases,thelinkerrealizedbythisformis-á,
makingthesuffixNasubgender.Thissubgenderisnotcommon,andthesuffix-oo
asidentifiedaboveisconsistentlyN∅insubgender.Assuch,itmaybenecessaryto
positanewmorpheme-oo(Na)toaccountforthispattern.
(5.106) TWODIFFERENTSUBGENDERSFOR-EEMOOOR-<EE>-OO a.N∅SUBGENDER
fuufeemoóuren fuuf- -eem -oo ~´~ uren
STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -! !"#$"%$
big.N.Pl
‘bigweasels’
5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena
313
b.NASUBGENDER ayeemáuren ay- -eem -oo -á uren STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -!
!"#$% big.N.Pl
‘biglands’5.3.5.8-aawee(Fr)
Thesuffix-aawee(Fr)occurson16nounsinthesample.(5.107) THESUFFIX-AAWEE(FR)
a. himtaawee himt- -aw -ee -r~´~ STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L
!"#$
‘owls’
b. tsuhaawee tsuh- -aw -ee -r~´~ STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L
!"#$%.!"#$%
‘lowerbacks’
c. xeeraawee xeer- -aw -ee -r~´~ STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L
!"#$%&#'!
‘scorpions’IdenticalsuffixesexistinIraqw(Mous1993:51)andAlagwa(Mous2016:82).Thesuffix-aawee(Fr)maybedecomposedintoaawforSFX1,andeeforSFX2.aaw
isrecognizableintheinchoativesuffixforverbs-uw(see§2.3.2.4),andeeisthe-ee
generalsuffix,describedabove.
5.3.5.9-eeri(N∅)
Thesuffix-eeri(N∅)occurson25nounsinthesample.
5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena
314
(5.108) THESUFFIX-EERI(N∅)a. /areeri
/ar- -eer -(a)’i ~´~STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L
!"#$%%".!"##$
‘tobaccoballs’
b. kwa/eeri kwa/- -eer -(a)’i ~´~ STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L
!"#$%
‘hares’
c. tsifireeri tsifir- -eer -(a)’i ~´~ STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L
!"#$%"$&'
‘languages’IdenticalsuffixesexistinIraqw(Mous1993:53)andAlagwa(Mous2016:80).
Thesuffix-eeri(N∅)maybedecomposedintoeerforSFX1,and’iforSFX2,where
theglottalstopundergoesdeletioninphonologicalclustersimplification.eeris
recognizableinthedurativeinfixforverbs-<ar>(see§2.3.2.4),and‘iisthe-(a)’i
GenPLsuffix,describedabove.
5.3.5.10-eema’(N∅)
Thesuffix-eema’(N∅)occurson35nounsinthesample.(5.109) THESUFFIX-EEMA’(N∅)
a. murungeema’ murung- -eem -a’(!) ~´~ STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L
!"##$!%&&'()
‘bellybuttons’
5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena
315
b. poohameema’ pooham- -eem -a’(!) ~´~ STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L
!"!##$%
‘baboons’
c. tlapteema’ tlapt- -eem -a’(!) ~´~ STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L
!"#$%&'
‘falcons’AnidenticalsuffixexistsinAlagwa(Mous2016:81).Nosuchsuffixisrecordedfor
Iraqw.
Thesuffix-eema’(N∅)maybedecomposedintoeemforSFX1,anda’forSFX2.eem
isrecognizableinthedurativesuffixforverbs-iim(see§2.3.2.4),anda’isthe-a’(!)
GenPLsuffix,describedabove.
5.3.5.11-(a)du(N∅)
Thesuffix-(a)du(N∅)occurson55nounsinthesample.(5.110) THESUFFIX-(A)DU(N∅)
a. baqaydu baqay--(a)d -u! ~´~ STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L
!"#$%&'(
‘chambers’
b. laydu lay- -(a)d -u! ~´~ STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L
!"#$%&$'.!"#$%
‘brandingirons’
5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena
316
c. ga/aledu ga/al- -(a)d -u! ~´~ STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L
!"#$%&!
‘shields’Thesuffix-(a)du(N∅)hasidenticalformsinIraqw(Mous1993:53)andinAlagwa
(Mous2016:89).
Thesuffix-(a)du(N∅)maybedecomposedinto(a)dforSFX1,anduforSFX2.Itis
arguedthat(a)drepresentsahistoricalchangefromthesuffix-aCz(Kießlingand
Mous2003:11),whichisrecognizableasadurativesuffixforverbs(see§2.3.2.4),
anduisthe-u!GenPLsuffix,describedabove.
5.3.5.12-aCzee(Fr)
Thesuffix-aCzee(Fr)occurson23nounsinthesample,whereCzrepresentsa
reduplicationofthefinalconsonantofthestem.
(5.111) THESUFFIX-ACZEE(FR)
a. himtetee himt- -aCz -ee -r~´~ STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L
!"#$%.!"#$%&#"'
‘metalnecklaces’
b. tluwe/e/ee tluwa/- -aCz -ee -r~´~ STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L
!""#$.!"#$
‘upperarms’
5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena
317
c. tuumbebee tuumb- -aCz -ee -r~´~ STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L
!""#$
‘pools’Aprocessofvowelassimilationofthe[a]ofthesuffixallowsaprocessof
haplologicalsyncopetotakeplace(V→∅/Ci___Ci).Thisresultsinmanyofthese
reduplicatedformsreducingtofeaturegeminateconsonants.
(5.112) GEMINATECONSONANTSFORMEDFROMTHESUFFIX-ACZEE(FR)a. *fureree
fur- -aCz -ee -r~´~ STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L
*fureree *fureree→furree ‘twigs’ b. *ufefee uf- -aCz -ee -r~´~ STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L
*ufefee *ufefee→uffee ‘piles’ c. *kanenee kan- -aCz -ee -r~´~ STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L
*kanenee *kanenee→kannee ‘tendons’OneinterestingpieceofevidencethatthisisindeedthepathtogeminatesinGorwaa
existsinaGorwaatextrecordedbyMartinHeepein1930.Kießling(2002:54)was
thefirsttopointoutthat,inthissource,therearereduplicatedformswhere
present-dayGorwaahasgemination.
5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena
318
(5.113) REDUPLICATEDFORMSINHEEPE(1930),GEMINATEFORMSINCURRENTGORWAA a. muunane[e] → muunnee ‘anger’
b. ‘alalee → allee ‘houseposts’
Thesuffix-aCzee(Fr)hasanidenticalforminAlagwa(Mous2016:79).Nosuch
formexistsinIraqw.
Thesuffix-aCzee(Fr)maybedecomposedintoaCzforSFX1,andeeforSFX2.aCzis
recognizableasadurativesuffixforverbs-aCz(see§2.3.2.4),andeeisthe-ee
generalsuffixdescribedabove.
5.3.5.13-aCzu(N∅)
Thesuffix-aCzu(N∅)occurson22nounsinthesample.(5.114) THESUFFIX-ACZU(N∅)
a. /aampupu /aamp- -aCz -u! ~´~ STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L
!"#$!!"#$%&'(.!"#$%&'()
‘bird-watchingplatforms’ b. yandudu yand- -aCz -u! ~´~ STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L
!"##$%&
‘hammers’
c. afeetlatlu afeetl--aCz -u! ~´~ STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L
!"#$%$
‘waists’
5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena
319
Asforthesuffix-aCzeeabove,aprocessofvowelassimilationofthe[a]ofthesuffix
allowsaprocessofhaplologicalsyncopetotakeplace(V→∅/Ci___Ci).Thisresults
inatleasttwoofthesereduplicatedformsreducingtofeaturegeminateconsonants.
(5.115) GEMINATECONSONANTSFORMEDFROMTHESUFFIX-ACZU(N∅)a. kinnu
kin- -aCz -u! ~´~ STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L
kinunu kinunu→kinnu ‘smallclaywaterpots’ b. kunnu kun- -aCz -u! ~´~ STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L
kununu kununu→kunnu ‘mortars’Thesuffix-aCzu(N∅)hasanidenticalforminAlagwa(Mous2016:92).Nosuch
formexistsinIraqw.
Thesuffix-aCzu(N∅)maybedecomposedintoaCzforSFX1,anduforSFX2.aCzis
recognizableasadurativesuffixforverbs-aCz(see§2.3.2.4),anduisthe-u!GenPL
suffixdescribedabove.
5.3.6Anoteonloans
5.3.6.1LoansfromDatooga
17nounsinthesamplehavebeenidentifiedasloansfromDatooga,identifiableby
theirpatternofendinginastopandpossessingRPA.Nounsofthisgroupcanbe
eitherMoorFringender.
5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena
320
(5.116) LOANSFROMDatoogaa.gewoó(d)
‘disease’b.qereé(g)
‘infant’ c.kiinsororó(q) ‘snail’5.3.6.2LoansfromSwahili(andpossiblyEnglish)
Thissecondgroupofloansisnumerous,andisdistributedthroughoutthesample.
Theseloanstendtoexistonacontinuum,fromthosewhoseendingshavebeen
completelyreanalyzedintosuffixes(nativizedloans)(5.117),tothosewhose
endingsaresometimesanalyzedassuffixes,andsometimeanalyzedaspartofthe
stem(unnativizedloans)(5.118).
(5.117) NATIVIZEDLOANS a.DAAWA daawa suffix:-aa ‘medicine’Sw.dawa ‘medicine’ → daaw- daawudu suffix:-(a)du ‘medicines’
b.BAMIYA bamiyito’oo suffix:-(i)to’oo ‘okrafruit’Sw.bamia ‘okra’ → bamiy- bamiya suffix:-aa ‘okra’
(5.118) UNNATIVIZEDLOANS a.SULEE sule suffix:-ee ‘school’Sw.shule ‘school’ → sule- suledu suffix:-(a)du ‘schools’ BUT:[e]still
presentonstem
b.KATAANI BUT:[i]still
presentonstem
kataanimó suffix:-(a)mó ‘sisalplant’Sw.katani ‘sisal’ → kataani- kataani suffix:-i(Fr) ‘sisal’
5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena
321
Thisconcludesthepresentationofthesuffixes.Whatfollowsisasyntacticanalysis
toaccountfortheseregularphenomena.
5.4Analysis
Followingthedatapresentationabove,Gorwaanominalsuffixescanbe
characterizedasasetof42forms.Morphologically,ofthe42suffixes,24are
‘simple’(formedofonlyoneidentifiablemorpheme),and18are‘composed’
(formedofoneofthesimplesuffixes(labeledSFX2)andasecondmorpheme
analogoustotheverbal‘derivationalsuffixes’(labeledSFX1)).Syntactically,there
are2numbervalues:SgandPl.The18‘composed’suffixesmayonlyeveroccur
withoneofthesenumbervalues,hence,ofthis‘composed’groupthereare5Sg
suffixes,and13Plsuffixes.The24‘simple’suffixesareunvaluedfornumber(i.e.
generalnumber),andmayoccurwitheitherSgagreementorPlagreement.
Restrictionsonhowfreelygeneralsuffixesmayassociatewitheithernumbervalue
islargelydependentontheparadigmintowhichthesesuffixesenter,andwillbe
discussedinthefollowingchapter.
Thisgeneral-singular-pluraldistinctiontranslatesintotheminimalistframeworkby
positingthreedifferentfeatures:[individuation],[singular],and[plural].Following
themorphosyntacticfeaturegeometryproposedbyHarleyandRitter(2002),in
orderforaformtobearthe[singular]or[plural]feature,itmustfirstbearthe
[individuation]feature.
5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena
322
ReturningtothemorphologyoftheGorwaanoun,ifnounswhichconsistentlyoccur
withSgagreementandnounswhichconsistentlyoccurwithPlagreement(e.g.
qoonqalumó‘acrownedcrane’andqoonqalama’‘crownedcranes’)arealways
markedbyacomposedsuffix,andifcomposedsuffixesaredifferentfromsimple
suffixesbytheircontainingaSFX1,IproposethatSFX1correspondstoahead
carryingthe[individuation]feature(5.119).Furthermore,giventhatSFX1occurs
closertothestemthanSFX2,itisthisheadwhichprojectsdirectlyabovetheroot
(√)(5.120).
(5.119) FEATURESTRUCTUREFORTHELEXICALELEMENTSFX1(VERSION1)
SFX1 categorial SFX1, Indiv
inflectional ∅selectional √
(5.120) QOONQALUM-(VERSION1)MergeofSFX1(syntacticobjectα)and√qoonqal(syntacticobjectβ). SFX1P √qoonqal-(a)m cat SFX1, Indiv 5 √qoonqal -(a)m
cat √sel [ ] cat SFX1, Indiv
infl ∅sel √
Havingbeenvaluedfor[individuation],theformqoonqalum-willgoontobevalued
foreither[singular]or[plural],mostlikelythroughmergerwithanotherfunctional
head.
5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena
323
Lookingatthemorphology,itistemptingtoassumethatitisthisheadwhichhosts
theSFX2material.However,itshouldbenotedthatSFX2occursonformsboth
specifiedandunspecifiedfornumber.Consider(5.121)below,wheretheSFX2is
sharedonasingularnounwithaconsistentlysingularsuffixqoonqalumó,anda
generalnumbernounwithasuffixsiyó.
(5.121) SFX2OCCURSONNOUNSBOTHSPECFIEDANDUNSPECIFIEDFORNUMBER a. qoonqalumówák qoonqál- -(a)m -ó -ó wák
STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L!"#$%&'.!"#$%
one
“onecrownedcrane”
b. siyówák siy- -ó -ó wák
STM- -!"#$ -L!"#$
one
“onetypeoffish”
c. siyótsár siy- -ó -ó tsár
STM- -!"#$ -L!"#$
two
“twotypesoffish,twofish’
SFX2morphologybeingunrelatedtoexpressionofsingularorpluralnumber,it
cannotbeassociatedwithaheadbearinga[singular]or[plural]feature.However,
formssuchasqoonqalumóandqoonqalama’arevaluedforsingularandplural
number,respectively.Assuch,itispositedthataheadwhichpossessesthese
features[singular]or[plural]mustexist,butthattheheadofthisprojection
(labeledFfornow)isphonologicallynull.Thisheadimmediatelydominatesthe
headhostingthe[individuation]feature.
5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena
324
(5.122) FEATURESTRUCTUREFORTHELEXICALELEMENTF(VERSION1)
F categorial F, Sginflectional ∅selectional SFX1
(5.123) QOONQALUM-(SG.)(VERSION1)MergeofF(syntacticobjectα)andSFX1√qoonqal-(a)m(syntacticobjectβ). FP√qoonqal-(a)m-F
cat F, Sg 5
SFX1P F √qoonqal-(a)m
cat SFX1, Indiv cat F, Sginfl ∅
sel < SFX1 >
5 √qoonqal -(a)m Uptothispoint,thestructureandmechanicsoftheanalysislargelymatchthatof
Borer(2005a),assuch,thelabelsappliedthereinmaybeadopted.SFX1becomesa
classifierhead(Cl),whosefeatureisresponsiblefordividingstuff.Fbecomesa
quantityhead(#),whosefeatureisresponsibleforassigningquantitytostufforto
divisionsofit(p.96).Assuch,thestructurein(5.123)canberewrittenasfollows.
(5.124) QOONQALUM-(SG.)(VERSION2)#P√qoonqal-(a)m-#
cat #, Sg 5
ClP # √qoonqal-(a)m
cat Cl, Indiv cat #, Sginfl ∅
sel < Cl >
5 √qoonqal -(a)m
5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena
325
UnderBorer’s(2005a)model,theprojectionimmediatelydominating#Pisthe
determinerD.Perhaps,then,SFX2morphologyistheinstantiationofthesyntactic
headD.This,however,seemsunlikely:SFX2hasnothingtodowithdefiniteness,
indefiniteness,orreference,featuresheldbyBorertobeintrinsictotheheadD4.
Ratherthanmarkersofdefinitenessand/orindefiniteness,SFX2hasthesamerole
asHarris’(1991:30)word-markers,which“mark[]aderivationallyand
inflectionallycompleteword”.Indeed,anounonlyattainsitsfulllexicalmeaning
whenmergedwithaSFX2.
(5.125) STMTSIFIR-ATTAINSFULLLEXICALMEANINGWHENMERGEDWITHASFX2a. tsifiraangw
tsifir- -aangw -ó !!"- -SFX2 -L
!"#$%&
‘atongue’
b. tsifiri tsifir- -i -r~´~ !!"- -SFX2 -!
!"#$%"$&
‘alanguage’
Additionally, a nounmaybe inserted into larger units of discourseonly once it is
mergedwithanSFX2. Mostnounsalsocontaina linkermorpheme,butthis isnot
essentialtothesyntacticidentityofthenoun.AswillbearguedinChapter7,linkers
arenotpresentinincorporationconstructions,makingthem,tosomedegree,non-
essentialtothecategorialidentityofthenoun. SFX2,however,mustbepresentin
orderforanountobeanoun.
4Fordetailsonhowdefiniteness/indefinitenessisexpressedinGorwaa,see§2.4.1.2,§2.4.1.3,and§2.4.3.
5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena
326
(5.126) NOUNINCORPORATIONCONSTRUCTIONS:LINKERISABSENT,BUTSFX2ISPRESENTa. ugaslee-gás [20161119f.34]
∅- u- ∅ -(g)a sl- -ee gásA.2- P.M- AUX -PRFSTM- -SFX2
!"# kill.2SG.PST
“You(M)killedacowonhim.”(lit.‘Youcow-killedhim.’) b. ngunasaga-taáhh[…] [20131108b_20150725j.89]
ng- u- ∅ -na sag- -a taáhhA.3- P.M- Aux -ImprfSTM- -SFX2
!"#$ hit.M.Pst
“[…]hesmashedhimonthehead[…]”(lit.‘hehead-hithim’)
Inlightofthisevidence,SFX2maybepositedastheinstantiationofsome
projection,dominating#,and,inturn,dominatedbyD.Letuscallthisprojectionn5.
(5.127) FEATURESTRUCTUREFORTHELEXICALELEMENTN(VERSION1)
n categorial ninflectional ∅selectional N;#
5Thechoiceoflabelforthisprojectionisaconsciousone.Formoreonthemotivationbehindthis,see§6.6.1.
5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena
327
(5.128) QOONQALUMÓ(VERSION1)Mergeofn(syntacticobjectα)and√qoonqal-(a)m-#(syntacticobjectβ).
nP√qoonqal-(a)m-#-ó cat n 5 #P n√qoonqal-(a)m-#-ó
cat #, Sg !"# !!"#$ ∅
!"# N; <#>
5ClP #
√qoonqal-(a)m
cat Cl, Indiv cat #, Sginfl ∅
sel < Cl >
5 √qoonqal Cl
-(a)m Asdescribedabove,formsexpressinggeneralnumberareneitherclassifiednor
quantified.Assuch,inthesestructurestheCland#headsareabsent.Inadditionto
this,theremustbeaslightdifferenceintheselectionalfeaturesofthenhead:angen
(nofgeneralnumber)mustselectfor√,whereasannum(nofnumber)selectsfor#6.
(5.129) FEATURESTRUCTUREFORTHELEXICALELEMENTNGENVERSUSTHATOFNNUM
n!"# categorial ninflectional ∅selectional √;N
n!"# categorial ninflectional ∅selectional #;N
6NotethatthefeaturestructureforbothlexicalelementsngenandnnumalsopositacategoryNintheirselectionalfeatures.ThiswillbeimportantinChapter7,butmaybeleftasidefornow.
5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena
328
(5.130) THEGENERALNUMBERFORMQOONQÁL(VERSION1)Mergeofngen(syntacticobjectα)and√qoonqal(syntacticobjectβ). ngenP√qoonqal-∅ cat n 5 √ n √qoonqal -∅
cat N cat ninfl ∅
sel < √ > ; N
Thusfar,thisproposalispromisinginthatitmanagestoaccountfortheordering
anddistributionofthemorphemes.Thatis,SgandPlformsalwaysfeatureaSFX1
becausethismorphemeisinvolvedinclassificationandquantification.General
formsarenotclassifiedorquantified,andthereforelacktheheadsCland#,and
thusSFX1.Theirunderspecificationfornumberallowsanumbervaluetobe
introducedfromelsewhere,aprocesswhichisdiscussedin(§7.4.3).
5.5Remarksandsummary
Thecentralaimofthischapterwastoprovideadescriptionandexplanationofthe
so-called‘regular’characteristicsoftheGorwaasuffix.Repeatedfrom(5.3)above,
theyaregivenin(5.131)here.
(5.131) THEREGULARMORPHOSYNTACTICCHARACTERISTICSOFTHEGORWAASUFFIX
a. Manysuffixes(identifiedthusfarasSFX)maybedividedintoseparatemorphemes:SFX1andSFX2.AllsuffixesfeaturetheSFX2morpheme,notallsuffixesfeaturetheSFX1morpheme.
b. SuffixeswithaSFX1morphemeareeitherSgorPlinnumber,andcanthereforeoccurwithexternalelements(e.g.adjectives)onlyiftheyshowmatchingagreement.
5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena
329
c. SuffixeswithoutaSFX1morphemeareunvaluedfornumber,andcanthereforeoccurwithexternalelements(e.g.adjectives)whichshowbothSgorPlagreement.(thoughseeII.d.forexceptions.)
Asmentionedabove,thesecharacteristicswereinterpretedasregularinthatthey
representstablecorrespondenceswhichcanlargelybeexplainedasproductsof
featurebundles(i.e.materialfromList1)beingmanipulatedinthesyntax(i.e.the
syntacticoperations).
Subsection5.5.1examinesthepossibilityofmultiplesuffixing,andsubsection5.5.2
summarizes.
5.5.1Remarksonmultiplesuffixing
Theaccountaboveconceptualizessuffixingasthemergeroftherootwithaseriesof
heads--Cl,#,andn--eachofwhichoccursmaximallyonceduringthecourseofthe
derivation.Thephenomenonofmultiplesuffixing,inwhichakindofhead
(specificallyn)maymergemorethanonceduringthecourseofthederivation,
conceptualizessuffixinginaslightlydifferentway,andwillbeexaminedforGorwaa
below.
DescribedinLecarme(2002:121-122)forSomali(som:e.g.Somalia)aspluralof
plural,andinKramer(2014:12)forAmharic(amh:Ethiopia)asdoubleplural,
multiplesuffixingseesasecondsuffixattachingtoaformwhichalreadycontainsa
suffix.Thisfirstformiscapableoffunctioningasafullnounonitsown,andthe
secondsuffixmayormaynotresultinachangeinmeaning.
5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena
330
(5.132) MULTIPLESUFFIXINGa.INSOMALI(FROMLECARME2002:121)nín‘man’→nim-án‘men’→niman-yaál‘(groupsof)men’b.INAMHARIC(FROMKRAMER2014:
näfs‘soul’→näfs-at‘souls’→näfsat-ottʃ ‘souls’
Thoughnotexecutedinexactlythesamefashionintheaboveworks,theresulting
structurewouldresemblesomethinglikethatofError!Referencesourcenot
found..
(5.133) THEMULTIPLESUFFIXFORMNIMANYAÁL‘(GROUPSOF)MEN’(SOMALI)
nP 4n’ n
3-yaál√ n
√nín -án
InadditiontoSomaliandAmharic,Mous,inidentifyingformsdescribedasaplural
derivedfromasingularderivedfromabase(2016:70-72),evokesasimilar
mechanisminAlagwa.Assuch,ageneralnumber‘base’formreceivesasingular
suffix,whichthenreceivesapluralsuffix.Thephenomenonisexemplifiedin
(5.134).
(5.134) MULTIPLESUFFIXINGINALAGWA(FROMMOUS2016:70-72)/aantsáa‘(agroupof)figs’→/aantsimoo‘afig’→/aantsima’i‘figs’[/aants-áa] [/aantsaa-imoo] [/aantsaaimoo-a’i]
Immediately,theargumentislesstransparentinAlagwathanineitherSomalior
Amharic,inthatvowel-deletioneliminatesevidenceforthepresenceofmay
suffixes.Butassuminganunderlyingform(giveninsquarebracketsin(5.134)),the
structurein(5.135)maybeposited.
5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena
331
(5.135) THEMULTIPLESUFFIXFORM/AANTSIMA’I‘FIGS’INALAGWA(VERSION1)
nP4n’ n
3 -a’i n’ n 2-imoo √ n √/aants-aa
AseconddifferencebetweenthemultiplesuffixforminAlagwaandthemultiple
suffixformsinSomaliandAmharicisthatformsinAlagwaarebuiltofsuffixeswith
differingnumbervalues.WhereastheformsinSomaliandAmharicarebuiltofa
rootandtwopluralsuffixes,theforminAlagwaisbuiltofaroot,ageneralnumber
suffix,asingularsuffix,andapluralsuffix.Givenwhathasbeenestablishedinthis
chapter,thestructurewouldoccurassomethingakinto(5.136).
(5.136) THEMULTIPLESUFFIXFORM/AANTSIMA’I‘FIGS’INALAGWA(VERSION2)nP 3 #P n3 -a’inP #
4[Pl.] #P n 3-oo ClP# 3 [Sg.]
nP Cl 3 -iim√ n
√/aants-aa
5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena
332
Themostimmediatelyobjectionablecharacteristicofastructuresuchasthisisthat
ithasbeenquantifiedtwice,withtwodifferentvalues,Sg,andPl.Becausenumber
isalwaysaninterpretablefeature,thiswillcausethederivationtocrash.7
Theproposalcould,however,besavedbyadoptingaslightlydifferentapproachto
thefinaln(anapproachwhichwillbeestablishedinChapter6),inwhichthefinal
suffixisnottwoseparateheads,butone,realizedas-oointhepresenceofaSg
feature,andas-a’iinthepresenceofaPlfeature.Thestructurewouldtherefore
occurasin(5.137).
(5.137) THEMULTIPLESUFFIXFORM/AANTSIMA’I‘FIGS’INALAGWA(REVISED)
nP4
#P n 3 -ooSg ClP # -a’iPl 3 [Pl.]
nP Cl 3-iim√ n√/aants-aa
Thestructureis,initself,licit:becausethelowernisofgeneralnumber,nonumber
valueisimposedontherootuntilthatofthehigherCl-#projections.
ThisissignificantinthatGorwaamaybearguedtopossessthesamekindof
patterns.Assuch,theformqoonqalama’‘crownedcranes’,underthemultiplesuffix
proposal,wouldappearasin(5.138).
7Itwillbeproposedin§7.4.2thatDPsmaycontainmorethanonegenderfeature,withonlythehighestabletoaffectagreementoperations.Number,however,isalwaysaninterpretablefeature,whereasgenderisonlyinterpretablewhenreflectingthebiologicalgenderofthereferent(i.e.itssex).ItisduetothisdifferenceininterpretabilitythataDPmaycontainmorethanonegenderfeature,butonlyeveronenumberfeature.
5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena
333
(5.138) QOONQALAMA’‘CROWNEDCRANES’INGORWAA(UNDERTHEMULTIPLESUFFIXPROPOSAL)
nP4
#P n 3 -óSg ClP # -a’iPl 3 [Pl.]
nP Cl 3-iim√ n√qoonqal-∅
Ultimately,itisthesynchronicdatawhichcomplicatethisproposalforSouth
Cushitic.Asmentionedabove,becauseofextensivevowel-deletion,itisoften
impossibletodetermineifasuffixispresentinaformornot.Assuch,undera
multiplesuffixanalysis,theAlagwanoun/aantsima’icouldbedecomposedas
/aants-aa-iim-a’i,itmayjustassatisfactorilybedecomposedunderanon-multiple
suffixanalysisas/aants-iim-a’i.Indeed,fortheGorwaanounqoonqalama’,the
positingofanullsuffixnofgeneralnumberbetweentherootandtheclassifierhead
seemsdifficulttojustify,asitisnotsyntacticallynecessary.
Moreserious,however,areGorwaacasesinwhichthepatternissomehow‘broken’,
thatis,wherepluralformsshowmorphologyfromasingularformthatdoesn’t
exist8.
(5.139) ‘BROKEN’PATTERNS:PLFORMSSHOWMORPHOLOGYFROMASGFORMTHATDOESNOTEXIST(GORWAA)
a. kalambeetú‘honeybadger’ |kalambeetama’‘honeybadgers’b. /aanta‘termitemound’ |/aanteemo‘termitemounds’c. iitsaangw‘jackal’ |iitseema’‘jackals’
8‘Broken’patternsappearmuchlesscommoninAlagwa,theonlyexampleIcouldfindoutsideoftheexamplesgivenbeingtsuuruu‘nest(i.e.forbirds)’|tsuruma’i‘nests’.
5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena
334
Theobviousargumenthereisthat,historically,theformskalambeetamó,/aantamó,
andiitsamóallonceexistedandthat,forwhateverreason,arenolongerinuse.This
is,infact,Mous’argumentinAlagwaforpairsofnumber-valuedformswhichlacka
baseform,suchas/antl-imoo‘molartooth’|/antilim-ay‘molarteeth’.The
problemis,however,thatforasynchronicdescriptiontoaccountforthese
phenomenainacomprehensiveway,agreatdealofunderlyingstructurewould
needtobeassumed-verylittleofwhichcouldbegleanedfromsurfacestructure.
Therefore,whilemultiplesuffixingisaregular,productiveprocessinbothSomali
andAmharic,andwhile,atonepoint,thisappearstohavebeenthecaseinSouth
Cushitic,thecurrentdata(forbothAlagwaandGorwaa)pointtoasystemthatisno
longerproductive,andwhoseremnantshavebeenre-analysedintoasystemin
whichtheonlysyntacticallypermissiblestructuresarethoseinvolvingunique
suffixation.Thissuffixsystemwillbefurtherexaminedinthenextchapter.
5.5.2Summary
Thischaptertookpainstoestablishadetaileddescriptionofthesuffixesbefore
attemptingamoreabstractlevelofanalysis.Assuch,42differentsuffixeswere
identifiedanddividedintotwobroadgroups:thosewhichareindividuatedand
thereforeimposeanumbervalue(SgorPl),andthosewhichareunidividuatedand
maythereforeoccurwitheitherSgorPlagreement(generalnumber).Thechoiceof
theterm‘occurwith’ratherthan‘trigger’isusedadvisedly,asitseemsasifnumber
agreement(seenontheadjective)comesfromanelementotherthanthenoun.This
willbefurtherdiscussedinChapter7.
5.Thesuffix1:theregularphenomena
335
Theoretically,thesuffixwasdeconstructedintothreemorphosyntactic
subcomponents:theclassifierhead(Cl),thequantityhead(#),andthe‘little-n’head
(n).Suffixesvaluedfornumber(i.e.thosewhichmayonlyoccurwithSgagreement
andthosewhichmayonlyoccurwithPlagreement)featurebothaClanda#.
Suffixesunvaluedfornumber(i.e.thosewhichmayoccurwithSgorPlagreement),
donotfeatureaClora#.SFX2wasshownnottobeinstantiatedoneither#ora
higherDprojection,buton‘littlen’,aprojectionintermediatebetween#andD.
Subsection5.5.1examinedanalternateanalysisprovokedbysomemore
complicateddata,anddecidedtorejectmultiplesuffixinginfavourofasimple
suffixingmodel.
Assuch,theregularcharacteristicsoftheGorwaasuffixhavebeendealtwithusing
thetoolsfordescriptionofregularphenomena:thatis,themanipulationoffeature
bundlesinthesyntax.Thenextchapteraddressesthelistedcharacteristics,andwill
thereforeseegreaterappealtopost-Spelloutoperations.
6.Thesuffix2:thelistedphenomena
336
6.Thesuffix2:thelistedphenomena
6.1Introduction
Onceagain,thecurrentchapterisconcernedwiththesuffix,theconstituent
morphemesofwhichareboldedin(6.1)below.
(6.1) THESUFFIX(SFX):COMPOSEDOFSUBPARTSSFX1ANDSFX2 a. wa/aángwwák
wa/- -!!"#$ -ó wák STM- -!"#$ -L
!""#$# one
“onearroyo”
b. we/eerítsár wa/- -!!" -(a)'! ~´~ tsár STM- -!"#$ -SFX2 -L
!""#$#% two
“twoarroyos”Toreview,themostrelevantpatternsofGorwaasuffixesareasfollowsin(6.2).(6.2) MORPHOSYNTACTICCHARACTERISTICSOFTHEGORWAASUFFIX
I. RegularPhenomena:a. Manysuffixes(identifiedthusfarasSFX)maybedividedinto
separatemorphemes:SFX1andSFX2.AllsuffixesfeaturetheSFX2morpheme,notallsuffixesfeaturetheSFX1morpheme.
b. SuffixeswithaSFX1morphemeareeitherSgorPlinnumber,andcanthereforeoccurwithexternalelements(e.g.adjectives)onlyiftheyshowmatchingagreement.
c. SuffixeswithoutaSFX1morphemeareunvaluedfornumber,andcanthereforeoccurwithexternalelements(e.g.adjectives)whichshowbothSgorPlagreement.(thoughseeII.d.forexceptions.)
II. ListedPhenomenaa. Agivennounstemtakesasetofsuffixes,knownasa
paradigm.Paradigmsmaybemonads,pairs,ortriads.b. Theparadigmtakenbyanygivennounisunpredictable.c. Agivennounstemmayhavemorethanoneparadigm.
Selectionofparadigmmayormaynotaffectthesemanticinterpretationoftheresultantnoun.
d. Suffixesunvaluedfornumbermayhavethekindsofagreementwithwhichtheymayoccurrestrictedbythecompositionoftheirparadigm.
e. Thegrammaticalgender(i.e.M,F,orN)ofanounisdeterminedbytheSFX2morpheme,whichhasastable
6.Thesuffix2:thelistedphenomena
337
associationwithgender.Ifanounischangedfornumber,itsgendermayalsochange.
Thepreviouschapteraccountedforthosephenomenalistedasregular:stable
correspondenceswhichcanlargelybeexplainedasproductsoffeaturebundles
(i.e.materialfromList1)beingmanipulatedinthesyntax(i.e.thesyntactic
operations).Eachofthe42SFXsofGorwaawerepresentedandsubdividedinto
twotypes:thosewhicharenotspecifiedfornumber,andonlyconsistofaSFX2,
andthosewhicharespecifiedfornumber,andconsistofaSFX1andaSFX2.
SFX1wasdescribedsyntacticallyasaclassifierhead(Cl),whoseroleitisto
individuate,(i.e.dividestuff).Havingbeenclassified,nounsmaythenbe
quantified.ThisisaccomplishedinGorwaathroughanullquantityhead(#),
whichdominatestheclassifierhead.Itwasarguedthatthisquantificationhead
cannotbethelocusoftheSFX2morpheme,whichmustbelocatedatahigher
pointinthestructure.ItwasalsonotedthattheSFX2morphemecouldalsonot
belocatedatD.Instead,itwaspositedthatSFX2wasaninstantiationofthe
syntactichead‘littlen’,directlydominating#,anditselfdominatedbyD.The
structuresarrivedatthusfarisgivenin(6.3)below,(6.3)a)foranumber-valued
(inthiscaseSg)form,and(6.3)b)forageneralnumberform.
6.Thesuffix2:thelistedphenomena
338
(6.3) a. THENUMBER-VALUEDFORMQOONQALUMÓ(VERSION1) nP√qoonqal-(a)m-#-ó cat n 5 #P n√qoonqal-(a)m-#-ó
cat #, Sg !"# !!"#$ ∅
!"# N; <#>
5ClP #
√qoonqal-(a)m
cat Cl, Indiv cat #, Sginfl ∅
sel < Cl >
5 √qoonqal Cl
-(a)m
b. THEGENERALNUMBERFORMQOONQÁL(VERSION1)
ngenP√qoonqal-∅ cat n 5 √ ngen √qoonqal -∅
cat N cat ninfl ∅
sel < √ > ; N
ThischapteraddressesthosepatternsofGorwaasuffixeswhichare‘listed’:
requiringrecoursetomoredetailedexplanationsofrealizationrulespost-
Spellout(i.e.materialfromList2andList3).Embick(2003)notesthat“[a]ll
approachestogrammarmustassumethatsomeinformationissimplylisted”
(144).Essentially,inEnglish,thedifferenceingrammaticalitybetweentwomen
and*twomancanbeexplainedbyrecoursetothesamesortofsyntactic
structuresasdiscussedinChapter5.However,thedifferenceingrammaticality
betweenmenand*mansisofadifferentnature.Thatis,itisnottheexpression
6.Thesuffix2:thelistedphenomena
339
ofnumbervalue[plural]onthenounwhichisillicit(asmenisavalidplural
form),butratherthemannerinwhichitisexpressedforthisparticularnoun.
Whereassingular-pluralpairssuchasban|bans,can|cans,fan|fansarelicit,
man|mansisnot.Theman|manserrorisnotoneoffeaturebundlesbeing
manipulatedbysyntacticoperations(ban|bansillustratesthatsucha
configurationissyntacticallylicit),rather,itisanerrorofhowthatstructuredset
offeaturebundlescomestoberealizedforthatparticularform.Inorderto
recognizetheungrammaticalityofman|*mans,andthegrammaticalityofman|
men,onemustsimplyknowthatthisisthewaythisparticularwordworks.
Knowledgeisnotofthesyntax,butoftheparticularlexicalitem:itislisted.
Embickgoesontostatethat“[h]owthisinformationislisted,andwhetherornot
listednesscorrelateswithgrammaticalphenomenainasystematicfashion,isa
significantresearchquestion”(2003:144).
Gorwaanounsuffixesareanappropriatesubjectinthisregard,bothinthat
listednessisextensive,andinthatlistedmaterialhassignificant
morphosyntacticramifications.Followingthisintroduction,§6.2providesan
introductiontoconceptoftheparadigm:atoolcentraltomuchofthefollowing
discussion.§6.3givesanoverviewofeachofthelistedphenomenaincludedin
(6.2).§6.4isadetailedpresentationanddescriptionoftheempiricalbasisof
thischapter:theparadigm.§6.5providesananalysisintheDistributed
Morphologyarchitecturetoaccountforlistedphenomena.§6.6givesafinal
remark,andsummarizes.
6.Thesuffix2:thelistedphenomena
340
6.2.Theparadigm
Asmaybeobservedin(6.2)themajorityofthelistedphenomenaassociated
withtheGorwaasuffixmakereferencetotheconceptoftheparadigm.Giventhe
highdegreeofunpredictabilityassociatedwiththeparadigms--howmuch
relatingtotheiridentitymust‘simplybelearned’andhowmuchistherefore
post-syntactic--wonderingiftheyareworthanysortofanalysisatalldoesnot
seemanentirelyflippantproposition.
However,evenifparadigmsarepredominantlypost-syntacticintheircontent,
theyarenotexternaltothegrammar.Askingquestionsofhowtheparadigms
cometorealizetheinformationtheyencodeisimportantforunderstanding
grammarpost-Spellout.Moreintriguingly,itwillbeseenthataproper
understandingofparadigmsallowsfornovelapproachestonominalstructure,
aswellascommonphenomenasuchasgenderandagreement.
Firstly,inthiswork,‘paradigm’willbeusedtomeantheinstructionsforsuffix
realizationtakenbyagivennounstem.Forexample,theformfor‘rooster’in
Gorwaaiskookumó,andtheformfor‘roosters’iskookuma’.Putcrudely,the
nounstemkook-isgiventheinstructions:forsingular,realizethesuffixas-(a)mó
(Mo);forplural,realizethesuffixas-(a)ma’(N∅).Thisspecificsetofinstructions
isreferredtointhisworkastheparadigm-(a)mó(Mo)|-(a)ma’(N∅).
Paradigmsareabstract:thenounkookumó‘rooster’,onitsown,givesnoovert
indicationthatitisoftheparadigm-(a)mó(Mo)|-(a)ma’(N∅).Itisonlyby
observingthepluralformkookuma’‘roosters’(aswellasbylearningthataform
6.Thesuffix2:thelistedphenomena
341
ingeneralnumberisnonexistent)thattheparadigm-(a)mó(Mo)|-(a)ma’(N∅)
mayfinallybediscerned.
Furthermore,thisparticularparadigmisnotveryenlightening:asasuffixofthe
Sgtype,-(a)mó(Mo)couldnevermeansomethinglike‘roosters’or‘groupof
roosters’,and,asasuffixofthePltype,-(a)ma’(N∅)couldnevermean
somethinglike‘arooster’or‘groupofroosters’.Alltheinformationnecessaryis
presentinthesuffixes.
However,therelationshipbetween-(a)mó(Mo)to-(a)má(N∅)isnotone-to-
one.Thenoun/itsimó‘intestinalworm’hasthepluralform/itseemi‘intestinal
worms’,andthenounmahhatimó‘shadow’hasthepluralformmahheetitu
‘shadows’.Itis,thereforenecessarytostipulatethat,whilethenounstemkook-
pluralizesin-(a)ma’(N∅),thenounstem/its-pluralizesin-<ee>-i(N∅),andthe
nounstemmahhat-pluralizesin-<ee>-aCzu(N∅).
Thelackofone-to-onerelationshipsbetweensingularandpluralsuffixes
operatesintheotherdirectionaswell.Whilethenounkookuma’‘roosters’has
thesingularformkookumó‘rooster’,thenounya’eema’‘streams’hasthesingular
formya’eemi‘stream’.Itisthereforeequallynecessarytostipulatethat,while
thenounstemkook-singularizesin-(a)mó(Mo),thenounstemya’-singularizes
in-iimi(Fr).
ThefactthatmorethanonesuffixmayparticipateinmarkingtheSgandthePl,
andthatthereisnoprincipledwayofpredictingwheneachsuffixmayormay
6.Thesuffix2:thelistedphenomena
342
notapply(see§6.3.2)meansthateverynounstemmustcomewithinstructions
forwhatsuffixitwillberealizedwith,inbothSgandPl.Theparadigmis
thereforegrammaticallyindispensible.
Furthermore,agivensuffixmayencodedifferentnumbervalues.Forexample,
whenthesuffix-í(Fr)occursonthenounstemfuuf-,theresultantnounfuufícan
mean‘aweasel’.Whenthesamesuffix-í(Fr)occursonthenounstemloos-,the
resultantnounloosícanmean‘beans’.Onitsown,thesuffix-í(Fr)hasno
inherentvaluationfornumber:onlyinparadigmaticcombinationwithother
suffixescanitcometosemanticallyconveyeithersingularorplural.Inthecase
offuufí‘aweasel’,-í(Fr)isinaparadigmwithaPltypesuffix:-í(Fr)|-eemoo
(N∅).Inthecaseofloosí‘beans’,-í(Fr)isinaparadigmwithaSgtypesuffix:-
(a)mó(Mo)|-í(Fr).
Oneresponsetopatternssuchasthisistheparadigmapproach.Articulatedin
workssuchasCobbinah2013andWatson2015,andusefullyappliedtoseveral
WestAfricanlanguages,theparadigmapproachproposesthatthenounsuffixes
ofGorwaaarenotindependentformativesperse,butachievetheirfunction
compositionallyaspartofparadigms.Thesuffixesarethereforemorphological
primitives,enteringintoanynumberofstructuredpatternsandexpressing
featuresbasednotentirelyontheirform,butonthepositiontheyoccupywithin
aparadigmaticstructure.Inhisdiscussionofthenounclassprefixesof
BaïnounkGubëeher(mis;Senegal),(similartothesuffixesherein)Cobbinah
providesausefulmetaphorforthisconcept.
6.Thesuffix2:thelistedphenomena
343
“Justasatomsarethebuildingblocksofmatter,bondinginvariousfashions to form complex molecules, the noun class prefixescombine to form paradigms. Stretching the metaphor a littlefurther, it is of little explanatory value if one tries to explain theproperties of matter, to know that a substance contains forexample hydrogen and carbon atoms ‒ an information [sic] thatpertains to thousands of substances with widely differingproperties‒withoutknowingwhichkindofbondsandmoleculesareformedbytheseatoms.”
p.111
6.3Overviewofthelistedphenomena
Thissectionexpandsoneachofthelistedphenomenaassociatedwiththe
Gorwaasuffix.Thesearerepeatedin(6.4)below.
(6.4) THELISTEDMORPHOSYNTACTICCHARACTERISTICSOFTHEGORWAASUFFIX
a. Agivennounstemtakesasetofsuffixes,knownasaparadigm.Paradigmsmayoccurinthreedifferentshapes:monads,pairs,ortriads.Paradigmsmaybecomposedofdifferenttypesofsuffixes.
b. Theparadigmtakenbyanygivennounstemisunpredictable.c. Agivennounstemmayhavemorethanoneparadigm.Selectionof
paradigmmayormaynotaffectthesemanticinterpretationoftheresultantnoun.d. Suffixesunvaluedfornumbermayhavethekindsofagreementwith
whichtheymayoccurrestrictedbytheshapeandcompositionoftheirparadigm.e. Thegrammaticalgender(i.e.M,F,orN)ofanounisdeterminedby
theSFX2morpheme,whichhasastableassociationwithgender.Ifanounischangedfornumber,itsgendermayalsochange.Eachcharacteristicwillbediscussedinitsownsubsectionbelow.Subsection
6.2.1treatscharacteristic(a):theparadigm:content,shape,andtexture.
Subsection6.2.2treatscharacteristic(b):theunpredictabilityoftheparadigm.
Subsection6.2.3treatscharacteristic(c):multipleparadigmsforagivenstem.
Subsection6.2.4treatscharacteristic(d):paradigmaticeffectsonnumbervalue.
Subsection6.2.5treatscharacteristic(e):gender‘polarity’.
6.Thesuffix2:thelistedphenomena
344
6.3.1Characteristic(a):theparadigm:content,shape,andtexture
Asmentionedabove,aparadigmisthesetofinstructionsforsuffixrealization
takenbyagivennounstem.Paradigmsmaybeidentifiedaccordingtotheir
shape,content,andtexture.Forexample,thestemkook-takesthesuffixes-
(a)mó(Mo)and-(a)ma’(N∅),formingkookumó‘rooster’andkookuma’
‘roosters’,respectively.Theshapeoftheparadigmdiscussedaboveisapair,its
contentis-(a)mó(Mo);-(a)ma’(N∅),anditstextureisSg.|Pl.
Thespecificsuffixesfeaturedinagivenparadigmwillbereferredtoasits
content.Asmentionedabove,thecontentoftheparadigmintowhichthenoun
stemkook-entersis-(a)mó(Mo)and-ama’(N∅).Amongthethreecriteriaof
content,shape,andtexture,thecriterionofcontentismostsalienttotheidentity
oftheparadigm.Forexample,thenounstemga/at-takesthesuffixes-imi(Fr)
and-náy(Mo),formingga/atimi‘highfever’andga/atanáy‘highfevers’,
respectively.Thisparadigm-imi(Fr)|-náy(Mo)hasboththesameshape(i.e.a
pair)andthesametexture(i.e.Sg.|Pl.)astheparadigmintowhichkook-enters
above,butisdifferentbecauseofitscontent.
Agivennounstemmaytakeaparadigmofone(amonad),two(apair),orthree
(atriad).Thesearereferredtothe‘shape’oftheparadigm.Asmentionedabove,
thestemkook-takesthesuffixes-(a)mó(Mo)and-ama’(N∅),formingkookumó
‘rooster’,andkookuma’‘roosters’,respectively.Theparadigmforthenounstem
kook-istherefore-(a)mó(Mo)|-eema’(N∅):aparadigmaticpair.Thestem
qoonqaal-takesthesuffixes-(a)mó(Mo),-∅(Mo),and-(a)ma’(N∅),forming
qoonqalumó‘acrownedcrane’,qoonqál‘crownedcrane(asagrouporspecies)’,
6.Thesuffix2:thelistedphenomena
345
andqoonqalima’‘crownedcranes’,respectively.Theparadigmforthenounstem
qoonqaal-istherefore-(a)mó(Mo)|-∅(Mo)|-(a)ma’(N∅):aparadigmatictriad.
Thestemmaa’-takesthesuffix-ay(N∅),formingmaa’ay‘water’.Theparadigm
forthenounstemmaa’-istherefore-ay(N∅):aparadigmaticmonad.
Paradigmtexturereferstothetypeofsuffixeswithwhichagivenparadigmis
composed.In§5.3,the42nominalsuffixesofGorwaaweredividedinto5types:
singular,general(Sg-leaning),general,general(Pl-leaning),andplural.
Therefore,theparadigm-(a)mó(Mo)|-(a)ma’(N∅)--composedofthesingular
suffix-(a)mó(Mo)andthepluralsuffix-(a)ma’(N∅)--isofthetextureSg.|Pl.
Theparadigm-í(Fr)|-aa(Fr)(ofthenounstembi/in-,formingbi/iní‘silky
blesmol’andbi/inaa‘silkyblesmols’)iscomposedofthegeneral(Sg-leaning)
suffix-í(Fr)andthegeneralsuffix-aa(Fr),andisthereforeofthetexture
general-Sg.|general.
6.3.2Characteristic(b):theunpredictabilityoftheparadigm
Theparadigmtakenbyanygivennounislargelyunpredictable.Thisrefers
equallytotheidentitycriteriaofparadigmcontent,paradigmshape,and
paradigmtexture.
6.3.2.1Paradigmcontentisunpredictable
Firstly,itisimpossibletodeterminethesuffixesanounstemwilltake(i.e.
paradigmcontent).
Paradigmcontentisunpredictablebasedthephonologicalshapeofitsstem
(6.5).
6.Thesuffix2:thelistedphenomena
346
(6.5) SHAPEOFTHESTEMDOESNOTPREDICTTHEPARADIGMCONTENT a.CV:C(WHEREV:ISAMID-VOWEL) see/ see/i‘plantsp.’(oneofagroup)
see/aa‘plantsp.’ vs. gee/ gee/áy‘slope’ gee/aawee‘slopes’ b.CVCVC(WHERETHEVISTHESAME) ma/al ma/ali‘asheep’sdewlap’
ma/aláy‘sheep’sdewlaps’ vs. pa/al pa/alimó‘wickerwork’(onepiece)
pa/ali‘wickerwork’pa/alaa‘wickerworks’
Second,thoughweakpatternsexist,thesuffixanountakesforanyonenumber
valueisnotpredictiveofthesuffixthatnounwilltakeforanyothernumber
value(6.6).
(6.6) ONENUMBERSUFFIXDOESNOTPREDICTANOTHERNUMBERSUFFIX a.-AANGWDOESNOTPREDICT-EERI(ORVICE-VERSA) diraangw‘lion’ | direeri‘lions’ mahaangw‘hare’ | meheeri‘hares’ slehheengw‘month’ | slehheeri‘months’ But: xooyaangw‘francolin’| xooyaawee‘francolins’ kwu/uungw‘wall’ | kwu/u/ee‘walls’ bohoongw‘hole’ | bohi’i‘holes’ Andvice-versa: /arumó‘atobaccoball’| /areeri‘tobaccoballs’ afqurmó‘awarthog’ | afqureeri‘warthogs’ tsifiri‘alanguage’ | tsifireeri‘languages’
6.Thesuffix2:thelistedphenomena
347
b.-AADOESNOTPREDICT-U!(ORVICEVERSA)1 doofaa‘rhinoceros’ | dofu‘rhinoceroses’ /oonaa‘darkness’ | /onu‘darknesses’ fa/aa‘ugali’ | fa/o‘ugali’(indifferentplaces) But: gixsaa‘town,city’ | gixsadu‘towns,cities’ tloomaa‘hill’ | tloomi’i‘hills’ slinxaa‘bridgeofnose’| slinxuxu‘bridgesofnoses’ Andvice-versa: xooslumó‘vessel,tool’| xoslu‘vessels,tools’ waqaasi‘aceilingbeam’| waqasu‘ceilingbeams’ qweetsoo‘wrinkle’ | qwetsu‘wrinkles’
6.3.2.2Paradigmshapeisunpredictable
Second,itisimpossibletodeterminehowmanysuffixesthenounstemwilltake
(i.e.paradigmshape).
Forexample,manynounsreferringtoplantsandanimalsarepartof
paradigmatictriads.Thenounstemqoonqaal-entersintotheparadigm
-(a)mó(Mo)|-∅(Mo)|-(a)ma’(N∅),yieldingtheresultantnounsqoonqalumó‘a
crownedcrane’,qoonqál‘(agroup,species,orkindof)crownedcranes’,and
qoonqalima’‘crownedcranes’.However,manyothernounsreferringtoplants
andanimalsmaybepartofparadigmaticpairs.Asmentionedabove,thenoun
stemkook-entersintotheparadigm-(a)mó(Mo)|-(a)ma’(N∅),yieldingthe
resultantnounskookumó‘rooster’,andkookuma’‘roosters’.Furthermore,nouns
whichdonotrefertoplantsandanimalsmayalsoparticipateinparadigmatic
triads.Thenounstemqutur-entersintotheparadigm-(a)mó(Mo)|-∅(Mo)|-
(a)ma’(N∅),yieldingtheresultantnounsquturmó‘aweddingbracelet’,qutúr‘(a
grouporkindof)weddingbracelets’,andquturma’‘weddingbracelets’.
1The!ofthe-u!suffixrepresentsaphonologicaloperationwhichaccompaniesthesuffix,oneeffectofwhichisvowelshortening.Thisisexplainedin§5.3.4.2.
6.Thesuffix2:thelistedphenomena
348
6.3.2.3Paradigmtextureisunpredictable
Inadditiontoparadigmcontentandshape,thetypeofsuffixesanounstemwill
takeisalsounpredictable.
Repeatingawell-wornexample,thenounstemkook-entersintotheparadigm
-(a)mó(Mo)|-(a)ma’(N∅),yieldingtheresultantnounskookumó‘rooster’,and
kookuma’‘roosters’.ThetextureoftheparadigmisSg|Pl.Thenounstemsakar-
entersintotheparadigm-i(Fr)|-oo(Fr),yieldingtheresultantnounssakari
‘guineafowl’,andsakaroo‘groupofguineafowl’,‘guineafowls’.Thetextureofthe
paradigmisGenSG|Gen.Assuch,twostemswhichproducewhatare
semanticallyverysimilarnouns,areformedofparadigmswithentirelydifferent
textures.
6.3.3Characteristic(c):multipleparadigmsforagivenstem
Associatedwiththelastcharacteristicischaracteristic(c):agivennounstem
mayhavemorethanoneparadigm.
Incases,suchasthosegivenin(6.7)below,thechoiceofparadigmhasnoeffect
onthesemanticinterpretationoftheresultantnoun.Infact,onespeakermay
usethesedifferentparadigmsofagivensteminterchangeably,withnoseeming
differenceinmeaning,register,etc.
6.Thesuffix2:thelistedphenomena
349
(6.7) NOUNSTEMSWITHMORETHANONEPARADIGM:NOOBSERVEDSEMANTICEFFECTS
Conversely,incasessuchasthosegivenin(6.8)below,thechoiceofparadigm
doesaffectthesemanticinterpretationoftheresultantnoun.
(6.8) NOUNSTEMSWITHMORETHANONEPARADIGM:OBSERVEDSEMANTICEFFECTS
6.3.4Characteristic(d):paradigmaticeffectsonnumbervalue
Suffixesunvaluedfornumber(i.e.general)mayhavethekindsofagreement
withwhichtheymayoccurrestrictedbytheshapeandtextureoftheirparadigm.
Thisrestrictionmaybecharacterizedasakindofcollapsewhichmayoccurin
oneoftwowaysi)thegeneralandsingulardistinctioncollapses,leavingatwo-
STEM PARADIGM RESULTANTNOUNS
/iliw--i(Fr)|-oo(Fr) /iliwi‘aleopard’
/iliwoo‘leopards’-i(Fr)|-áy(Mo) /iliwi‘aleopard’
/iliwáy‘leopards’
goof--aangw(Mo)|-eeri(N∅) goofaangw‘anantelope’
goofeeri‘antelopes’-aangw(Mo)|-aawee(Fr) goofaangw‘anantelope’
goofaawee‘antelopes’
hhalhhal-
-i(Ft)|-a’(!)(N∅)|-ima’(N∅)
hhalhhali‘anextrafinger’hhalhhala’‘akindofextrafinger’hhalhhalima’‘extrafingers’
-i(Ft)|-áy(Mo)|-ima’(N∅)
hhalhhali‘anextrafinger’hhalhhaláy‘akindofextrafinger’hhalhhalima’‘extrafingers’
STEM PARADIGM RESULTANTNOUNSsee’-
-iimi(Fr)|-aangw(Mo) se’eemi‘hair(onestrand)’se’eengw‘hair’
-ay(Mo)|-aawee(Fr) soo’ay‘adog’soo’aawee‘dogs’
yaa’-
-ee(Fr)|-u!(N∅) yaa’ee‘ariver’ya’u‘rivers’
-eemi(Fr)|-eema’(N∅) ya’eemi‘astream’ya’eema’‘streams’
tsifir-
-aangw(Mo)|-eeri(N∅) tsifiraangw‘atongue’tsifireeri‘tongues’
-i(Fr)|-eeri(N∅) tsifiri‘alanguage’tsifireeri‘languages’
6.Thesuffix2:thelistedphenomena
350
wayoppositionofgeneral/singular-plural(asinFigure5.2),orii)thegeneral
andpluraldistinctioncollapses,leavingatwo-wayoppositionofsingular-
general/plural(asinFigure5.3).2Eachwillbediscussedbelowindetail.
Figure6.1:‘General/singular’versusplural(fromCorbett2000:13)
Thispatternofcollapseispresentinparadigmssuchas-í(Fr)|-aa(Fr),a
paradigmaticpairofthetexturegeneral-Sg.|general.
Thefirstdetailtonoteisthatthesuffix-í(Fr)isgeneral(Sg-leaning),andmay
usuallyoccurwithexternalelementsshowingbothSgorPlagreement.
(6.9) THESUFFIX-Í(FR)MAYTYPICALLYOCCURWITHEXTERNALELEMENTSSHOWINGBOTHSGORPLAGREEMENT
a. NOUNFUUFÍ(PARADIGM-Í(FR)|-EEMOO(N∅))MAYOCCURWITHBOTHSGORPLAGREEMENT i.fuufírur fuuf--í -r~´~ ur STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$"%big.F
‘abigweasel’,‘abigkindofweasel’ ii.fuufíruren fuuf--í -r~´~uren STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$"%big.F.Pl
‘bigkindsofweasels’
2Thisphenomenonof‘generalnumbercollapse’isdescribedinCorbett(2000)fortwoCushiticlanguages,Arbore(arv;Ethiopia),andBoranaOromo(gax;Ethiopia,Kenya).
general 5singularplural
6.Thesuffix2:thelistedphenomena
351
b. NOUNLOOSÍ(PARADIGM-(A)MÓ(MO)|-Í(FR))MAYOCCURWITHBOTHPLORSGAGREEMENT i.loosíruren loos--í -r~´~ uren STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$%big.F.Pl
‘bigbeans’,‘bigkindsofbeans’ ii.loosírur loos--í -r~´~ ur STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$%big.F
‘abigkindofbean’ However,whenthesuffix-í(Fr)isinaparadigmaticpairwiththegeneralsuffix-
aa(Fr),itmaynolongeroccurwithelementsshowingPlagreement.Itsfunction
asasuffixofgeneralnumberhasbeenrestricted,anditisnowcapableofonly
expressingsingularnumber.
(6.10) NOUNBI/INÍ(PARADIGM-Í(FR)|-AA(FR))MAYOCCURWITHEXTERNALELEMENTS
SHOWINGSGAGREEMENTONLY
a. bi/inírtleer bi/in- -í -r~´~ tleer STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$ tall.F
“alongsilkyblesmol”
b. *bi/inírtlet bi/in- -í -r~´~ tlet STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$ tall.F.Pl
(intendedmeaning)“along(kindof)silkyblesmol” c. bi/inaártlet bi/in- -aa -r~´~ tlet STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$ tall.F.Pl
“longsilkyblesmols”,“longkindsofsilkyblesmols”
6.Thesuffix2:thelistedphenomena
352
Figure6.2:singularversus‘general/plural’(fromCorbett2000:16)
Thispatternofcollapseispresentinparadigmssuchas-aa(Fr)|-a’i(N∅),a
paradigmaticpairofthetexturegeneral|general-Pl.
Notethatthesuffix-a’i(N∅)isgeneral(Pl-leaning),andmayusuallyoccurwith
externalelementsshowingbothSgorPlagreement.
(6.11) NOUNBIHHI(PARADIGM-A’I(N∅)|-ACZEE(FR))MAYOCCUREXTERNALELEMENTS
SHOWINGBOTHSGORPLAGREEMENT
a. bihhítleer bihh- -a’i ~´~ tleer STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$ tall.N
“alongflank”,“alongkindofflank”
b. bihhítlet bihh- -a’i ~´~ tlet STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$ tall.N.Pl
“longkindsofflanks”However,whenthesuffix-a’i(N∅)isinaparadigmaticpairwiththesuffix-aa
(Fr),itmaynolongeroccurwithelementsshowingSgagreement.Itsfunctionas
asuffixofgeneralnumberhasbeenrestricted,anditisnowcapableofonly
expressingpluralnumber.
(6.12) NOUNTLOOMI’I(PARADIGM-AA(FR)|-A’I(N∅))MAYOCCUREXTERNALELEMENTSSHOWINGPLAGREEMENTONLY
a. tloomi’ítlet tloom--a’i ~´~ tlet STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$%&'$ tall.N.Pl
“tallmountains”
general 5singularplural
6.Thesuffix2:thelistedphenomena
353
b. *tloomi’ítleer tloom--a’i ~´~ tleer STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$%&'$ tall.N
(intendedmeaning)“tallkindsofmountains” c. tloomaártleer tloom--aa -r~´~ tleer STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$%&'$ tall.F
“atallmountain”,“atallkindofmountain”Notethatbothoftheserestrictionpatternsoccuronlyinparadigmaticpairs
eitherofthetexturegeneral-Sg|generalorofthetexturegeneral|general-Pl.
Theparadigm-í(Fr)|-aa(Fr)of(6.10)aboveandtheparadigm-aa(Fr)|-a’i
(N∅)of(6.12)areexamplesofeachtexture,respectively.Notefurtherthatthe
suffixwhichlosesitsgeneralvalueandcollapseseitherintoSgorPlisalwaysthe
lessprototypicallygeneralsuffix.Oftheparadigm-í(Fr)|-aa(Fr),itisthesuffix
-í(Fr)whichlosesthegeneralvalue.Similarly,oftheparadigm-aa(Fr)|-a’i
(N∅),itisthesuffix-a’i(N∅)whichlosesthegeneralvalue.
6.3.5Characteristic(e):gender‘polarity’
Thegrammaticalgenderofanoun(M,F,orN)3isdeterminedbytheSFX2
componentofthesuffix.EachSFX2hasafixedgendervalue.Ascanbeseen
below,theSFX2-iconsistentlytriggersFagreement(6.13),theSFX2-ó
consistentlytriggersMagreement(6.14),andtheSFX2-a’iconsistentlytriggers
Nagreement(6.15).
3Itwillberememberedthatgenderreferstoapropertyofthenounwhichdeterminestheformofelementsbeyondthenounitself.Thisisexaminedindetailin§7.2.
6.Thesuffix2:thelistedphenomena
354
(6.13) SFX2:-ITRIGGERSFAGREEMENT a. sakweelírtleer
sakweel- -i -r~´~ tleer STM- -!"#$ -L
!"#$%&' long.F
“atallostrich” b. se’eemírtleer
see’- -i -r~´~ tleer STM- -!"#$ -L
!"#$%&' long.F
“alonghair” c. balaalírur bal- -aaCz -i -r~´~ ur STM- -SFX1 -!"#$ -L
!"#$%&'.!"#$% long.F
“abiggrainofsorghum” (6.14) SFX2:-ÓTRIGGERSMAGREEMENT a. loomótleér loom- -ó -ó tleér STM- -SFX2 -L
!"##.!" long.M
‘atalltree’(Tremaorientalis)
b. siyumótleér siyo- -(a)m -ó -ó tleérSTM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L
!"#$ long.M
‘alongfish’
c. sandukumótleér sanduku- -(a)m -ó -ó tleérSTM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L
!"# long.M
‘alongbox’(6.15) SFX2:-A’ITRIGGERSNAGREEMENT
a. bihhítleer bihh- -a’i ~´~ tleer STM- -!"#$ -L
!"#$tall.N
“alongflank” b. tsi/iyá’tlet tsi/- -iy -a’i ~´~ tlet STM- -SFX1 -S!"# -L
!"#$! tall.N.Pl
6.Thesuffix2:thelistedphenomena
355
“longshins” c. kwa/eerítlet kwa/- -eer -a’i ~´~ tlet STM- -SFX1 -S!"# -L
!"#$% tall.N.Pl
“tallhares”Assuch,whenanounischangedfornumber(necessarilyresultinginachangeof
suffix),thegenderofthenounmaychange,dependingontheidentityofthenew
suffix(specifically,SFX2).
(6.16) SAKWEELI‘OSTRICH’IS(F)GENDER,SAKWÉL‘OSTRICHES’IS(M)GENDER i. sakweelírtleer
sakweel- -i -r~´~tleerSTM- -!"#$ -L
!"#$%&'long.F
‘atallostrich’ ii. sakweelótlét sakweel- -∅ -ó tlétSTM- -!"#$ -L
!"#$%&'(" long.M.Pl
‘tallostriches’ b.DIGIRMÓ‘FOOTPRINT’IS(M)GENDER,DIGIRMA’‘FOOTPRINTS’IS(N)GENDER
i. digirmótleér digir- -(a)m -ó -ó tleér STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L
!""#$%&'# long.M
‘alongfootprint’
ii. digirmá’tlet digir- -(a)m -a’(!) ~´~ tletSTM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L
!""#$%&'# long.N.Pl
‘alongfootprint’c.DUUKAA‘SHOP’IS(F)GENDER,DUUKANÁY‘SHOPS’IS(M)GENDER i. duukaártleer
duuk- -aa -r~´~tleerSTM- -!"#$ -L
!"#$ long.F
‘along(ortall)shop’
6.Thesuffix2:thelistedphenomena
356
ii. duukanáytlét duuk- -a(m) -áy -ó tlét STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L
!"#$! long.M.Pl
‘long(ortall)shops’ ThissectiondiscussedeachofthelistedphenomenaassociatedwiththeGorwaa
suffix,providingsomediscussionandexamples.
6.4TheParadigms
Themostnumerousandbest-attestedparadigmshape--thepair--willbe
examinedfirst,followedbythetriad.Themonadwillbeexaminedlast.
AllparadigmsarepresentedinTables3.2and3.3.WhenreadingTable3.2the
followingshouldbekeptinmind.
First,theverticalplanehasbeenlabeled“Sg”andthehorizontalplanehasbeen
labeled“Pl”.Thisisasimplificationbecauseofspaceandtherestrictionsoftwo-
dimensionaldiagrams.Asseenabove,inmanycases,eithermemberofapair
couldappearwitheitherSgorPlagreement.Whatthenotationismeantto
signifyisthat,inaconfigurationwherebyamemberofapaironlyoccurwithSg,
itwillbefromthecolumnlabeledSg;inaconfigurationwherebyamemberofa
paironlyoccurwithPl,itwillbefromtherowlabeledPl.Therefore,takingthe-
ay(M)|-a’(!)paradigm,thoughmembersofthisgroupsuffixedin-ay(M)can
occurwitheitherSgorPlagreement,membersofthisgroupsuffixedin-a’(!)can
onlyoccurwithPlagreement.Assuch,thesuffix-a’(!)islocatedinthehorizontal
plane.Itisaconventionthroughoutthisworktolistparadigmpairsbeginning
withthesuffixtheytakefromtheverticalplane,followedbythesuffixtheytake
6.Thesuffix2:thelistedphenomena
357
fromthehorizontalplane.Thus,thenounna/ay|na/a’isamemberofthe-ay
(Mo)|-a’(!)paradigm.
Second,Plsuffixeshavebeenleftoffoftheverticalplanebecausetheynever
enterintoaparadigmaticrelationshipinwhichtheycanoccurwithSg
agreement.Sgsuffixeshavebeenleftoffthehorizontalplanebecausetheynever
enterintoaparadigmaticrelationshipinwhichtheycanoccurwithPl
agreement.
Lineshavebeendrawnwhichgroupthesuffixesintotheirgroupsasdiscussed
above:Sg,general(usuallySg),general,general(usuallyPl),andPl.
Numbersintheintersectboxesrepresentthenumberofnounsidentifiedinthe
samplewhichwerefoundtoenterintothatparadigm.Forexample,forthe
paradigmpair-ay(M)|-a’(!),N=3.Intersectboxesareshadedincreasingly
darkerasNincreases.
Intersectboxeswhoseverticalandhorizontalvaluesaredifferentrepresentpair
paradigms.Onceagain,theintersectboxof-ay(M)|-a’(!)representswhatwas
givenin(5.120.b)aboveas‘thepattern-ay(M)|-a’(!)’,repeatedhereasthe
paradigm-ay(M)|-a’(!).
6.Thesuffix2:thelistedphenomena
359
(6.17) THEPARADIGM-AY(MO)|-A’(!)(N∅)
-AY(MO)|-A’(!)(N∅)
Stems(N=3) -AY(MO) -A’(!)(N∅)
tsaxw- tsaxwáyúr‘abiggrasshopper’
tsaxwáyurén‘abiggroupof
grasshoppers’
tsaxwa’uren‘biggrasshoppers’
na/- na/áyúr‘abigchild’
na/áyurén‘abiggroupof
children’
na/a’uren‘bigchildren’
daqw- daqwáyúr‘abigdonkey’
daqwáyurén‘abiggroupof
donkeys’
daqwá’uren‘bigdonkeys’
Intersectboxeswhoseverticalandhorizontalvaluesarethesamerepresentmonad
paradigms.Forexample,theintersectboxof-oo(F)|-oo(F)representsthe
paradigmbelow.
(6.18) THEPARADIGM-OO(F)-OO(F)
Stems(N=3) -OO(F)
am- amoórur
‘abigplace’
amoóruren
‘bigplaces’
heel- heeloórur
‘abigfarmingsong’
heeloóruren
‘bigfarmingsongs’
kil- kiloórur‘abigweight’
kiloóruren‘bigweights’
UnlikeTable3.7,thecolumnsofTable3.8docorrespondtotheagreementwith
whichagivensuffixmayappear.Thus,inthetriad-(a)mó(Mo)|-oo(F)|-(a)du(N),
theformsuffixedwith-(a)mócanoccurwithSgagreementonly,theformsuffixedin
-(a)ducanoccurwithPlagreementonly,andtheformsuffixedin-oocanoccurwith
both.
6.Thesuffix2:thelistedphenomena
360
6.4.1Paradigmsoftwo:thepair
Ingeneral,pairsmaybecharacterizedby3basicconfigurations.1)Oneformwhich
canonlyoccurwithSgagreement,andtheotherformwhichcanonlyoccurwithPl
agreement(thiswasnamedsingularandpluralabove,andtheparadigmisgivenin
(6.19)).2)OneformwhichcanoccurwithbothSgandPlagreement,andtheother
formwhichcanonlyoccurwithPlagreement(thiswasnamedgeneralandplural
above,andtheparadigmisgivenin(6.20)).3)Oneformwhichcanonlyoccurwith
Sgagreement,andtheotherformwhichcanoccurwithbothSgandPlagreement
(thiswasnamedsingularandgeneralabove,andtheparadigmisgivenin(6.21)).
(6.19) THEPARADIGM-(A)MÓ(MO)|-(A)MA’(N∅)
-(A)MÓ(MO)|-(A)MA’(N∅)
Stems(N=52) -(A)MÓ(MO) -(A)MA’(N∅)
kook- kookumóúr
‘abigrooster’
kookumá’uren
‘bigroosters’
gwehh- gwehhimóúr‘abigrib’
gwehhimá’uren‘bigribs’
sweet- sweetumóúr‘abigsweater’
sweetimá’uren‘bigsweaters’
NotethattheshapeofthepairaboveisalwaystheresultofaSgsuffixpairingwitha
Plsuffix.
(6.20) THEPARADIGM-Ó(MO)|-EEMA’(N∅)
-Ó(MO)|-EEMA’(N∅)
Stems(N=2) -Ó(MO) -EEMA’(N∅)
piir- piiróúr
‘abigdragonfly’
piiróurén
‘abig(groupof)
dragonflies’
piireemá’uren
‘bigdragonflies’
boohont- boohontóúr
‘abighole’
boohontóurén
‘abiggroupof
holes’
boohoonteemá’
uren
‘bigholes’
6.Thesuffix2:thelistedphenomena
361
(6.21) THEPARADIGM-I(FR)|-OO(F)-I(FR)|-OO(F)
Stems(N=18) -I(FR) -OO(F)
loo- loo/írur
‘abigleaf’
loo/oórur
‘abiggroupofleaves’
loo/oóruren
‘bigleaves’
qan’- qan’írur
‘abigegg’
qan’oórur
‘abiggroupofeggs’
qan’oóruren
‘bigeggs’
foor- foorírur
‘abigflute’
fooroórur
‘abiggroupofflutes’
fooroóruren
‘bigflutes’
Alesscommonconfigurationforapairisthatofthemassnounbeingmadecountby
theadditionofaPlsuffix,suchasthemasstseeree‘blood’becomingtseerdu‘spotsor
poolsofblood’.Theoperationoccurringinthe‘oppositedirection’(i.e.amassnoun
becomingcountbytheadditionofaSgsuffix)doesn’toccurinthesample,butthere
doesnotseemtobeanyreasonwhyitshouldnotexist.
Ahandfulofsuppletivepairsexist.Theirdistributionisunsurprising:allare
conceptsofhighfrequencyineverydaylife.
(6.22) SUPPLETIVEPAIRSa. hee ‘person’ | muu ‘people’b. haree ‘woman’ | tiyay ‘women’
c. garma ‘boy’ | daaqay ‘boys’
d. slee ‘cow’ | yiikwa ‘cows’(cattle)e. lee’i ‘goat’ | aara ‘goats’
f. do’ ‘house’ | maray ‘houses’g. gaa ‘thing’ | moro’ ‘things’
151differentpairswereidentifiedfromthesample,withall42suffixesentering
intoparadigmsofthisshape.
6.Thesuffix2:thelistedphenomena
362
6.4.2Paradigmsofthree:thetriad
Unlikepairs,triadshaveaconsistent‘shape’,alwaysmadeupofoneformwhichcan
onlyoccurwithSgagreement,oneformwhichcanoccurwithSgandPlagreement,
andoneformwhichcanonly(orcanusuallyonly)occurwithPlagreement(this
wasnamedsingular,general,pluralabove,andaparadigmisgivenin(6.23)below.
(6.23) THEPARADIGM-(A)MÓ(MO)|-∅(MO)|-(A)MA’(N∅)
-(A)MÓ(MO)|-∅(MO)|-(A)MA’(N∅)
Stems(N=8) -(A)MÓ(MO) -∅(MO) -(A)MA’(N∅)
qoonqal- qoonqalumóúr
‘abigcrowned
crane’
qoonqalóúr
‘abigflockof
crownedcranes’
qoonqalóurén
‘manyflocksof
crownedcranes’
qoonqalamá’
uren
‘bigcrownedcranes’
malmaw- malmawmóúr‘abiglime
tree’
malmáwúr‘abigstandof
limetrees’
malmáwurén‘manystands
oflimetrees’
malmawmá’uren
‘biglimetrees’
nee’ar- nee’armóúr‘abigthrush’
nee’árúr‘abigflockof
thrushes’
nee’árurén‘manyflocksof
thrushes’
nee’armá’uren‘bigthrushes’
Sevendifferenttriadswereidentifiedfromthesample,withatotalnumberof27
stemsenteringintothissortofparadigm.Becauseofthewayinwhichmuchofthe
datawascollected(i.e.elicitingwithSwahiliasthecontactlanguage),itisexpected
thatmanymoretriadparadigmsexistthanwererecorded,andthatmanynouns
(especiallythosereferringtoplantsandanimals)maybemembersofthissortof
paradigm.
6.4.3Paradigmsofone:themonad
MonadsarealwaysmadeupofaformwhichcanoccurwithSgorPlagreement(this
wasnamedmassabove,andaparadigmisgivenin(6.24)below).
6.Thesuffix2:thelistedphenomena
363
(6.24) THEPARADIGM-AY(MO)
-AY(MO)
Stems(N=4) -AY(MO)
maa’- maa’áyyaariir
‘muchwater
bo/- bo/áyúr
‘abigcrowd’
bo/áyurén
‘bigcrowds’
tluw- tluwáyyaariir‘muchrain’
Itshouldbenotedherethatthestemswhichfallunderthismonadhavetwo
differentstructures:thatofmaa’ayandtluway(massnounswhichcannotbe
individuated),andthatofbo/ay(anounwhichiscountablebuttakesnoother
suffix).
Infact,athirdshapeformonadsalsoexists:foruniquenouns(alsoknownas
singulariatantum)forwhichthereisonlyonerealworldreferent.Thisthirdshape
isgivenin(6.25)forthestemdawr-.
(6.25) THEPARADIGM-I(FR)-I(FR)
Stems(N=8) -I(FR)
ba/- ba/íryaariir‘muchmud’
dawr- dawrírur
‘thegreatsky’
kuunseel- kuunseelírur
‘abigearthquake’
kuunseelíruren
‘bigeathquakes’
Onceagain,stemswhichfallunderthismonadshowthreedifferentshapes.
Thismultiplicityofshapesinternaltooneparadigmisundesireable:amoredetailed
treatmentwouldseparateeachoftheseshapesintotheirownmonad(i.e.there
wouldbeonemonad-i(Fr)formasses,onemonad-i(Fr)forcountnounswhich
takenoothersuffixes,andonemonad-i(Fr)forsingularetantum).Becauseithas
6.Thesuffix2:thelistedphenomena
364
yettobefullydeterminedwhichnounsinmonadsaremass,whicharecount,and
whicharesingularetantum,thisdivisionhasnotbeenfullyimplementedhere.
Twentydifferentmonadswereidentifiedfromthesample,withatotalnumberof50
stemsenteringintothissortofparadigm.Interestingly,allsuffixesclassedas
generalandgeneral(Pl-leaning)haveamonad(resultinginthedistinctive
‘staircase’patterninTable3.7).
6.5Analysis
Followingthedatapresentationabove,Gorwaanominalsuffixescanbedescribedas
enteringintoatleast178differentparadigms:151pairs,20monads,and7triads.
Theparadigmtakenbyanygivennounstemisunpredictable.Agivennounstem
mayhavemorethanoneparadigm:choicebetweenwhichparadigmthestemtakes
mayormaynotaffectsemanticinterpretationoftheresultantnoun.Suffixesof
generalnumbermayhavethekindsofagreementwithwhichtheymayoccur
restrictedbasedontheshapeandtextureoftheirparadigm.Finally,the
grammaticalgenderofanounisdeterminedbytheSFX2morpheme.Assuch,ifa
nounischangedfornumbervalue,itsgendermayalsochange.
ThissectionprovidesananalysisintheDistributedMorphologyarchitectureto
accountforlistedphenomena.Firstly,ifrootsaretobeconsideredtrulyacategorial,
thismustbeaccomplishedwithoutresortingtorootdiacriticsindicating
declensionalclass(Acquaviva2008:1-3).Theinitialchallenge,therefore,isto
ensurethatthenominalparadigm(akadeclensionclass)issomehowavailablepost-
6.Thesuffix2:thelistedphenomena
365
spellout,butnotaspartofthelexicalroot.Thisisaddressedinsubsection6.4.1.
Subsection6.4.2proposesthatthe178paradigmsofGorwaaareencodedas178
differentversionofn,providesarevisedtreestructurewhichconsolidatesthe
Gorwaasuffixparadigmintothesyntax,andgivesaninitialdescriptionofhow
paradigmaticmaterialisrealizedpost-Spellout.Subsection6.4.3returnstotheCl
headandaccountsforitspost-Spelloutrealization.Subsection6.4.4addressesthe
finallistedphenomenon:characteristic(e):gender‘polarity’,specifically,how
genderisrealizedpost-Spellout,andhowAgreemustthereforebeakindof
postsyntacticoperation.
6.5.1Theplaceoftheparadigm
Theparadigmwasdescribedin§6.2aboveastheinstructionsforsuffixrealization
takenbyagivennounstem.Tobeclear,itisimportanttohighlightthatthe
paradigmreferstotheinstructionsfortherealizationofsuffixes,andnottothe
suffixesthemselves.InDMterms,thegrammardoesnotmakereferencetothe
explicitcontentsofparadigms,butinsteadmakesreferencetoitsconstituentpieces
(i.e.featuresandvocabularyitems)(Bobaljik2002).Thedifferencebetweenthe
‘paradigmasforms’vs.‘paradigmasinstructions’viewsisgivenin(6.26)below.
(6.26) DISTRIBUTEDMORPHOLOGYDOESNOTREFERENCEEXPLICITFORMSWITHINAPARADIGM,BUTREFERENCESTHECONSTITUENTPIECESOFITSSTRUCTURE(ADAPTEDFROMBOBALJIK2002:2)
PARADIGMASFORMS PARADIGMASINSTRUCTIONS
Present PastPers Sg. Pl. Sg. Pl.
1 play-∅ play-∅ play-d play-d
2 play-∅ play-∅ play-d play-d
3 play-[z] play-∅ play-d play-d
[past]↔ ︎-d[![3, Sg]]↔ -z default/elsewhere ↔ -∅
6.Thesuffix2:thelistedphenomena
366
Whatmaybeobservedaboveisthat,ratherthantheentiretableofforms,whatDM
makesreferencetoisthefeaturesrelevanttotheinstructions.Under‘paradigmas
instructions’theorderedlistin(6.26)makesexplicitthattheparadigmisonein
whichthefeature[past]isarelevantfactorcontributingtoitsshape,andthat,for
example,partofitscontentisthevocabularyitem-d.
TheconfigurationsoftheGorwaaparadigmsexaminedinthisworkareactually
somewhatsimplerthantheEnglishexampleabove,inthattheydealwithless
features.Anexampleisgivenin(6.27)below4.
(6.27) ‘PARADIGMASFORMS’VS.DM‘PARADIGMASINSTRUCTIONS’:KOOKUMÓ|KOOKUMA’
PARADIGMASFORMS PARADIGMASINSTRUCTIONS
Sg Pl
kook-(a)m-ó kook-(a)m-a’
[Pl]↔ -a’idefault/elsewhere↔-ó
Toconcludethisintroductoryclarification,whatisbeingreferredtoasanominal
suffixparadigminthisworkwouldtranslatetootherDMaccountsasadeclensional
class:thatis,apatternwhichdictateshowafeatureorsetoffeatureswillbe
realizedbythegrammarpost-Spellout.ReturningtotheEnglishexamplein(6.26),
thefeature[past]isnotrealizedonallverbsbythevocabularyitem-d.Theverb
sing,forexample,isrealizednotassing-d,butassang.Becausetheverbsing
realizesitsfeaturesinadifferentwayfromplay,thetwoverbsmustbelongto
differentdeclensionalclasses.Inthiswork,onewouldsaythattheybelongto
4Thevocabularyitemgeneratedbya[plural]featureisobviouslynotgeneratedhereinitsfinalform.Theadaptationof-a’ito-a’wouldhavetobeaccomplishedinthismodel
throughareadjustmentrule.
6.Thesuffix2:thelistedphenomena
367
differentparadigms.Anexampleof5differentGorwaaparadigmsisprovidedin
(6.28)below.
(6.28) 5DIFFERENTGORWAAPARADIGMS(AKADECLENSIONALCLASSES)FORMS
(EXAMPLE)
PARADIGM
-(a)mó(Mo)|-(a)ma’(N∅)
kookumó kook--(a)m-ó ‘arooster’
kookuma’ kook--(a)m-a’i ‘roosters’
[Pl]↔ -a’idefault/elsewhere↔-ó
-(a)mó(Mo)|-áy(Mo)
daambumó daamb--(a)m-ó ‘aweaverbird’
daambáy daamb--áy ‘a(kindof)weaverbird’ ‘weaverbirds’
[Sg]↔-ó
default/elsewhere↔ -áy
-(a)mó(Mo)|-∅(Mo)|-(a)ma’(N∅)
qoonqalumó qoonqal--(a)m-ó ‘acrownedcrane’qoonqál qoonqal--∅ ‘a(kindof)
crownedcrane’qoonqalima’ qoonqal--(a)m-a’i ‘crownedcranes’
[Sg]↔-ó
[Pl]↔-a’i
default/elsewhere↔-∅
-í(Fr)|-aa(Fr)
bi/iní bi/in--í ‘asilkyblesmol’bi/inaa bi/in--aa ‘a(kindof)silkyblesmol’
‘silkyblesmols’
[Sg]↔-í
default/elsewhere↔-aa
-ay(N∅)maa’aymaa’--ay‘water’
default↔-ay
PreviousDistributedMorphologyanalyses(e.g.OltraMassuet(1999))would
encodeanoun’sparadigmmembership(i.e.declensionclass)asadiacriticonthe
root.Diacriticsareakindoffeature“relevantformorphologicalspellout,but
[which]donothaveanysemanticinterpretation”(EmbickandNoyer2007:16).The
rootwouldthereforebepredeterminedastowhatconjugationclassitwouldenter.
Asarudimentaryimplementationofthisconcept,therootofthenounstemkook-
(describedaboveasformingthenounskookumó‘arooster’andkookuma’
‘roosters’),wouldbemarkedwiththediacriticfeature[-ó|-a’i].FollowingSpellout,
6.Thesuffix2:thelistedphenomena
368
thisfeaturewouldtheninstructthemorphologytorealizethefeature[Pl]bythe
morpheme-a’i,andinallothercases,producethemorpheme-ó.
Thisisproblematicforbothempiricalandconceptualreasons(Acquaviva2008:1-
3),themostsalientofwhichwillbediscussedbelow.
InGorwaa,thegreatestempiricalissuefortheroots-with-diacriticsviewexistsin
listedcharacteristic(c):agivennounstemmayhavemorethanoneparadigm.For
example,(andasshownabovein(6.7)),thenounstemgoof-may,usingthe
paradigm-aangw(Mo)|-a’i(N∅),formthenounsgoofaangw‘anantelope’and
goofeeri‘antelopes’.Likewise,thenounstemgoof-may,usingtheparadigm
-aangw(Mo)|-ee(Fr),formthenounsgoofaangw‘anantelope’andgoofaawee
‘antelopes’.Asthetranslationsshow,theresultantnounsofbothparadigmshave
thesamemeaning.Furthermore,suchalternateformsareregularlyemployed
interchangeablybythesamespeaker,withnoobservedsemanticeffects.Ifthe
paradigmexistsasadiacriticinherenttotheroot,theneverysituationinwhicha
givennounstemusesmorethanoneparadigmtoformanounmustthereforebe
ascribedtoaseparaterootwiththespecificparadigmencodedasaninherent
diacritic.Procedurallythen,undertheroots-with-diacriticsview,therootwhich
formsthepairgoofaangw|goofeeriisdifferentfromtherootwhichformsthepair
goofaangw|goofaawee.Semanticandformaloverlapbetweentheseformshasno
explanationinthissystemotherthanbeingaccidental.
6.Thesuffix2:thelistedphenomena
369
Regardingthemostseriousconceptualissuewiththeroots-with-diacriticsview,
Acquavivaarguessuccinctlythat“[…]ifaroothasafeaturethatpresupposesa
category,thenitisnotreallycategory-free”(2).Inotherwords,ifaGorwaarootis
positedasexistingwithadiacriticdictatingtheparadigmofitsnounsuffixes,thenit
hasalreadybeen,tosomedegree,conceivedofasanoun:exactlywhattheconcept
ofrootsdiscussedinChapter4wasdesignedtoruleout.
BothAcquaviva(2008)andHarley(2014)argueconvincinglythatsuchroot
diacriticsdonotexist,butinsodoing,providenoalternateexplanationforhow
paradigmsareassociatedwithgivennounstems.Thisisacknowledgedin
Acquaviva(2008),whichconcludesthat:
“The approach I have outlined [...] does not provide a formal
expressionof thestableassociationofmostrootswithgender,class,orotherdiacritics.Thisseemstobeaweakness,insofarasanoun’s
idiosyncraticmarkingshouldhaveaformalgrammaticalencoding.”
p.16
Thissectionhasadoptedtheargumentthatparadigmscannotbeencodedas
diacriticsonthelexicalroot,andhasacceptedthisargument’sassociatedcost:that
nogoodalternativetoencodingparadigmshassofarbeenoffered.Thefollowing
subsectionproposesasolutionconsistentwiththeGorwaadata,anddetailshow
thisisborneoutbothpre-andpost-Spellout.
6.5.2Paradigmsasversionsofn
Inthelastsection,theargumentthatparadigmswereencodedasspecialdiacritic
featuresontherootwasjettisonedinfavourofpreservingtheacategorialnatureof
6.Thesuffix2:thelistedphenomena
370
theroot.However,thoughtheimplementationoftheroots-with-diacriticsviewis
problematic,itsintentisinsightful.Paradigmsareinstructionsforsuffixrealization,
relevanttothephonologicalandsemanticcomponentofthegrammar,butentirely
irrelevanttothesyntax(c.f.Harris1991,andAlexiadou2004).Comparethe
valuationofthefollowingtwoGorwaaparadigmstakenbythenounstemtsifir-in
(6.29)below.Theproductofdifferingparadigmshasbothphonologicaland
(sometimes)semanticramifications,buthasnodifferencewhatsoeverinthesyntax.
(6.29) VALUATIONOFTHEPARADIGM-I(FR)|-A’I(N∅)VSVALUATIONOFTHEPARADIGM-AANGW(MO)|-A’I(N∅)
PhonologicalComponent(List2) SemanticComponent(List3)
ParadigmInput
SyntacticContext
Value ParadigmInput
SyntacticContext
Value
-i(Fr)|
-a’i(N∅)
/tsifir-+[Sg] [i] -aangw(Mo)|
-a’i(N∅)
/tsifir-+[Sg] ‘alanguage’
/tsifir-+[Pl] [i] /tsifir-+[Pl] ‘languages’
-aangw(Mo)|-a’i(N∅)
/tsifir-+[Sg] [a:ŋw] -aangw(Mo)|-a’i(N∅)
/tsifir-+[Sg] ‘atongue’
/tsifir-+[Pl] [e:] /tsifir-+[Pl] ‘tongues’
Again,theparadigm-i(Fr)|-a’i(N∅)realizesasetofsoundsandasetofmeaning
differentfromthoserealizedbytheparadigm-aangw(Mo)|-a’i(N∅).Syntactically,
however,theproductsofbothvaluationsarenouns:singularifthesyntacticcontext
suppliesthefeature[Sg],andpluralifthesyntacticcontextsuppliesthefeature[Pl].
Paradigmsarethereforeinerttothesyntax,andactivetothephonologyand
semantics.
Inthepreviouschapter,theSFX2wasdescribedastheinstantiationofsome
projection(identifiedinthisworkasn),dominating#and,inturn,dominatedbyD.
Inordertoaccountforthelistedphenomena,thischaracterizationwillberevised.
RatherthanSFX2itself,itistheSFX2paradigmwhichexistsatn.178SFX2
6.Thesuffix2:thelistedphenomena
371
paradigmshavethusfarbeenidentifiedforGorwaa,and,assuch,thereare178
differentversionsofn.TheSFX2itselfisinstantiatedviaaprocessofrealization
post-Spellout.Therevisedstructureispresentedin(6.30),andthevaluation
processispresentedinTable5.4,where-n135correspondstotheparadigm-ó(Mo)|
-∅(Mo)|(a)’i(N∅).
(6.30) QOONQALUMÓ(VERSION2)Mergeofn135(syntacticobjectα)and√qoonqal-(a)m-#(syntacticobjectβ).
nP
√qoonqal-(a)m-#-n135 cat n 5 #P n√qoonqal-(a)m-#-n135
cat #, Sg
!"# !!"#$ ∅
!"# N; <#>
5ClP #
√qoonqal-(a)m
cat Cl, Indiv
cat #, Sginfl ∅
sel < Cl >
5 √qoonqal Cl
-(a)m
Table6.3:Valuationofn135(Version1)
PhonologicalComponent SemanticComponent
Input Syntactic
Context
Value Input Syntactic
Context
Value
n135
/Sg [ó] n135
/Sg singular
/Pl [aɁ] /Pl plural
elsewhere ∅~´~ elsewhere general
HavingarrivedatthischaracterizationfortheSFX2morpheme,discussionwill
brieflyreturntoSFX1inordertoprovideasimilaraccount.
6.Thesuffix2:thelistedphenomena
372
6.5.3RealizationofthemorphemeCl(i.e.SFX1)
Itwillbenotedthatthroughoutthissection(i.e.§6.4),analysisoftheparadigmhas
focusedonthecontentofSFX2,whereas,priortothis(i.e.§6.2-6.3),thenotionof
paradigmhasalsoincludedtheSFX1.Thoughsyntacticallydistinct(SFX1was
identifiedasbeingtheinstantiationoftheheadCl,andSFX2astheinstantiationof
oneelementoftheparadigm,itselfaninstantiationoftheheadn),thetwoare
clearlyinterrelatedintheirrealizations:theSFX1-(a)mandtheSFX2-ó(Mo)may
berealizedtogether,suchasinqoonqalumó,butthesameSFX1-(a)mandtheSFX2-
ee(Fr)areneverrealizedtogether--hencetheabsenceoftheform-amee.
AfurthercharacteristicofSFX1morphemesisalsoworthrestating.Itwas
identifiedinthedatapresentationabove(see§5.3)thatallClsuffixes(i.e.SFX1)
couldbeidentifiedasderivationalsuffixeswhichoccurinaverbalcontext.For
example,whenrealizedaspartofanoun,-(a)misaclassifier;whenrealizedaspart
ofaverb,-(a)misdurativeaspect:thereforeqoonqalumó‘acrownedcrane’,andaga
hubiím‘Iwasbringingit’.
Thefirstcharacteristic,thatofcertainformsofSFX1combiningwithonlycertain
formsofSFX2,istheresultoffinalrealizationoftheClmorphemebeingdependent
onthevarietyofnpresentinthesyntacticstructure.Assuch,ifthevarietyofn
presentis-n135(i.e.theparadigmofqoonqalumó,qoonqál,qoonqalama’),thentheCl
morphemewillberealizedas-(a)m;ifthevarietyofnpresentis-n150(theparadigm
of,say,tsifiraangw,tsifireeri),thentheClmorphemewillberealizedas-eer.The
instructionsforpost-SpelloutrealizationinthiscasearegiveninTable5.4,where
6.Thesuffix2:thelistedphenomena
373
-n135correspondstotheparadigm-ó(Mo)|-∅(Mo)|(a)’i(N∅),and-n150
correspondstotheparadigm-aangw(Mo)|-(a)’i(N∅).
Table6.4:ValuationofCl
PhonologicalComponent SemanticComponent
Input SyntacticContext
Value Input SyntacticContext
Value
Cl
/n135
[am]
Cl
/n135
[individuation]
/n150
[e:r]
/n150
Thesecondcharacteristic,thatoftheSFX1playingdouble-dutyaseithernominal
classifiermorphologyorverbalaspectualmorphology,requiresrecoursetothe
conceptthattheseformsmaybethesame,but,indifferentsyntacticcontexts,are
functioninginslightlydifferentways(i.e.the‘allosemy’ofMarantz2013,andWood
&Marantz,2017).Thus,inanominalsyntacticenvironment,SFX1isrealizedas
individuation,andinaverbalsyntacticenvironment,SFX1isrealizedasdurative,
causative,etc.Table5.5belowpresentsanexamplevaluationofSFX1.
Table6.5:ValuationofSFX1
PhonologicalComponent SemanticComponent
Input Syntactic
Context
Value Root Syntactic
Context
Value
SFX1
elsewhere
[am]
SFX1
/n
indivduation
/v
durative
6.5.4Asummary
Arevisedversionofthederivationthusfarispresentedin(6.31):where√735isthe
rootwhichrealizesqoonqal-,ClistheheadwhichrealizestheSFX1-(a)m,andn135is
theparadigmwhichrealizestheSFX2-ó.
6.Thesuffix2:thelistedphenomena
374
(6.31) QOONQALUMÓ(VERSION3) nP
√qoonqal-(a)m-#-n135 cat n 5 #P n135√qoonqal-(a)m-#(-ó)
cat #, Sg
cat ninfl ∅
sel N; <#>
5ClP #
√qoonqal-(a)m
cat Cl, Indiv
cat #, Sginfl ∅
sel < Cl >
5 √735 Cl (qoonqal) (-(a)m)
Giventhissyntacticconfiguration,thepost-syntacticvaluationof√735willresultin
qoonqal,thepost-syntacticvaluationofClwillresultin-(a)m[individuation],and
thepost-syntacticvaluationofn135willresultin-ó(Mo).
Thismoredetailedlevelofrepresentationnowallowsanupdatetobemadetothe
descriptionofhowarootsuchas√735isvalued.Recallthat,inthediscussionin
§4.4.3,itwasassumedthattherootspositedthereinwereconditionedinthe
syntacticcontextofindividualsuffixes(seeTables4.1,4.2,4.3,and4.4).Thegroup
qoonqalumó|qoonqál|qoonqalima’isarathersimplisticcasetopursue,astheroot
onlytakesoneparadigm,instead,amorecomplexformwillbechosen.Considerthe
following:
(6.32) a.soo’ay|soo’aawee ‘dog,dogs’
b.se’eemi|se’eengw ‘hair(onestrand),hair’
6.Thesuffix2:thelistedphenomena
375
AccordingtotheconclusionsdrawninChapter4,thevaluationofthecommonroot
whichrealizesalloftheseforms(letitbe√561),wouldproceedasinTable6.6
below.
Table6.6:Valuationof√561(version1)
PhonologicalComponent SemanticComponent
RootInput SyntacticContext
Value Root SyntacticContext
Value
√561
/-ay [so:Ɂ]
√561
/-ay ‘dog’
/-aawee /-aawee
/-iimi [seɁ] /-iimi ‘hair’
/-aangw /-aangw
Thisarrangementisobviouslyproblematic.Thefirstproblemisthatthetablefails
totakeintoaccountthatnoneofthesyntacticcontextswould,atthispoint,be
valuedphonologically.Thisinterpretationcouldperhapsbesavedbyabstracting
awayfromthesuffixes,andassigningeachofthemanabstractindex,tobevaluedat
alaterpoint(thiswouldbetheequivalentofpositingthesuffixesassyntacticheads,
ratherthantheparadigms).
However,thisanalysiseventuallyrunsintotroubleaswell.Considerthefollowing:
(6.33) a.tsifiraangw|tsifireeri ‘tongue,tongues’
b.tsifiri|tsifireeri ‘language,languages’
Theformsofthepluralineachcaseisthesame.Assuch,thesemanticcomponentof
thevaluationwouldhavenowaytodistinguishthetwo.
Whatthisapproachfailstoidentifyisthatthesuffixesthemselvesdonotcontribute
totheoverallmeaningbuttheparadigmsinwhichtheyexistdo.Assuch,the
6.Thesuffix2:thelistedphenomena
376
elementstobeconsideredasthesyntacticcontextwithinthevaluationarethe
paradigms.Valuationof√561wouldproceedthus(lettheparadigm
-ay(Mo)|-aawee(F)ben118,andtheparadigm-iimi(F)|-aangw(M)ben197)
Table6.7:Valuationof√561(version2)
PhonologicalComponent SemanticComponent
RootInput SyntacticContext
Value Root SyntacticContext
Value
√561 n118 [so:Ɂ] √561 n118 ‘dog’
n197 [seɁ] n197 ‘hair’
Theaboverepresentsacaseinwhichthechoiceofparadigmeffectsthesemantic
interpretationoftheresult.Inmanycases,however,suchsemanticeffectdoesnot
occur.Considerthefollowing:
(6.34) a.goofaangw|goofeeri ‘antelope,antelopes’ b.goofaangw|goofaawee ‘antelope,antelopes’
Thekindofvaluationproposedabovehandlesthiskindofcaseequallywell.Letthe
rootcommontoalltheseformsbe√238.Lettheparadigm-aangw(Mo)|-eeri(N∅)
ben279,andlettheparadigm-aangw(Mo)|-aawee(F)ben6835.
Table6.8:Valuationof√238
PhonologicalComponent SemanticComponent
RootInput SyntacticContext
Value Root SyntacticContext
Value
√238 n279 [go:f] √238 n279 ‘antelope’
n683 n683
Toconcludethissubsection,whatthisanalysisproposesisamechanismbywhich
paradigmsmaybetreatedunderaDistributedMorphologyframework.By
5Notethat,inthiswork,theindexicalvaluegiventolittlens(inthiscase,683)arearbitrarynumbers,oftenconsiderablyhigherthanthetotalnumberofparadigmsidentified(178).
Thisisdonesimplytoensurethatnumericalvaluesofnandnumericalvaluesofroots(√)
donotcoincide(itselfnotatheoreticalproblem,giventhattheindicesarebeingusedfor
entirelydifferentelements),mainlyforeasierreading.
6.Thesuffix2:thelistedphenomena
377
identifyingeachparadigmasitsownversionofn,subjecttovaluationconditioned
bythesyntacticcontext,itallowstheregularitieswhichholdwithinthemto
functionasapartofthegrammar,andnotasanexception.
Whatmustremain‘exceptional’(atleastforGorwaa),isthemannerinwhichagiven
rootcomestobeassociatedwithagivenparadigm.Itseemstomethattheselection
ofrootsbyparadigmsislexical,bothinthesensethattheparadigmandtheroot
bothcontributetothemeaningofanoun(e.g.soo’ay‘dog’vs.se’eengw‘hair’),aswell
asinthesensethat,likematchinganappropriatenounwithanappropriateverbto
constructacoherentsentence,sotoomustaspeakermatchanappropriateroot
withanappropriateparadigm.
Thefollowingsubsectiontreatstherelationofthesuffixtogender.
6.5.5Therealizationofgender
Anothercharacteristicwhichaddstothe‘lexicality’oftheparadigmsrepresentedin
theSFX2morphemeisthefactthateachindividualsuffixhas(toborrow
Acquaviva’sphrase)a‘stableassociation’withgender.Forexample,thesuffix-ee
alwaystriggersFagreement,andthesuffix-u!alwaystriggersNagreement.Thisis
soconsistentthatsuchsuffixescanbelistedwiththeirattendantgender.
IfitistheSFX2morphemewhichdeterminesgender,andiftherealizationofSFX2is
aprocessofvaluationofaparadigminthesyntacticcontextofnumberfeatures,
thengenderisnecessarilyafeaturegeneratedpost-syntactically:specificallyinthe
phonologicalcomponent(i.e.List2).Arevisedversionofthevaluationofn135(i.e.
6.Thesuffix2:thelistedphenomena
378
theparadigmwhichfeaturesinthesuffixes-(a)mó(Mo)|-∅(Mo)|-(a)ma’(N∅))is
giveninTable6.9below.
Table6.9:Valuationofn135(revised)
PhonologicalComponent SemanticComponent
Input SyntacticContext
Value Input SyntacticContext
Value
n135
/Sg [ó][Mo]
n135
/Sg singular
/Pl [aɁ][N∅] /Pl plural
elsewhere ∅~´~[Mo] elsewhere general
Notethatthegenderfeaturesarerealizedinthephonologicalcomponent,andare
thereforeinaccessibletothesemanticcomponent.Thisisdesirableinthatthese
gendervalueshavenobearingonthesemanticinterpretationofthenoun.Indeed,
thereisnothinginherentlymasculineaboutqantsá‘greenchyme’,noristhere
anythingfeminineaboutsaankaa‘chyme’--bothrefertoasomewhatsimilarreal
worldentity,buthavedifferentgender.Thedikdik,eveniffemale,isreferredtoby
themasculinenountsoyo,whereasthehippopotamus,evenifmale,isreferredtoby
thefemininenounhawweé(d).
Perhapsthemostsignificantconsequenceoftheanalysisaboveisthat,ifgender
featuresarerealizedonlypost-syntactically,andifthesefeaturesaretheinputfor
agreement,thenagreementmustalsooccurpost-syntactically,followingthe
valuationoftheserootsinList2.Atthesametime,however,theAgreeoperation
hasbeenproventorelyonrelationshipsthataresyntacticinnature,suchasc-
command.Ifthisisthecase,thenanewversionofAgreemustoperatepost-
syntactically,butstillbecapableofaccessingthesyntacticstructure.
6.Thesuffix2:thelistedphenomena
379
Infact,itisexactlythistypeofAgreethathasbeenproposedinBobaljik(2008).
ThedatausedinthepaperisatoncequitedifferentfromGorwaa,butalsoquite
similar.Assuch,amomentwillbetakentoconsidertheempiricalbasisonwhich
theargumentisbuilt.
InIcelandic(isl;Iceland),thereexistaseriesofconstructionsinwhichthe
morphologicalcaseassignedtothesubjectisnotnominative.Thisisknowninthe
literatureasquirkycase.Onesuchconstructionoccurswithexperiencerpredicates,
inwhichthesubjectisassigneddativecase.
(6.35) QUIRKYCASEINICELANDIC(FROMBOBALJIK(2008:298) a.Jónilíkuðuþessirsokkar Jon.DATlike.Plthesesocks.NOM “Jonlikesthesesocks.”
(fromJónsson1996:143) b.Þaðlíkuðueinhverjumþessirsokkar
EXPLliked.Plsomeone.DATthesesocks.NOM “Someonelikedthesesocks.”
(fromJónsson1996:153)
Itisshownthat,thoughmorphologicallymarkedfordativecase,thesequirky
subjectsare,byallcriteria,grammaticalsubjects.Becauseofthis,itisconcluded
thatthesystemresponsibleforassigningstructuralcase(i.e.caseaccordingto
grammaticalfunction),andthatresponsibleforassigningmorphologicalcaseare
different.InlanguagessuchasGermanandRussian,thesystemofmorphological
case“tracks[casebasedongrammaticalfunction]fairlyneatly”(303).Inthecaseof
Icelandic,thetwosystemsdonotcoincidesoneatly,hencetheoccurrenceofquirky
case.
6.Thesuffix2:thelistedphenomena
380
Furthermore,becausetheassignmentofmorphologicalcasemakesreferencetothe
syntacticstructure(i.e.inassigningdativetothesubject,andnominativetothe
remainingcaselessNP),itmustoccurafterthesyntax,butbesensitivetoit.Itis
arguedthatthispost-syntacticstageisthemorphology,which“takesasyntactic
structureasitsinputandincrementallyaltersthatstructureinordertoproducea
phonologicalform”(296).Thus,quirkycaseandthosephenomenasimilartoitare
calledm-Case(mformorphological).Basedontheargumentthat,
crosslinguistically,itism-Case(andnotanysyntacticrelationsuchasgrammatical
function)whichdeterminestheaccessibilityofagivenNPforcontrollingagreement
onthepredicate,agreementmustbeapostsyntacticoperation.
EventhoughthedatainGorwaaarenotrelatedtocase,thesameargumentapplies.
AsquirkycaseinIcelandicisassignedlexically,sotooissuffixalgenderinGorwaa
assignedlexically(i.e.bytheparadigm).AsquirkycaseinIcelandichasnoeffecton
the(semantic)interpretationofthegrammaticalrelations,sotoodoessuffixal
genderinGorwaahavenoeffectonthesemanticinterpretationofthenoun.Finally,
asquirkycasedictatesagreementoperations,sotoodoessuffixalgenderinGorwaa
controlagreementoperations.Gorwaasuffixalgenderism-gender,m-genderis
postsyntactic,andagreementmustbepostsyntacticasaresult.
Theresultofasystemsuchastheoneproposedisnounsforwhichgenderhasno
semanticfunctionshowinggenderregardless,assignedlexicallybasedontheform
6.Thesuffix2:thelistedphenomena
381
ofthesuffix(6.36),aswellasentitieswhichhaveabiologicalgendersometimes
showingagreementforamismatchinggender(6.37).
(6.36) SEMANTICALLYGENDERLESSNOUNSTRIGGERINGGENDERAGREEMENT a. qantsákuyaariir qants--á -ó t-ng-u-∅ yaariir
STM- -SFX2 -L !"##$.!"#$%
MP-A.3-P.MAux much
‘Thereismuchgreenchyme.’ b. saankaakayaariir saank--aa -r~´~ t-ng-a- ∅ yaariirur
STM- -SFX2 -L !"#$%
MP-A.3-P.F-Aux much
‘Thereismuchchyme.’
(6.37) NOUNSWITHBIOLOGICALGENDERTRIGGERINGMISMATCHINGAGREEMENT a. tsoyóúr tsoy- -ó -ó úr
STM- -SFX2 -L !"#!"#
big.M
‘abigdikdik’(possiblyafemaledikdik)
b. hawweérur haww--ee -r~´~ ur
STM- -SFX2 -L !"##$#$%&'()
big.F
‘abighippopotamus’(possiblyamalehippopotamus)6.6Remarksandsummary
Thischapter,aswellastheonebeforeit,hastreatedthenominalsuffix,anelement
whichismorphologicallyhighlycomplex,andtheoreticallyveryinteresting.§5.5.1
providessomefurthercommentonthenatureofn,and§5.5.2summarizes.
6.6.1Remarksonthenatureofn
ItwasnotedinChapter5(fn.5)thatthelabelingofSFX2asnwasaconscious
choice.Atthis,point,someremarksmaybegivenonwhy,exactly,thisisso.
6.Thesuffix2:thelistedphenomena
382
First,theletterlabel‘n’isarecognitionthattheSFX2functionsasthecategorizing
head,equivalent,moreorless,tothevariousNsproposedintheliterature(Marantz
(2001),Arad(2003,2005),andMerchant(2018)).AsestablishedinChapter4and
Chapter5,themajorityofnominalmaterialmayalsoappearintheverbaldomain.
Nounstemsarecommonlyisomorphicwithverbstems(see§4.4.3),SFX1
morphologyisvirtuallyalwaysisomorphicwithdurative,middlevoice,and
pluractionalverbalderivationalsuffixes(see§2.3.2.4,and§5.3).Thefirstelement
thatdoesclearlynotbelongtotheverbaldomainistheSFX2morphology.Itis
thereforethismorphologythatisidentifiedasnominalizingthestructure.(6.38)
belowyieldsaroughcomparisonofastructurecontaininganominalcategorizing
headn,versusonecontainingaverbalcategorizingheadv.Strikingly,in(6.38)a)
thenominalmorphologyinvolvedinclassifyingandquantifying--structuringthe
conceptoftherootinspace--isthesamemorphologyinvolvedintheprojectionsX
andYin(6.38)b)structuringtheconceptoftherootintime.Thisdissertationdoes
notdiscussverbalmorphologyandthereforetheidentityoftheseprojectionswill
remainvague,butcompareasimilaruniversalproposalmadeinBorer(2005a,b).
(6.38) THENOUNXOOSLUMÓ‘VESSEL,TOOL’VS.THEVERBXOOSLIÍM‘TOGRIND’:SOLEDIFFERENCEISTHECATEGORIZINGHEAD
a. xooslumó b. xoosliím nP vP 2 2 #P n XP v 2-ó 2~LongVowel,RPA~ClP# YPX 2 2√291Cl √291Y -(a)m -(a)m
6.Thesuffix2:thelistedphenomena
383
Thefactthatthenislittlehererepresentsafurthernodtoverbphrasestructure,
andwaschosenspecificallybecause‘littlev’isoftendescribedasintroducingan
externalargument.Tobediscussedin§7.4.2,aslittlevintroducesanexternal
argumenttotheverbphraseintheformofthesubjectargument,itislittlenthat
introducesanexternalargumenttothenounphraseintheformoftheargumentR.
Asaseparateremark,itisworthnotingthatnandtherootfunctionautonomously
insomerespects(e.g.the√-ncombinationmaybeseparatedbyCland#
morphology,asin(6.39)b)),butthattheyalsohavethelinguisticpropertiesofa
singledomain(e.g.√-ncombinationshaveidiomaticmeanings,asoutlinedin§6.2.3
above).
(6.39) NANDTHEROOTFUNCTIONAUTONOMOUSLYINSOMERESPECTS a. /aráy ‘white-galledacacias’
[√-n]b. /armó ‘white-galledacacia’
[√-Cl-#-n]
(6.40) NANDTHEROOTHAVETHELINGUISTICPROPERTIESOFASINGLEDOMAIN a. soo-ay ‘adog’
[√-n] b. se’-eengw ‘hair’
[√-n]
Thesebehaviorsarealsocharacteristicofverb-particleconstructionsinGermanic
(e.g.Ramchand&Svenonius2002),andpreverbconstructionsinOldIrish(sga:
Ireland†)(e.g.Adger2006).Examples(fromRamchandandSvenonius(2002:101)
areprovidedin(6.41)and(6.42)below.
(6.41) THEVERBANDTHEPARTICLEFUNCTIONAUTONOMOUSLYINSOMERESPECTS a. Theymarchedoffthehangover b. Theymarchedthehangoveroff.
6.Thesuffix2:thelistedphenomena
384
(6.42) THEVERBANDTHEPARTICLEHAVETHELINGUISTICPROPERTIESOFASINGLEDOMAIN a. Theyletupthepressure. b. Theyletthepressureup.
Atthispoint,nofurtherinsightwillbegivenintotheparallelsinsyntacticbehavior
forthe√-nrelationshipandtheV-particlerelationshipsmentionedabove.Withthat
said,itisworthnotingthesimilaritiesatthispoint,inhopeoffurtherinsightinthe
future.
6.6.2Summary
Thissubsectionconcludestwochapterswhichfocusonthesuffix.Wherechapter
fivetreatedtheregularcharacteristicsofthesuffix,thecurrentchaptertreatedthe
listedcharacteristics.Basedonadetailedanalysisoftheparadigmaticpatternsof
Gorwaa,thisworkespousestheviewthatitistheparadigmitselfwhichactsasa
grammaticalformative,withinwhichsuffixes(grammaticalprimitiveslackingin
syntacticfeatures)arearranged.Itisthestructureoftheparadigmitselfwhich
dictateswhatmeaningsthesesuffixeswillberealizedwith.Post-syntactically,
suffixesarerealizedwithadiacriticgenderfeature--inorderforthisgenderfeature
toaffectmorphosyntacticagreementoperations,Agreemustbeapost-syntactic
operation.
Section6.2introducedtheconceptoftheparadigm,andprovidedsomemotivation
fortheparadigmasagrammaticalformative.Section6.3discussedthelisted
phenomenaoftheGorwaasuffix,providingexamplesforeach.Section6.4wasa
detailedpresentationanddescriptionoftheparadigmsofGorwaa.Section6.5
6.Thesuffix2:thelistedphenomena
385
furnishedaDManalysis:nisthelocusoftheparadigminGorwaa,whichare
realizedpost-Spelloutascombinationsofsuffixes,eachofwhichbearingitsown
diacriticgenderfeature.Crucially,thisapproachisvalidonlyifAgreeisapost-
syntacticoperation.Section6.6offeredabriefremarkonthenatureofn,and
summarized.
Empirically,thischapterhasidentified42differentsuffixes,whichmaybedivided
intothreebroadgroups:thosethatmayoccurwithonlySgagreement,thosethat
mayoccurwithonlyPlagreement,andthosethatmayoccurwitheitherSgorPl
agreement.Thechoiceoftheterm‘occurwith’ratherthan‘trigger’isused
advisedly,asitseemsasifnumberagreement(seenontheadjective)comesfroman
elementotherthanthenoun.Thiswillbefurtherdiscussedinthefollowingchapter.
Eachsuffixhasastableassociationwithagendervalue--thatis,itisthenominal
suffixwhichusuallytriggerstheagreementonformsbeyondthenoun(again,
exceptionswillbediscussedinthefollowingchapter).These42suffixesenterinto
atleast178groups,termedparadigms.Paradigmsmaybemadeupoftwosuffixes
(apair),threesuffixes(atriad),oronesuffix(amonad).Theparadigmtakenbyany
givenstemislargelyunpredictable.
Theoretically,thesuffixwasdeconstructedintothreemorphosyntactic
subcomponents:theclassifierhead(Cl),thequantityhead(#),andthe‘littlen’(n).
Suffixesvaluedfornumber(i.e.thosewhichmayonlyoccurwithSgagreementand
thosewhichmayonlyoccurwithPlagreement)featurebothaClanda#.Suffixes
6.Thesuffix2:thelistedphenomena
386
unvaluedfornumber(i.e.thosewhichmayoccurwithSgorPlagreement),donot
featureaClora#.nisthelocusoftheparadigm--thatis,itisrealizedpost-
syntacticallyastheappropriatesuffixbasedonacombinationofitsindexicalvalue,
aswellasitssyntacticcontext.Cl,whichcanalsobedescribedasafunctionalhead
whosesyntacticenvironmentdeterminesbothitsphonological,aswellassemantic
(i.e.individuationvs.aspect)identity.Crucially,theparadigmswhichmergeatnare
allrealizedasindividualsuffixesatList2withgenderfeatures.Thesesuffixal
genderfeaturesaremorphologicalinnature,anddonotcontributetothesemantic
interpretationofthenoun.Inordertoaccountforagreementphenomena,Agree
mustthereforebeapost-syntacticoperation.
7.Thelinker
387
7.Thelinker
7.1Introduction
Thischapterisconcernedwiththeformknownintheliterature(e.g.Mous1993)
asthelinker,andisexemplifiedin(7.1).
(7.1) a. slufitáwák sluf- -i -tá wák STM- -SFX2 -!
!"# one
‘onelip’
b. desir’eé’ des- -i -r~´~ =’eé’ STM- -SFX2 -!
!"#$=POSS.1SG
‘mygirl’
c. hhawatóbaabá hhawat- -a -ó baaba STM- -SFX2 -!
!"# father
‘father’sman’
d. kurkí kur- -u -kú =í STM- -SFX2 -!
!"#$ =DEM1
‘thisyear’
e. ayeemáuren ay- -eem -oo -á uren STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -!
!"#$% big.N.PL
‘biglands’
f. /aylátleer /ayl- -a’(!) ~´~ tleer STM- -SFX2 -!
!"##$%&.!"#$ long.N
‘alongweddingsong”Thefirststepintreatingthissuffixisadiscussionofgender,buildingonthe
introductiongivenin§2.3.1.2.Presentationofthedatafollows,focusingonthe
7.Thelinker
388
contextsinwhichthelinkeroccursandthoseinwhichitdoesnot.The
remainderofthechapterdrawsonthisdata,aswellassomemorechallenging
casesinordertomotivateasyntacticanalysisofthelinkerasadeterminer
obligatoryonallnounswithreference,whosepronunciationis
morphophonologicallyconditioned.
7.2Characterizingthelinker:genderrevisited
OneofthefirstassertionsmadeintheinitialdescriptionofgenderinGorwaa
wasthatthesystemiscomposedofthreevalues:(M)asculine,(F)eminine,and
(N)euter(see§2.3.1.2).ThisisconsistentwithMous’analysisforIraqw(1993,
2007,2008),butdiffersfromothers,includingCorbett(e.g.2005:126-129),and
DiGarbo(2014:119)forwhomgenderintheselanguageshastwocomponents:
MandF.NgenderissubsumedunderPlnumbermarking.
Underatwo-genderanalysis,agreementmorphologyontheverbbecomesa
divisionbetweenMandFgender,andPlnumber.Assuch,averbformsuchas
qwala/amiis‘makehappy’(levelpitchaccent,longvowel)isM,theform
qwala/amís(risingpitchaccent,shortvowel)isF,andtheformqwala/amisiyá’
(suffix-iyá’)isPl.Thisanalysisbreaksdown,however,whenadjectivesare
introduced,whichshowagreementforbothgenderandnumber.Considerthe
following,inwhichhhaysooin(7.2)a)isNgender,andtheadjectivetleershows
NgenderandSgnumber,andhhaysusuin(7.2)b)isNgenderandtheadjective
tletshowsNgenderandPlnumber.Underatwo-genderanalysis,bothnouns
areplural(asshownbythe-iyá’agreementontheverb),andsothereisno
principledwaytojustifythetwodifferentadjectivalforms.In(7.2)b),itcouldbe
7.Thelinker
389
arguedthattheadjectiveissomehowdouble-markedforPlnumber,butin
(7.2)a),theadjectivewouldhavetobesimultaneouslymarkedforbothSgandPl
number--ahighlycuriousstateofaffairsindeed.
(7.2) a. hhaysoótleeriqwala/amisiyá’ hhays--oo ~´~ tleeri- ∅ qwala/amiis-iyá’
STM- -SFX2 -L !"#$
long.NS.3- AUX make.happy.3-N.PRES
“Alongtailmakesonehappy.” b. Hhaysusútletiqwala/amisiyá’ hhays--aCz -u! ~´~ tleti- ∅ STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L
!"#$ long.N.PLS.3- AUX
qwala/amiis-iyá’make.happy.3-N.PRES
“Longtailsmakeonehappy.”Furthermore,recentpsycholinguisticworkontheCushiticlanguageKonso(kxc:
Ethiopia)investigatedhownativespeakersprocessgrammaticalgenderand
number(Tsegaye2017).Usingpicture-wordinterferenceandsimplepicture
namingtaskstodeterminewhethertheequivalentofGorwaaNgenderinthis
languagewasprocessedasagendervalueoranumbervalue,itisarguedthat:
“[ifN]isavalueofgenderinKonso,namingutteranceswith[N]
gendershouldproducesimilarcongruencyeffectsasmasculineand
femininegenders.Conversely,ifsucheffectswereabsentinnaming
utteranceswith[N]genderbutpresentonlyinmasculineand
femininegender,[N]wouldnotbetreatedasavalueofgender.
Combined,comparedtothegender-congruentcondition,gender-
incongruentdistractorwordssloweddownthelatenciesofthe
targetpicturessignificantly.Crucially,theresultsofthetwo
experimentsdisplayedthat[N]gendernounsshowgender
congruencyeffectslikemasculineandfemininenouns.Thisindicates
that[N]isprocessedinthesamewayasmasculineandfeminine
genders,whichsupportstheanalysisthat[…Ngender]isindeed
partofthesystemofgenderfeaturesinKonso.”(22)ItisimportantheretonotethatevidenceforKonsocannotbegeneralizedtoall
Cushiticlanguages(SomaliandOromo,forexample,aresystemswith
straightforwardlyMvs.Fgenders).However,withinCushitic,Mous(2008)
7.Thelinker
390
identifieswhatisessentiallythesamepatternofKonsoinBayso(bsw:Ethiopia),
Dirayta(gdl:Ethiopia),Ts’amakko(tsb:Ethiopia),Rendille(rel:Kenya),Boni
(bob:Kenya),aswellasIraqw,Alagwa,andBurunge.Itisonthebackofthis
experimentalevidence,aswellasonthebasisthatpositingNasagendervalue
makesforanoverallsimpleranalysisforGorwaa,thatthisthree-genderanalysis
willbeadopted.
InadditiontothreegendervaluesM,F,andN,eachofthesegendersexhibittwo
internalsubgenders:asecondagreementpatternwithinthelargerpatternthat
functionswithasubsetofnouns,andinasubsetofenvironments(Corbett1991:
163).Relevanttothecurrentdiscussion,theoneenvironmentinwhich
subgenderfunctionsisthelinkeritself,asdisplayedin(7.1).Inallother
environments,thisdistinctioncollapses(6.3).Mo-typesubgenderisinstantiated
bythemorpheme–ó(6.1.c).Mk-typesubgenderisinstantiatedbythe
morpheme–kú(6.1.d).Fr-typesubgenderisinstantiatedbythemorpheme–r,
plusrisingpitchaccent(6.1.b).Ft-typesubgenderisinstantiatedbythe
morpheme–tá(6.1.a).Na-typesubgenderisinstantiatedbythemorpheme–á
(6.1.e).N∅-typesubgenderisinstantiatedbythemorpheme-∅,plusrisingpitch
accent(6.1.f).Subgenderisdiscussedabovein.
(7.3) SUBGENDERDISTINCTIONCOLLAPSESINVERBAGREEMENT a.FTANDFRDISTINCTIONCOLLAPSES i.slufitáwákiqwala/amís sluf- -i -tá wák i- ∅ qwala/amís STM- -SFX2 -L
!"# one S.3- AUX make.happy.F.PRES
‘onelipmakesonehappy’
7.Thelinker
391
ii.desírwákiqwala/amís des--i -r~´~ wák i-∅ qwala/amís
STM- -SFX2 -L !"#$
one S.3-AUXmake.happy.F.PRES
‘onegirlmakesonehappy’
b.MOANDMKDISTINCTIONCOLLAPSES i.hhawatówákiqwala/amiis hhawat- -a -ó wák i- ∅ STM- -SFX2 -L
!"# one S.3- AUX
qwala/amiismake.happy.M.PRES‘onemanmakesonehappy’
ii.kurkúwákiqwala/amiis kurk- -u -kú wák i- ∅
STM- -SFX2 -L !"#$
one S.3- AUX
qwala/amiismake.happy.M.PRES‘oneyearmakesonehappy’
c.NAANDN∅DISTINCTIONCOLLAPSES i.ayeemátsáriqwala/amisiyá’ ay -eem -oo -á tsár i- ∅ STM- -SFX1 -SFX2 -L
!"#$% two S.3- AUX
qwala/amiis -iyá’make.happy. -NPRES‘twolamdsmakeonehappy’
ii./aylátsáriqwala/amisiyá’ /ayl--a’(!) ~´~ tsári- ∅ qwala/amiis-iyá’ STM- -SFX2 -L
!"##$%&.!"#$! twoS.3 AUX make.happy.-NPRES
‘twoweddingsongsmakeonehappy’HavingestablishedthegendersysteminGorwaaasfeaturing3values(M,F,and
N),eachofwhichexhibittwominorvalues(Mo,Mk,Fr,Ft,Na,andN∅),attention
maynowturnfullytothelinker.
7.Thelinker
392
7.3Characterizingthelinker:datapresentation
Thissectionestablishesthelinkerona(largely)pretheoreticbasis,thoughsome
assumptionsastothestructureofseverallargersyntacticenvironmentsare
made.Itwillbearguedthatthelinkerisanobligatory,integralpartofnouns
withreference,butwhichgoesunpronouncedincertainwell-defined
environments.Thefirstsubsectionwilldiscussthedistributionofthelinker,and
thesecondsubsectionwillexaminesomeofthepastanalysesandtheproblems
inherenttherein.Thethirdsubsectionwillpresentanewanalysisofthelinker:
thatitisasuffixwhichundergoeselisionwhenitoccursattheendofa
phonologicalphrase.
7.3.1Distributionofthelinker
Nounsdonotshowthelinkerinthefollowingenvironments:1)unmodifiedsubjects:(7.4) LINKERUNPRONOUNCEDONUNMODIFIEDSUBJECTS a. garmaina/akuút [20160921i.23] garm- -a -ó i- ∅ -na /akuút
STM- -SFX2 -L !"#
S.3- AUX -IMPRF jump.M.PST
‘Theboyjumped.’
b. desibaahaanginatáhh [20160921i.2] des- -i -r~´~ baahaár ng- a- ∅ -na
STM- -SFX2 -L !"#$
hyaena.LFr A.3- P.F- AUX -
IMPRFtáhhhit.F.PST‘Thegirlhitthehyaena.’
c. na/i’iaGorwaa na/- -a’i ~´~ ∅ Gorwaá
STM- -SFX2 -L !"#$%&'(
AUX Gorwaa.people.LN∅
7.Thelinker
393
‘ThechildrenareGorwaa.’2)unmodifieddirectobjectsin‘secondposition’(i.e.beforetheselector)
(7.5) LINKERUNPRONOUNCEDONUNMODIFIEDDIRECTOBJECTSIN‘SECONDPOSITION’ a. desibaahaanginatáhh [20160921i.2] des- -i -r~´~ baahaár ng- a- ∅-na
STM- -SFX2 -L !"#$
hyaena.LFr A.3- P.F- AUX-IMPRF
táhhhit.F.PST
‘Thegirlhitthehyaena.’ b. sleeakoóm [20150818a.1] sl- -ee -r~´~ ∅- a- ∅ koóm
STM- -SFX2 -L !"#
A.1- P.F- AUX have.1.PRES
‘Ihaveacow.’ c. garmana/i’inginadiíf[20160927l168-171.10] garmá na/ -(a)’i ~´~ ng- i- ∅-na
boy.LMoSTM- -SFX2 -L !"#$%&'(
A.3- P.N- AUX-IMPRF
diífhit.M.PST‘Theboyhitthechildren.’
3)incorporatedobjects(7.6) LINKERNOTPRESENTONINCORPORATEDNOUNS a. ngwaslee-gaás[20161102b.52] ng- u- ∅ -a sl- -ee gaás
A.3- O.M- AUX -PRFSTM- -SFX2 !"#
kill.M.PST
‘Hekilledacowonhim.’(lit.“hecow-killedhim”)
b. [...]ngunasaga-taáhhneerna/áydeti[20131108b_20150725j.89]
ng- u- ∅ -na sag- -a taáhh A.3- O.M- AUX -IMPRFSTM- -SFX2
!"#$hit.M.PST
neer na/áy detiwith child.LN∅ <deti>.tree‘[...]hesmashedhimontheheadwiththeseedpodofthe<deti>tree.’(lit.“hehead-smashedhim”)
7.Thelinker
394
c. [...]asmataarahee-gás[20151202d.116] asma t- ∅ ar ∅ hee -∅
because MP- AUX see AUX STM- -SFX2 !"#$%&
gás kill.2Sg.PRES ‘becausetheysawyoukillaman’(lit.“man-kill”)
Nounsdoshowthelinkereverywhereelse,someillustrativeexamplesinclude:
1)modifiedsubjects:(7.7) LINKERPRONOUNCEDONMODIFIEDSUBJECTS1 a. garmáúrina/akuút [20160921i.27] garm- -a -ó úr i- ∅ -na /akuút
STM- -SFX2 -L !"#
big.M S.3- AUX -IMPRF
jump.M.PST ‘Thebigboyjumped.’ b. desírdooslbaahaanginatáhh [20160927l110-124.2] des- -i -r~´~ doosl baahaár
STM- -SFX2 -L !"#$
farm.ADN.F hyaena.LFr
ng- a- ∅ -na táhhA.3- P.F- AUX -IMPRFhit.F.PST ‘Thefarminggirlhitthehyaena.’
c. na/i’íbaahaangadiifiyí’ [20160928c.36] na/- -(a)’i ~´~ baahaár ng- a- ∅-a
STM- -SFX2 -L !"#$%
hyaena.LFr A.3 P.F- AUX-PRF
diif -iyí’hit.3 -3Pl.SUBJ
‘Thechildrenwhohitthehyaena.’2)modifieddirectobjects:(7.8) LINKERPRONOUNCEDONMODIFIEDDIRECTOBJECTS hhawatagarmáwákngunataáhh [20160119f.45] hhawató garm- -a -ó wák ng- u- ∅-naman.LMo STM- -SFX2 -L
!"# one A.3- P.M- AUX-IMPRF
taáhhhit.M.PST
‘Themanhitoneboy.’1In(7.7)a),thenoungarma‘boy’isirregularinthattheformdoesnotshowthefinal-oofthelinker,butonlythehightone.Ineveryotherrespect,however,garmaisaregular,(Mo)noun.
7.Thelinker
395
3)directobjectsin‘encapsulatedposition’(i.e.betweentheselectorandthe
lexicalverb)
(7.9) LINKERPRONOUNCEDONENCAPSULATEDOBJECTS a. moro’osíngiharimaárkón [20131027_20150725c.81] moro’ó -síng i- ∅ harim--aa-r~´~ things.LMo -DEM2S.3- AUX STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$%&'
kón have.M.PRES
‘Thesethingsarejust.’b. [...]bar/aaymaársla’ [20150808a.117]
bar- ∅- a- ∅ /ayim--aa -r~´~ sla’ if- A.P- P.F- AUX STM- -SFX2 -L
!""#want.2.SUBJ
‘[...]ifyouwantfood.’c. [...]tareyiikwáhuw[20151202e.124]
t- ∅ -re yiikw--a ~´~ huw MP- AUX -CONSEC STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$ bring.SUBJ
‘[...]andtheybroughtcows.’4)nounswhichoccurwithtopicandquestionmorphology(7.10) a.LINKERPRONOUNCEDONTOPIC-MARKEDNOUNS i.[...]umódiroo[...][20131027_20150725c.195] umó d- -i -r~´~ -ooevery STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$% -TOP
‘[...]everyplace[...]” ii.[...]umoqó/ayitoo[...] [20131108b_20150725j.9] umó =qo /ay- -i -tá -ooevery =EMPH STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$%& -TOP
‘[...]everyflower[...]’ b.LINKERPRONOUNCEDONQUESTIONEDNOUNS i.wagawtoô [20150817d.225] wa gaw- -a -tá -oo ~ˆ~PREP.ABL.STM- -SFX2 -L
!"# -TOP ~Q~
‘fromthetop?’
7.Thelinker
396
ii.basokoô [20161109b.15]bas- -a -kú -oo ~ˆ~
STM- -SFX2 -L !"#$%
-TOP ~Q~
‘south?’
7.3.2Pastanalyses
Themostcommonwaytodescribethelinkerisasconstructstatemorphology
(e.g.Mous1993:94).Thisreferstoaspecialmorphologicalformtakenbynouns
whenpossessed,andischaracteristicofmanyAfro-Asiaticlanguages.Thislabel
handlesperhapsthemostfrequentconstructioninwhichthelinkeroccurs.
(7.11) LINKERPRONOUNCEDINPOSSESSIONCONSTRUCTIONS
a. [...]garmáBura [20160927m.36] garm- -a -ó Burá STM- -SFX2 -L
!"# Bura.LMo
‘Bura’sboy’
b. [...]balaángwhee[...] [20150727.52] bal- -aangw -ó heé STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$%&' person.LMo
‘[...]aperson’ssorghum[...]’
c. asltábaabá [20150807.17] asl- -a -tá baabó STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$ father.LMo
‘father’sfire’Othermodificationconstructionsalsoseemtobecomfortablycoveredby
extendingtheideaofpossession.EveninEnglish,onecanusethegenitiveto
conveysuchconceptsasnoun-numeral“anarmyofone”,noun-pronoun“afriend
ofmine”,andnoun-adjective“acapeofred”.
7.Thelinker
397
However,theconstructstateanalysishandlestheremainingdatalesswell.After
all,itishardtoseehowtheobjectnounsleein(7.12)b)belowcouldbe
interpretedassomehowpossessed.
(7.12) a. anísleeanataáhh [201609271222-228.25]
aní sl- -ee -r~´~ ∅- a- ∅ -na Pro1SgSTM- -SFX2 -L
!"#A.1- P.F- AUX -IMPRF
taáhhbeat.1.PST
‘Ibeatthecow.’ b. aníasleérdiíf [20160927l222-228.26]
aní ∅- ∅ sl- -ee -r~´~ diíf PRO1Sg S.P- AUX STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#beat.1.PST
‘Ibeatthecow.’Similarly,nounsintopicalizationsorquestionsareequallyhardtocharacterize
aspossessed.
Thisevidenceseemsadequatemotivationforanattempttocharacterizethe
linkeraccordingtoabroadercriterion.Thiswillbetheapproachfollowedinthe
followingsubsection.
7.3.3Linkersaremorphophonologicallyconditioned
Followingpresentationofthedataabove,Iproposethatthelinkerisa
morphemewhichobligatorilyoccursonanynounwithreference,butgoes
unpronouncedwhenitoccursattherightedgeofaphonologicalphrase.
Essentially,thephenomenonisoneofsandhi,analogoustoraddoppiamento
sintatticoinItalian(ita:e.g.Italy)(Nespor&Vogel1986:165-184),rendakuin
Japanese(jpn:Japan)(Kubozono2005),andintonationinBengali(ben:e.g.
7.Thelinker
398
Bangladesh)(Truckenbrodt2003).Thephonologicalphrasesimportanttothis
particularworkarethoseequivalenttothesyntacticphrasesDPandTP2.
Becauseofthisappealtohigher-levelstructure,examinationofthisclaim
thereforerequiressomecommentontheclausalsyntaxofGorwaa.Thiswillbe
undertakenbrieflybelow.WiththeshapeoftheGorwaaclauseproperly
motivated,discussionwillreturntothespecificenvironmentsoflinkers
presentedabove.
7.3.3.1Clausalsyntax
Anyin-depthdescriptionoftheclausalsyntaxofGorwaaliesoutsidethescopeof
thiswork.Assuch,thissubsectioncanonlyestablishthefactsrelevanttothe
discussionathand.Therefore,iftheargumentbeingpresentedabovesees
linkersasgoingunpronouncedonlywhenattherightedgeofphonological
phrases(DPand/orTP),thenitmustbeestablishedthatthenounsleein
(7.12)a)isattherightedgeofaphonologicalphrase,andthatthenounsleérin
(7.12)b)iswithinaphonologicalphrase.Thecaseofsleér(7.12)b)willbe
addressedfirst,followedbyslee(7.12)a).
Thatsleériswithinaphonologicalphrasein(7.12)b)seemsasimpleassertionto
make:asthedirectobjectfinchesin§3.3wasmergedastheinternalargumentof
theverbexamineintheEnglishexample,sotooissleérmergedastheinternal
argumentoftheverbdiíf.UnliketheEnglish,however,thenounsleérmovestoa
2NotethatDPiscommonlyidentifiedasasyntacticphase(e.g.Adger2002),and,TP,whilenotasyntacticphase,isidentifiedbyChomsky(2001)asaCoreFunctionalCategory.ForsomecommentonCoreFunctionalCategoriesandphasalproperties,seeRichards2007.
7.Thelinker
399
positionbetweentheselectoraandtheverb.Lookingatthefunctionsof
selectors(theymaymarkclausetype,deixis,subject,object,aspect,mood,and
adverbialcase),itmaybeassumedthattheyareaformofhighlyinflected
auxiliary(cf.Anderson,2011).Indeed,Mous(2005:308)identifiestheselector
asmarking“thelefthandedgeofasyntacticunit”,asyntacticunitwhichIwill
interpretasTP.Assuch,anythingbetweentheselectorandthelexicalVis
thereforewithintheTPand,furthermore,iflocatedbetweentheselectorandthe
lexicalV,withinaphonologicalphrase,hencethepronunciationofthelinkeron
nounsinthisposition.
Asimilarlineofargumentmaybeusedtoestablishthatsleein(7.12)a)isnot
withinTP.Giventhatthisnounoccurstotheleftoftheselector,itistherefore
outsideofthesyntacticunit.Thisraisesamorefundamentalquestion:ifnouns
suchassleein(7.12)a)arenotpartoftheTP,thenwhere,exactly,arethey?I
arguethat,withtheexceptionofnounssuchasthosein(7.12)b)described
above,allovertnominalexpressionsinGorwaaarebase-generatedoutsideofthe
TPasadjuncts.Evidenceforthisclaimwillbeprovidedinexaminingfreeword
order,syntacticallydiscontinuousexpressions,andpervasiveNP-drop:allkey
characteristicsofnon-configurationality(Jelinek1984).
FreeWordOrderThefirstpieceofevidencethatmostnounsarebase-generatedoutsideoftheTP
isthattheyarenotsensitivetotheorderingrestrictionsimposedbythe
UniformityofThetaAssignmentHypothesis(Baker1988),whichstatesthatlike
thematicrelationsbetweenitemsarerepresentedbylikestructural
7.Thelinker
400
relationships.Forexample,in§3.3finches,aspatientoftheverbexamine,will
alwaysbegeneratedastheinternalargumentoftheverb,whereasCharles,the
agentoftheverbexamine,willalwaysbegeneratedastheexternalargumentof
theverb.ThisresultsinastrictSVOwordorderinEnglish.InGorwaa,though
SOVwordorderiscommonenoughtobeconsideredcanonical,Gorwaanouns
mayappearinanyorderrelativetoeachother,andrelativetotheverb.
(7.13) SOVWORDORDER(CANONICAL) anísleeanataáhh [201609271222-228.25]
aní sl- -ee -r~´~ ∅- a- ∅ -nataáhh PRO1SGSTM- -SFX2 -L
!"#A.P- P.F- AUX -IMPRFbeat.1.PST
‘Ibeatthecow.’(7.14) OSVWORDORDER
desirqá'kuúngansla' [20131108b_20150725j.84] des- -i -r~´~ -qá’ kuúng STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$-DEM3 PRO.2SG.M
∅- a- ∅ -n sla’ A.P- P.F- AUX -EXPECT want.2.SUBJ
‘Youlovethatgirl.’(7.15) VSWORDORDER inatláygofaangw[20131108b_20150725j.152] i- ∅ -na tláy goof- -aangw -ó S.3- AUX -IMPR go.M.PST STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$
“Thebuckwent.”(7.16) VOWORDORDER gwéhaansiimaánya'eérhatlá'[20150817d.106] gwéh ∅- a- ∅ ansiim-aán ya’--ee-r~´~ let’s.goA.P- P.F- AUX begin.1-1PL.PRESSTM- -SFX2 -L
!"#
hatlá’other “Let’sgo--wearestartinganotherleg.”
7.Thelinker
401
SyntacticallyDiscontinuousExpressionsThesecondpieceofevidencethatmostnounsarebase-generatedoutsideofthe
TPisthattheyarenotsensitivetothethetacriterion(Chomsky1981),which
statesthatallargumentsmustreceiveoneandonlyonethematicrole,andthat
eachthematicrolemustbeassignedtooneandonlyoneargument.Sincemost
nounsinGorwaaexistexternaltotheargumentstructure,morethanonenoun
phrasemaybeassociatedwithagiventhematicrole.Theseareinterpretedas
discontinuousexpressions.
(7.17) DISCONTINUOUSSUBJECT
a.[...]balaangwdá'ninaákwideeroo/awaàkw[DSC_5354_20150705b.69.4]
balaángw-dá’ninaákwi- ∅ deer millet.LMo-DEM4small.MS.3- AUX be.present.M.PRES
oo /awaákw~`~ANA.M white.M~EMPH~“[...]thatsmallwhitemilletisthere.”b.baráayawooEndabeggadiyeéikáhhqomasíarMuungú
[20131027_20150725c.19]
baráayá -ooEndabég gadiyeéri- ∅
inland.LMo -TOPEndabeg.LMo work.LFrS.3-AUX
káhh qomár -sí arMuungúbe.absent.F.PRES time.LFr -DEM2 ANA.F God.LMo“InEndabegtheworkofGodisn’thereatthattime.”
(7.18) DISCONTINUOUSOBJECT a.daawaanginamosíleehharseehhaa[...][20151202d.171]
daawaár ng- a- ∅ -namór-símedicine.LFr A.3- P.F- AUX -EXPECTplace.LFr-DEM2leehh ar seehhaárfetch.M.SUBJ ANA.F tsetse.flies.LFr
“Hewouldfetchtsetseflymedicine.”
7.Thelinker
402
b.dinku'umaríatleehhaánar/ameenaa[20131027_20150725c.56]
dinku’umár-í ∅- a- ∅ -a meeting.LFr-DEM1 A.P- P.F- AUX -PRF tleéhh-aán ar /ameenaármake.1-1PL.PST ANA.F women.LFr“Wemadethiswomen’sunion.”
PervasiveNP-droppingThethird,andperhapsmostcompellingpieceofevidencethatmostNPsare
generatedoutsidetheTPisthefactthatvirtuallyallofthemareoptional.As
adjuncts,mostovertNPsmaybeomittedfromaphraseinGorwaa,withnoeffect
onthegrammaticalityoftheutterance.
(7.19) PERVASIVENP-DROPPING a.NONPSDROPPED hhawatagarmangunataáhh [20160119f.39] hhawató garmá ng-u-∅-na taáhh man.LMo boy.LMo A.3-P.M-Aux-Imprfhit.Pst “Themanhittheboy.” b.PATIENTNPGARMADROPPED hhawatangunataáhh [20160119f.52] hhawató ng-u-∅-na taáhh man.LMo A.3-P.M-Aux-Imprfhit.Pst “Themanhithim.”(Mayalsobeinterpretedas“Hehittheman.”) c.AGENTNPHHAWATADROPPED garmangunataáhh [20160119f.57] garmá ng-u-∅-na taáhh boy.LMo A.3-P.M-Aux-Imprfhit.Pst “Hehittheboy.”(Mayalsobeinterpretedas“Theboyhithim.”) d.BOTHARGUMENTNPSDROPPED ngunataáhh [20150813.55] ng-u-∅-na taáhh A.3-P.M-Aux-Imprfhit.Pst “Hehithim.”Whatisemphaticallyrejectedbyspeakersistheomissionoftheargument-markingintheselector.SuchutterancesareungrammaticalevenifbothovertargumentNPsarepresent.
7.Thelinker
403
(7.20) ARGUMENTMARKINGINTHESELECTORISOBLIGATORY *hhawatagarmaanataáhh hhawató garmá ∅ -na taáhh man.LMo boy.L.Mo Aux -Imprf hit.Pst “Themanhittheboy.”[Intendedmeaning](Alsoungrammatical
with“Theboyhitthemanastheintendedmeaning.)
Inlightofthedatapresentedabove,nounswhichoccurtotheleftoftheselector
canbeinterpretedasadjunctDPs,andthereforeoutsideofrestrictions
associatedwithargumentstructure3.IftheseDPsareunmodified,thenthe
linkerandtheright-edgeofthephonologicalphrasealign,resultinginthenon-
pronunciationofthelinker.
Summary:clausalsyntaxThedatapresentedabovemayberepresentedasfollows,wherethe
phonologicalphrasesmapontothe(simplified)syntacticstructures,definingthe
environmentsinwhichthelinkerispronouncedandthoseinwhichitis
unpronounced.Theidentityofthehighestphrasewillbeleftvagueandlabeled
XP.BracketedelementsmarkedwiththesubscriptΦinthephonologylineare
phonologicalphrases.
3Notethat,thoughtheseadjunctDPsarenotargumentsperse,theymustbeassociatedwiththe(assumedlypronominal)argumentsgeneratedwithintheTP,viasomesortofA-bardependency.
7.Thelinker
404
(7.21) SECONDPOSITIONUNMODIFIEDDIRECTOBJECT:LINKERUNPRONOUNCEDanísleeanataáhh
aní sl!"#
ee!"#
r~´~!∅- a- ∅ -nataáhh
Pro1Sgcow A.P. P.F Aux-Imprfbeat.1.Pst “Ibeatthecow.” XP 4DPXP ! 4aní DP TP! #sleéranataáhhSyntax:[DPaní][DPsleér][TPanataáhh]Phonology:[Φaní][Φsleér][Φanataáhh]r~´~→∅(7.22) ENCAPSULATEDDIRECTOBJECT:LINKERPRONOUNCED
aníasleérdiíf aní ∅- ∅ sl
!"#ee!"#
r~´~!diíf
Pro1SgA.P- Auxcow beat.1Sg.Pst‘Ibeatthecow.’XP 3DPTP ! $aníasleérdiífSyntax:[DPaní][TPasleérdiíf]
Phonology:[Φaní][Φasleérdiíf]Theotherclausalenvironment,shownabove(7.6)butnotyetdiscussed,isthe
incorporatedobjectconstruction.Thiswillbetreatedintheanalysis§7.4.1.1.
7.3.3.2Summary:linkersasmorphophonologicallyconditionedTheremainderofenvironmentscanbehandledontheleveloftheDP,the
mechanismbeingessentiallythesame.Whenthelinkeroccursattherightedge
ofthephonologicalphrase,itisunpronounced.Elsewhere,thelinkeris
pronounced.
7.Thelinker
405
(7.23) UNMODIFIEDNOUN:LINKERUNPRONOUNCED
na/i’ina/
!"#(a)′i!"#
~´~!
children“children”DP@ na/i’íSyntax:[DPna/i’í]Phonology:[Φna/i’í]~´~→∅(7.24) MODIFIEDNOUN:LINKERPRONOUNCEDna/i’íbaahaangadiifiyí’ na/
!"#(a)′i!"#
~´~!baahaa ng- a- ∅ diif-iyí’
children hyaena A.3- P.F Aux hit.3-3Pl.Subj“Thechildrenwhohitthehyaena.”DP3 D’CP@ % na/i’íbaahaangadiifiyí’Syntax:[DPna/i’í[CPbaahaangadiifiyí’]Phonology:[Φna/i’íbaahaangadiifiyí’](7.25) TOPICANDQUESTIONMORPHOLOGY:LINKERPRONOUNCED
basokoô bas!"#
a!"#
kú!-oo~ˆ~
south-Top~Q~“south?”DP3 D’FP@ @ basakú-oôSyntax:[DPbasakú[FP-oô]Phonology:[Φbasokoô]
7.Thelinker
406
Thesyntacticstructuresrenderedabovearerudimentary,butgiveabasicideaof
howthemechanismofrealizingthelinkerworks.Whatfollowsisacloser
examinationoftheDP--morespecifically,thesyntacticidentityofthelinker.
7.4Syntacticidentityofthelinker:theanalysis
Thepresentationaboveestablisheslinkersasobligatorysuffixesfornounswith
referencewhichoccurin6differentforms,dependingonthesubgenderofthe
noun.Thepronunciationoflinkersismorphophonologicallyconditioned:they
arenotpronouncedwhentheiroccurrencecoincideswiththerightedgeofa
phonologicalphrase,andtheyarepronouncedelsewhere.
Thissubsectionestablishesthesyntacticidentityofthelinker,andisdividedinto
threesubsections.Thefirstsubsectionestablishesthelinkerasagreement
morphologyonD.Thisallowsasatisfactorydescriptionofincorporatedobjects.
Thesecondsubsectiontreatscasesofmismatchbetweenthem-genderofthe
nominalsuffixandtheformofthelinker.Thethirdsubsectionextendsthis
treatmenttoexplainnumbervaluationofgeneralnumbernouns.
7.4.1ThelinkerasD
DeterminersinGorwaaareconsiderablydifferentfromdeterminersinEnglish.
Possessives,demonstratives,andindefinitesaside--allofwhichcouldbe
analyzedinotherways,suchasthecategoryAdjorN(c.f.Leu2008)--theonly
elementwhichcouldbetakenasadeterminerispossiblythequantifierumó.
Otherwise,semanticallysignificantdeterminerssuchastheandadonotexist.
Followingtheassertionthatallgrammarsmediatereferencethroughthe
7.Thelinker
407
functionalprojectionD(Borer2005a:68),Iarguethatthelinkeristhe
instantiationofDinGorwaa.Specifically,linkersareagreementmorphology,
whichagreewiththegendervalueofthespecificSFX2realizedpost-Spelloutat
n.AssumingthatAgreetakesplacepost-syntactically(see§6.5.5),the(abridged)
derivationofslufitá‘lip’proceedsasin(7.26).Let√119representtheroot
commontotheformsslufi‘lip’andsluúf‘topraise’.Letn150representthe
paradigm-i(Ft)|-iya’(N∅),representedinthepairslufi‘lip’|slufiya’‘lips’.
(7.26) DERIVATIONOFSLUFITÁ(VERSION1)
a. Step1:MergeofD(syntacticobjectα)andnP DP √119-n150-D cat D 4 nP D√119-n150
cat n
cat Dinfl !
Case [GEN]sel < n >
5 √119 n150
cat √ cat ninfl ∅
sel < √>
b. Step2:(Postsyntactic)valuationofformsinList2andList3
A:Valuationof√119
PhonologicalComponent SemanticComponentRootInput Syntactic
ContextValue RootInput Syntactic
ContextValue
√119 /n150 [sluf] √119 /n150 ‘lip’/V [slu:f] /V ‘praise’
B:Valuationofn150
PhonologicalComponent SemanticComponentRootInput Syntactic
ContextValue RootInput Syntactic
ContextValue
n150
/Pl [aɁ][N∅] n150
/Pl plural/elsewhere [i][Ft] /elsewhere general
7.Thelinker
408
c. Step3:Realisationofdiacriticfeature[Ft]intheagreement
domain(i.e.thecurrentsyntacticstructure)
DP √119-n150-D cat D 4 nP D√119-n150
cat n
cat Dinfl ! !"
Case [GEN]sel < n >
5 √119 n150
cat √ cat ninfl ∅
sel < √>
d. Step4:Agree
Dc-commandsn150,valuedwiththediacriticgenderfeature[Ft],andDhasanunvaluedgenderfeature.Dagreeswithn150,andobtainsthegenderfeature[Ft].
D cat D
infl ! !" Case [GEN]
sel < n >
e. Step5:ValuationofDPhonologicalComponent SemanticComponent
Input SyntacticContext
Value Input SyntacticContext
Value
D
/[Mo] ó D
elsewhere
referringexpression
/[Mk] kú/[Fr] r~´~/[Ft] tá/[N∅] ~´~/[Na] á
Thisanalysisnowallowstheincorporationconstructionleftundescribedabove
tobeproperlyaddressed.
7.Thelinker
409
7.4.1.1Incorporationconstruction
Incorporationconstructionswereexemplifiedin(7.6),andfeatureanoun
betweentheselectorandthelexicalverbwithnolinkermorphology.
(7.27) ugatsir/i-gaás[20161102b.83]∅- u- ∅ -ga tsir/- -i gaás
A.P- P.M- Aux -Prf STM- -SFX2!"#$
kill.1.Pst
“Ikilledabirdonhim.”(lit.“Ibird-killedhim”)Notethattheseconstructionsareessentiallydifferentfromthoseinwhichthe
directobjectis‘encapsulated’(i.e.islocatedbetweentheselectorandthelexical
verb,butdoesoccurwithlinkermorphology).Anexampleisgivenbelow.
(7.28) aníasleérdiíf [20160927l222-228.26] aní ∅- a- ∅ -(g)a sl- -ee -r~´~ diíf Pro1SgA.P- P.F- Aux -Prf STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#beat.1Sg.Pst
‘Ibeatthecow.’Semantically,thenountsir/ioftheincorporationconstructiondoesnotfunction
asanargumentoftheverb.Ifthegenderoftheobjectintheselectorisswitched
tomatchthatofthebird(thus/u/P.Mto/a/P.F),thebirdwillstillnotbethe
grammaticalobjectoftheverbkill.
(7.29) agatsir/i-gaás[20161102b.83] ∅- a- ∅ -ga tsir/- -i gaás A.P- P.F- Aux -Prf STM- -SFX2
!"#$kill.1.Pst
“Ikilledabirdonher.”(lit.“Ibird-killedher”)ThistypeofnounincorporationisbestcharacterizedasMithun’s“TypeIINoun
Incorporation”(1984:856).
Crucially,iftheincorporatednounherecanneverbeinterpretedasanargument,
andifnounscanonlybeargumentswhenheadedbyaD(Borer2005a:67),then
7.Thelinker
410
itmaybeassumedthatnounsintheseconstructionslackDaltogether,andwill
thereforelacklinkermorphology.
7.4.1.2Summary:thelinkerasD
ThissubsectionestablishesthelinkerastheinstantiationofDinGorwaa.Itwas
arguedthatlinkersareagreementmorphology,agreeingwiththe(postsyntactic
anddiacritic)m-gendergeneratedonthesuffixesaftertheirvaluationinList2.
However,thisgeneralizationdoesnotholdinallcases,andmustthereforebe
revised.Thiswillbeundertakeninthenextsubsection.
7.4.2TheRargument
Inthelastchapter,itwasestablishedthatpostsyntacticm-genderservesasa
triggerforgenderagreementonformsbeyondthenoun.Becausem-genderis
generatedinList2,nounsthataresemanticallygenderless(i.e.notinherently
maleorfemale)triggergenderagreement(7.30),andnounsthatmighthave
biologicalgender(e.g.animals)maytriggeragreementcontrarytothisbiological
gender(7.31).
(7.30) SEMANTICALLYGENDERLESSNOUNSTRIGGERINGGENDERAGREEMENT saankaakayaariir saank--aa -r~´~ yaariir STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$% much
‘Thereismuchchyme.’(7.31) NOUNSWITHBIOLOGICALGENDERTRIGGERINGMISMATCHINGAGREEMENT tsoyókuúr tsoy- -ó -ó ku úr STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#!"# CopAdj.M big.M
‘thedikdikisbig’(possiblyafemaledikdik)
7.Thelinker
411
However,theconceptofm-genderasthesoletriggerforgenderagreementis
complicatedbypatternspresentinasubsetofnouns.Comparethepersonal
nameformsin(7.32)withthecommonnounsin(7.30)and(7.31).
(7.32) a. Saankaakuúr saank--aa -ó ku úr STM- -SFX2 -L
!""#$"" CopAdj.M big.M
‘Saankaaisbig.’(whereSaankaisaman)
b. Saankaakaur saank--aa -r~´~ ka ur STM- -SFX2 -L
!""#$"" CopAdj.F big.F
‘Saankaaisbig.’(whereSaankaisawoman)
c. Tsoyokuúr tsoy- -ó -ó ku úr STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$# CopAdj.M big.M
‘Tsoyoisbig’(whereTsoyoisaman)
d. Tsoyokaur tsoy- -ó -r~´~ ka ur STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$# CopAdj.F big.F
‘Tsoyoisbig’(whereTsoyoisawoman)Agreementpatternsforpersonalnameswillbeusedassupportfortheexistence
ofareferentialpronoun(R)astheexternalargumentofnP.Beforethis,
however,amoredetailedexaminationofGorwaapersonalnamesisrequired.
7.4.2.1Personalnames
PersonalnamesinGorwaa(discussedbrieflyin§2.3.1.3)maybedividedinto
twobroadgroups:formsofGorwaaorigin,andformswithnoclearGorwaa
origin(ofthissecondgroup,manyborrowingsfromDatooga,Rangi,andSwahili
havebeenidentified).Thisdiscussionwillfocusontheformergroup,arguing
7.Thelinker
412
thatthesepropernamesarenotstoredaslexicalentriesinList1,butareformed
fromunderspecifiedrootsinexactlythesamemannerascommonnouns.
Asestablishedabove,manynamesinGorwaacanbeusedforbothwomenand
men,triggeringdifferentagreementpatternsdependingonthebiologicalgender
ofthereferent.Therefore,thecommonnounawee‘bulls’triggersfeminine
agreement,henceaweérYaya‘Yaya’sbulls’.Thepropernamemaytaketheform
AweérYaya‘Awee,daughterofYaya’,orAweéYaya‘Awee,sonofYaya’.
Onewaytoaccountfortheagreementpatternsin(7.32),versusthosein(7.30)
and(7.31),istoassumethatpropernamesarestoredinList1,predetermined
forgender.Assuch,whilesaankaain(7.30)isstoredinList1asoneunspecified
root(fortheportionrealizedassaank-)onlyvaluedforgenderfollowingmerge
withthenominalparadigm-aa(Fr)|-u!(N∅)atnandpostsyntacticvaluation(in
thiscaseas-aa(Fr)),Saankaain(7.32)a)isstoredasSaankaa(Mo)inList1,and
Saankaain(7.32)b)isstoredasSaankaa(Fr).
Thisisundesirableforseveralreasons.Firstofall,itresultsinalargenumber
lexicalpropernameentriesthatareotherwiseidenticaltotheircommonnoun
counterparts.Inthecaseofsaank--aa(Fr)|Saankaa♂|Saankaa♀above,the
numberofentriesinList1havebeenmultipliedbythree.
Second,allpropernamescanbedeconstructedinamannerthatisregular,
principled,andlargelyconsistentwiththesystemdevelopedforcommonnouns.
Thisisillustratedin(7.33).
7.Thelinker
413
(7.33) a.PROPERNAMEGEENÁY i.geenaangw geen- -aangw -ó STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$%&
‘falcon’
ii.geenaawee geen- -aw -ee -r~´~ STM- -SFX2 -SFX1 -L
!"#$%&'
‘falcons’
iii.Geenáy geen- -áy -ó STM- -SFX2 -L
!""#á%
“Geenáy”(namegiventoaboy,perhapsafterafalconisseen)
iv.Valuation(let:√176=therootcommonto(i-iii),n224=theparadigm-aangw|-aawee,andn570=theparadigm-ay)
PhonologicalComponent SemanticComponentRootInput Syntactic
ContextValue Root Syntactic
ContextValue
√176
elsewhere
[ge:n]
√176
n224 ‘falcon’
n570‘person
bornwhenfalconseen’
b.PROPERNAMEAMSÍ i.amsi ams--(a)’i ~´~ STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#$%
‘night’
ii.Amsí ams--(a)’i -r~´~ STM- -SFX2 -L
!"#í
‘Amsí’(namegiventoaboyorgirl,usuallybornatnight)
7.Thelinker
414
iii.Valuation(let:√039=therootcommonto(i-ii),n964=theparadigm-(a)’i,andn221=theparadigm-í(Fr))
PhonologicalComponent SemanticComponentRootInput Syntactic
ContextValue Root Syntactic
ContextValue
√039
elsewhere
[ams]
√039
n964 ‘night’
n221‘personbornatnight’
Third,thisstipulationfailstorecognizethebasicpatternpresentingender
agreementmismatchwithpropernames:whenanamereferstoafemale,it
alwaystriggersfeminineagreement;whenanamereferstoamale,italways
triggersmasculineagreement.Ifitisacceptedthatpropernamesmake
agreementwitharealworldentity,thenstipulationofgenderinList1is
unnecessary.
7.4.2.2GendermismatchandR
Casesofmismatchbetweensuffixalm-genderandsemanticgenderofthe
referentcanbedescribedintermsofoverride:whensemanticgenderandm-
genderhavedifferentvalues,itissemanticgenderthattriggersagreement.M-
gendertriggersagreementelsewhere.Allpossibleconfigurationsaregivenin
Table7.1.
7.Thelinker
415
Table7.1:GendermismatchM-
GENDERSEMANTICGENDER
GENDERFORAGREEMENT
EXAMPLE DESCRIPTION
X
X
X
hareekaurwomanCopAdj.Fbig.F“Thewomanisbig”
Anounwithm-genderFissemanticallyfemale
X
Y
Y
SaankaakuúrSaankaaCopAdj.Mbig.M“Saankaisbig.”
Anounwithm-genderFissemanticallymale
X
0
X
qariyandikaurk.o.gourdCopAdj.Fbig.F“Thegourdisbig.”
Anounwithm-genderFhasnosemanticgender
Thismismatchdynamiccanbeaccountedforbypositinganullreferential
pronoun(R)astheexternalargumentofnP,asproposedbyWilliams(1981),
Higginbotham(1985),andGrimshaw(1990).GeneratedinthespecifierofnP,
thispronounisabundleofinterpretablefeaturesonly,andrepresentsthe
referentofthenoun.Beginningwitharguablythemoststraightforward
configuration--acaseinwhichthenounhasm-genderbutnosemanticgender--
thederivationofthenounsluficanberevisedasfollows.Onceagain,let√119
representtherootcommontotheformsslufi‘lip’andsluúf‘topraise’.Letn150
representtheparadigmslufi‘lip’|slufiya’‘lips’.
7.Thelinker
416
(7.34) DERIVATIONOFSLUFITÁ(REVISEDFROM(7.26))
a) Step1:MergeofnP(syntacticobjectα)andproR nP √119-n150-pro cat n 4 n’ pro√119-n150
cat n cat Ninfl ∅sel ∅
5 √119 n150
cat √ cat ninfl ∅
sel < √>
b) Step2:MergeofD(syntacticobjectα)andnP
DP √119-n150-pro-D cat D 4 nP D√119-n150-pro
cat n
cat Dinfl !
Case [GEN]sel < n >
4 n’ pro√119-n150
cat n cat Ninfl ∅sel ∅
5√119 n150
cat √ cat ninfl ∅
sel < √>
7.Thelinker
417
c) Step3:(Postsyntactic)valuationofformsinList2andList3A:Valuationof√119
PhonologicalComponent SemanticComponentRootInput Syntactic
ContextValue RootInput Syntactic
ContextValue
√119 /n150 [sluf] √119 /n150 ‘lip’/V [slu:f] /V ‘praise’
B:Valuationofn150
PhonologicalComponent SemanticComponentRootInput Syntactic
ContextValue RootInput Syntactic
ContextValue
n150
/Pl [aɁ][N∅] n150
/Pl plural/elsewhere [i][Ft] /elsewhere general
d) Step4:Realisationofdiacriticfeature[Ft]intheagreement
domain(i.e.thecurrentsyntacticstructure)
DP √119-n150-pro-D cat D 4 nP D√119-n150-pro
cat n
cat Dinfl !
Case [GEN]sel < n >
4 n’ pro√119-n150
cat n cat Ninfl ∅sel ∅
5√119 n150
cat √ cat ninfl !"sel < √>
7.Thelinker
418
e) Step5:Agreei)Dc-commandsbothproandn150.Thereferentofprohasno
semanticgender,soproisnotvaluedforgender.n150isvaluedwiththediacriticgenderfeature[Ft],andDhasanunvaluednumberfeature.Dagreeswithn150,andobtainsthegenderfeature[Ft].
D cat D
infl ! !" Case [GEN]
sel < n >
f) Step6:ValuationofDPhonologicalComponent SemanticComponent
Input SyntacticContext
Value Input SyntacticContext
Value
D
/[Mo] ó D
elsewhere
referringexpression
/[Mk] kú/[Fr] r~´~/[Ft] tá/[N∅] ~´~/[Na] á
Thederivationof(7.34)providesanintroductiontothemechanism,butgiven
thatprowasnotvaluedforgender,nomismatchoccurred.Theroleofthe
syntacticstructurebecomessharperinacasesuchasTsoyór,whenthem-gender
ofthenounhasavalueX,andthesemanticgenderofthereferenthasadifferent
valueY.Itisinthesecaseswhentherearetwopossiblegoals(proandthe
paradigmn)fromwhichtheprobe(D)mayobtainitsfeatures.Inthiscase,pro
mustbeabletoserveasanintervener,effectivelyblockingagreementbetweenD
andnfromtakingplace.Therelevantgeneralizationforstructurescapableof
beingintervenersstipulatesthatthespecifierofagivenheaddoesnotintervene
inprobe-goalrelationstargetingthecomplementofthesamehead.Thisis
statedinanotherwayastheEquidistanceCondition.
EquidistanceCondition(Chomsky1995,2000;Collins1997) Ifαandβareintheminimalsearchdomainofthesamehead,thenα
andβneverinterveneinrelationstargetingoneanother.
7.Thelinker
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Reexaminingtherelationshipofproandtheparadigmninrelationtothesearch
domainofD(seeFigure7.1),itisclearthatproisthespecifierofn,butthatthe
probe-goalrelationinquestion(i.e.agreebetweenDandn)doesnotinvolvethe
complementofn(whichis√),butinvolvesnitself.Assuch,theEquidistance
Conditiondoesnotapply,andpromayserveasanintervenertoagreement
operationsofDtargetingtheparadigmn.
FIGURE7.1:FULLSTRUCTUREOFAGENERALNUMBERNOUN
DP5nPD
4 n’ pro 3 √n DerivationofTsoyórwillthereforeproceedasin(7.35)(where,forconcision,the
derivationpicksupfromtheequivalentofStep4,in(7.34)).Let√834represent
therootcommontotheformsTsoyo‘personalname’|tsoyo(Mo)‘dikdik’|
tsoyeema’(N∅)‘dikdiks’,andn178representtheparadigmoftheSFX2pair
-o(Mo)|-eema’(N∅).
7.Thelinker
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(7.35) DERIVATIONOFTSOYÓRa) Step4:Realisationofdiacriticfeature[Mo]intheagreement
domain(i.e.thecurrentsyntacticstructure).NotealsotheFfeatureon
pro. DP √834-n178-pro-D cat D 4 nP D√834-n178-pro
cat n
cat Dinfl ! !
Case [GEN]sel < n >
4 n’ pro√834-n178
cat n cat Ninfl ∅sel ∅
5√834 n178
cat √ cat ninfl !"sel < √>
b) Step5:Agree
i)Dc-commandsbothproandn178.ThereferentofprohassemanticgenderF,soproisvaluedforgender.n178isvaluedwiththediacriticgenderfeature[Mo].Dhasanunvaluednumberfeature.Dprobesforagenderfeatureandisvaluedbyprofirst.AssuchDagreeswithpro,andobtainsthegenderfeature[Fr].proisanintervenerbetweenDandn178,soDcannotbevaluedas[Mo].
D cat D
infl ! !" Case [GEN]
sel < n >
7.Thelinker
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c) Step6:ValuationofDPhonologicalComponent SemanticComponent
Input SyntacticContext
Value Input SyntacticContext
Value
D
/[Mo] ó D
elsewhere
referringexpression
/[Mk] kú/[Fr] r~´~/[Ft] tá/[N∅] ~´~/[Na] á
7.4.2.3Summary:theRargument
Thissubsectionhasaddressedcasesofmismatchbetweenm-gender,aproperty
ofthesuffix,andsematicgender,apropertyofthenullreferentialpronoun.pro
isstructurallyanintervener,andblocksagreementbetweenDandn.promay
onlyactasanintervenerforgenderagreementwhenitbearsasemanticgender
featureand,assuch,whenareferentdoesnothavesemanticgender,agreement
withm-genderresults.
When,exactly,agivennounwillbearasemanticgenderfeatureseemslargely
downtohowsalientagivenreferentisinGorwaa.Assuch,mosthumansare
assignedgenderinR,aswellascommondomesticanimals,suchassheep(ram
vs.ewe),cattle(bullvs.cow),andchickens(roostervs.hen).Humans
consideredsomehowdeficientarenotassignedgenderinR(hencedaktani‘fool’,
alwaysshowsagreementforFr(m-gender)).
7.4.3ExtendingRtonumber
Followingtheestablishmentofthenullreferentialpronounproasanimportant
triggerofgenderagreement,itsfunctionmaybeextendedtoalsoaccountfor
number:specifically,casesofnumberagreementonnounsofgeneralnumber.
7.Thelinker
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Aspositedabove,thereferentialpronounmayonlybearfeaturesthatare
interpretable,i.e.relevanttothesemanticinterpretationofthenoun.Thiswas
whynounslackingsemanticgender(suchas‘chyme’in(5.139),‘gourd’inTable
6.1,and‘lip’in(7.34))showagreementforsuffixalm-gender.Essentially,gender
isonlysometimesinterpretable(i.e.whenitisasalientbiologicalfeatureofa
noun).Number,ontheotherhand,isalwaysinterpretable,andistherefore
alwaysvaluedonpro.Thisresultsingeneralnumberforms(unvaluedfor
number)showingagreementonadjectivesforeitherSgorPlnumber.Returning
totheformqoonqál‘crownedcrane’,arevisedderivationwouldappearasin
(7.36).
(7.36) THEGENERALNUMBERQOONQÁL(REVISEDFORSGNUMBERAGREEMENT)
a) Step4:Realisationofdiacriticfeature[Mo]intheagreementdomain
(i.e.thecurrentsyntacticstructure).NotealsotheSgfeatureonpro.
DP √735-n135-pro-D cat D 4 nP D√735-n135-pro
cat n
cat Dinfl ! !"
Case [GEN]sel < n >
4 n’ pro√735-n135
cat n cat Ninfl ∅sel ∅
5√735 n135
cat √ cat ninfl !"sel < √>
7.Thelinker
423
b) Step5:Agree
i)Dc-commandsbothproand∅[Mo]inthetraceofnP(<nP>),thereferentofprohasnosemanticgender,soproisunvaluedforgender,andcanthereforenotactasaninterveneringenderagreement.∅[Mo]hasasuffixalgenderfeature[Mo].Dprobesforagenderfeatureandisvaluedby∅[Mo]AssuchDagreeswith∅[Mo],andobtainsthegenderfeature[Mo].
D cat D
infl ! !"Case [GEN]
sel < n >
ii)Dc-commandspro,thereferentofprohassemanticnumberSg,
soproisvaluedfornumber.nPisconfiguredforageneralnumbernoun,andthereforedoesnotbearanumberfeature.Dprobesforanumberfeatureandisvaluedbypro.AssuchDagreeswithpro,andobtainsthenumberfeatureSg.
D cat D
infl ! 3,Mo, !" Case [GEN]
sel < n >
iii)Dhasanunvaluedpersonfeature,andprobesallpossiblegoals
inthestructureforpersonfeatures.Nopossiblegoalscontainapersonfeature.Agreefails,butthestructureislicitbecauseprobehassucceeded(Preminger2010).LackofpersonfeaturesonDwillbeinterpretedas3rdPerson(seeHarley&Ritter2002).
c) Step6:ValuationofDPhonologicalComponent SemanticComponent
Input SyntacticContext
Value Input SyntacticContext
Value
D
/[Mo] ó D
elsewhere
referringexpression
/[Mk] kú/[Fr] r~´~/[Ft] tá/[N∅] ~´~/[Na] á
Notethat,inthisexample,thenounqoonqálrefersto‘a(kindof)crownedcrane’,
hencetheSgfeatureonpro..Ifqoonqálwereinsteadtoreferto‘(kindsof)
7.Thelinker
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crownedcrane’,thefeatureonprowouldbePl.Theoperationwouldproceedin
exactlythesameway.
Critically,numberfeatures(SgorPl)playnoroleinthe‘syntacticcontext’
columnforthevaluationofD.Assuch,thoughDbearsnumberfeatures,theyare
notinstantiatedphonologicallyonD.Becauseofthis,ifnoadjectiveispresent
(toexplicitlyshoweitherSgorPlagreement),thenthenumbervalueofthenoun
musteitherbedeterminedbythewidercontextoftheutterance,orsimply
interpretedasunimportant.
7.5Remarksandsummary
ThischaptertreatedthefinalelementoftheGorwaanoun:thelinker.Subsection
7.5.1turnstoaslightlydifferenttreatmentofgender,developedinKramer
(2014),andevaluatesthisapproachincomparisontotheoneproposedherein.
Section7.5.2summarizes.
7.5.1RemarksonKramer(2014)
Kramer(2014)takesasimilarapproachtothecurrentwork,inthather
proposedanalysisattemptstorepresentbiologicalsexsyntactically.Lexical
approaches(e.g.Harris1991forSpanish,Ferrari-Bridgers2007forItalian,and
Alexiadou2004forSpanish,Italian,Hebrew,andGreek)seeallnounsaslistedin
thelexicon,andeitherspecifiedforgenderorunspecified.Unspecifiednouns
receivegenderviaalexicalrulewhichdependsonthebiologicalsexoftheir
discoursereferent.Forreasonsmentionedabove(c.f.Acquaviva2009),and
giventhat“nearlyhalfofthelanguageswithgendersurveyedbyCorbett(2011)
7.Thelinker
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have‘semantic’genderassignmentsystemsbasedprimarilyorpredominantlyon
biologicalsex[…]”(6),Kramerarguesthatgendermustbeaddedtoroots
syntactically,andinstantiatedasafeatureofaheadorsomesyntacticprojection.
Theproposalisthatbothbiologicalsexandgrammaticalgenderfeaturesare
locatedonthesamenominalizinghead(equivalenttowhathasbeenestablished
inthisworkasthecategorizingheadn).ForAmharic--whichpossessestwo
gendervalues:MandF--thisresultsinfourtypesofn:twoofwhichbear
interpretablegenderfeatures(ni[F]andni[M]),andtwowhosegenderfeatures
areuninterpretable(nu[F]andnu[M]).4Interpretablegenderfeaturesreferto
thebiologicalsexofthenoun’sreferent,anduninterpretablegenderfeatures
refertogrammaticalgender.Assuch,theAmharicnounwänbär‘chair’(M),is
representedasanacategorialroot,dominatedbythecategorizingheadnofthe
kindu[M].Kramer’sproposedstructureisgivenin(7.37)below,alongwithan
additionalprojection,meanttoshowD,whichagreeswithningender(-uifM,
and-waifF).Thestepwiseprocess,notgiveninKramer(2014)isgivenhereto
beconsistentwiththerestofthecurrentwork.
(7.37) AMHARICNOUNWÄNBÄR‘CHAIR’(M),ASPERKRAMER(2014)
a. MergeofD(syntacticobjectα)andnP
DP3nP D
3 [! [ ]] √wänbärnu[M]
b. Agreei)Dc-commandsn.nhasagenderfeatureu[M].Dprobesfora
genderfeatureandisvaluedbynu[M].AssuchDagreeswithu[M],andobtainsthegenderfeature[M].
4Actually,Kramer’ssystemseesthegendervaluesasprivative.Therefore,[M]isrepresentedas[-F],orasadefault.Thiswillnotaffecttheexaminationathand.
7.Thelinker
426
D cat D
infl ! !Case [GEN]
sel < n >
c. ValuationofDPhonologicalComponent SemanticComponent
Input SyntacticContext
Value Input SyntacticContext
Value
D /[M] -u D elsewhere referringexpression /[F] -wa
Inamorecomplexexample,theAmharicnounayt’‘mouse’isFingenderwhen
itsbiologicalsexisunknown(orunimportant),andthereforeisarootdominated
bytheheadnu[F].Ifbiologicallyfemale,thenounayt’‘femalemouse’isFin
gender:arootdominatedbytheheadni[F].Ifbiologicallymale,thenounayt’
‘malemouse’isMingender:arootdominatedbytheheadni[M].Kramer’s
proposedstructuresaregivenin(7.38)below.
(7.38) THREEFORMSOFTHEAMHARICNOUNAYT’,ASPERKRAMER(2014)
a.AYT’‘MOUSE’(F)
i) MergeofD(syntacticobjectα)andnP
DP3nP D
3 [! [ ]] √ayt’nu[F]
ii) Agreei)Dc-commandsn.nhasagenderfeatureu[F].Dprobesfora
genderfeatureandisvaluedbynu[F].AssuchDagreeswithu[F],andobtainsthegenderfeature[F].
D cat D
infl ! !Case [GEN]
sel < n >
7.Thelinker
427
iii) ValuationofDPhonologicalComponent SemanticComponent
Input SyntacticContext
Value Input SyntacticContext
Value
D /[M] -u D elsewhere referringexpression /[F] -wa
b.AYT’‘FEMALEMOUSE’(F)
i) MergeofD(syntacticobjectα)andnP
DP3nP D
3 [! [ ]] √ayt’ni[F]
ii) Agreei)Dc-commandsn.nhasagenderfeaturei[F].Dprobesfora
genderfeatureandisvaluedbyni[F].AssuchDagreeswithi[F],andobtainsthegenderfeature[F].
D cat D
infl ! !Case [GEN]
sel < n >
iii) ValuationofDPhonologicalComponent SemanticComponent
Input SyntacticContext
Value Input SyntacticContext
Value
D /[M] -u D elsewhere referringexpression /[F] -wa
c.AYT’‘MALEMOUSE’(M)
i) MergeofD(syntacticobjectα)andnP
DP3nP D
3 [! [ ]] √ayt’ni[M]
7.Thelinker
428
ii) Agreei)Dc-commandsn.nhasagenderfeaturei[M].Dprobesfora
genderfeatureandisvaluedbyni[M].AssuchDagreeswithi[M],andobtainsthegenderfeature[M].
D cat D
infl ! !Case [GEN]
sel < n >
iii) ValuationofDPhonologicalComponent SemanticComponent
Input SyntacticContext
Value Input SyntacticContext
Value
D /[M] -u D elsewhere referringexpression /[F] -wa
ThebiggestchallengeforapplyingKramer’sapproachtoGorwaaisrepresented
bymorphosyntacticcharacteristicIIeoftheGorwaasuffix,repeatedbelow:
(7.39) MORPHOSYNTACTICCHARACTERISTICIIEOFTHEGORWAASUFFIX
Thegrammaticalgender(i.e.M,F,orN)ofanounisdeterminedbytheSFX2
morpheme,whichhasastableassociationwithgender.Ifanounischangedfor
number,itsgendermayalsochange.
Addressedindetailin§6.3.5,itsufficestoremindreadersoftheconsistently
stableassociationofspecificsuffixeswithspecificgendervalues,tothepointof
whichanygivenGorwaaSFX2maybelistedwithitsattendantgender.Assuch,
theSFX2-itriggersFagreement,theSFX2-ótriggersMagreement,andtheSFX2
-a’itriggersNagreement.Resultantly,ifanounischangedfornumber
(necessarilyresultinginachangeofsuffix),thegenderofthenounmaychange,
dependingontheidentityofthenewsuffix(specificallySFX2).Sakweeli‘ostrich’
isFgender,andsakwél‘ostriches’isMgender;digirmó‘footprint’isMgender,
anddigirma’‘footprints’isNgender;duukaa‘shop’isFgender,andduukanáy
‘shops’isMgender.
7.Thelinker
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ItisdifficulttoseehowKramer’sproposalwouldworkhere(evenbyincreasing
Kramer’snheadstofiveinordertoaccommodateuninterpretableNgender).
Thefirststepwouldbe,inevitably,replacingindividualgenderedsuffixesatn
withparadigms,withinwhichthefivegendervalues(ni[F]andni[M],andn
u[F],nu[M],andnu[N])wouldberealizedpost-Spellout.Butevenhaving
adoptedthismechanism,theapproachfailstocapturetheprecisenatureofhow
semanticgender‘overrides’grammaticalgender.Asmaybeseenin(7.38),
semanticoverrideisaccomplishedinKramer’sanalysisasaprocessbywhichan
entirelydifferentsuffixismergedwiththeroot(onewithinterpretablegender,
ratherthanuninterpretable).Infact,theprocessisnotoneof‘override’atall,as
thestructuresinvolveentirelydifferentformatives.Themotivationforthis
analysisisunderstandable:themajorityoftheproposednmorphemesin
Amharicareformallyidentical(-∅inmostcases,nomatterthefeaturevalues).
InalanguagelikeGorwaa,whereanouncanretainitssuffix’s(phonetic)
identity,butassumethebiologicalsexofthereferent(asincasesdiscussedin
§7.4.2.2),theargumentthattheheadatnhasbeenchangedbecomes,empirically
speaking,lesssound.
Conversely,theproposaldevelopedinthepresentworkseemstodealwithmost
oftheAmharicdatainKramer(2014)quitewell.Specifically,bypositinganR
argumentwhichbearsthesemantic(interpretable)genderfeatures,andleaving
grammatical(uninterpretable)genderfeatures(i.e.m-gender)tobeexponed
post-Spelloutatthenhead,thedatarepresentedin(7.38)canberevisedthus,
(where,forconcision,eachderivationpicksupfromtheequivalentofStep4,in
(7.34)):
7.Thelinker
430
(7.40) THREEFORMSOFTHEAMHARICNOUNAYT’(REVISEDASPERTHETHECURRENT
WORK)
a.AYT’‘MOUSE’(F)
a) Step4:Realisationofdiacriticfeature[F]intheagreementdomain(i.e.thecurrentsyntacticstructure).Notealsothat,because
genderiseitherunknownorunimportantinthiscase,thereisnogenderfeatureonpro.
DP √621-n3-pro-D cat D 4 nP D√621-n3-pro
cat n
cat Dinfl !
Case [GEN]sel < n >
4 n’ pro√621-n3
cat n cat Ninfl ∅sel ∅
5√621 n3
cat √ cat ninfl !
sel < √>
b) Step5:Agree
i)Dc-commandsbothproandn[F].Thereferentofprohasnosemanticgender,soproisunvaluedforgender,andcanthereforenotactasaninterveneringenderagreement.n[Fhasasuffixalgenderfeature[F].Dprobesforagenderfeatureandisvaluedbyn[F].AssuchDagreeswithn[F],andobtainsthegenderfeature[F].
D cat D
infl ! !Case [GEN]
sel < n >
7.Thelinker
431
c) Step6:ValuationofDPhonologicalComponent SemanticComponent
Input SyntacticContext
Value Input SyntacticContext
Value
D /[M] -u D elsewhere referringexpression /[F] -wa
b.AYT’‘FEMALEMOUSE’(F)
a) Step4:Realisationofdiacriticfeature[F]intheagreementdomain(i.e.thecurrentsyntacticstructure).Notealsothat,becausethemouse’sbiologicalsexisfemale,thereisagenderfeatureFonpro.
DP √621-n3-pro-D cat D 4 nP D√621-n3-pro
cat n
cat Dinfl !
Case [GEN]sel < n >
4 n’ pro√621-n3
cat n cat Ninfl !sel ∅
5√621 n3
cat √ cat ninfl !
sel < √>
b) Step5:Agree
i)Dc-commandsbothproandn[F].Thereferentofproisbiologicallyfemale,soprohasgenderfeatureF,andcanthereforeactasaninterveneringenderagreement.n[F]hasasuffixalgenderfeature[F].Dprobesforagenderfeatureandisvaluedbypro.AssuchDagreeswithpro,andobtainsthegenderfeature[F].
D cat D
infl ! !Case [GEN]
sel < n >
7.Thelinker
432
c) Step6:ValuationofDPhonologicalComponent SemanticComponent
Input SyntacticContext
Value Input SyntacticContext
Value
D /[M] -u D elsewhere referringexpression /[F] -wa
c.AYT’‘MALEMOUSE’(M)
nP 3√ayt’ni[M]
a) Step4:Realizationofdiacriticfeature[F]intheagreementdomain(i.e.thecurrentsyntacticstructure).Notealsothat,becausethemouse’sbiologicalsexismale,thereisagenderfeatureMonpro.
DP √621-n3-pro-D cat D 4 nP D√621-n3-pro
cat n
cat Dinfl !
Case [GEN]sel < n >
4 n’ pro√621-n3
cat n cat Ninfl !sel ∅
5√621 n3
cat √ cat ninfl !
sel < √>
7.Thelinker
433
b) Step5:Agreei)Dc-commandsbothproandn[F].Thereferentofprois
biologicallymale,soprohasgenderfeatureM,andcanthereforeactasaninterveneringenderagreement.n[F]hasasuffixalgenderfeature[F].Dprobesforagenderfeatureandisvaluedbypro.AssuchDagreeswithpro,andobtainsthegenderfeature[M].
D cat D
infl ! !Case [GEN]
sel < n >
c) Step6:ValuationofDPhonologicalComponent SemanticComponent
Input SyntacticContext
Value Input SyntacticContext
Value
D /[M] -u D elsewhere referringexpression /[F] -wa
TakingKramer’s‘additionalevidence’(2014:12-15)intoaccount,theanalysis
presentedinthecurrentworkhandlesnominalizationsequallyaswellas
Kramer’sproposal.However,Iprovidenoexplanationforthephenomenaof
‘interactionofgenderandnumber’,aswellas‘distributionofthefemininesuffix
-it’.Iexpectthatthisismoreashortcomingofmyfamiliaritywiththefactsof
Amharic,thanashortcomingoftheanalysisproposedinthecurrentwork.
7.5.2Summary
UsingbothempiricaldatafromGorwaa,aswellasresultsfrompsycholinguistic
experimentsintherelatedlanguageKonso,§6.2establishedtheGorwaagender
systemasfeaturingthevaluesM,F,andN,eachofwhichdisplaytwosubgenders.
§6.3proposedthelinkerasobligatorilypresentonallnounswithreference,but
unpronouncedwhenitalignswiththerightedgeofaphonologicalphrase.§6.4
proposesasyntacticanalysisofthelinkerasagreementmorphologypresentat
7.Thelinker
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theheadD.ThroughexaminationofGorwaapropernamemorphology,
agreementphenomenacouldbeexplainedastheinteractionofsemanticgender
featurespresentontheexternalargumentofn-R,andsuffixalgender(m-
gender)featuresonn.Thenullreferentialpronoun(R)analysiswasextendedto
accountfornumberagreementoccurringwithotherwisenumberless(general)
nounforms.
8.Conclusion
435
8.Conclusion
8.1Summaryofthethesis
ProductofseveralyearsofGorwaalanguagedocumentation,thisthesishadtwo
primarygoals.Thefirstofthesegoalswastoprovideafirstdescriptionofthe
Gorwaalanguage,withparticularattentiongiventothenoun.Thiswasmotivated
bythenotablecomplexityoftheGorwaanoun,andaimedtodetailtheuncommon
patternspresentinthishithertoundocumentedlanguage.Thisworkhasincluded
extensivepresentationsofdatapertainingtothenounand,throughthis,increases
theempiricaldataavailabletothefieldofCushiticstudiesspecifically,and
linguisticsingeneral.
Thesecondgoalofthisworkwastoprovideananalysisofnounmorphosyntax.In
contrastwithfunctionalaccountsinSouthCushitic,thisthesisattemptedaformal
analysis,adoptingtheDistributedMorphologyarchitecture,andMinimalism.By
adoptingthisframework,itwasshownthattheGorwaanounisitselfacomplexof
severalsubparts,thestructureofwhichisdictatedbythesamerulesappliedto
largerphrases.Theresultantstructure,andtherelationswhichholdwithinits
subparts,providesareadyaccountofmanyofthepeculiaritiesoftheGorwaanoun
describedinthedatapresentations.
Thethesisstructurereflectsthetwofoldnatureofitsgoals:Chapter2isan(entirely
descriptive)introductiontothelanguage,andChapter3isan(entirelyformal
8.Conclusion
436
theoretical)introductiontothemethodofanalysis.Theremainingfourchapters
eachfeaturedescriptivesections,followedbysectionsofanalysis.
Chapter2offersagrammaticalsketchofGorwaa.Asalanguagewithnoprevious
description,thisismeantasanempiricalcontributiontounderstandingthe
languageingeneral.Second,thesketchoughttogroundthereaderinabasic
understandingofthenounphraseandassociatedphenomenasuchasagreement–
thetheoreticalandanalyticalfocusofthethesis.
Chapter3introducedthereadertoMinimalismandDistributedMorphology:the
frameworkuponwhichmuchoftheformalanalysisinthethesisisbased.
Chapter4establishedtheGorwaanounasacomplexofsubparts,andconsiders
someoftheempiricalcriteriabywhichthesesubpartsmaybeconsideredaunit:i.e.
thenoun.Theremainderofthechapterisconcernedwiththefirstofthese
subparts:thestem.Specifically,ananalysisisproposedwhichacknowledgesboth
thephoneticsimilaritiesbetweennounssuchastsifiri‘language’andtsifiraangw
‘tongue’,aswellasthesemanticsimilaritiesbetweennounssuchasgarma‘boy’and
daaqay‘boys’.Syntactically,thestemisformedofanunspecifiedelement(aroot),
manyofwhosecharacteristics(includingphoneticandsemantic)aredeterminedby
thelargersyntacticstructureinwhichtheyarefound.Itisalsomentionedthat
lexicalcategoryisdeterminedbysyntacticcontext,accountingforsimilarities
betweenformssuchasthenounwa/aangw‘anarroyo’andtheverbwaá/‘vomit’.
8.Conclusion
437
Thespecificsyntacticcontextinwhichnounsarerealizedformsthemaincontentof
thefollowingchapters.
ThefollowingtwochapterstreatedthesecondsubpartoftheGorwaanoun:the
stem.Distinguishedbytwobroadgroupsofmorphosyntacticcharacteristics,
Chapter5addressedthosecharacteristicsidentifiedas‘regular’(i.e.stable
correspondenceswhichcanlargelybeexplainedasfeaturebundlesbeing
manipulatedinthesyntax),andChapter6addressedthosecharacteristicsidentified
as‘listed’(i.e.irregularpatternswhichrequirerecoursetomoredetailed
explanationsofrealizationrulespost-Spellout).
Chapter5beganwithtwodetailedpresentationsofdata:thefirstoutliningand
exemplifyingtheregularcharacteristicsoftheGorwaasuffix,andthesecond
organizingand(whereapplicable)decomposingeachofthe42suffixes.The
analysiswhichfollowedproposedthatthesuffixisformedof(maximally)three
syntacticheads:Cl(classifier),#(quantifier),andn(‘littlen’).Inordertobeara
numbervalue,nounsmustbeclassifiedandquantified.Assuch,nounsofSgorPl
numberalsobearclassifiermorphology(quantifiermorphologywasdeterminedto
benull).Nounsunvaluedfornumber(‘general’numbernouns)areneither
classifiednorquantified,andthereforelackthesesyntacticheadsintheirstructure.
ThelittlenheadisthesiteofSFX2morphology,whichcontributestothelexical
meaningofthenoun.
8.Conclusion
438
First,Chapter6establishedtheconceptoftheparadigm:atoolcentraltomuchof
thefollowingdiscussion.Followingthisweretwodetailedpresentationsofdata:
thefirstoutlinedandexemplifiedthelistedcharacteristicsoftheGorwaasuffix,and
theseconddescribingtheparadigmsofGorwaa.Inthefollowinganalysis,the
paradigmwasestablishedasagrammaticalformative,instantiatedonthelittlen
head,andrealizedasaspecificsuffixthroughinstructionspost-Spellout.The
realizationofthemorphemeClwasalsodescribedasavaluationprocesspost-
Spellout.Grammaticalgenderwasdescribedasadiacriticfeature,alsorealized
post-Spellout,makingAgreeanecessarilypost-Spelloutoperation(asarguedin
Bobaljik2008).
Chapter7treatsthethirdandfinalsubpartoftheGorwaanoun:thelinker.
FollowingashortsectionrevisitingGorwaagenderandreassertingthatthereare
threegendervaluesinGorwaa,eachofwhichexhibittwosubgenders,Chapter7
presentsdataonthedistributionofthelinker.Usingevidencefromlargerclausal
syntax,itisarguedthatthelinkerisobligatoryforallnounsofreference,butgoes
unpronouncedattheendofaphonologicalphrase.Intheanalysisthatfollows,the
linkerisestablishedasagreementmorphologyonthesyntacticheadD.Inorderto
accountforcasesofmismatchbetweentheformtakenbythelinkerandthegender
valueofn,theRargumentisintroduced.Externalargumentofthenounand
mergedasthespecifierofn,Rrepresentstheinterpretable(semantic)featuresof
thereferentofthenoun,andmayserveasasyntacticintervenerinagreement
8.Conclusion
439
relationsbetweenDandn.Thismechanismisextendedtoaccountforadjectival
numberagreementonnounsofgeneralnumber(i.e.nounsunvaluedfornumber).
8.2Descriptiveinsights,andimplicationsforSouthCushitic
Giventhat,tothispoint,Gorwaahadbeenwithoutadedicatedlinguisticdescription,
itmaybearguedthatallofthematerialhereinrepresents,toanextent,descriptive
insight.Thespecificobservationsthatbearparticularattentionarediscussed
below,alongwiththeirpossibleramifications.
Theelementtreatedwiththemostdescriptivedetailwasdoubtlessthesuffix.
Gorwaasuffixesnumber42intotal,andmaycombineinatleast178patterns(or
paradigms):151pairs,20monads,and7triads.ObservedfirstinMous(1993:47),
andgivenafullexaminationhere,somesuffixesareformedofonemorpheme
(identifiedhereasSFX2),whereasothersareformedoftwomorphemes(identified
hereasSFX1andSFX2).SFX1morphologyisformallyanalogoustoaspectual
morphologyintheverbaldomain.Forthefirsttime,thisworkidentifiedan
importantcorrelation:nounswithSFX1morphologyarealwaysvaluedfornumber
(SgorPl),andcanthereforeoccurwithexternalelements(e.g.adjectives)onlyif
theyshowmatchingagreement;conversely,nounswithoutSFX1morphologyare
unvaluedfornumber,andcanthereforeoccurwithexternalelements(e.g.
adjectives)whichshoweitherSgorPlagreement.Sometimes,theselatternounsof
generalnumbermayhavetheiragreementrestrictedbytheparadigminwhichthey
occur.
8.Conclusion
440
Fromawiderperspective,thispatterncanbeextendedtoIraqw,Alagwa,and
(probably)Burunge.Thisissignificant,andwillnecessitate(andperhapsaid)a
morenuancedapproachtonumberinitseverymanifestation.Forexample,the
Iraqw-EnglishDictionary(Mous,Qorro&Kießling2002)makesconsistentuseof
‘singular’versus‘plural’,whereasthegrammaticalrealityismuchmorecomplex.
Thenounafee‘mouths’islistedasPl(9),whereasitisshowntooccurwitheitherSg
orPladjectivalagreementinMous(1993:204).Arevisedtreatmentseesafeeasa
generalnumbernounandlabelsitassuchinthedictionary.Inthisway,theuser
expectstoencountertheformafeewitheitherSgorPladjectives,inthecaseofthe
former,interpretingitas‘kindofmouths’or‘groupofmouths’,andinthecaseofthe
latter,interpretingitas‘mouths’.
Equallyimportantwastheidentificationofthelinkerasanobligatoryelementofall
nounswithreference,butwhichismorphosyntacticallyconditionedtobe
unpronouncedwhentheright-edgeofthenounphrasecorrespondstotheright-
edgeofaphonologicalphrase.Thisisanovelanalysisandisempiricallypreferable
tothosepreviouslyproposedforanalogousmorphologyinIraqw.
LinkermorphologyinAlagwaissomewhatdifferent,andIdonotknowthesituation
inBurunge,but,forIraqw,thisnewanalysisoflinkersmaybeappliedwithno
modifications.Mostimmediately,thiswillnecessitateareassessmentofthe
constructstateinSouthCushitic(perhapsalongthelinesofBorer(1999)),aswell
asthesyntaxofnounphrasesmoregenerally.
8.Conclusion
441
8.3Formalstructure,andimplicationsforformalsyntax
Thesyntacticstructuresdevelopedforthenounsexaminedinthisworkareas
follows:
(8.1) NUMBER-VALUEDNOUN
DP
4 nP D 3
n’ pro 3 #P n 3ClP # 2√ Cl
(8.2) GENERAL-NUMBERNOUN
DP
4 nP D 3
n’ pro 3 √ n Nounsthatdonotbearreference(i.e.incorporatednouns),donothaveeitherDorR
(pro).
(8.3) NUMBER-VALUEDNOUN(NON-REFERRING)
nP 3 #P n 3ClP # 2√ Cl
(8.4) GENERAL-NUMBERNOUN(NON-REFERRING)
nP
3 √ n
8.Conclusion
442
Thebuildingofthesestructuresisincremental,relyingonthefeaturestructuresof
thelexicalelementspresentinthenumeration.Asamplederivationforthesingular
(i.e.number-valued)nounqooqalumó‘crownedcrane’isprovidedbelow.Forthis
derivation,itisalsoassumedthatqoonqalumóinthiscasebearsreference.
(8.5) NUMERATIONFORQOONQALUMÓ‘CROWNEDCRANE’
Lexical Elements
√735Cl#n!"#proD
Where:
√735=therootcommontothe
formsqoonqalumó‘crownedcrane’|qoonqál‘(agroupof)crownedcranes’|qoonqalama’‘crownedcranes’
Cl=thesuffixcommontothe
formsqoonqalumó‘crownedcrane’,andagahubiím‘Iwasbringingit’
n135=theparadigmrealizing
thesuffixes-(a)mó(Mo)|-∅(Mo)|-ama’(N∅)
8.Conclusion
443
(8.6) FEATURESSTRUCTURESFORTHELEXICALELEMENTSIN(8.5)
√735 cat √
Cl cat Clinfl ∅sel √
# cat #infl Sgsel Cl
n!"# cat n
infl ! [ ]sel N;#
pro cat N
infl ! ∅ Sg
sel ∅
D cat D
infl ! [ ]Case [GEN]sel n
NotethattheRargumenthere(i.e.pro)isunvaluedforgender.Thisisbecause,in
Gorwaa,thisparticularentity(i.e.thecrownedcrane)doesnotreceiveabiological
sexfeature.Typically,suchfeaturesarereservedforhumans,aswellassome
domesticanimals.
Havingestablishedthelexicalelementsinvolvedandthefeaturestherein,the
derivationmaynowproceed.
8.Conclusion
444
(8.7) DERIVATIONOFQOONQALUMÓa) Step1:MergeofCl(syntacticobjectα)and√735(syntacticobjectβ)
ClP
√735-Cl
[cat[Cl]] 4√735 Cl
[cat[√]]
cat Clinfl ∅
sel < √>
b) Step2:Mergeof#(syntacticobjectα)andClP(syntacticobjectβ)
#P
√735-Cl-#
[cat[#]] 4
ClP #
√735-Cl
[cat[Cl]]
cat #infl Sg
sel < Cl >
4√735 Cl
[cat[√]]
cat Clinfl ∅
sel < √>
8.Conclusion
445
c) Step3:Mergeofn135(syntacticobjectα)and#P(syntacticobjectβ)
nP
√735-Cl-#-n135
cat nsel N
4 #P n135
√735-Cl-#
[cat[#]]
cat ninfl ! [ ]
sel N; < # >
4 ClP #
√735-Cl
[cat[Cl]]
cat #infl Sg
sel < Cl >
4√735 Cl
[cat[√]]
cat Clinfl ∅
sel < √>
8.Conclusion
446
d)Step4:Mergeofn135(syntacticobjectα)andproR(syntacticobjectβ)
nP
√735-Cl-#-n135-pro
[cat[n]] 4 n’ pro
√735-Cl-#-n135
cat n
sel < N >
cat Ninfl ! ∅
Sgsel ∅
4 #P n135
√735-Cl-#
[cat[#]]
cat ninfl ! [ ]
sel < N > ; < # >
4 ClP #
√735-Cl
[cat[Cl]]
cat #infl Sg
sel < Cl >
4√735 Cl
[cat[√]]
cat Clinfl ∅
sel < √>
8.Conclusion
447
e) Step5:MergeofD(syntacticobjectα)andnP(syntacticobjectβ)
DP
[cat[D]]
√735-Cl-#-n135-pro-D 5 nP D
√735-Cl-#-n135-pro
[cat[n]]
cat Dinfl ! [ ]
Case [GEN]sel < n >
4 n’ pro
√735-Cl-#-n135
cat n
sel < N >
cat Ninfl ! ∅
Sgsel ∅
4 #P n135
√735-Cl-#
[cat[#]]
cat ninfl ! [ ]
sel < N > ; < # >
4 ClP #
√735-Cl
[cat[Cl]]
cat #infl Sg
sel < Cl >
4√735 Cl
[cat[√]]
cat Clinfl ∅
sel < √>
f) Step6:(Postsyntactic)valuationof√735inList2andList3
Valuationof√735
PhonologicalComponent SemanticComponent
RootInput Syntactic
Context
Value RootInput Syntactic
Context
Value
√735 elsewhere [q’o:nqal] √735 elsewhere ‘crownedcrane’
8.Conclusion
448
g) Step7:(Postsyntactic)valuationofClinList2andList3
ValuationofCl
PhonologicalComponent SemanticComponent
Input Syntactic
Context
Value Root Syntactic
Context
Value
SFX1
/n135
[am]
SFX1
/nindivduation
/n150
[e:r]
/v
durative
h) Step8:Agreebetweenproben135andgoal#
n135c-commands#.#isvaluedwiththenumberfeature[Sg],andn135hasanunvaluednumberfeature.n135agreeswith#,andobtainsthenumber
feature[Sg].
n135 cat n
infl ! !" sel < N > ;< # >
i) Step9:(Postsyntactic)valuationofn135inList2andList3
Valuationofn135
PhonologicalComponent SemanticComponent
Input Syntactic
Context
Value Input Syntactic
Context
Value
n135
/Sg [ó][Mo]
n135
/Sg singular/Pl [aɁ][N∅] /Pl plural
elsewhere ∅~´~[Mo] elsewhere general
8.Conclusion
449
j) Step10:Realizationofdiacriticfeature[Mo]intheagreementdomain
(i.e.thecurrentsyntacticstructure)
DP
[cat[D]]
√735-Cl-#-n135-pro-D 5 nP D
√735-Cl-#-n135-pro
[cat[n]]
cat Dinfl ! [ ]
Case [GEN]sel < n >
4 n’ pro
√735-Cl-#-n135
cat n
sel < N >
cat Ninfl ! ∅
Sgsel ∅
4 #P n135
√735-Cl-#
[cat[#]]
cat ninfl ! !"
Sgsel < N > ; < # >
4 ClP #
√735-Cl
[cat[Cl]]
cat #infl Sg
sel < Cl >
4√735 Cl
[cat[√]]
cat Clinfl ∅
sel < √>
k) Step11:AgreeforD
i)Dc-commandsbothproandnP,thereferentofprohasnosemantic
gender,soproisunvaluedforgender,andcanthereforenotactasan
interveneringenderagreement.∅[Mo]hasasuffixalgenderfeature[Mo].D
probesforagenderfeatureandisvaluedby∅[Mo]AssuchDagreeswith
∅[Mo],andobtainsthegenderfeature[Mo].
8.Conclusion
450
D cat D
infl ! !"Case [GEN]
sel < n >
ii)Dc-commandspro,thereferentofprohassemanticnumberSg,so
proisvaluedfornumber.nPisconfiguredforanumber-valuednoun,and
thereforebearsanumberfeature[Sg].Dprobesforanumberfeatureandis
valuedbypro.AssuchDagreeswithpro,andobtainsthenumberfeatureSg.
D cat D
infl ! Mo, !" Case [GEN]
sel < n >
iii)Dhasanunvaluedpersonfeature,andprobesallpossiblegoalsin
thestructureforpersonfeatures.Nopossiblegoalscontainapersonfeature.
Agreefails,butthestructureislicitbecauseprobehassucceeded(Preminger2010).LackofpersonfeaturesonDwillbeinterpretedas3rdPerson(see
Harley&Ritter2002).
D cat D
infl ! 3,Mo, !" Case [GEN]
sel < n >
l) Step12:(Postsyntactic)valuationofDinList2andList3
ValuationofD
PhonologicalComponent SemanticComponent
Input Syntactic
Context
Value Input Syntactic
Context
Value
D
/[Mo] ó
D
elsewhere
referringexpression
/[Mk] kú
/[Fr] r~´~
/[Ft] tá
/[N∅] ~´~
/[Na] á
Atitsmostgeneral,theformalanalysisundertakeninthisworkissignificantinthat
ithasshownthatthenominalmorphosyntaxofGorwaamayberepresentedunder
DistributedMorphologyandMinimalismbyroughlythesamemethodscommonly
8.Conclusion
451
usedforawidearrayofotherlanguages.Throughoutthecourseoftheanalyses
offered,manyoftheexplanationshaveanestablishedprecedentinpastwork.
PerhapsmostimmediatelystrikingiswayinwhichSFX1morphologyinthenominal
domainresemblesaspectualmorphologyintheverbaldomain.Analyzedasthe
instantiationofCl,Borer(2005a,b)identifiesCland#morphologyofanominal
structureasthedirectequivalentofAspinaverbalstructure.Theempirical
similarityofformsinGorwaamustlendsomefurthersupporttothisinsight.
Withthatsaid,thisworkdiffersfromBorer(2005a,b)inthatitcouldnotdispense
with‘littlen’.Inthisway,thisworksupportstheexistenceofanominalcategorizing
head,asemployedinMarantz(2001),Arad(2003,2005),andMerchant(2017).
Elaboratingfurther,andsubsumingtheinsightofCobbinah(2013),andWatson
(2015),thisworkestablishedlittlenasthelocusofthenominalparadigm,the
suffixesofwhicharerealizedpost-Spellout.Grammaticalgender(m-gender),
establishedasadiacriticfeaturerealizedonindividualsuffixes,isavailablefor
agreementbyapplyingBobaljik’s(2008)versionofAgreeasapost-Spellout
operation.
Tohandlecasesofwherebiologicalsexaffectsmorphologicalagreement,appeal
wasmadetothenullreferentialpronounR(Williams(1981),Higginbotham(1985),
andGrimshaw(1990)).MergedasexternalargumenttonP,Rmayserveasan
intervenerinagreementbetweenDand(m-)genderfeaturesonn.Asan
afterthought,itwasbrieflyexplainedthat,forGorwaa,thisapproachseemed
preferabletothatofKramer(2014),butinordertodecidewhetherananalysislike
8.Conclusion
452
thisonecould,infact,handleKramer’sAmharicdataequallyaswellasGorwaa,
moredetailedexaminationofAmharicisnecessary.
8.4Prospects
Themostimmediatestepfollowingfromthisthesisisfurtherdescriptivework.
Detailedexaminationofnominalmorphosyntaxhasuncoveredaplethoraof
fascinatingpatterns,relevantforthewritingofaGorwaagrammar,aswellas
lexicographicwork.Doubtless,thesamesortofattentiontothemorphosyntaxof
theverb,orindeedlargerphrasaldomainswillbeequallyfruitfulandrelevant.
Ithasbeenestablishedinthisworkthatnounsaretypicallynotargumentstothe
verb.In§7.3.3.1,freewordorder,syntacticallydiscontinuousexpressions,and
pervasiveNP-droppingwereshowntoexistinGorwaa--eachkeycharacteristicsof
apronominalargumentlanguage(Jelinek1984,Hale2003).
(8.8) FREEWORDORDER
a. SOVWORDORDER(CANONICAL)
anísleeanataáhh [201609271222-228.25]
aní sl- -ee -r~´~ ∅- a- ∅ -nataáhh
PRO1SGSTM- -SFX2 -L !"#
A.P- P.F- AUX -IMPRFbeat.1.PST
‘Ibeatthecow.’
b. OSVWORDORDER
desirqá'kuúngansla' [20131108b_20150725j.84]
des- -i -r~´~ -qá’ kuúng
STM- -SFX2 -L !"#$
-DEM3 PRO.2SG.M
∅- a- ∅ -n sla’
A.P- P.F- AUX -EXPECT want.2.SUBJ
‘Youlovethatgirl.’
8.Conclusion
453
c. VSWORDORDER
inatláygofaangw[20131108b_20150725j.152] i- ∅ -na tláy goof- -aangw -ó
S.3- AUX -IMPR go.M.PST STM- -SFX2 -L !"#$
-
“Thebuckwent.”
d. VOWORDORDER
gwéhaansiimaánya'eérhatlá'[20150817d.106] gwéh ∅- a- ∅ ansiim-aán ya’- -ee -r~´~
let’s.goA.P- P.F- AUX begin.1-1PL.PRES STM- -SFX2 -L !"#
hatlá’
other
“Let’sgo--wearestartinganotherleg.”
(8.9) SYNTACTICALLYDISCONTINUOUSEXPRESSIONS
a. DISCONTINUOUSSUBJECT
i.[...]balaangwdá'ninaákwideeroo/awaàkw[DSC_5354_20150705b.69.4]
balaángw-dá’ninaákwi- ∅ deer
millet.LMo-DEM4small.MS.3- AUX be.present.M.PRES
oo /awaákw~`~
ANA.M white.M~EMPH~
“[...]thatsmallwhitemilletisthere.”
ii.baráayawooEndabeggadiyeéikáhhqomasíarMuungú[20131027_20150725c.19]
baráayá -ooEndabég gadiyeéri- ∅
inland.LMo -TOPEndabeg.LMo work.LFrS.3-AUX
káhh qomár -sí arMuungú
be.absent.F.PRES time.LFr -DEM2 ANA.F God.LMo
“InEndabegtheworkofGodisn’thereatthattime.”
b. DISCONTINUOUSOBJECT
i.daawaanginamosíleehharseehhaa[...][20151202d.171]daawaár ng- a- ∅ -namór-sí
medicine.LFr A.3- P.F- AUX -EXPECTplace.LFr-DEM2
leehh ar seehhaár
fetch.M.SUBJ ANA.F tsetse.flies.LFr
“Hewouldfetchtsetseflymedicine.”
8.Conclusion
454
ii.dinku'umaríatleehhaánar/ameenaa[20131027_20150725c.56]dinku’umár-í ∅- a- ∅ -a
meeting.LFr-DEM1 A.P- P.F- AUX -PRF
tleéhh-aán ar /ameenaár
make.1-1PL.PST ANA.F women.LFr
“Wemadethiswomen’sunion.”
(8.10) PERVASIVENP-DROPPING a.NONPSDROPPED
hhawatagarmangunataáhh [20160119f.39]
hhawató garmá ng-u-∅-na taáhh
man.LMo boy.LMo A.3-P.M-Aux-Imprfhit.Pst
“Themanhittheboy.”
b.PATIENTNPGARMADROPPED hhawatangunataáhh [20160119f.52]
hhawató ng-u-∅-na taáhh
man.LMo A.3-P.M-Aux-Imprfhit.Pst
“Themanhithim.”(Mayalsobeinterpretedas“Hehittheman.”)
c.AGENTNPHHAWATADROPPED garmangunataáhh [20160119f.57]
garmá ng-u-∅-na taáhh
boy.LMo A.3-P.M-Aux-Imprfhit.Pst
“Hehittheboy.”(Mayalsobeinterpretedas“Theboyhithim.”)
d.BOTHARGUMENTNPSDROPPED
ngunataáhh [20150813.55]
ng-u-∅-na taáhh
A.3-P.M-Aux-Imprfhit.Pst
“Hehithim.”
FullunderstandingoftheargumentstructureofGorwaathereforerestsinafuller
understandingofthepronominalargumentsofGorwaa.Inthiswork,thesewere
describedastheargumentmarkingpresentintheselector.Theselector,so-named
byW.H.Whiteley(1958),isamorphologicalcomplexwhich,asstatedin§2.4.2,can
formallymark:clause-type(independentvs.dependent),voice(activevs.
mediopassive),deixis(movementtowardvs.movementawayfromtheorigo),
argumentstructure(soleargumentversusagentandpatient),person,gender,and
8.Conclusion
455
numberofarguments,aspect(perfectvs.imperfectivevs.expectationalvs.
consecutivevs.background),mood(indicativevs.conditionalvs.prohibitivevs.
questioning),andadverbialcase(reasonvs.lativevs.ablativevs.instrumental).
Focusingonargumentstructure,thebehaviorofselectorsisinterestinginseveral
respects.Firstly,themorphosyntacticalignmentissplit,dependingonwhetherthe
argumentisthirdperson,oraspeechactparticipant(i.e.1stor2ndperson).For
thirdpersonarguments,alignmentistripartite:thatis,the(S)oleargumentofan
intransitiveclause,the(A)gentofatransitiveclause,andthe(P)atientofatransitive
clauseareallrealizeddifferently.Thiscanbeseenin(8.11)(repeatedfrom
§2.4.2.1),wherethenoungarma‘boy’isrealizedinthreedifferentways,depending
onwhetheritisS(a),A(b),orP(c).
(8.11) TRIPARTITEALIGNMENTFOR3RDPERSONARGUMENTSa. GARMAAS(S)ARGUMENT:REALIZEDASI-
garmainamaamaá/[20160921i.33] garmá i- ∅ -na maamaá/
boy.LMO S.3- AUX -IMPRFbe.ill.M.PST
“Theboywasill.”
b. GARMAAS(A)ARGUMENT:REALIZEDASNG- garmabaahaanginataáhh [20160921i.1] garmá baahaár ng- a- ∅ -na
boy.LMO hyaena.LFR A.3- P.F- AUX -IMPRF
taáhh
hit.M.PST
“Theboyhitthehyaena.”
c. GARMAAS(P)ARGUMENT:REALIZEDASU- hhawatagarmangunataáhh [20160119f.39]
hhawató garmá ng- u- ∅ -na man.LMO boy.LMO A.3- P.M- AUX -IMPRF
taáhh
hit.M.PST
“Themanhittheboy.”
8.Conclusion
456
Forargumentswhicharespeechactparticipants(i.e.1stor2ndperson),alignmentis
accusative:the(S)oleargumentofanintransitiveclauseandthe(A)gentofa
transitiveclausearemarkedinoneway,andthe(P)atientofatransitiveclauseare
isrealizeddifferently.Thiscanbeseenintheexamplesin(8.12)(repeatedfrom
§2.4.2.1,wherethe1stpersonpronounaníisrealizedintwodifferentways,
dependingonwhetheritisS(a),A(b),orP(c).
(8.12) ACCUSATIVEALIGNMENTFORARGUMENTSWHICHARESPEECHACTPARTICIPANTS(I.E.1STOR2NDPERSON)
a. ANÍAS(S)ARGUMENT:REALIZEDAS∅- aníanamamaá/ [20160921i.38]
aní ∅- ∅ -na mamaá/
PRO1SG S.P- AUX -IMPRFbe.ill.1SG.PST
“Iwasill.”
b. Anías(A)argument:Realisedas∅- aníbaahaaanataáhh aní baahaár ∅- a- ∅ -na
PRO1SG hyaena.LFR A.P- P.F- AUX -IMPRF
taáhh
hit.1SG.PST
“Ihitthehyaena.”
c. Anías(P)argument:Realisedasi- hhawataaníinataáhh hhawató aní i- ∅ -na taáhh
man.LMO PRO1SG P.1SG- AUX -IMPRFhit.M.PST
“Themanhitme.”
Cross-linguisticallyspeaking,tripartitealignmentofthissortisincrediblyrareand,
assuch,requiresfurtherexploration,bothfromasynchronicandhistoricalpointof
view.
Second,whentheobjectargumentislocatedbetweentheselectorandtheverb(a
configurationknownas‘encapsulation’),itisnotmarkedontheselector.Thatisto
8.Conclusion
457
say,aselectorwhichotherwisewouldhavemarkedanAandaPforatransitive
verb(8.13)a),willnowonlymarkoneargument.Thisargumentwillbemarkedasif
itwereS,andthereforeasiftheclausewereintransitive(8.13)b).(Exampleis
repeatedfrom§2.4.2.1.
(8.13) ENCAPSULATIONOFDIRECTOBJECTBALAANGWREDUCESVVALENCY
a. garmabalaangwngudoosl [20161109c.29] garmá balaángw ng- u- ∅ doosl
boy.LMO millet.LMO A.3- P.M- AUX farm.M.PRES
“Theboyisfarmingmillet.”
b. garmaibalaángwdoosl [20160927l222-228.1]
garmá i- ∅ balaángw doosl
boy.LMO S.3 AUX millet.LMO farm.M.PRES
“Theboyisfarmingmillet.”
EncapsulationseemsbestcharacterizedasMithun’s“TypeIIINounIncorporation”
(1984:859),inwhichincorporatednounsareusedtobackgroundinformation.
Whatmakesencapsulationdifferentisthatmateriallargerthanasinglenounmay
beencapsulated.
(8.14) ENCAPSULATONOFMATERIALLARGERTHANANOUNa. baragadiyeérMuungúkáw [20131027_20150725c.158]
bar- ∅- ∅ -(g)a gadiyeérMuungúkáwif- A.P- Aux-Prf work.LFrGod.LMogo.to.1.Pst“IfIwentontheworkofGod.”
b. [...]in'índaqanei/uurú/abénkoná'[20131027_20150725c.188]in’ín daqanei- ∅ /uurú /abénkoná’Pro.3Plthen A.3- Aux strength.LF new.Mhave.3.Pres“[...]thentheyhavenewstrength.”
Putsimply,ascentralaspronominalargumentmarkingistounderstandingGorwaa
syntax,sotooarethepatternscomplexandnovel.Furtherinsightmayonlybe
gainedthroughexaminationofsimilarphenomenainrelated(Svolacchia&Puglielli
1999)aswellasunrelatedlanguages(Baker1996,Barrie&Mathieu2016,Adger,
8.Conclusion
458
Harbour,&Watkins2009),aswellasdetailedworkinGorwaa,furtheranalyzingthe
recordedtexts,andconductingtargetedelicitation.
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Wood,Jim,andAlecMarantz(2017)‘Theinterpretationofexternalarguments’.In:D’Alessandro,R.etal.(eds.)TheVerbalDomain.OxfordUniversityPress,Oxford.255–278.
AppendixB:Swahiliversionofconsentdialogue
476
AppendixB:SwahiliversionofconsentdialogueKablakuanzakazi,natakatuogeekuhusuvitukadhaa,ilitukubalianekwakilakitu,natuelewekaziyetuvizuri.Ikosawa?Kwanza,unawezakuachakufanyakazinamimudayoyote,nasiolazimakuniambiasababuunatakakuacha.Ikosawakamakaziyetuinarekodiwakwanjiayakinyasasautiaukamera?Natumiakinyasasautinakamerailinawezakuhakikishakwambanimeandikamanenovizuri,nailiwatuwanawezakusikilizamanenonahadithibaadaye.Kamahusikiivizurikurekodiwa,kwasababuyoyote,unawezakuniambiahivyo,nanitazimakinyasasautinakamera.Utalipwa[hourlyrate]aubidhaazenyethamanihiiwakatitunapofanyakazi.Ikosawa?Ikosawakamawatuwanasikilizaauwanaangaliakazihiiambapoimerekodiwa?(Kwamfano,familiayako?watuwenginekutokaeneohili?mtuyoyote?)IkosawanikiwaambiawatuwenginekwambaweweunafanyakazinamikwalughayaKigorowa?Kwamfano,ikosawanikiwekajinalakokwenyeorodhayawatuambaowamechangiakwenyekazihii?Ikosawanikiwekakaziyetukwenyebenkiyalugha?Yaani,benkiyalughanimahaliunapowekasautinavideoiliikae,hatakamakopizanguzinaharibiwa.IkosawanikiandikavitabukuhusulughayaKigorowa?Ikosawanikitumiakazihikwamashaurimengine?Kwamfano,labdaleo,lengolangundokutengenezakamusi.IkosawanikirudikwahiikazisikunyinginekuitumiakujifunzakuhususautizaKigorowapia?Minimemalizamaswaliyangu.Sijuikamaweweunamaswalikuniulizamimikablatuanzekaziyetu?
NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural
477
/Aambalakú(Mo) /Aambalakú PlaceName
/aamí(Fr) /aamú(Mo)fruit;glandularswellingoncattle
/aampaa(Fr) /aampupu(N∅)bird-watchingplatform
/Aamú /Aamú PersonalName(♂/♀)/Aando /Aando PersonalName(♂)/Aanguwa /Aanguwa PersonalName(♂)
/aantaa(Fr)/aanteemo(N∅)/aantadu(N∅) termitemound
/aantlinó(Mo) /aantlina'(N∅) molartooth /aarú(Mo) /aareema'(N∅) chunkoffood /aatloo(N∅) /aatltlee(Fr) jaw
/aawi(Fr) /aawáy(Mo) /aaweedima'(N∅)mammalsp.Spotted-neckedotter(Hydrictismaculicollis)
/aayma(Fr) eatingMassDeverbal(sourceverb,</aayiím>)
/afumó(Mo) /afó(M)/afeema'(N∅) birdsp. anysp.ofBushBarbet
/Aláy /Aláy PersonalName(♂);c.f./aláy
/alumó(Mo)/aláy(Mo) /aláy(Mo) birdsp.
oxpeckers(whitebodies,redbeaks);alsoateasingnameforapersonwitharedmouth
/amaangw(Mo) heat Mass/aambalaki(Fr) /aambalakú(Mo) k.o.tuber /ambalmó(Mo) /ambalaángw(Mo) plantsp. Rhuslongipes
/ambalumó(Mo)/ambál(Mo)/ambalú(Mo) /ambaleema'(N∅) reptilesp. anysp.ofmonitorlizard
/ameeni(Fr) /ameenaa(Fr) woman /Ankwáy /Ankwáy PersonalName(♂);c.f./ankwáy
NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural
478
/ankwi(Fr) /ankwáy(Mo) plantsp.
eitherasmallplantwithaverticalhabit,oralargeforesttree;thefirsttypeof</ankwí>isusedtomaketheshaftsofarrows;thesecondtypeisusedforbuilding
/Ankwí /Ankwí PersonalName(♀);c.f./ankwi
/antsumo(Mo) /antsí(Fr)/antsaa(Fr) plantsp. SycamoreFig(Ficussycomorus)
/api(Ft)spentcoarsemilletflour Mass
/Ara'i /Ara'i PersonalName(♂/♀)
/ara/antumó(Mo) /ara/anti(Fr)/ara/antaa(Fr) plantsp. Fire-BallLily(Scadoxusmultiflorus)
/aráydesumó(Mo) /aráydesu(Mo) plantsp. Terminalia(Terminaliabrownii)/Ari(Ft) /Ari PlaceName/Arí /Arí PersonalName
/armó(Mo) /aráy(Mo) plantsp.White-GalledAcacia,Whitethorn(Acaciaseyal)
/arumó(Mo) /areeri(N∅)/arrima'(N∅) tobaccoball
/Asla /Asla PersonalName;c.f./aslaangw
/aslaangw(Mo) /asleeri(N∅)hut;plantsp.;comb(i.e.ofchicken)
CandelabraTree,TreeEuphorbia(Eurphorbiasp.);apieceofthe</asla>plantmaybecutandplacedintheearthontopoftheroofofthetraditionaltembehouse,whereitwillcontinuetogrow.Thisisoftendonetoprovideritualprotectiontothehousehold
/aslaángwkuma(Mo) /asleeríkuma(N∅) plantsp. pricklypearcactus
NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural
479
/atso(Fr) playing;gameMassDeverbal(sourceverb,</aáts>)
/atú(Mo)
/attee(Fr)/atetee(Fr)/atelee(Fr) milk(curdled)
</atetee>and</atelee>'crumbs','scatteredcurds'
/awaakeema'(N∅) whiteness
/Awaakí /AwaakíPersonalName(♀);(evenadarkwomanmaybenamed</Awaakí>)
/Awtu PersonalName(♂);c.f./awtú
/awtú(Mo)/awteema'(N∅) monkey;butterfly
/awú(Mo) /aweema'(N∅) birdsp.anylargeraptor,esp.bearingahooked-beakandcrest(eagles,etc.)
/ayi(Ft) /ayoo(Fr) flower /Ayi /Ayi PersonalName(♂)
/ayla(N∅) weddingsong /Ayla /Ayla PersonalName(♂);c.f./ayla
/aymu(Mo) /aymeeri(N∅) word /Ayti'i PersonalName(♂/♀) Possiblyderivedfrom/ayti'imó
/ayti'imó(Mo) /ayto'oo(Fr)corn(onekerneloroneplant)
/Ayto'oo /Ayto'oo PersonalName(♂/♀);c.f./ayto'oo/Eendú /Eendú PersonalName(♂)/eetlimó(Mo) /eetlí(Fr) pimple
/eetloo(Fr)difficultyinfindingfood Mass
/éw(Na) west
/Iinkáy /Iinkáy
PersonalName(♂);c.f.v.</iinkí>:tocomeataslowpace(perhapsbecauseoftirednessorbeingdistractedbyotherthings)
NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural
480
/ilintimó(Mo) /ilintima'(N∅) mammalsp. Bohorreedbuck(Reduncaredunca)
/iliwi(Fr)/iliwoó(Fr)/iliwaa(Fr) /iliwáy(Mo)leopard
/itsi(Ft) /itsaa(Fr) /itseemi(N∅) insectsp. /itsimó(Mo) /itseemi(N∅) intestinalworm
/o/oo(Fr) /o/oodu(N∅) excrement /Oo/ím /Oo/ím PersonalName(♂)
/oonaa(Fr) /onu(N∅) darkness /Oru'oo /Oru'oo PersonalName(♀);c.f./oruru'umó
/oruru'umó(Mo) /oruru'uma'(N∅) plantsp.
Vitexdoniana;alternatepronunciation</orru'umó>,</orru'uma'>
/oyee(Fr) /oyeedu(N∅)advertismentofacomingdance
/Oyee /Oyee PersonalName(♂);c.f./oyee/Oyi /Oyi PersonalName(♂/♀);c.f./oyee/umi(Ft) /umáy(Mo) hump(e.g.ofacow)
/untla(Mo) /untleema'(N∅) cheek /urfi(Fr) /urfaa(Fr) reptilesp. anysp.ofskink
/uu/umoo(Fr)lowingofcattleindistress Mass
/Uukú PersonalName(♂)/uuru(Mo) /uureema'(N∅) strength
/uyá(Mk) north SingulariaTantum/uyáy(Mo) /uyeema'(N∅) right(side) </uyeema'>isuncommon
aahhamoo(Fr) lowing(ofcattle) Massaako(Mo) akoki'i(N∅) grandfather
Aakó Aakó PersonalName(♂);c.f.aakoaali(Fr) inheritance
Aalitó Aalitó PersonalName(♂);c.f.v.aal
NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural
481
Aaloo Aaloo PersonalName(♂);c.f.aaliaalutumo(Mo)aaluto'o(Fr) aalutee(Fr)
inheritor(♂,♀respectively) also<aalusumo>or<aaluso'o>
aama(Fr) aamami'i(N∅) grandmother Aamí Aamí PersonalName
aari(Fr) prophecy Mass
aaxisa(Fr) axama(Mk)satisfaction,fulfilment Deverbal(sourceverb,<aáx>)
Abayí Abayí PersonalName(♀)Abo'oo Abo'oo PersonalName(♀);c.f.abo'ooabo'oo(Fr) abu'u(Fr) newlywed(♀)
afa(Mk) afi'i(N∅) mouth afáda/aát ? birdsp. afaoha(Fr) afiohiingw(Mo) smothering
afa'uray(Mo) annoyance Massafa/ay(Mo) afa/i'i(N∅) thigh
Afa/ay Afa/ay PersonalName(♂);c.f.afa/ayafada/aatumó(Mo) afada/aát(Mo) birdsp. anysp.ofOrioleorOxpecker
afahho'aa(Fr) eloquence Massafawa/i(Ft) afawa/áy(Mo) windfall
afeeni(Fr)afeenaa(N∅)afeenáy(Mo) afeenadu(N∅) outside
afeetloo(N∅)afeetloo(N∅)afeetla'(N∅)
afeetlatlu(N∅)afeetlutlu(N∅)afeetludu(N∅) waist
afoo(Fr) voice,sound
afqurmó(Mo)
afqurma'(N∅)afqureema'(N∅)afqureeri(N∅) warthog
afurtlimi(Ft) afurtlumáy(Mo) simpleknot
NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural
482
afusa(Fr) afuumis(Mo) curse ageengw(Mo) dryseason
ahaarimó(Mo) ahaarima'(N∅) k.o.gourd Ahhamá PersonalName(♂);c.f.ahhamo
akeesi(Fr) akeesa'(N∅) cookingstone Alawaa Alawaa PersonalName(♂);c.f.Alawaa
Alawumo(Mo)Alawito'o(Fr) Alawaa
personofAlagwaethnicity(♂,♀respectively)
ale/isay(Mo) help alesleemu(Mo) ability Mass
alhhe'esáy(Mo) alhhe'esusu(N∅) end alki/it(Mo) story
Allee Allee PersonalName(♂);c.f.alleeallimó(Mo) allee(Fr) housepost
Alót Alót
PersonalName(♂);thiswasreportedtobeaveryrarename,ofasemi-mythicalancestor
alqadoo(Fr) alqadidiingw(Mo) agreeing Deverbal(sourceverb?<alqaát>)alu(N∅) behind Mass
Aluto'o PersonalName(♀);c.f.aluto'oalutumo(Mo)aluto'o(Fr) alutee(Fr)
last-bornchild(♂,♀respectively) [t]maybepronouncedas[s];c.f.alu
ama'ari(Fr) ama'aráy(Mo) reptilesp.anyslender,non-venomous,greensnake
amafa/umó(Mo) amafa/á(Fr) plantsp. (Parinariacuratellifolia)amageenda'i(Fr) amageendá'(Mo) plantsp. (Combretumzeyheri)
amama'umó(Mo) amama'ó(Fr) amama'odu(N∅) birdsp.Fork-tailedDrongo(Dicrurusadsimilis)
amanaani(Fr) amanaanáy(Mo) reptilesp.anyslender,venomous,greensnake(esp.Boomslang(Dispholidustypus))
NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural
483
Amaslukú(Fr) Amaslukú PlaceNameamato/i(Fr) amato/áy(Mo) snake amaxingi(Fr) amaxingaa(Fr) amaxingáy(Mo) crab Amay Amay PersonalName(♂)amayimó(Mo) amayó(Fr) plantsp. (Gynandropsisgynandra)Amayo Amayo PersonalName;c.f.amayóamayto'o(Fr) amayó(Mo) plantsp. (GynandropsisGynandra)ambaraki(Fr) ambarakáy(Mo) birdsp. anysp.ofdove
amoo(Fr) place Amowa Amowa PersonalName(♀)
amsi(N∅) night Amsí Amsí PersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.amsi
anxari(Ft) anxeroo(N∅) phlegm ara(Ft) ara'ar(Mo) seeing Deverbal(sourceverb,<ár>)Aroyá(Fr) Aroyá PlaceNameasfoolusumo(Mo)asfooluso'o(Fr) asfoolusee(Fr)
shitdisturber(♂,♀respectively)
askaarimó(Mo) askár(Mo) askaaráy(Mo)soldier askoofumó(Mo) askóf(Mo) askoofáy(Mo)bishop asla(Ft) asloo(N∅) fire Questionedform<aslatoô>Aweé PersonalName(♂);c.f.awee
Awish Awish
PersonalName(♂);thiswasreportedtobeaveryrarename,ofasemi-mythicalancestor
awu(Mo) awee(Fr) bull Axisa Axisa PersonalName(♀)
axweesani(Ft) axweesanáy(Mo) conversation aya(Mo) ayeemo(Na) land
Ayá/Abén(Mo) Ayá/Abén PlaceNameAyá/Awaákw(Mo) Ayá/Awaákw PlaceName
NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural
484
AyáHayshi(d)(Mo) AyáHayshi PlaceNameAyáTla/aa(Mo/Fr) AyáTla/aa PlaceNameAyamaango(M) Ayamaango PlaceNameAyasanda(Mo) Ayasanda PlaceNameAyaslakí(Fr) Ayaslakí PlaceNameAyaxoxo(ngw)(Mo) Ayaxoxo PlaceName
ayí(Fr) amu(N∅) mother(one'sown) ayishagá(Fr) ayishagadu(N∅) father'ssister ayoo(Fr) amu(N∅) mother(general) ba'aa(Fr) ba'u(N∅) grave
ba'aarimó(Mo) ba'aari(Fr) bee ba'aarimó(Mo) ba'ár(Mo) fly ba'animó(Mo) ba'aní(Fr) ba'anaa(Fr) reptilesp. anysp.ofgecko
ba'at(Mo) ba'ateema'(N∅) mammalsp.Greaterkudu(Tragelaphusstrepsiceros)
Ba/a Ba/a PersonalName(♂)ba/aata(N∅) fatigue Mass
Ba/aatá PersonalName(♀) PersonalName(♀);c.f.ba/aataba/i(Fr) mud Mass
Ba/i Ba/i PersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.ba/ibaabá(Mo) baabi'i(N∅) father baahaa(Fr) bahu(N∅) hyaena
Baahaa BaahaaPersonalName(♂,lesscommonly♀);c.f.baahaa
baahaárMaandaa(Fr) Maandaa'shorn baahhi(Fr) excessivenoise Mass
baalusmo(Mo)baaluso'o(Fr) baalusee(Fr)
master(♂,♀respectively)
baambari(Fr) baambár(Mo) bell Baambay(Mo/Fr) Baambay PlaceName
NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural
485
Babati(Fr) Babati PlaceNamebabi/i(Fr) baba/aa(Fr) insectsp. babumó(Mo) babi(Ft) insectsp. Bacho Bacho PersonalName(♂)Badináy Badináy PersonalName(♂)Badó Badó PersonalName
bafú(Mo) drizzle MassBagara(Fr) Bagara PlaceNameBagari(Fr) Bagari PlaceNameBagayí Bagayí PersonalName(♂)bahhaymó(Mo) bahháy(Mo) plantsp. (Syzigiumcordatum)Baahhi Baahhi PersonalName(♂);c.f.baahhi
balaali(Fr) balaangw(Mo) milletbalaalirefersto'onegrain'or'oneplant'ofmillet
Balaalí Balaalí PersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.balaaliBalaangw Balaangw PersonalName(♂);c.f.balaangwBalabalá PersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.balbalá
balasumó(Mo) balasi(Fr) pigeonpeabalasumórefersto'onepea'or'oneplant'
Balawá PersonalName(♂);c.f.Swahili'barua':'letter'
balbalá(Ft) balbaldu(N∅) road Balisaa Balisaa PersonalName(♂/♀)Balowá(Fr) Balowá PlaceNameBambaray Bambaray PersonalName(♂);c.f.bambaray
bambarimo(Mo) bambaree(Fr)bulrushmillet(onegrainoroneplant)
bami'ito'o(Fr) bamiya(Fr) okrafruit bamiyumó(Mo) bamiya(Fr) okraplant
NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural
486
bangilito'o(Fr)bangili(Fr)
bangiláy(Mo) k.o.bracelet bangimó(Mo) bangi(Fr) plantsp. (Tagetesminuta)Bani Bani PersonalName(♂)Banka Banka PersonalName(♂)Baqayoo Baqayoo PersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.baqayoo
baqayoo(Fr) baqaydu(N∅) court,chamber baqumó(Mo) baq(Mo) housepartition
bara(Ft) badu(N∅) side Questionedform<baratoô>bara/'(Mo) k.o.dance
Bara/ee PersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.bara/'orbara/i
bara/umó(Mo)bara/i(Fr)bará/'(Mo) plantsp.
bara/usumo(Mo)bara/uso'o(Fr) bara/usee(Fr)
dancer(♂,♀respectively)
barakaa(Fr) badu(N∅) piece Barán Barán PersonalName(♂)Barandí Barandí PersonalName(♂/♀)baranqumó(Mo) baranqú(Mo) baranquma'(N∅) plantsp. <baranqú>collectiveBardáy Bardáy PersonalName(♂)Bardee Bardee PersonalName(♂/♀)barisumo(Mo)bariso'o(Fr) barisee(Fr)
elder(♂,♀respectively)
bariyaa(Fr) bariyadu(N∅) k.o.disease Bariyeé Bariyeé PersonalName(♂)bariyomodi(Fr) bariyomodaa(Fr) plantsp. basa(Mk) south
basáy(Mo) left Bashaqee Bashaqee PersonalName(♂)
NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural
487
Basoo Basoo PersonalName(♂);c.f.GidabasooBasori Basori PersonalName(♀)
Basoroo BasorooPersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.derivedfrombasoroo
basorumó(Mo) basoroo(Fr)sorghum(onegrainorplant)
Basosideé(d) Basosideé PlaceNamebata(Fr) bata(Fr) duck Bata Bata PersonalName;c.f.bata
batlitimo(Mo)batlito'o(Fr)
batli(Ft)batláy(Mo) batlitima'(N∅)
younganimal,youngperson(♂,♀respectively)
Bay Bay PersonalName(♂)Bayjók Bayjók PersonalName(♂)baynimó(Mo) baynoo(Fr) pig
Bayo Bayo
PersonalName(♂);thiswasreportedtobeaveryrarename,ofasemi-mythicalancestor
Bee/á Bee/áPersonalName;possiblyderivedfrombee/aangw
bee/amó(Mo) bee/aángw(Mo) birdsp.White-eyedSlatyFlycatcher(Melaenornisfischeri)
bee/i(Fr) bee/aangw(Mo) sheep Bee/i Bee/i PersonalName(♂);c.f.bee/iBeekoo Beekoo PersonalName(♂/♀)
beerá(Mo) milk(fresh) MassBeerimi(Ft) Beerimi PlaceName
beerumó(Mo) beerimi(Fr)beerimáy(M)plantsp.(Dodoneaviscosa)
Bereqo(Fr) Bereqo PlaceName
NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural
488
bi/iní(Fr)bi/inaa(Fr)bi/ináy(Mo)
mammalsp.Silkyblesmol(Heliophobiusargenteocinereus)
bibilia(Fr) bibiliadu(N∅) bible Bichá Bichá PersonalName(♂)
bihhi(N∅) bihhihhee(Fr) side(ofthebody) biintlaa(Fr) wave Mass
bila(Mo)muddepositedbywater Mass
Bilaari BilaariPersonalName;c.f.theSwahili'bilauri':'drinkingglass'
Bilo Bilo PersonalName(♂)Binday Binday PersonalName(♂)
biriri/imó(Mo) birirí/(Mo) birdsp.Red-facedCrimsonwing(Cryptospizareichenovii)
Bisiye Bisiye PersonalName(♂)biyashara(Mo) commerce
Biyay Biyay PersonalName(♂)Biyedá Biyedá PersonalName(♂/♀)
bo/ay(Mo) multitude(ofpeople) MassBo/ay(Mo) Bo/ay PlaceNameBo/oo Bo/oo PersonalName(♂);c.f.boo/Bo/umo Bo/umo PersonalName(♂);c.f.boo/boksi(Mo) boksáy(Mo) bokseema'(N∅) box Bolos Bolos PersonalName(♂)
bomba(Fr) bombadu(N∅) pipe bombó(t)(Fr) bombodu(N∅) oldbeer
Bombó(t) Bombó(t) PersonalName;c.f.bombó(t)Bonga(Fr) Bonga PlaceName
NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural
489
Bonga BongaPersonalName(♂);c.f.theplacename<Bonga>
Bongani Bongani PersonalName(♂)Boo/í Boo/í PersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.bo/áy
Booga BoogaPersonalName(♂);c.f.theSwahili'boga':'pumpkin'
boohhaa(Fr) bundleoffirewood MassBoohhá PersonalName(♂);c.f.boohhaa
boohoongw(Mo) boohi'i(N∅) hole;crater
boohontó(Mo)boohonte'eeri(N∅)boohontima'(N∅) smallhole
Bookí Bookí PersonalName(♂)booloo(Fr) bolu(N∅) day
Bootá Bootá PersonalName(♂)
boyimó(Mo) boyáy(Mo)colonial-erasubvillageleader
bu'i(Ft) bu'áy(Mo) cosmeticburnmark
Bu'í Bu'íPersonalName(♂);c.f.bu'iorbu'uungw
Bu'u Bu'u PersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.bu'uungwbu'uungw(M) bu'uungw(Mo) harvest(harvesting?) Bubu(Mo/Fr) Bubu PlaceName
bubuka(Mo) insectsp. Massbuhha(N∅) quarrel Mass
Buhha PersonalName(♂);c.f.buhhaBunga(Mo) Bunga PlaceName
buraa(Fr) burdu(N∅) beer Buraá Buraá PersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.buraaburi(Ft) buráy(Mo) forehead
NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural
490
Burí BuríPersonalName(♀);c.f.buraaorBuraá
bursli(Fr) burslaa(Fr) plantsp. busla(Mo) whiteclay Mass
Buslá PersonalName(♂);c.f.buslabuunqaa(Fr) marsh Mass
Buuta PersonalName(♂)
chaabú(Mo) ichaabú(Mo)chaabú(Mo) louse
Chakala Chakala PersonalName(♂)Chalo Chalo PersonalName(♂)
chayi(Fr) tea Cheempoó Cheempoó PersonalName(♀)Chemchem(Mo/Fr) Chem-Chem PlaceNameChepa Chepa PersonalName(♂)chirimo(Mo) chirima' birdsp. anysp.ofblueandrufouskingfisher
chupaa(Fr) chupadu(N∅) bottle chupi(Fr) chupáy(Mo) underwear
da'aangw(Mo) song;singing da'ayee(Fr) fear
da'ayee(Fr) da'ayeedu(N∅) liver da'ayusumo(Mo)da'ayuso'o(Fr) da'aysee(Fr)
coward(♂,♀respectively)
da/a(Ft) da/a/aangw(Mo) burning Deverbal(sourceverb,<daá/>)da/alusumó(Mo) da/alusuma'(N∅) insectsp. da/alusumó(Mo) da/alusáy(Mo) plantsp. (Osyriscompressa)da/alusumo(Mo)da/aluso'o(Fr) da/alusee(Fr)
sorcerer(♂,♀respectively)
Da/araa Da/araa PersonalName(♂);c.f.da/araada/araa(Fr) ashes Mass
NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural
491
da/ari(N∅) witchcraft Da/atá Da/atá PersonalName(♂);c.f.da/ataDa/atí Da/atí PersonalName(♀);c.f.da/atada/áw(Fr) east da/eboo(N∅) da/awi(N∅) da/ebubu(N∅) chest daa'i(Fr) daa'aa(Fr) plantsp. Bamboo(Bambusavulgaris)
Daadú
PersonalName(♂);itwasnotedthatthismaybeaborrowingfromRangiword'duudu'(meaningunknown)
daafi(Fr) dafifiingw(Mo)bringingthecowshome Deverbal(sourceverb,<daáf>)
Daafí Daafí PersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.daafiDaahhí PersonalName(♂) PersonalName(♂);c.f.daahhi
daahhumó(Mo) daahhí(Fr) daahháy(Mo)birdsp.anysp.ofstarling
daama'umo(Mo) daamá(Mo) mammalsp. Commoneland(Taurotragusoryx)Daambáy Daambáy PersonalName(♂);c.f.daambáydaambumó(Mo) daambáy(Mo) birdsp. anysp.ofweaverdaamó(g)(Fr) daamó(g)(Fr) daamogadu(N∅) beard
daanda(Mo) daandeemo(Na) back Daanda/áy(Mo/Fr) Daanda/áy PlaceName
daangafi(Ft) daangafáy(Mo) k.o.gourd Daasham Daasham PersonalName(♂)
daasloo(Fr) daslisliingw(Mo)grindingmillet(roughly,forbeer) Deverbal(sourceverb,<daásl>)
Daasloó Daasloó PersonalName;c.f.daaslooDaatá Daatá PersonalName(♂)
daawaa(Fr) daawudu(N∅) medicine Daawee Daawee PersonalName(♀);c.f.daawu
NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural
492
daawu(Mo) daawee(Fr)elephant(Loxodontasp.)
daaxoo(Fr) daaxuxuungw(Mo) drawingblood Deverbal(sourceverb<daáxw>)dageenito'o(Fr) dageenoo(N∅) youngwoman Dago Dago PersonalName(♂)dahamu(Mo) darah(Mo) entering Deverbal(sourceverb,<dáh>)
dahasiingw(Mo) seeds Dahayeé PersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.dahayeedahaymo(Mo)dahayto'o(Fr) dahayee(Fr)
visitor(♂,♀respectively)
dahhaangw(Mo) dehheeri(N∅) k.o.gourd dahhami(Ft) dahhamáy(Mo) gully
daka'umó(Mo) daka'oo(Fr) plantsp. Baobab(Adansoniadigitata)Daka'umó(Mo) Daka'umó PlaceName
dakeeti(Fr) dakeetima'(N∅) mammalsp. anyzebrasp.daktani(Ft) daktanaa(Fr) fool(both♂ and ♀)
daktu'uma(Fr) stupidity Massdakw(Mo) dakwi'i(N∅) procedure
dalgaasi(Ft) dalgás(Mo) dalgaasáy(Mo) birdsp. Dalo Dalo PersonalName(♂)dama(Fr) damay(N∅) calf c.f.theSwahili'ndama':'calf'Damá Damá PersonalName(♂);c.f.damaDama'í Dama'í PersonalName(♂)damito(Fr) damaraangw(Mo) waiting Deverbal(sourceverb,<damaraám>)Damsi Damsi PersonalName(♂)
danú(Mo) dannee(Fr) honey Danú Danú PersonalName(♂);c.f.danúdaqa(Ft) daqoo(N∅) herd Daqanoó Daqanoó PersonalName(♂)
NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural
493
daqarmo(Mo)daqarito'o(Fr) daqaree(Fr)
richperson(♂,♀respectively)
daqaro(Fr) daqaangw(Mo) skinning Deverbal(sourceverb,<daáq>)Daqaro Daqaro PersonalName(♂);c.f.daqarodaqeemu(Mo) daqaqaangw(Mo) going Deverbal(sourceverb,<daqáy>)
daqway(Mo)
daqwa'(N∅)daqwi'i(N∅)daqwayee(Fr)
donkey;15-gallonmeasure
Daqway Daqway PersonalName(♂);c.f.daqway
daqwáysla/aa(Mo) daqwásla/aa(N∅)mammalsp.anyzebrasp.
Darabe DarabePersonalName(♂);possiblyfromDatooga
daráy(Mo) mane MassDarbaidú Darbaidú PersonalName
dari(Ft) daráy(Mo) comb(ofrooster) darma(Mo) grassland Mass
Datí Datí PersonalName(♂);c.f.dati
datumó(Mo) dati(Ft)dataa(Mo) plantsp. SausageTree(Kigeliaafricana)dawa(Mk) dabee(Fr) daba'(N∅) hand Dawár(Mo/Fr) Dawár PlaceNamedaweelimó(Mo) dawél(Mo) insectsp. Dawí Dawí PersonalNamedawri(Fr) sky,heavens SingulariaTantum
dawutimee(Fr) fatigue Dayo Dayo PersonalName(♂)De'emáy De'emáy PersonalName(♂);c.f.de'eengw
de'emisi(Ft) de'emisáy(Mo) birdsp.anysp.ofWagtail(esp.AfricanPiedWagtail(Motacillaaguimp))
NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural
494
de/arumó(Mo) de/ár(Mo) vein,root de/eeboo(N∅) de/eebubu(N∅) chest
deede/i(Fr) deedé/(Mo) birdsp. anysp.oflarkand(esp.)cisticoladeelimó(Mo) deeláy(Mo) kid(i.e.babygoat)
deeloo(Fr) delu(N∅) day deemu(Mo) beingpresent c.f.v.deer'bepresent'
deeqwaa(Fr) dequ(N∅) razor Deerimó(Mo) Deerimó PlaceNameDeleku Deleku PersonalName(♂)deli(Ft) delaa(Fr) mushroom Delí Delí PersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.delidesi(Fr) desu(Mo) girl di(Fr) yaamu(N∅) place
di/i(Ft) di/áy(Mo) oil Di/í Di/í PersonalName(♀);c.f.di/idifta(Fr) difiifiingw(Mo) hitting Deverbal(sourceverb,<diíf>)Difta Difta PersonalName(♂);c.f.diftadigirmó(Mo) digír(Mo) digirma'(N∅) footprint diimarusmo(Mo)diimaruso'o(Fr) diimarusee(Fr)
senileperson(♂,♀respectively)
diingi(Fr) diingoo(Fr) birdsp. diinku'uma(Fr) diinku'umadu(N∅) meeting
diinqi(Fr) diinqáy(Mo) slipknot,noose Diinyá Diinyá PersonalName(♂)
diitsaa(Fr) diitsa'(N∅) finger diqitádawa(Fr) diqiyádaba(N∅) forearm diraangw(Mo) direeri(N∅) lion
Diraangw Diraangw PersonalName(♂);c.f.diraangwditoo(Fr) ditoodu(N∅) enclosure
Ditoo Ditoo PersonalName(♀);c.f.ditoo
NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural
495
diwi(Ft) diwáy(Mo) salt
do'(Mo) maray(N∅)mar'i(N∅) house
do/í(Fr) do/áy(Mo) canerat do/ita(Fr) do/imit(Mo) scurryingaway Deverbal(sourceverb,<do/iít>)Do/ita PersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.do/itadohhisa(Fr) dohhimis(Mo) fining Deverbal(sourceverb,<dohhiís>)Dohom(Mo) Dohom PlaceName
doloodumó(Mo) doloó(d)(Mo) doloodima'(N∅) birdsp.SouthernGround-hornbill(Bucorvusleadbeateri)
Doofaa Doofaa PersonalName(♂);c.f.doofaadoofaa(Fr) dofu(N∅) rhinoceros
Doohhoo Doohhoo PersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.doohhoodoohhoo(Fr) dohhu(N∅) fine
Doloó Doloó PersonalName(♂);c.f.doloó(d)doomu(Mo) doomi'i(N∅) rainyseason
Doongo Doongo PersonalNamedoosla(Fr) doslit(Mo) farming Deverbal(sourceverb,<doósl>)Dooslá Dooslá PersonalName(♂);c.f.dooslaDorobo Dorobo PersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.durboodorowumó(Mo) dorowáy(Mo) bastard
du'uma(Mo) du'eemi(N∅) leopard,cheetah Du'uma Du'uma PersonalName(♂);c.f.du'uma
du/ú(Mo) fat Massdu/uma'ú(Mo) plantsp.
dugunó(Mo) dugeeni(N∅) thumb,bigtoe Dulay Dulay PersonalName(♂)
dunga(N∅) dungugu(N∅) nose duqusa(Fr) duqumis(Mo) throwing Deverbal(sourceverb<duúq>)
NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural
496
durboo(Fr) durbodu(N∅)colonial-eraforestclearing
c.f.theSwahili'mdarobo'(?):'tsetsefly';alsopronounced<darbo>
duukaa(Fr)duukadu(N∅)duukanáy(Mo) shop
Duuqay Duuqay PlaceNameduura'i(Fr) duura'áy(Mo) flame
Duuru(Mo) Duuru PlaceName
Duuru DuuruPersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.eitherDuuru,orduura'i
duutsú(Mo) soup Massduuxa(Fr) duxut(Mo) takingout Deverbal(sourceverb,<duúx>)
duwa(N∅) sap Mass
duwa/i(Fr) duwa/aa(Fr) duwa/áy(Mo)
mammalsp.anysp.oflong-snoutedmouse-likerodent(sengi,etc.)
Duwanqeedimo(Mo)Duwanqeedito'o(Fr) Duwanqeé(t)
personofMaasaiethnicity(♂,♀respectively)
duxoo(Fr) duxuxuungw(Mo)duxut(Mo) marriage
<duxuxuungw>(Men)<duxut>(Women):actofmarryingorbeingmarriedmanytimes,ormanymarriages
Duxoo Duxoo PersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.duxooEero Eero PersonalNameEnda Enda PersonalName(♂/♀)Endabég(Fr) Endabég PlaceNameEndadimeé(d)(Fr) Endadimeé PlaceNameEndadoósh(Fr) Endadoósh PlaceNameEndadu(Fr) Endadu PlaceNameEndagidingee(Fr) Endagidingee PlaceName
NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural
497
Endagile(Fr) Endagile PlaceNameEndagwee(Fr) Endagwee PlaceNameEndahobariye(d)(Fr) Endahobariye PlaceNameEndakiso(Fr) Endakiso PlaceNameEndamaqee(Fr) Endamaqee PlaceNameEndamutungay(Fr) Endamutungay PlaceNameEndanachán(d)(Fr) Endanachán PlaceNameEndarbo(Fr) Endarbo PlaceNameEndare(Fr) Endare PlaceNameEndarqadát(Fr) Endarqadát PlaceName
fa/aa(Fr) fa/oo(N∅) ugali
faanfe'(Mo) faanfe'eeri(N∅) reptilesp.anylarge,striped,venomous,brownsnake
Faante Faante PersonalName(♂)faara(Ft) fadu(N∅) bone
faari(Fr) faaroo(Fr) counting c.f.faaraFaheli(Fr) Faheli PlaceName
fala(Ft) faloo(N∅) cowhide(rope) faltádaqway(Fr) faloódaqwa'(N∅) saddlebag
farasmó(Mo) farás(Mo) horse Farayo Farayo PersonalName(♂)
fe'o(Fr) fe'i'iingw(Mo)harvestinglightlyforhouseholdfood
Fe'o Fe'o PersonalName(♂);c.f.fe'ofeehhimi(Ft) feehhimáy(Mo) crevice
fi'it(Mo)heedingthealarmcall(<oyee>) Deverbal(sourceverb<fi'iít>)
Fi'itá PersonalName(♀);c.f.fi'itfiisoo(Fr) fisiisiingw(Mo) stealing Deverbal(sourceverb,<fiís>)
NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural
498
fiisusumo(Mo)fiisuso'o(Fr) fiisusee(Fr)
thief(♂,♀respectively)
fiitsi(Ft) fiitsáy(Mo) broom
filá(Mo)fileemo(N∅)fileema'(N∅)
anteater(Orycteropusafer)
Filalí Filalí PersonalName(♀)Firimeni Firimeni PersonalName(♂)
firimo(Fr) fiririingw(Mo)firoo(Fr)
asking,praying,prayer Deverbal(sourceverb,<firiím>)
fitsimó(Mo) fitsi(Fr)fitsaa(Fr)
plantsp.(Acaciahockii)
foola(Fr) folit(Mo) burying Deverbal(sourceverb,<foól>)foolusumo(Mo)fooluso'o(Fr) foolusee(Fr)
burier(♂,♀respectively)
foori(Fr) fooroo(Fr) flute
fooxaa(Fr)foxu(N∅)fooxanáy(Mo) hole(small)
Fooyá Fooyá PersonalName(♂)Fu'unáy PersonalName(♂);c.f.fu'unayfu'uni(Fr) fu'unay(N∅) meat(onepiece) Fula Fula PersonalName
fulanamó(Mo)fulana(Mo)fulanáy(Mo) fulanama'(N∅)shirt
fuqi(Ft) adultery Mass
fuqumó(Mo) fuqi(Ft)fuqaa(Fr) plantsp.
WhistlingThornorBlack-GalledAcacia(Acaciadrepanolobium)
fuqunádaqwáy(Mo) plantsp.
fuqunó(Mo) fuqeeni(N∅)nail(i.e.finger-,toe-),claw
fur'a(Fr) wind MassFurijí Furijí PersonalName(♂)
NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural
499
furu(Mo) furree(Fr) twig,toothbrush furúiitsaangw(Mo) furúiitsaawe(Mo) plantsp. (Tragiabrevipes)
furutlutlu'a(Ft) furreetlutlu'uungw(Mo) brushingone'steeth fuufí(Fr) fuufeemo(N∅) mammalsp. ga(Fr) moro'(Mo) thing
ga/alee(Fr) ga/aledu(N∅) shield ga/atini(Ft) ga/atanáy(Mo) fever(high)
ga/awngw(Mo)looking(i.e.foralongtime)
MassDeverbal(sourceverb<ga/áw>)
ga/awusmo(Mo)ga/awuso'o(Fr) ga/awusee(Fr)
colonialoverseer(♂,♀respectively)
gaanslay(Mo) speed,pace Massgaari(Fr) gaaridu(N∅) car,motorvehicle
gaasa(Fr) gaamis(Mo)killing,extinguishing,breaking Deverbal(sourceverb,<gaás>)
Gaché Gaché PersonalName(♂)
Gadi GadiPersonalName(♂);c.f.theEnglish'God'
Gadiyee Gadiyee PersonalName;c.f.gadiyeé(d)gadiyeé(d)(Fr) gadiyeedu(N∅) work,labour
galapi(Fr) galapoo(Fr) plantsp. (Piliostigmathonningii)Galapoo(Fr) Galapoo PlaceName
galaxandimó(Mo)galaxandito'o(Fr) galaxandáy(Mo) galaxandima'(N∅)
personwithasmallbody(esp.achild)(♂,♀respectively)
Galaxoo Galaxoo PersonalName(♀);c.f.galaxandí
Gamahha GamahhaPersonalName(♂);possiblyfromAlagwa(etymonunknown)
gamiaa(Fr) gamiadu(N∅) camel
NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural
500
gamu(N∅) gammee(Fr)
underneath(n.),foot(e.g.ofatree,mountain,etc.)
gangalhhimó(Mo) gangalhhima'(N∅) weddingbracelet garaangw(Mo) gareeri(N∅) mouse,rat
Garaangw Garaangw PersonalName;c.f.garaangwgarma(Mo) daaqay(Mo) boy,youngman Garo Garo PersonalName(♂)gasesmó(Mo) gasesáy(Mo) gasesima'(N∅) reptilesp.
gawá(Ft) up(n.) Questionedform<gawatoô>Gawday PersonalName(♂);c.f.gawdigawdi(Fr) gawdaa(Fr) plantsp. (Acacianilotica)Gayuw(Mo) Gayuw PlaceNameGedabósh(Fr) Gedabósh PlaceNameGedamár(Fr) Gedamár PlaceName
gee/ay(Mo) gee/aawee(Fr)slope,shelfinatraditionalhouse
Gee/ay Gee/ay PersonalName(♀);c.f.gee/aygee/umó(Mo) gee/ó(Mo) birdsp. anysp.ofRock-thrushGeejay Geejay PersonalName(♂)Jeela Jeela PersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.jeela
geenaangw(Mo) geenaawee(Fr) birdsp.
anymedium-sizedraptorwhichhuntsprimarilybyrapidlysnatchingitsprey(goshawks,etc.)
Geenáy Geenáy PersonalName(♂);c.f.geenaangwgeenda'i(Fr) geendá'(Mo) plantsp. Geendí(Fr) Geendí PlaceNameGeeni/i(Ft) Geeni/i PlaceName
geera(N∅) front(n.) Mass
NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural
501
geeraharusumo(Mo)geeraharuso'o(Fr) geeraharusee(Fr)
leader,guide(♂,♀respectively)
Geeso GeesoPersonalName(♂);c.f.theDatooga<geeso>:atypeoftraditionalbeer
Geeta'í Geeta'í PersonalName(♂)Geetalongoó(d)(Fr) Geetalongoó PlaceNameGeetará(Fr) Geetará PlaceNameGeewee Geewee PersonalName(♂)Gesbeé(d)(Fr) Gesbee PlaceName
gewoó(d)(Fr) disease MassGiahalo Giahalo PersonalName(♂)
Gichame GichamePersonalName(♂);perhapsderivedfromDatooga(etymonunknown)
Gidabaqár(Fr) Gidabaqár PlaceNameGidabaso Gidabaso PersonalName(♂);c.f.BasoGidahababiyeé(d)(Fr) Gidahababiyeé PlaceName
Gidahoonda GidahoondaPersonalName(♂);perhapsderivedfromDatooga(etymonunknown)
Gidahuta GidahutaPersonalName(♂);perhapsderivedfromDatooga(etymonunknown)
Gidale GidalePersonalName(♂);perhapsderivedfromDatooga(etymonunknown)
Gidamondo(Fr) Gidamondo PlaceName
Gidangoo GidangooPersonalName(♂);perhapsderivedfromDatooga(etymonunknown)
Gidaqalle(Fr) Gidaqalle PlaceNameGidaqarbu(Mo) Gidaqarbu PlaceNameGidás(Fr) Gidás PlaceNameGideeme Gideeme PersonalName(♂)Gideeráy Gideeráy PersonalName(♂)
NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural
502
Gideshaán(d)(Fr) Gideshaan PlaceName
Gidira GidiraPersonalName(♂);perhapsderivedfromDatooga(etymonunknown)
Gidisoo Gidisoo PersonalName(♂)gidondoori(Fr) gidondór(Mo) gidondoráy(Mo) gidondoori Gidonga Gidonga PersonalName(♂)
giheerií(d)(Fr) giheeridima'(N∅) mammalsp. Stripedhyaena(Hyaenahyaena)Giicharo Giicharo PersonalName(♂)Giilago Giilago PersonalName(♂)Giinawe Giinawe PersonalName(♂)giiroo(Fr) gigidiingw(Mo) ambushing Deverbal(sourceverb,<giír>)
giirwaangw(Mo) giirweeri(N∅) plantsp. (Catunareganspinosa)Giirwawee Giirwawee PersonalName(♂);c.f.giirwaangwGiisá Giisá PersonalName(♀)Giisana Giisana PersonalName(♂)Giisini Giisini PersonalName(♂)Giitiyá Giitiyá PersonalName(♂)
giitsee/a'(N∅) giitsee/u/u(N∅) face,forehead gila(N∅) quarrel Mass
gilá'(Mo) gil'eeri(N∅) hide(undried)
Gilacha GilachaPersonalName;perhapsderivedfromDatooga(etymonunknown)
Gilangoy Gilangoy PersonalName(♂)Gilika Gilika PersonalName(♂)Gilooyá Gilooyá PersonalName
Ginaná GinanáPersonalName(♂);perhapsderivedfromDatooga(etymonunknown)
Ginyaba GinyabaPersonalName(♂);perhapsderivedfromDatooga(etymonunknown)
Giroo PersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.giroo
NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural
503
Giroyí(Fr) Giroyí PlaceNamegisaangi(Fr) gisaangá'(N∅) k.o.gourd
Gisboy Gisboy PersonalName(♂)
Giseemboo GiseembooPersonalName(♂);perhapsderivedfromDatooga(etymonunknown)
Giseerí PersonalName(♂);c.f.giseerí(d)
giseerimó(Mo) giseerí(d)(Mo)
giseeridu(N∅)giseerima'(N∅)giseeridima'(N∅) potforspecialbeer
Gishingde GishingdePersonalName(♂);perhapsderivedfromDatooga(etymonunknown)
Gitariyo GitariyoPersonalName(♂);perhapsderivedfromDatooga(etymonunknown)
gitlahharimó(Mo) gitlahheeri(Fr)gitlahharima'(N∅) entranceposts
Gitorí(Fr) Gitorí PlaceNameGitsiimi(Fr) Gitsiimi PlaceNamegitsimi(Fr) gitsoo(Fr) leaf,bladeofgrass Gitsoo Gitsoo PersonalName(♂);c.f.gitsoo
Giturú GiturúPersonalName(♂);perhapsderivedfromDatooga(etymonunknown)
giwti(Fr) darkness Mass
gixsaa(Fr)gixsadu(N∅)gixseema'(N∅) town,city
Giyambay Giyambay PersonalName(♂)Giyee Giyee PersonalName(♂);c.f.giyeé(d)
giyeé(d)(Fr) famine Gobaré Gobaré PersonalName(♂)Godawn(Fr) Godawn PlaceNameGongá Gongá PersonalName(♂)
NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural
504
gongooxi(Fr) gongoxa'(N∅) elbow gonoxumó(Mo) gonoxuma'(N∅) ankle
Goodí PersonalName(♂);c.f.theSwahili'kodi':'tax"
goofaangw(Mo)goofaawee(Fr)goofeeri(N∅) antelopesp.
gooli(Fr) gooláy(Mo) goal(infootball) Goombáy Goombáy PersonalName(♂)Gootí Gootí PersonalName(♂)gootlumó(Mo) gootló(Mo) birdsp. anysp.ofRobin-ChatsGora Gora PersonalName;c.f.gorangaGoranga(Mo) Goranga PlaceName
goranga(Mo) songforhero
Gormo(Mo)Gorto'o(Fr) Gorwaa(N∅)
personofGorwaaethnicity(♂,♀respectively)
<Gorwaa>maybereducedto<Goraa>
gotla(Mo) gootlitiingw(Mo)gotlit(Mo) insulting Deverbal(sourceverb?<goótl>)
Goyandí GoyandíPersonalName;perhapsderivedfromDatooga(etymonunknown)
gu'ute(Fr)
gu'usa(Fr)guugu'usa(Fr)gugu'umis(Mo) sleeping
Deverbal(sourceverb,<guú'>);<gugu'umis>repeatedlylaying(someone)downtosleep
Gu/uloo Gu/uloo PersonalName(♂);c.f.gu/aGu/umá Gu/umá PersonalName(♂);c.f.gu/umá
gudoo(N∅) guddee(Fr) testicle gufu(Mo) guffee(Fr) smoulderingstick
guhhulay(Mo) guhhuli'i(N∅) club(i.e.aweapon) Gujonjó Gujonjó PersonalName(♂)Guldáy Guldáy PersonalName(♂)
NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural
505
gulguchaandi(Fr) gulguchandaa(Fr) plantsp. (Zanhaafricana)
gulungulita gulungulimit(Mo)making(sth.)intoasphere Deverbal?
gumbayayá'(Mo) gumbayaya'ee(Fr) kidney
Gunakí GunakíPersonalName;perhapsderivedfromDatooga(etymonunknown)
gura'(Mo) gur'i(N∅) stomach gureendi(Fr) gureendáy(Mo) donkeycolt
gurhami(Fr) misgiving Massgurhhoo'a(Fr) good(n.) Mass
gurkwa/ama(N∅) encouragement Massguro'óslee(Mo) guri'íyiikwa(N∅) unborncalf Guronjó Guronjó PersonalName(♂)
gurtlakwee(Fr) malevolence Massgurtleemu(Mo) pity,mercy Mass
gurtu(Mo) gurtaawee(Fr) malegoat Gurtu Gurtu PersonalName(♂);c.f.gurtu
gurungura'(Mo)gurungure'i(N∅)gurungureeri(N∅) knee
guta/ati(Fr) guta/atoo(Fr) plantsp. (Dombeyasp.)
gutlá'(Mo)mucilagenousside-dish
guundurufi(Fr) guundurufaa(Fr) reptilesp. RoyalPython(?)(Pythonregius)gwa'ara(Fr) gwa'ardu(N∅) death Deverbal(sourceverb<gwaá'>)gwa'ara(Fr) gwagwa'aangw(Mo) dying,breaking Deverbal(sourceverb<gwaá'>)Gwa'i PersonalName(♂/♀) PersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.gwa'ara
gwa/ateema(N∅) light
gwaambumó(Mo)gwaambú(Mo)gwambáy(Mo) gwambeemoo(N∅)birdsp.
White-browedCoucal(Centropussuperciliosus)
Gwaande/i Gwaande/i PersonalName(♂);c.f.gwaande/imó
NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural
506
gwaande/imó(Mo) gwaandé/(Mo) gwaande/ima'(N∅) tomcat gwalay(Mo) gwali'i(N∅) vagina
gwaloo(Fr) huntinghoneyMassDeverbal(sourceverb<gwaluús>)
Gwalo PersonalName(♂);c.f.gwaloo
gwambú(Mo) gwambeemo(N∅)animaltrap(madeofnetting)
Gwambú Gwambú PersonalName(♂);c.f.gwambú
Gwanadí GwanadíPersonalName(♀);perhapsderivedfromDatooga(etymonunknown)
Gwandí Gwandí PersonalName(♂)gwandu(Mo) gwandaawee(Fr) malesheep gwandu(Mo) gwanda(?) plantsp.Milkweed (Gomphocarpusfruticosus)
Gwandú Gwandú PersonalName(♂);c.f.gwandu
gwantsumó(Mo) gwantsáy(Mo) gwantseema'(N∅) birdsp.anysp.ofParadise-Whydah,Whydah,orIndigobird
gwar/i(Fr) gwár/(Mo) gwar/ay(Mo) mammalsp.Brindledgnu,Commonwildebeest(Connochaetestaurinus)
gwareesi(Fr) gwarés(Mo) birdsp. anyvulturesp.gwe'edoo(N∅) gwe'edudu(N∅) buttock
gweelo(Fr)
protesting(specificallybywomen)
MassDeverbal(sourceverb<gweeluús>)
Gweelo Gweelo PersonalName(♂);c.f.gweeloogweerusumo(Mo)gweeruso'o(Fr) gweerusee(Fr)
saviour(♂,♀respectively)
gwehhimó(Mo) gwehhima'(N∅) rib gwerehhi(Fr) gweréhh(Mo) dikdik(large) Gwerehhí Gwerehhí PersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.gwerehhigwu/a(Ft) gwu/uungw(Mo) swallowing Deverbal(sourceverb,<guú/>)
NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural
507
gwu/uma(Mo) gwu/eemi(N∅)carcass,badlyburnedperson,stogie
Haangáy Haangáy PersonalName(♂)
habahambi(Fr)habahamboo(Fr)habahambáy(Mo) spider
Habiyé HabiyéPersonalName(♂);c.f.theBarbaig'habiye':'hyena'
Hajanja HajanjaPersonalName;c.f.theSwahili'mjanja','aclever,craftyperson'
Hamani Hamani
PersonalName(♂);c.f.theSwahili'amani';alsoN.B.'HamaniDiori'wasthefirstpresidentofNiger
Hamdi Hamdi PersonalName(♀)hampú(Mo) hampe'eeri(N∅) wing
hamslitoo(Fr) bathingMassDeverbal(sourceverb<hamsliím>)
Hanarumó(Mo) Hanarumó PlaceNameHangoni(Fr) Hangoni PlaceNamehapeelimó(Mo) hapél(Mo) hapeelima'(N∅)birdsp.;mammalsp. anysp.ofnightjar;anysp.ofbatHaqweé Haqweé PersonalName(♂)Hara/a(Fr) Hara/a PlaceNameharafari(Fr) harafaroo(Fr) hope
Harár HarárPlaceName(Semi-MythicalPlace)
harariyoodaa(Fr) harariyoodáy(Mo) harariyoodudu(N∅)semi-mythicalcreature
hardahamu(Mo) hardarah(Mo) arriving Deverbal(sourceverb<hardáh>)haree(Fr) tiyay(N∅) wife hareékuráy hárrkuráy birdsp. hammerkophareérloolií(d)(Mo) hareérloolií(d)(Mo) birdsp.
harimaa(Fr) harimadu(N∅) justice,right
NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural
508
haritlakwee(Fr) accident,disaster MassHariyá Hariyá PersonalName(♂)harma'i(Fr) harma'oo(Fr) shoot(i.e.ofplant)
harmagahhitoo(Fr) vigilance MassHarmo Harmo PersonalName(♂)
harweera(Fr) harwedit(Mo)harweririingw(Mo) surrounding
Deverbal(sourceverb<harweér>)<harwedit>'surrounding'(actiononlytakesashortperiodoftime),'returningagainandagain'<harweririingw>'surrounding'(actiontakesorlastsalongtime)
Harweeri Harweeri PersonalName(♂);c.f.harweerahasloo(Fr)hasliroo(Fr) idea(s) Mass
hatliroo(Fr) hatliingw(Mo)hatlitliingw(Mo)
trappingwithbirdlime Deverbal(sourceverb?<haátl>)
hatloo(Fr)hatliroo(Fr) difference(s) Mass
hawweé(d)(Fr) haweedu(N∅) hawweedima'(N∅) hippopotamus Haydee Haydee PersonalName(♂)hayi(Ft) hayaa(N∅) feather Hayshí Hayshí PersonalName(♂)Haytemba(Mo/Fr) Haytemba PlaceNamehee(Mo) muu(Mk) person Heegaru Heegaru PersonalName(♂)heele/i(Fr) heelé/(Mo) birdsp. anyheronoregret-likewaterbirdHeeloo PersonalName;c.f.heeloo
heeloo(Fr) k.o.song Massheeyuma(Fr) character,humanity Mass
Hemét(Fr) Hemét PlaceName
NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural
509
Hhaalaa(Fr) Hhaala PlaceNamehhaalaa(Fr) hhalu(N∅) well
Hhaaloo PersonalName(♀) Hhaaloo;c.f.hhaalaahhaami(Fr) destruction Mass
hhaamú(Mo) hhameema'(N∅) trap(birdsnare) hhay(Mo) hha'i(N∅) line,stripe
hhafti(Fr) hhaftáy(Mo)hhafeeto(N∅)hhafeetutu(N∅) reedmat(large)
hhafumó(Mo) hhafa(Ft) ceilingpole Hhalahhaláy Hhalahhaláy PersonalName(♂);c.f.hhalahhali
hhalahhali(Ft) hhalahhaláy(Mo)hhalahhala'(N∅)hhalahhalima'(N∅) extrafinger
Hhalu(Mo) Hhalu PlaceNameHhamandá Hhamandá PersonalName(♂)
hhamhhamó(Mo) hhamhhama'(N∅) eyebrow
Hhandoo PersonalName(♂);c.f.theIraqw<hhandoo>:'thecryofadonkey'
Hhangalí HhangalíPersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.hhangalimó
hhangalimó(Mo)hhangál(Mo)hhangalí(Mo) SodomApple
Hhangú Hhangú PersonalName(♂);c.f.hhangwíHhanguwa Hhanguwa PersonalName(♂);c.f.hhangwíhhangwí(Fr) hhaangwaa(Fr) plantsp. (Ormocarpumtrichocarpum)Hhanslá Hhanslá PersonalName(♂);c.f.hhanslihhansli(Fr) hhanslaa(N∅) cornstalk Hhanslí Hhanslí PersonalName(♀);c.f.hhanslihhantimó(Mo) hhantima'(N∅) shadow
hhapee(Fr) soil Hhapee Hhapee PersonalName(♂);c.f.hhapee
NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural
510
hhar'imó(Mo) hhar'í(Fr)hhar'aa(Fr) plantsp.
WildMango(Tabernaemontanaventricosa)
hhara(Ft) hhadoo(N∅) stick,staff hharahharumó(Mo) hharahhará(Mo) insectsp. Hharí Hharí PersonalName(♂);c.f.hharí
hhartsi(Fr) air Masshharusumó(Mo) hharí(Fr) weeds
hhasaangw(Mo) sand Masshhaseerimó(Mo) hhaseerima'(N∅) sandyplace hhawata(Mo) hhawate(N∅) man
hhawumó(Mo) hhawáy(Mo) plantsp.DesertDate,Simple-ThornedTorchwood(Balanitesaegyptiaca)
Hhayma PersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.hhayuma
hhaysoo(N∅)hhaysusu(N∅)hhayseema'(N∅) tail
hhayuma(Fr) hhayumadu(N∅) journey
Hheehhá Hheehhá
PersonalName;derivedfromhheehhaa.Giventoachildfollowingthedeathsofpreviouschildren.
hheehhaa(Fr) gluttony Masshheehhaa(Fr) hhehhu(N∅) gullet
hheera(Mo) discontent Mass
Hheerá Hheerá
PersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.hheera;iftwinsareborn,thelargerofthetwowillbenamed<Salahoo>,andthesmallerofthetwowillbenamed<Hheerá>.
Hheewaasi Hheewaasi PlaceNameHheewaasí Hheewaasí PersonalName(♂);c.f.hheewaasi
hheewaasumó(Mo)hheewaasi(Fr)hheewás(Mo)
plantsp.(Brachystegia
NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural
511
boehmii)
Hhekee Hhekee PersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.hhekw
hhekw(Mo)
iihhekit(Mo)hhekit(Mo)iihheekikiingw(Mo)hheekikiingw(Mo) drawingwater Deverbal(sourceverb<hheék>)
Hhili Hhili PersonalName(♂)Hhilo Hhilo PersonalName(♂)hhima'i(Fr) hhimami(Fr) sorrow Deverbal(sourceverb?)
hhimindi(Fr)hhimindaa(N∅)hhimindáy(Mo)plantsp.
Hhimindí Hhimindí PersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.hhimindihhinhhinimó(Mo) hhinhhiní(Ft) pumpkin
hhintitiingw(Mo) exertion Masshhirhheerimó(Mo) hhirhheeri(N∅) hhirhheerima'(N∅) tear
hhiya'(Mo) hhi'i(N∅) brother hho'oo(Fr) hho'odu(N∅) sister hhooki(Fr) hhookáy(Mo) birdsp. anysp.ofwhite-collaredpigeon
Hhookí Hhookí PersonalName;c.f.hhookí
hhumpú(Mo)
hhumpe'eeri(N∅)hhumpupu(N∅)hhumpepee(Fr) lung
hhuntsitoo(Fr) hhuuntsitsiingw(Mo) washingclothes Deverbal(sourceverb<hhuúnts>)
hhuruhurumó(Mo) hhurahúr(Mo) hhurahuruma'(N∅) birdsp.anysp.ofBulbulandGreenbul,orTurdusThrush
Hhurumpí Hhurumpí PersonalName(♂)hhutlumó(Mo) hhutleemi(N∅) rope Hi'ití PersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.v.hi'iíthi'itinoo(Fr)hi'intini(Ft) hi'imit(Ft) going Deverbal(sourceverb<hi'iít>)
NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural
512
Hiindi HiindiPersonalName(♂);c.f.theSwahili'Mhindi':'personofIndianorigin'
hiinsla(Mo) hiinsleema'(N∅) breath Hiintáy Hiintáy PersonalName
hiitsi(Fr) dew MassHiiyaángw(Fr) Hiiyaángw PlaceNameHilú Hilú PersonalName(♀)
hima(Mo)himi'i(N∅)himmee(Fr) rope
himtu(Mo) himtaawee(Fr) birdsp. anysp.ofowlhimtu(Mo) himtetee(N∅) necklace(metal)
hirit(Mo) sewingMassDeverbal(sourceverb<hiriít>)
Hoolo Hoolo PersonalName(♂)Hoomaa Hoomaa PersonalName(♂);c.f.hoomaaHoomam(Mo) Hoomam PlaceNamehoomo(Mo) fullmoon SingulariaTantumhoomo(Mo)hoomito'o(Fr) hoomaa(Fr)
outsider(♂,♀respectively)
Hoonda Hoonda PersonalName(♂/♀)
hoota(N∅) lifeMassDeverbal(sourceverb<hoót>)
hootari(Fr) life,livingMassDeverbal(sourceverb<hoót>)
Hosé Hosé
PersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.theEnglish'horse'(perhapsduringencounterswithwhitepeopleduringtheWorldWars)
Hoshán(d)(Fr) Hoshán PlaceNameHuché Huché PersonalName(♂)
NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural
513
Hulán Hulán
PersonalName(♂);c.f.theDatooga<hulan>:asmallhutlocatednearthehousereservedforspecialmeetingsofmenonly
humay(Mo)
earthdugfromthefloorofthehouseandplacedontheroof Mass
Humay Humay PersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.humayHumba/áy PersonalName(♀) PersonalName(♀);c.f.humba/aya
humba/aya(Fr)
whitecolourationaroundtheribsandhindlegsofcattle Mass
humri(Fr)milletmash(stageinmakingbeer) Mass
Humuri PersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.humurihurusumo(Mo)huruso'o(Fr) hurusee(Fr)
cook(♂,♀respectively)
hutlay(Mo) hutli'i(N∅) earthencookingpot huuriingw(Mo) cooking Deverbal(sourceverb<huriím>)huwa(N∅) burden Massido(Fr) manner
ii'aa(Fr) ii'a'(N∅) ear iidí(g)(Mo) news
iikwu/a(Ft)kwu/a(Ft) iikwu/uungw(Mo)
makingrope,askingquestionstogetanswers Deverbal(sourceverb<kwuú/'>)
iimbilií(d)(Mo) iimbililí(N∅) iimbililima'(N∅) birdsp. Iimboo Iimboo PersonalName(♀)
iimi(Fr) people,moresMass<eemeé(d)>isarelatedequivalent
NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural
514
iimpee(Fr) iimpepu(N∅) trough Iingamú Iingamú PersonalName(♂)Iingigí Iingigí PersonalName;c.f.iingigiiingigimó(Mo) iingigi(Ft) locust Iingwaagwí Iingwaagwí PersonalName(♂)Iinja Iinja PersonalName(♂)iinqwaari(Fr) iinqwár(Mo) clothing iinslahhumó(Mo) iinslahhoo(Fr) plantsp. (Steganotaeniaaraliacea)iinslawumo(Mo)iinslawito'o(Fr) iinslawáy(Mo)
iinslaweema'(N∅)iinslaweedu(N∅)
neighbour(♂,♀respectively)
iintsahhatisa(Fr) iintsahhatimis(Mo) teaching deverbalIintsahháy Iintsahháy PersonalName;c.fiintsahhatisa
iintsu/i(Fr) iintsu/áy(Mo)suppletreebark,fashionedintocords
iirimbumó(Mo) iirimbí(Mo) iirimbáy(Mo) birdsp. anysp.ofcrestedcuckoo
iitsaangw(Mo)iitsaawee(Fr)iitseema'(N∅) jackal
il/arumó(Mo) il/aráy(Mo) birdsp. anysp.ofSparrow-Larkila(Ft) ilaa(N∅) ila'(N∅)eye ila(Ft) iloo(N∅) spring
ila'/awaákw(Mo) ila'/awaakeema'(N∅) spider Ila/aantsimó(Mo) Ila/aantsimó PlaceName
ilahhoo'a(Fr) gift Ilanda Ilanda PersonalName(♂)
ilatleeri(Fr) greed ilimó(Mo) ila(N∅) seed
imbáy(Mo) silk(i.e.ofcorn) MassImbililí(d)(Ft) Imbililí PlaceName
impirimó(Mo) impira(Mo)impireema'(N∅) ball
NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural
515
imu/u/uungw(Mo) beginningMassDeverbal
indaxaxu'umó(Mo) indaxaxá'(Mo) plantsp. (Phyllanthusengleri)Ineeraa Ineeraa PersonalName;c.f.ineeraaineerumó(Mo) ineeraa(Fr) mosquito
inkahhay(Mo) inkahhi'i(N∅) wound
iree/imi(Ft)ire/imáy(Mo)iree/iingw(Mo) cosmeticscars
irimba(Ft) irimbadu(N∅) thumbpiano irindimó(Mo) irindima'(N∅) calf,bicep
iringeé(d)(Fr) sin iringeedusumo(Mo)iringeduso'o(Fr) iringedusee(Fr)
sinner(♂,♀respectively)
Iroo Iroo PersonalName(♂)
Irqutu(Mo)Irquto'o(Fr) Iraqw(N∅)
personofIraqwethnicity(♂,♀respectively)
Iruqutu Iruqutu PersonalName(♂);c.f.Irqtuisa(Ft) isoo(N∅) neck
isa' isa'(Mo) so-and-so
Singularformtakesgendercorrespondingtothesexofthereferent
isamó(Mo) isama'(N∅) breast itinmó(Mo) itina(Fr) insectsp. iwitinaangw(Mo) iwiwit(Mo) sitting Deverbal(sourceverb<iwiwiít>)Jabu Jabu PersonalName(♂)
jangáy(Mo)jangeema'(N∅)jangedu(N∅) mammalsp.
Greatergalago(Otolemurcrassicaudatus),orsquirrelsp.
NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural
516
Jangwá Jangwá
PersonalName(♂);thereisanintuitionfromspeakersthatthisdoesnotderivefromtheSwahili'jangwa':'desert'
jeela(Fr) jeeladu(N∅) privateroom jimbo(Fr) jimbodu(N∅) state
julunjulumó(Mo) julunjulu(Mo) insectsp. ka'ami(Fr) ka'eemo(Mo) pieceofsth.split
Ka'andí Ka'andí
PersonalName(♂);c.f.idiom<ka'>:thesoundofhitting(e.g.rainonaroof)
Kaají Kaají PersonalName(♂)kaambi(Fr) kaambáy(Mo) camp
Kaambi(Fr) Kaambi PlaceNameKaandák(Mo/Fr) Kaandák PlaceNameKaangá/ Kaangá/ PersonalName(♂)Kaangaroo Kaangaroo PersonalName(♂);c.f.kaangarookaangarumó(Mo) kaangaroo(Fr) doorplank
kaangumó(Mo) kaanga(Fr)kaangadu(N∅)kaangeema'(N∅) khanga(material)
kaanjoo(Fr) kaanjuju(N∅) skirt
kaankay(Mo)kaanki'i(N∅)kaanke'eeri(N∅) reptilesp. anysp.oftortoiseorterrapin
kaankimó(Mo) kaanki(Fr) kaankima'(N∅) edge kaasi(Fr) work,labour Mass
Kabalee Kabalee PersonalName(♀)
kabeechi(Fr)cabbage(i.e.asachoppeddish) Mass
kabeechimó(Mo) kabeechima'(N∅)cabbage(i.e.asaplant)
NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural
517
kala/a(Fr) kala/andoo(Fr)kala/aangw(Mo) kicking,stamping
Deverbal(sourceverb<kalaá/>)<kala/ando>'stamping'<kala/aangw>'kicking'
kala/a(Fr) footprint DeverbalKala/i Kala/i PersonalName(♂);c.f.kala/a
kalambeetú(Mo) kalambeetima'(N∅) mammalsp. kalamu(Mo) kalameemo(N∅) pen(i.e.forwriting) kalay(Mo) kali'i(N∅) spot
kampaarumó(Mo)kampaarto'o(Fr) kampár(Mo)
barrenwoman(exclusively♀)
kaniki(Fr) kanikáy(Mo) blackcloth Kaniki Kaniki PersonalName;c.f.kaniki
kanisa(Fr) kanisadu(N∅) church kanu(Mo) kannee(Fr) tendon
kaptula(Mo) kaptuleema'(N∅) shorttrousers Karamá Karamá PersonalName(♂)
karanga(Fr) peanut karerimo(Mo) karerá(Mo) blacksmith
karkari(Ft) grub Karkarí PersonalName;c.f.karkari
karkarmó(Mo)karkari(Ft) karkeero(N∅)partofthetraditionalhouse
Karrá(Fr) Karrá PlaceName
Kashomó(Fr) KashomóPlaceNameQuestionedform<Kashomoheê>
Kasi Kasi PersonalName;c.f.kasikataanimó(Mo) kataani(Fr) sisal Kayó(Fr) Kayó PlaceName
keeke(Fr) keekedu(N∅) anklet keesi(Fr) keesáy(Mo) umbilicalcord
NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural
518
Keya Keya
PersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.theEnglish'King'sAfricanRifles'or'KAR'[kej.aj.a],afightingdivisionformedduringtheSecondWorldWar
Ki/ee Ki/ee PersonalName(♂);c.f.ki/aki/ima(N∅) kikii/(Mo) returning Deverbal(sourceverb<kií/>)
kideri(Fr) k.o.disease MassKifaru(Mo) Kifaru PlaceNameKiimbé Kiimbé PersonalName(♂)Kiimbilí Kiimbilí PersonalName(♂)
kiinsororó(q)(Mo) kiinsororoquma'(N∅) snail
kiinta(Mo)kiinte'eeri(N∅)kiintima'(N∅) scrub,brush
kiintla/umó(Mo) kiintla/i(Mo) kiintla/áy(Mo) birdsp. anysp.ofTrueShrikes,andBoubouskiirkankumó(Mo) kiirkanká(Mo) reptilesp. anysp.ofagamakijiji(Fr) kijijáy(Mo) kijijima'(N∅) village
kilaabu(Mo) kilaabeemo(N∅)club,drinkingestablishment
c.f.theSwahili'kilabu',andtheEnglish'club'
Kilaabu PersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.kilaabukilo(Fr) kilo,weight
kilqi(Fr) kilaliq(Mo) shame Deverbal?Kimando Kimando PersonalName(♂)kimoli(Fr) kimolaa(Fr) cornstalkwaste Kimoli Kimoli PersonalName(♀);c.f.kimoliKimoloo Kimoloo PersonalName(♂);c.f.kimoli
kinoo(Fr) kinnu(N∅) smallclaywaterpot Kiongozi(Fr) Kiongozi PlaceName
kipumó(Mo) kipa(Mo)kipeema'(N∅)kipadu(N∅)
goalkeeper(infootball)
kipay(Mo) kipi'i(N∅) handle
NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural
519
kipisi(Fr) kipisáy(Mo) kipiseema'(N∅) piece,scrap
kirasimó(Mo) kirasi(Fr)kirasáy(Mo)kiraseema'(N∅) potato
Kiru(Mo) Kiru PlaceName
kisusumó(Mo) kisusi(Fr)kisusáy(Mo)kisuseema'(N∅) roofbeam
kitagwa'a(Fr) miscarriage kitaabu(Mo) kitabeemo(N∅) book kitaangw(Mo) kiteeri(N∅) chair
kitaángwya'a'(Mo) kiteeriya'a'(N∅) stool kitambaa(Fr) kitambaadu(N∅) fabric,rag
kitangeeri(Fr) kitangér(Mo) kitangeerima'(N∅) dryingrack kitungurmó(Mo) kitunguru(Mo) onion Kituwáy(Mo) Kituwáy PlaceName
kiyo(Fr) kiyodu(N∅) glass,mirror
Kodi KodiPersonalName(♂);c.f.theSwahili'kodi':'tax'
koleeyo(Fr) koleeyodu(Mo) pliers Komotó(Mo/Fr) Komotó PlaceNameKongolo Kongolo PersonalName(♂)
koodi(Fr) tax Masskookoomi(Ft) kookoomáy(Mo) k.o.gourd
kookumó(Mo) kookumaa(N∅) birdsp. AfricanHoopoe(Upupaafricana)kookumó(Mo) kookuma'(N∅) rooster Kookumó Kookumó PersonalName(♂);c.f.kookumó
kookumódanú(Mo) kookumádanú(N∅) birdsp.
kookumósla/a(Mo) kookumásla/aa(N∅) birdsp.Questionedforms<kookumósla/atoô>and<kookumásla/aatoô>
kooloo(Fr)kolu(N∅)koll'i(N∅) heel
NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural
520
koomi(Fr) koomáy(Mo) k.o.cow Koomí Koomí PersonalName(♀);c.fkoomi
koona(Fr) koonadu(N∅) corner koonki(Fr) koonkoo(Fr) chicken Koonkí Koonkí PersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.koonki
koopaa(Fr) lackofaside-dish MassKoopaá Koopaá PersonalName(♂);c.f.koopaa
Korokoni Korokoni
PersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.theSwahili'korokoni':'guard-post','watch-station','camp'
Krishanumo(Mo)Krishanito'o(Fr) Krishanáy(Mo)
Christian(♂,♀respectively)
kudihi(Fr) kuduháy(Mo) wovenplatform Kudihi Kudihi PersonalName(♂);c.f.kudihikududi(Fr) kudúd birdsp. pelican(Pelecanusonocrolatus)Kukeeno Kukeeno PersonalName(♂)Kukulo Kukulo PersonalName(♂)kumalumó(Mo) kumaluma'(N∅) plantsp. Kumba' Kumba' PersonalName(♂)
kunday(Mo) kuundi'i(N∅) wrist
kunee(Fr)kunnu(N∅)kunndu(N∅) mortar
kura(Ft) kuriyoo(N∅) anus
kuray(Mo) kuraawee(Fr) birdsp.any(largelywedge-tailed)raptor,includingkitesandharriers
kurmo(Mo) kureemi(N∅) hoe kuru(Mk) kureeri(N∅) year
kusbi(Fr) kusbaa(Fr) reptilesp. anysp.ofBlindSnakeorWormSnakekuti(Ft) kutaa(Fr) mammalsp. mole;alsopronouncedkutíKuti Kuti PersonalName(♂);c.f.kuti
NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural
521
kutubaabi(Fr) kutubaaboo(Fr) insectsp. kutuutimo(Mo) kutút(Mo) kutuutuma'(N∅) rag
kuumbá'(Mo) kuumbi'i(N∅)brother-in-law,otherwifeofbrother-in-law
kuunseeli(Fr) kuunseeláy(Mo) earthquake Kuunseelí Kuunseelí PersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.kuunseelikuunti(Fr) kuuntoo(Fr) graincontainer
kwa/aangw(Mo) kwa/eeri(N∅) hare Kwa/aangw Kwa/aangw PersonalName(♂);c.f.kwa/aangwkwaansumó(Mo) kwaansáy(Mo) plantsp. (Achyrathesaspera)
kwaasiyumó(Mo) kwaasiyó(Mo) birdsp.
anysp.ofcuckooorlong,uprightpasserine(robin,nightingale,warbler,etc.)
kwahha(Ft) kwahhkwahh(Mo) throwing Deverbal(sourceverb<kwaáhh>)Kwahha Kwahha PersonalName(♂);c.f.kwahhaKwahhee Kwahhee PersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.kwahhaKwaku Kwaku PersonalName(♂)
kwalo'o(Fr) kwe'eeli(Fr) widow Kwará/(Fr) Kwará/ PlaceName
kwarara/a(Fr) thunder Mass
kwasiyaangw(Mo) insectsp.Alternatepronunciation<kwasisaangw>
kwasleema(Fr) kwasleemadu(N∅)bringforthacomplaint Deverbal?
kwe/e/eni(Ft) kwe/e/enaa(Fr) mammalsp.Black-neckedroxhyrax(Procaviajohnstoni)
Kwere(Fr) Kwere PlaceNameKwu/umbá(Fr) Kwu/umbá PlaceName
kwu/uungw(Mo) kwu/u/ee(Fr) wall La/áy La/áy PersonalName(♂)
NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural
522
Laalí Laalí PersonalName(♂);c.f.laalí(d)laalidumó(Mo) laalí(d)(Mo) laalidima'(N∅) plantsp. (Hymenodictyonfloribundum)Laawáy Laawáy PersonalName
laawi(Fr)farminginthemorning
MassDeverbal(sourceverb<laáw>)
Lacho Lacho PersonalName(♂)Lago Lago PersonalName(♂)Lagweén Lagweén PersonalName(♂)
lakwanti(Fr)lakwanta'(N∅)lakwantáy(Mo) wovenbackpack
Lalá' Lalá' PersonalName;lalisalalisa(Fr) lalimis(Mo) searchingforfood Deverbal(sourceverb<laliís>)
lama(Ft) lamoo(N∅) lie Langay Langay PersonalName(♂)
lapitimó(Mo) lapiya(Fr) cash(onepiece)c.f.theSwahili'rupia':'coin','money'(dated)
Lapiya Lapiya PersonalName(♀);lapiya
laqeelimó(Mo)laqayi(Fr)laqeela'(N∅)laqayaa(N∅) thorn
Laqwáy Laqwáy PersonalName(♂)
lawaalimo(Mo) lawaalee(Fr)servant;personwhodoesodd-jobs
lawalaa(Fr) lawulu(N∅) spear Lawee'i Lawee'i PersonalName(♂);c.f.lawee'i
lawee'i(Fr) k.o.rain MassLawi Lawi PersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.laawiLayaa Layaa PersonalName(♂);c.f.layaa
layaa(Fr) laydu(N∅) brandingiron layda(Mo) arduouserrands Mass
Layda Layda PersonalName(♂);c.f.layda
NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural
523
Le/áy Le/áy PersonalName(♂)lee'i(Fr) aara(N∅) goat
Leeba Leeba
PersonalName(♂);thereisanintuitionamongspeakersthatthiswordsdoesnotderivefromtheEnglishword'labour'
Leehhara Leehhara PersonalName(♂/♀)Leelee Leelee PersonalName(♂)
leeleehhit(Mo) searchingMassDeverbal(sourceverb<leeleehiít>)
Leesó Leesó PersonalName(♂)leetlakutumó(Mo) leetlákw(M) birdsp. anysp.ofWoodlandHornbillLi/áy Li/áy PersonalName(♂)
Limida LimidaPersonalName(♀);c.f.limida:theactionofsatingone'sneedforbeer
Limidá LimidáPersonalName(♂);c.f.limida:theactionofsatingone'sneedforbeer
lo'aa(Fr) sun SingulariaTantumlo'aa(Fr) lalu(N∅) hour
lo'eema(N∅) truth lo'oo(Fr) lo'oodu(N∅) curse
loo/i(Fr) lo/oo(Fr) grass(oneblade) Loohay Loohay PersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.loohayloohay(Mo) lolihiingw(Mo) movinghouse Deverbal(sourceverb<lóh>)
Loohí LoohíPersonalName;c.f.theIraqw<loohi>:road,path
loohiisoo(Fr) carryingMassDeverbal(sourceverb<loohiís>)
Loolí Loolí PersonalName(♂);c.f.loolí(d)loolí(d)(Mo) loolidima'(N∅) birdsp. anysp.ofDryBushHornbill
NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural
524
Loomá Loomá PersonalName(♂)loomó(Mo) loomi'i(N∅) plantsp. (Tremaorientalis;Grewiasimilis)
loori(Fr) looráy(Mo) truck,lorryc.f.theSwahili'lori',andtheEnglish'lorry'
Loori Loori PersonalName(♂);c.f.looriLoosí Loosí PersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.loosí
loosumó(Mo) loosí(Fr)bean(oneplant,onebean)
lootoo(Fr) lootitiingw(Mo) milking Deverbal(sourceverb<loót>)Lootoo Lootoo PersonalName(♂);c.f.lootooLu/umi Lu/umi PersonalName;c.f.lu/umi
luki(Ft) lukáy(Mo) reedmat Lulú Lulú PersonalName(♂/♀)Luukú Luukú PersonalName(♂)
ma'aay(N∅) water MassMa'u Ma'u PersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.ma'uma/a/aymó(Mo) ma/a/ayí(Ft) insectsp.
ma/aáytlakwi(Fr) ma/aáytlakwa(Fr) plantsp. (Carissaedulis)Ma/ala Ma/ala PersonalName(♂);c.f.ma/ali
ma/ali(Fr) ma/aláy(Mo) sheep'sdewlap Ma/arí Ma/arí PersonalName(♂/♀);ma/árma/arimó(Mo) ma/ár(Mo) runnerbean ma/arimó(Mo)ma/ari(Fr) ma/ár(Mo) treesp. ma/ayaangumó(Mo) ma/ayaangú(Mo) plantsp. (Ximeniacaffra)
maa'oo(fr) ma'u(N∅) cat Maajá Maajá PersonalName(♂)
NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural
525
maamaháy(Mo)
leftoversfrommakingbutter(i.e.waterymilk),impuritiesleftinthebottomofliquidbutterafteraddingflour Mass
maamáy(Mo) maami'i(N∅) mother'sbrother maamba(Fr) maambadu(N∅) crocodile c.f.theSwahili'mamba':'crocodile'
Maamoo Maamoo PersonalName(♀)maanaa(Fr) manu(N∅) zombie
Maandimo(Mo)Maandito'o(Fr) Maanda(N∅)
personofBantuethnicity(♂,♀respectively)
Maando'oo PersonalName(♂);c.f.MaandaMaangisá PersonalName(♂)Maangware'i PersonalName(♂);c.f.maangwaré'
maangware'ito'o(Fr) maangwaré'(Mo)milletsp.(i.e.grainsorheadsof)
maangware'umó(Mo) maangwaré'(Mo) milletsp.(i.e.plants) Maaniya Maaniya PersonalName(♂)maankari(Ft) maankaroo(N∅) lightning
maantee(Fr) unmarriedgirl MassMaarí Maarí PersonalName(♂)
Maasay MaasayPersonalName(♂);c.f.theIraqw<maasay>'ritualmedicine'
maaxaangw(Mo)hiding;periodofritualseclusion Mass
Mabiwá Mabiwá PersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.mabiwamabiwito'o(Fr) mabiwá(Mo) milletsp. Machikwá Machikwá PersonalName(♂)machungito'o(Fr) machungwa(Mo) orange(i.e.fruit) c.f.theSwahili'machungwa':'orange'
NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural
526
machungumó(Mo) machungwa(Mo) orange(i.e.plant) c.f.theSwahili'machungwa':'orange'Madege(Fr) Madege PlaceNameMaga'í Maga'í PersonalName(♂)maga'umó(Mo) maga'(Mo) leech Magariya Magariya PersonalName(♂)Mageení Mageení PlaceName
mahaangw(Mo) meheeri(N∅) arrow Mahala Mahala PersonalName(♂)mahhatimó(Mo) mahheetoo(N∅) mahheetitu(N∅)shelter Mahhí Mahhí PersonalName(♂)Maidú Maidú PersonalName(♂)Majengo(Fr) Majengo PlaceName
Makambí MakambíPersonalName(♂);c.f.theSwahili'makambi':'camps'
Makee Makee PersonalName(♀);c.f.makaymakito'o(Fr) makay(N∅) animal Makombó Makombó PersonalName(♂)Malafí Malafí PersonalName(♂)Malalimó(Mo) Malalimó PlaceNamemalalimó(Mo) malalima'(N∅) canoe Malambo Malambo PersonalName(♂)Malange Malange PersonalName(♂)
Maleé MaleéPersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.adv.<malé>:'also'
malhhari(Ft) malhheero(N∅) pus Maliís Maliís PersonalName(♂)malmawito'o(Fr) malmaw(Mo) lime(i.e.fruit) c.f.theSwahili'limau':'lime'malmawmó(Mo) malmaw(Mo) malmawma'(N∅) lime(i.e.plant) c.f.theSwahili'limau':'lime'Maloombá Maloombá PersonalName(♂)mama/ari(Ft) mama/eero(N∅) disease Deverbal(sourceverb<mamaá/>
NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural
527
Mamahasumó Mamahasumó PlaceNameMamát Mamát PersonalName(♂)Mamiire Mamiire PlaceNamemanaakwumó(Mo)manaakwito'o(Fr) manákw(Mo) greenvegetablesp.
Manakwí ManakwíPersonalName(♂,lesscommonly♀);c.f.manákw
Manamba ManambaPersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.theSwahili:'manamba':'numbers'
Manange Manange PersonalName(♂)
Manangu MananguPersonalName(♂);c.f.theSwahili'mwanagu':'myson'
Manaxa(t)(Mo/Fr) Manaxa PlaceNameMaanday Maanday PersonalName(♂);c.f.MaandaMaandáy Maandáy PersonalName(♀);c.f.MaandaMaandimo Maandimo PersonalName(♂);c.f.MaandaMaandito'o Maandito'o PersonalName(♀);c.f.MaandaMaando'oo Maando'oo PersonalName(♀);c.f.Maanda
mangallu/umó(Mo) mangalelé'(Mo)mangalle/ima'(N∅) insectsp.
Mangula Mangula PersonalName(♂)Mani/í Mani/í PersonalName(♂);c.f.mani/imani/imó(Mo) mani/i(Fr) unripenedmillet Maningí Maningí PersonalName(♂)Maqabu Maqabu PersonalName(♂)Maqwáy Maqwáy PersonalName(♂)mar'i(Fr) mar'oo(Fr) cave mara/antsimó(Mo)mara/antsito'o(Fr)
mara/ants(Mo)mara/antsí(Fr)
mara/antsáy(Mo)mara/antsima'(N∅)grasshopper
Maraqoo Maraqoo PersonalName(♂)
NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural
528
Mareqwa Mareqwa PersonalName(♂)maringi(Fr) maringaa(Fr) beehive Markwa Markwa PersonalName(♂)
marmo(Fr)women'sinitiationceremony Mass
Marmo Marmo PersonalName(♂);c.f.marmomarmuso'o(Fr) marmusee(Fr) femaleinitiate Marós Marós PersonalName(♂)Marsan Marsan PersonalName(♂)masasukumó(Mo) masasikí(Fr) insectsp. maslarumó(Mo) maslár(Mo) plantsp. (Hoslundiaopposita)Masong PersonalName;c.f.MasóngMasongamo(Mo)Masongito'o(Fr) Masóng(Mo)
whiteperson(♂,♀respectively) c.f.theSwahili'mzungu'
masoombi'ima(Fr)youth(i.e.stageoflife) Mass
masoomo(Mo) masoombaa(Fr) youngman Matahhará Matahhará PersonalName;c.f.matahharámatahharumó(Mo) matahharaa(Mo) insectsp.
Matí Matí
PersonalName(♂);thiswasreportedtobeaveryrarename,ofasemi-mythicalancestor
Matitó(Fr) Matitó PlaceNamematla/aangw(Mo) matle/eeri(N∅) indoorcattlepen
matlatlee(N∅) morning MassMatlee PersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.matlatlee
matsaf(Mo) matsafefee(Fr) eyelid Maweni(Fr) Maweni PlaceNameMaxa Maxa PersonalName(♂);c.f.maxaangwMaxoo Maxoo PersonalName(♂);c.f.maxaangw
NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural
529
Maya Maya PersonalName(♂)Maydoo Maydoo PersonalName(♀)Maydú Maydú PersonalName(♂)Mayeega Mayeega PersonalName(♂)Mayeengú Mayeengú PersonalName(♂)Mayi Mayi PersonalName(♂/♀)Maynoori Maynoori PersonalName(♂)Mayo Mayo PersonalName(♂)Mayombá Mayombá PersonalName(♂)Mayonga Mayonga PersonalName(♂)
Mayrú MayrúPersonalName(♂);c.f.theSwahiliplacenameMeru
Maysá Maysá PersonalName;c.f.MaysákMaysák(Mo/Fr) Maisák PlaceNameMbaalá Mbaalá PersonalName(♂)Mbuyuni(Fr) Mbuyuni PlaceName
mchongomumo(Mo) mchongoma(Fr)mchongomadu(N∅)mchongomeema'(N∅) plantsp.
mchungajimo(Mo) wachungajáy(Mo) pastor me'e'eeli(Fr) me'e'eelaa(Fr) plantsp. Meeda Meeda PersonalName(♂)
meehhaya(Fr) speckles Meehhí Meehhí PersonalName(♀);c.f.meehhayameemeehhi(Fr) meeméhh(Mo) meemeeháy(Mo) wovenbackpack Meendá Meendá PersonalName(♂)
meesa(Fr) meesadu(N∅) table c.f.theSwahili'mesa':'table'Memera(Fr) Memera PlaceNameMemés Memés PersonalName(♀)Migiree Migiree PersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.migírmigirimó(Mo) migír(Fr) firewood
NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural
530
Miirambí Miirambí PlaceNamemiitimó(Mo) miiti(Fr) tree c.f.theSwahili'miti':'trees'
mila(Fr) tradition Mass;c.f.theSwahili'mila':'tradition'Minjo Minjo PersonalName(♂)Minslay Minslay PersonalName(♂)Miomboni(Fr) Miomboni PlaceNameMiqay Miqay PersonalName(♂)Mirando Mirando PersonalName(♂)mishnarimó(Mo)mishnarito'o(Fr) mishnaráy(Mo)
missionary(♂,♀respectively)
mkowa(Fr) mikoadu(N∅) regionAlternatepronunciation<mukowa>;c.f.theSwahili'mkoa':'region'
Mkuyuni(Fr) Mkuyuni PlaceNameMoheé Moheé PersonalName(♂)mokoki(Fr) mokokoo(Fr) earwax mootumó(Mo) mootó(Mo) birdsp. SwahiliSparrow(Passersuahelicus)
moro'(Mo) menstrualperiod Massmorongi(Fr) morongaa(Fr) plantsp. (Zanthoxylumchalybeum)Mororo/i(Ft) Mororo/i PlaceName
motoka(Fr) motkiingw(Mo)motkit(Fr) scrubbingdirt Deverbal(sourceverb?)
Mrár(Fr) Mrár PlaceNameMudeeki Mudeeki PersonalName(♂);veryraremugugunumó(Mo) mugugunáy(Mo) insectsp. Muhalé Muhalé PersonalName(♂)Muhanjá Muhanjá PersonalName(♂)
Muhindi Muhindi
PersonalName(♂);c.f.theSwahili'muhindi':'corn',or'Mhindi':'personofIndianorigin'
NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural
531
Muhindimó(Mo)Muhindito'o(Fr) Muhindáy(Mo) Muhindima'(N∅)
personofIndianorigin(♂,♀respectively)
Mulhháy Mulhháy PersonalName(♂)mulhhírgwandu(Fr) mulhhárgwanda(Fr) plantsp. (Pupalialapacea)
Muli Muli PersonalName(♂)mulki(Fr) mulkáy(Mo) mulkekee(Fr) scar Muloo Muloo PersonalName(♂)mulqumo(Mo)mulqito'o(Fr)
mulqusee(Fr)mulqee(Fr)
friend(♂,♀respectively)
muluqumó(Mo) muluquma'(Fr) plantsp. Mumuyee Mumuyee PersonalName(♂)
muna(Mo) refusingsomething munenee(Fr) anger Mass
muqsli(Fr) muqslaa(Fr) iron
muqús(Mo) muqusesee(Fr)milletmash(stageinmakingbeer)
Muree Muree PersonalName(♀);c.f.muruumitMureemí Mureemí PersonalName(♂);c.f.muruumitMuruki(Fr) Muruki PlaceName
murungú(Mo) murungeema'(N∅) navel muruumit(Mo) murumurumit(Mo) beingshy Deverbal(sourceverb<muruút>)Musee Musee PersonalName(♂);c.f.musuMushuqú Mushuqú PersonalName(♂)
musu(Mo) mussee(Fr) pestle Mutuká(Fr) Mutuká PlaceNameMuumbalá(Mo/Fr) Muumbalá PlaceNameMuuná PersonalName(♂);c.f.muuná
muuná(Mo) muuneema'(N∅) heart muundari(Ft) muundaráy(Mo) bracelet(spiral)
NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural
532
muundáy(Mo) chaff Massmuungi(Fr) muungú(Mo) gourd(i.e.plant,fruit)
Muungí Muungí PersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.muungiMuungú Muungú PersonalName(♂);c.fmuungúMuqusí Muqusí PersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.muqúsNa/aa PersonalName(♂);c.f.na/ay
na/aasa(Fr) na/amis(Mo)daubingahutwithmud Deverbal(sourceverb<na/aás>)
Na/aasi PersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.na/aasa
na/amís(Mo)
dishofcornandbeans(Sw.'makande') Mass
Na/amo PersonalName(♂);na/amóna/amó(Mo) na/ameemoo(N∅) feralcat na/aní(Fr) na/eema'(N∅) penis
na/arimo(Mo) na/aroo(Fr)greenfirewood(onepiece)
na/armó(Mo)na/ari(Fr)na/ár(Mo)
grassypatch,smallareawheregrassgrowsreliably(oftenwet)
na/ay(Mo)na/i'i(N∅)na/a'(N∅) child
Na/roo Na/roo PersonalName(♂);na/roona/roo(Fr) smallburnmarks Massna/uuma(Fr) childhood Mass
naada(Fr) naadadu(N∅) cattlemarketc.f.theSwahili'mnada':'cattlemarket'
Naalí Naalí PersonalName(♀)Naambay Naambay PersonalName(♂)naana'i(Fr) naaná'(Mo) naana'áy(Mo) k.o.gourd
NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural
533
Naanagí Naanagí PersonalName;c.f.naanagínaanagumó(Mo) naanagí(Ft) larva naanagumó(Mo) naanagaa(Fr) maggot Naandí Naandí PersonalName(♂)
Naangay NaangayPersonalName(♂);c.f.exclam.<naangáy>
Naani/oo Naani/oo PersonalName(♂)naanú(Mo) naaneemo(N∅) side-dish
Nada Nada PersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.nadanafumó(Mo) nafaa(Fr) plantsp. (Bracystegiamicrophylla)Nagayo Nagayo PersonalName(♂)
Nahháy Nahháy
PersonalName(♂);c.f.v.<nahhay>:theactofgoadingorannoyingsomeone(e.g.toprovokethemtofight)
Nakwa(Fr) Nakwa PlaceNameNakwá Nakwá PersonalName(♂);c.f.Nakwa
Nambari NambariPersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.theSwahili'nambari':'number'
Nambo/orí Nambo/orí PersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.nambo/orínambo/orumó(Mo) nambo/orí(Fr) greenvegetablesp.
nanahaangw(Mo) begging,cajolingMassDeverbal(sourceverb<nanaá'>)
nanahhumo(Mo) nanahhuma'(N∅) skull Nangara(Fr) Nangara PlaceNamenangarumó(Mo) nangareré'(Mo) birdsp. anysp.ofswift,martin,orswallow
Nani Nani
PersonalName(♂);thereisanintuitionamongspeakersthatthisworddoesnotderivefromtheSwahili'nani':'who'
Naqalí Naqalí PersonalName(♂)
NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural
534
Naqaloo Naqaloo PersonalName(♂/♀)naqimó(Mo) naaqáy(Mo) naqima'(N∅)canoe Naqo Naqo PersonalName(♂)narkusumo(Mo)narkuso'o(Fr) narkusee(Fr)
poorperson(♂,♀respectively)
nasmó(Mo) nasma'(N∅) plantsp. palmNawdá Nawdá PersonalName(♂)Nawe Nawe PersonalName(♂)
nawri(Fr) fare(e.g.bus,etc.) MassNaxi Naxi PersonalName(♂)Nayda Nayda PersonalName(♂)Naytsorí(Fr) Naytsorí PlaceName
ndowa(Fr) ndowadu(N∅) marriage,wedding nee'armó(Mo) nee'ár(Mo) nee'arma'(N∅) birdsp. Neefurda Neefurda PersonalName(♂)Neenú Neenú PersonalName(♂)Neeqwáy Neeqwáy PersonalName(♂)
neetoo(Fr)playing,game(esp.onewithrules),sex Deverbal(sourceverb<neét>)
neewi(Fr) neewaa(N∅) thread Negamsí(Mo/Fr) Negamsi PlaceName
Ngadi NgadiPersonalName(♂);perhapsderivedfromDatooga(meaningunknown)
Ngarenaro(Fr) Ngarenaro PlaceNameNgaytó(Mo) Ngaytó PlaceName
ni/i/ileema'(N∅) smallness
Ni/iloo Ni/iloo
PersonalName(♀);asmallperson,pygmy(?),orpersonexhibitingdwarfism
nii/imó(Mo) nii/imi(N∅) plantsp. Commpihora(Commiphoraafricana)
NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural
535
Niiná Niiná PersonalName(♂)niinga(Mo) niingeema'(N∅) drum
Niingá NiingáPersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.eitherniingáorniinga
niingeesimó(Mo)niingeesi(Fr)niingés(Mo) niingeesima'(N∅) plantsp.
niingimó(Mo) niingá(Mo) birdsp. AfricanGreen-Pigeon(Treroncalva)nikikitsa(Fr) slime Mass
Nodék Nodék PersonalNameNoni Noni PersonalName(♀)Nonoqoo Nonoqoo PersonalName(♂)Noogá Noogá PersonalName(♂)Noondí Noondí PersonalName(♂)nor'oosa(Fr) nor'omis(Mo) injuring Deverbal(sourceverb?)Nunuqá Nunuqá PersonalName(♀)Nuquya Nuquya PersonalName(♂)Nuwagi Nuwagi PersonalName(♂)Nuwasi Nuwasi PersonalName(♂)
nya'ú(Mo) nya'u'eema'(Mo) cat Nya'ú Nya'ú PersonalName(♂);c.f.nya'úNyaba Nyaba PersonalName(♂)
Nyamahandi NyamahandiPersonalName(♂);averycommonname
Nyamát(Fr) Nyamát PlaceNameNyangula Nyangula PersonalName(♂)Nyangweelí Nyangweelí PersonalName(♂)Nyawarí(Fr) Nyawarí PlaceNameNyoohá Nyoohá PersonalName(♂)Nyusloo Nyusloo PersonalName(♂)Nyuungú(Fr) Nyuungú PlaceName
NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural
536
Nyuurí Nyuurí PersonalName(♂)Odabindo(Fr) Odabindo PlaceNameOdagát(Fr) Odagát PlaceNameoha(Fr)ohiingw(Mo) oh'ohiingw(Mo) catching,seizing Deverbal(sourceverb<óh'>)
oo'o'iingw(Mo) saying Deverbal(sourceverb<oó'>)Oo/ím(Mo) Oo/ím PlaceName
oonaa(Fr) onu(N∅) k.o.gourd Oonaá Oonaá PersonalName
oro'ondi(Fr)oro'ondaa(Fr)oro'ondáy(Mo) plantsp.
Oro'ondí Oro'ondí PersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.oro'ondiororompi(Fr) ororompáy(Mo) birdsp.
Orungadi(d)(Fr) Orungadi PlaceNameOysterbey(Fr) Oysterbey PlaceNamepa/alimó(Mo) pa/ali(Ft) pa/alaa(Fr) wickerwork
paandaa(Fr) paandadu(N∅)baldspot(i.e.oncrownofhead)
Paandaá Paandaá PersonalName;c.f.paandaa
paanga(Fr)paangadu(N∅)paangagu(N∅) machete,sword
panimó(Mo) panáy(Mo) orphan
papayimó(Mo) papáy(Mo)papaydu(N∅)papayima'(N∅) papaya(i.e.plant)
papayito'o(Fr) papayáy(Mo) papaya(i.e.fruit) parqi(Fr) fear Mass
peehhi(Fr) peehháy(Mo)plank(i.e.ofwood),wood
Pelehhu Pelehhu PersonalName(♂)picha(Fr) pichadu(N∅) photo
NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural
537
pihha(Ft) pihhihhiingw(Mo) filling Deverbal(sourceverb<piíhh>)
pihhiroo(Fr) pihhihhiingw(Mo)amountfilled,manneroffilling Deverbal(sourceverb<piíhh>)
Pihhiroo PersonalName(♂);c.f.pihhiroopiindimó(Mo) piindoo(Fr) doorplank
piiró(Mo) pireema'(N∅) insectsp. Piisa Piisa PersonalName(♂)Pimbo Pimbo PersonalName(♂)piripirimó(Mo) piripirí(Ft) hotpepper
polooti(Fr) polootáy(Mo) plot(i.e.ofland) Pongáy(Mo) Pongáy PlaceName
poo/i(Fr) poo/áy(Mo) Adam'sapple poohám(Mo) poohameema'(N∅) baboon
poora'umó(Mo) poora'ama'(N∅) reptilesp.alternativepronunciation<poora/umó>;anylargebrownsnake
pu'usayi(Fr) pu'usayáy(Mo) ringworm
Puhí PersonalName(♀);c.f.theIraqw<puhi>:leafygreens
pululumó(Mo) pululú(Mo) pululeema'(N∅) birdsp. anysp.ofkingfisherpurusee(Fr) purusáy(Mo) insectsp.
puundú(Mo) dancingmusic puundú(Mo) puundaa(Fr) plantsp. Mass;(Obetiasp.)puurú(Mo) puureema'(N∅) flour
qaalmimó(Mo) qaalimí(Fr) qaalimaa(Fr) plantsp. (Bidenspilosa)Qaalmí PersonalName;c.f.qaalmí
qaamaa(Fr) qaami'i(N∅) frontier qaambesmó(Mo) qaambés(Mo) qaambeesima'(N∅)potsherd qaasa(Fr) qamiingw(Mo) putting Deverbal(sourceverb<qaás>)
qaatay(Mo)qaateemo(N∅)qaatadu(N∅) bedriddenperson
NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural
538
Qaatay Qaatay PersonalName(♂);c.f.qaatayqaay(Mo) qa'i(N∅) forest
qaaymoo(Fr) qamu(N∅) field Qabú Qabú PersonalName(♂)Qachelí Qachelí PersonalName(♂)
Qaduweé QaduweéPersonalName(♀,lesscommonly♂);c.f.qaduweé(d)
qaduweé(d)(Fr) qaduwedudu(N∅)consultingthetraditionaldoctor
qafi(Ft) qafoo(N∅) bark,shell Qafi Qafi PersonalName(♂);c.f.qafiQafool Qafool PersonalName(♂)
qahaangw(Mo) greed Massqahamusumo(Mo)qahamuso'o(Fr) qahamusee(Fr) greedyperson qalalandumó(Mo) qalalandi(Fr) qalalandáy(Mo) plantsp. (Capparistomentosa)Qalbég(Fr) Qalbég PlaceNameQallandi(Fr) Qallandi PlaceNameQaloó Qaloó PersonalName(♂)Qamala Qamala PersonalName(♂)Qambada Qambada PersonalName(♂)
Qambadú QambadúPersonalName(♂);perhapsderivedfromDatooga(etymonunknown)
qambahhaseerá(Mo) birdsp. Qambalalí Qambalalí PersonalName(♂)Qambesh Qambesh PersonalName(♂)Qamda Qamda PersonalName(♂)Qameená Qameená PersonalName(♂)qamqami(Ft) qamqamáy(Mo) qamqama'(N∅)bracelet Qamsinda Qamsinda PersonalName(♂)
NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural
539
Qamungá Qamungá PersonalName(♂/♀)qan'i(Fr) qan'oo(Fr) egg Qanjá Qanjá PersonalName(♂)Qanjolo Qanjolo PersonalName(♂)
qantsá(Mo)greenchyme;unfiredpottery Mass
qara(Mk) gall,bile;poison MassQarbu Qarbu PlaceNameqareere'i(Fr) qareera'aa(Fr) plantsp. (Cassiadidymobotrya)Qarimboó Qarimboó PersonalName(♂)qariyandi(Fr) qariyandáy(Mo) qariyandima'(N∅) k.o.gourd Qásh(Mo/Fr) Qásh PlaceName
Qashá Qashá
PersonalName(♂);thiswasthenameofaveryprominenttraditionaldoctor
qasisa(Fr) qasimis(Mo) dividing Deverbal(sourceverb<qasmís>)
qata(Mo) qaqatiingw(Mo) lyingdown
Deverbal(sourceverb<qaát>)<qaqatiingw>lyingdownindifferentplaces,beginningtoliedown
qata'i(Fr) qata'áy(Mo) smallclaypot qataangw(Mo) qateeri(N∅) large,brokenpot
Qatadiyángw(Mo/Fr) Qatadiyángw PlaceName
qatloo(Fr)massdeath(esp.ofanimals) Mass
qaway(Mo) qawi'i(N∅) whip;eyelash qawri(Fr) qawráy(Mo) qawreema'(N∅) baby Qedagerere(Fr) Qedagerere PlaceNameQeela Qeela PersonalName(♂)
qeereé(g)(Mo) qeereegima'(N∅) infant Qeereeká Qeereeká PersonalName;c.f.qeereé(g)
NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural
540
qeeru(Mo) knowledge Mass
qelqeli(Fr) qelqél(Mo) qelqeláy(Mo) birdsp.anysp.ofsmall,marginalwaders(e.g.jacanas,snipes,etc.)
Qerebás Qerebás PersonalName(♂)Qolí Qolí PersonalName(♂);c.f.qolooQombo Qombo PersonalName(♂)Qonyán(d)(Fr) Qonyán PlaceName
qoolumó(Mo) qoolí(Fr)greenvegetablesp.(oneplant)
qoomaa(Fr) qom'i(N∅) time Qoonqál Qoonqál PersonalName(♂);c.f.qoonqálqoonqalumó(Mo) qoonqál(Mo) qoonqalima'(N∅) crownedcrane (Balearicaregulorum)
qooqoonaa(Fr) qooqoonadu(N∅) bed Qoorayi Qoorayi PersonalName(♂)Qoosayí Qoosayí PersonalName(♂)Qoriyo Qoriyo PersonalName(♂)
qoro'i(Fr) qoro'áy(Mo) fertilesoil Qoro'i Qoro'i PersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.qoro'i
qu'i(Fr) qu'áy(Mo) smoke Qu/í Qu/í PersonalName(♂);c.f.qu/aa
qul/i(Fr) qul/áy(Mo) storagespace Qulanqúl(Mo) Qulanqúl PlaceNameQule/i Qule/i PersonalName(♂);c.f.qul/i
qulhhi(Fr) qulhháy(Mo) scabies
qulleesimó(Mo)qulleesi(Fr)qullés(Mo) qulleesima'(N∅)
black-and-whitemaize
Qumá Qumá PersonalName(♂)Qumbáy Qumbáy PersonalName(♂)
qumqumi(Ft) qumqumáy(Mo) graincontainer
NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural
541
Qunfí QunfíPersonalName(♂);cattlemayalsobegiventhisname
qurumpu/i qurumpu/aa birdsp.anysp.ofcrake,swamphen,ormoorhen
qururú/(Mo) qururu/eema'(N∅) crop(ofbird) Qutadu Qutadu PersonalName(♂)Qutare Qutare PersonalName(♂)quturmó(Mo) qutúr(Mo) quturma'(N∅) weddingbracelet quumpuru/umó(Mo) quumpurú/(Mo) plantsp. Quwanga Quwanga PersonalName(♂)Qwaantsawé Qwaantsawé PersonalName(♂)
qwada'i(Fr) qwada'áy(Mo)areabelowthenavel(hypogastricregion)
qwala/'(Mo) qwalala/'(Mo) beinghappy Deverbal(sourceverb<qwalaá/'>)qwala/u(Mo) qwala/amayee(Fr) happiness Deverbal(sourceverb<qwalaá/'>)
qwambaqwariyoó(d)(Mo)qwambaqwariyoodima'(N∅) parrot
qwanay(Mo) loss MassQwanqwán Qwanqwán PersonalName(♂)Qwaráy Qwaráy PersonalName(♂);c.f.qwariqwaree/imó(Mo) qwaree/ima'(N∅) k.o.gourd
qwari(Mk) hunger MassQwarí Qwarí PersonalName(♀);c.f.qwariQwarsee Qwarsee PersonalName(♂)Qwaru Qwaru PersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.qwaruQwaryasi(Fr) Qwaryasi PlaceNameqwaslarumo(Mo)qwaslarito'o(Fr) qwaslaree(Fr)
doctor(oftentraditionaldoctor)
Qwasleema Qwasleema PersonalName(♂);c.f.qwasleemaQwasliiro Qwasliiro PersonalName(♂);c.f.qwasliiro
NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural
542
qwasliiro(Fr) qwaslisliingw(Mo)renderingfat,purifyingbutter Deverbal(sourceverb<qwasliím>)
Qwatloo QwatlooPersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.qwatloo(ngw)
qwatloo(ngw)(Mo) qwatle'eeri(N∅) storagespace Qwayeé Qwayeé PersonalName(♂)
qweetsoo(Fr) qwetsu(N∅) wrinkle(onskin) Qwendoó Qwendoó PersonalName(♂)Ri/oo Ri/oo PersonalName(♂)Riroó(d)(Mo/Fr) Riroda PlaceNameSa/am Sa/am PersonalName;c.f.sa/ámsa/ám(Mo) sa/ám(Mo) plantsp. Saakó Saakó PersonalName(♂)
saambeehhi(Fr) saambéhh(Mo)saambeehhima'(N∅)saambeehháy(Mo) k.o.gourd
saankaa(Fr)saankadu(N∅)saankaku(N∅) chyme
Saankaá Saankaá PersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.saankaa
saankimó(Mo) saankima'(N∅)saankeemo(N∅) fronteave
Saansé Saansé PersonalName(♂)saaxi(Fr) saaxáy(Mo) gallbladder
sabiibumó(Mo) sabiibu(Mo) sabiibuma'(N∅) grape Sabilo(Fr) Sabilo PlaceName
Saboqay SaboqayPersonalName(♂);perhapsderivedfromDatooga(etymonunknown)
saburi(Fr) saburáy(Mo) psalm sabuuni(Fr) sabunáy(Mo) soap saga(Mk) sagii(N∅) head
sagalo'aa(Fr) sagalo'u(Mo) wisdom
NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural
543
sahaani(Fr) sahaanáy(Mo) plate sakari(Fr) sakaroo(Fr) guineafowl Sakari Sakari PersonalName;c.f.sakariSakaroo Sakaroo PersonalName;c.f.sakarooSaktay Saktay PersonalName(♂);c.f.sookitáysakweeli(Fr) sakwél(Mo) birdsp. ostrich(Struthiocamelus)Sakweelí Sakweelí PersonalName(♂);c.f.sakweeliSala Sala PersonalName(♂)
Salahoo Salahoo
PersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.salangima;iftwinsareborn,thelargerofthetwowillbenamed<Salahoo>,andthesmallerofthetwowillbenamed<Hheerá>'discontent'
salangima(Ft) salangigiingw(Mo)
doingtwothingsatthesametime,thesituationoftwoplayersin<gange/i>hittingthehoopatthesametime Deverbal(sourceverb<salangiím>)
Sale Sale PersonalName(♂)Sallá Sallá PersonalName(♀)Salu Salu PersonalName(♂)samakumó(Mo) samaki(Fr) fish c.f.theSwahili'samaki':'fish'Sambré(Fr) Sambré PlaceNameSamo Samo PersonalName(♂)samti(Fr) samtaa(Fr) mammalsp. porcupineSamti Samti PersonalName(♂/♀);seesamti
samuyú(Mo) samiweema'(N∅) birdsp.
anysp.ofsmallerbirdwithaprominentcrestandlongtail(prototypicalsp.istheSpeckledMousebird(Coliusstriatus))
NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural
544
Sandaa Sandaa PersonalName(♂);c.f.sandaasandaa(Fr) sandadu(N∅) clothpouch
sandukumó(Mo) sandukú(Mo) sandukuma'(N∅) box,crate,chest Sanga Sanga PersonalName(♂)Sangará(Fr) Sangará PlaceNameSangayuw(Mo) Sangayuw PlaceNameSani Sani PersonalNameSanju Sanju PersonalName
sapoonimó(Mo)sapoonaa(Fr)sapooní(Fr) maggot
saqarám(Mo) saqar(Mo)
k.o.seed(especiallyofthe<slahhamó>tree)
saqawaa(Fr) saqawadu(N∅) dryingrack Saqwaré Saqwaré PersonalName(♂/♀)sarahhamó(Mo) sarahhama'(N∅) k.o.hairstyle Sarame(Fr) Sarame PlaceNameSarara Sarara PersonalName(♀)Sarmee Sarmee PersonalName(♂)Sauriya Sauriya PersonalName(♂)
sawaadi(Fr) gift c.f.theSwahili'zawadi':'gift'Sawé(Fr) Sawé PlaceName
saxamareema(N∅) peace Masssaxumó(Mo) saxeemi(N∅) bracelet Saxwáy Saxwáy PersonalName;c.f.saxwaySaydo Saydo PersonalName(♂)
Sayni SayniPersonalName;c.f.theEnglish'sign',andtheSwahili-English'saini'
se'eemi(Fr) se'eengw(Mo) hair See/áy(Mo) See/áy PlaceName
NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural
545
see/i(Fr) see/aa(Fr) plantsp. Seehhaa Seehhaa PersonalName;c.f.seehhaaseehhimó(Mo) seehhaa(Fr) tsetsefly Seeli Seeli PersonalName(♂)Seendoo Seendoo PersonalName(♂/♀)Seendoó(d)(Fr) Seendoó PlaceNameSeenga Seenga PersonalName(♂)
seensee(Fr)seenseedu(N∅)seenseema'(N∅) fiddle
seentimó(Mo) seenti(Fr) seentima'(N∅) coin seepáy(Mo) seepi'i(N∅) k.o.gourd
seeseekwi(Fr) seesékw(Mo) birdsp.anysp.oflarger,long-leggedfowl(e.g.bustards,thick-knees,etc.)
Selanga Selanga PersonalName(♂)Seree/aa Seree/aa PersonalName(♂);c.f.seree/aaseree/aa(Fr) seré/(Mo) capebuffalo serkaari(Fr) government SingulariatantumSha'ushi Sha'ushi PersonalName(♂)
Shagá ShagáPersonalName(♂);c.f.theethnonym'Chaga'
Sharmó(Mo) Sharmó PlaceNameShashoo Shashoo PersonalName(♂);c.f.shashoó(d)shashoodi(Fr) shashoó(d)(Mo) shashoodima'(N∅) antelopesp.
shiida(Fr) problemMass;c.f.theSwahili'shida':'problem'
shiliingimó(Mo) shiliingi(Fr) shiliingima'(N∅) shilling
Alternativepronunciation:<shiliimó>;c.f.theSwahili'shilingi':shilling(unitofcurrency)
Shilinge Shilinge PersonalName(♂);c.f.shilingiSi'así Si'así PersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.sii'a
NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural
546
Si'imá Si'imá PersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.sii'a
Sibeeri SibeeriPersonalName(♂);c.f.theArabic'Zubiri',throughtheSwahili'Zuberi'
Sidamé Sidamé PersonalName(♂);c.f.sidameé(d)
sidameé(d)(Fr) sidameedadu(N∅)sidameedu(N∅) specialbeer Questionedformis<sidameedeê>
Sigeé(d) Sigeé(d) PersonalName(♂)Sigín(Mo/Fr) Sigín PlaceName
sihha(Ft)housesection(left-to-right) Mass
Siigán Siigán PersonalName;c.f.siigan(d)siigan(d)(Mo) grasshopper Mass
Siikáy Siikáy
PersonalName(♂);c.f.theIraqw<siikáy>:atinybirdwithacolourful(blueorred)underbelly
Siimáy Siimáy PersonalName(♂)Siingiyeé Siingiyeé PersonalName(♀)
siiri(Fr) sido(N∅) beerpot siiwaa(Fr) sibu(N∅) time,protocol
silaha(Fr) weapon MassSiloo Siloo PersonalName(♂)
Sima/o Sima/o
PersonalName(♂);c.f.<sima/i>:thenoiseofmanypeoplespeaking(differentthings)atonce'hue'
Sima/ó Sima/ó
PersonalName(♂);c.f.<sima/i>:thenoiseofmanypeoplespeaking(differentthings)atonce'hue'
simu(Mo) simmee(Fr)phone(usu.handheld) c.f.theSwahili'simu':'phone'
Sinay Sinay PersonalName(♂);c.f.SinayiSinayi(Fr) Sinayi PlaceName
NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural
547
Singda SingdaPersonalName(♂);c.f.theplacename<Singida>
Singe(Fr) Singe PlaceNameSingi Singi PersonalName(♀)Sino Sino PersonalName(♂)Sinyaw Sinyaw PersonalName(♂)
siroorimó(Mo) sirooraa(Fr) birdsp.
anysp.ofCanaryorSeedeater(esp.White-belliedCanary(Serinusdorsostriatus)
Siróp(Fr) Siróp PlaceNamesirrihhimó(Mo) sirrihima'(N∅) insectsp. Sisayi Sisayi PersonalName(♂)
sisipú(Mo) sispeema'(N∅) insectsp. sitsawusmo(Mo)sitsawuso'o(Fr) sitsawusee(Fr)
searcher,researcher(♂,♀respectively)
Siwol Siwol PersonalName(♂)
Siyanga SiyangaPersonalName(♂);c.f.theplacename<Shinyanga>
siyumó(Mo) siyó(Mo) fish sla'ati(Fr)sla'ari(Fr) sla'asla'(Mo) love Deverbal(sourceverb<slaá'>)
sla/a(Ft) sla/oo(N∅) forest Sla/a Sla/a PersonalName(♂);c.f.sla/a
slaahaa(Fr) sth.useless MassSlaahaa Slaahaa PersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.slaahaaslaakumó(Mo) slaaki(Fr) k.o.grass
slaaqamit(Mo)
fatigue(specificallythatofapregnantwoman)
MassDeverbal(sourceverb<slaqaát>)
Slaaqí Slaaqí PersonalName(♂);c.f.slaaqí
NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural
548
slafiingw(Mo) life Massslahha'amu(Mo) slahha'mayee(Fr) pain Deverbal(sourceverb?)Slahhamó Slahhamó PlaceNameslahhamó(Mo) slahhama'(N∅) plantsp. (Acaciakirkii)
slakaka'ay(Mo) rustling Mass
slakat(Mo) huntingMassDeverbal(sourceverb<slakaát>)
slakatusmo(Mo) slakatusee(Fr) hunter slamahhandí(Fr) slamahhandú(Mo) plantsp.
Slamahhandí SlamahhandíPersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.slamahhandí
slamahhandídaqwa(Fr)slamahhandúdaqwa(Mo) plantsp. (Momordicafoetia)
Slamhí Slamhí PersonalName(♀);c.f.slamhasoslangarehhimó(Mo) slangareréhh(Mo) reptilesp. anysp.ofsmalllizard
slanú(Mo) slaneema'(N∅) reptilesp. anysp.ofpython
slaqamaye(Fr) fatigueMassDeverbal(sourceverb<slaqaát>)
slaqankumó(Mo)slaqankay(Mo)slaqanki'i(N∅) slaqanke'eeri(N∅) reptilesp.
anysp.ofchameleon(esp.Flap-neckedChameleon(Chamaeleodilepsis))
slaqasay(Mo) slaqasi'i(N∅) example Slaqoo Slaqoo PersonalName(♂);c.f.slaqoo
slaqwa(Ft) slaqoo(N∅) body Slaqwaraa Slaqwaraa PersonalName(♂);c.f.slaqwaraa
slaqwaraa(Fr) slaqwaradu(N∅) war Slaqwee Slaqwee PersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.slaqwee
slaqwee(Fr) communalwork slarahhandi(Fr) slarahhandú(Mo) plantsp.
Slarahhandí Slarahhandí PersonalName(♂);c.f.slarahhandi
NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural
549
Slarhhí Slarhhí PersonalName(♂);c.f.slarhhíslarhhumó(Mo) slarhhí(Fr) sedge
slaru(Mo) slareemo(N∅) armpit slawa(Ft) slaslaangw(Mo) getting Deverbal(sourceverb<sláw>)slee(Fr) yiikwa(N∅) cow AlternatePl.pronunciation<hiikwa>
sleemu(Mo) availability Deverbal(sourceverb<sláw>)sleér/aanta(Fr) yiikwá/aanta(N∅) k.o.cowgift sleéral/utloo(Fr) yiikwáal/utloo(N∅) k.o.cowgift sleérduxoo(Fr) yiikwáduxoo(N∅) k.o.cowgift sleérluki(Fr) yiikwáluki(N∅) k.o.cowgift sleérsihhina(Fr)sleérsihheeni yiikwásihhina(N∅)k.o.cowgift sleesoo(Fr) sleemis(Mo) taking,pickingup Deverbal(sourceverb<sleés>)Sleesoo PersonalName(♂);c.f.sleesoo
slehheengw(Mo) slehheeri(N∅) moon,month Slehhi Slehhi PersonalName(♂);c.f.slehhislehhimó(Mo) slehhi(Ft) roofinsulation sli'imusumo(Mo)sli'imuso'o(Fr) sli'imusee(Fr) fornicator,adulterer
slihho(N∅) nasalmucus Massslinxaa(Fr) slinxuxu(N∅) bridgeofnose sloo/i(Fr) sloo/áy(Mo) husk(i.e.ofcorn)
slooroo(Fr)sloori(Fr) bubble Mass
slufay(Mo) reputationMassDeverbal(sourceverb<sluúf>)
slufay(Mo) slufmis(Mo) praising,blessingMassDeverbal(sourceverb<sluúf>)
slufi(Ft) slufiya'(N∅) lip sluka(Ft) slukukuungw(Mo) bribing Deverbal(sourceverb<sluúk>)
NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural
550
slukuma(Fr) briberyMassDeverbal(sourceverb<sluúk>)
sluma(Ft) slumoo(N∅) cattleenclosure Slumpa Slumpa PersonalName(♂)
sluqoo(Fr) victory MassSluqoo Sluqoo PersonalName;c.f.sluqooSluqumáy Sluqumáy PersonalName(♂);c.f.sluquumSluuqí Sluuqí PersonalName(♂)sogonimó(Mo) sogonáy(Mo) plantsp. Sohhi Sohhi PersonalName(♀);c.f.sohhiya
soksi(Mo)sokseema'(N∅)sokseemo(N∅) socks
soo'ay(Mo) soo'aawee(Fr) dog soohhi(Fr) soohhaa(Fr) plantsp. sookitumó(Mo) sookitáy(Mo) greenvegetablesp.
sookoo(Fr) sookodu(N∅) market Soolá Soolá PersonalName(♂)Soombe Soombe PersonalName(♂)Soongí Soongí PersonalName(♂)Soongo Soongo PersonalName(♂)
sooni(Fr) soonáy(Mo) legsore Soorá(Fr) Soorá PlaceName
sooxa(N∅) urine Mass
Sooya Sooya
PersonalName;thereisanintuitionamongspeakersthatthisworddoesnotderivefromtheSwahili'soya':'soybean'
soronsorohhumó(Mo) soronsoróhh(Mo) insectsp. soxutumó(Mo) soxutuma'(N∅) bladder
NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural
551
su/uma(Mo) su/eemi(N∅)smallcowhide,pieceofcowhide
Subeda SubedaPersonalName(♂);c.f.the(typicallyfemale)Swahiliname'Zubeda'
Subedá SubedáPersonalName(♂);c.f.the(typicallyfemale)Swahiliname'Zubeda'
sufuriya(Fr) sufuriyadu(N∅) metalpot c.f.theSwahili'sufuria':'metalpot'Suhhuláy Suhhuláy PersonalName(♂);c.f.tsuhhulalá
sukaari(Fr) sugar Mass;c.f.theSwahili'shule':'school'sulee(Fr) suledu(N∅) school
Sumuhhú Sumuhhú PersonalName(♂)Surumbu Surumbu PersonalName(♂)
suuma(Fr) suumi'i(N∅) shoulder
suumbi(Fr) suumbáy(Mo)
crest(i.e.ofbird);k.o.hairstyle(similartoamohawk)
suuri(Fr) suudo(N∅) claywaterjar sweetumó(Mo) sweetima'(N∅) sweater c.f.theSwahili'sweta':'sweater'
Taabu TaabuPersonalName;c.f.theSwahili'taabu':'trouble'
taambi(Fr) taambáy(Mo) rope taandesumó(Mo) taandés(Mo) taandesí(Fr)birdsp. anysp.ofWoodpeckertahha(Ft) tahhaangw(Mo) hitting Deverbal(sourceverb<tahhaángw>)Tahhahhaní Tahhahhaní PersonalName;c.f.tahhahhanítahhahhanimó(Mo) tahhahhaní(Fr) redant tammó(Mo) tamma'(N∅) plantsp. Ebony(Dahlbergiamelanoxylon)
tan/ee(Fr)tan/eedu(N∅)tan/ee'ee(Fr) crownofthehead
tane/ee(Fr) tana/e/edú(N∅) brain Tanoó Tanoó PersonalName(♂/♀)
NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural
552
Taraa Taraa PersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.TaraaTarantú Tarantú PersonalName(♂);c.f.tarantútarantumó(Mo) tarantú(Mo) plantsp. (Ximeniaamericana)
Tarmo(Mo)Tarto'o(Fr) Taraa(Fr)
personofBarbaigethnicity(♂,♀respectively)
Tarto'o Tarto'o PersonalName(♀);c.f.Tarto'o
tarumbeta(Fr)tarumbetadu(N∅)tarumbetáy(Mo)trumpet
Tatiya Tatiya PersonalName(♂)Te'esá Te'esá PersonalName(♂);c.f.te'éste'esumó(Mo) te'és(Mo) plantsp.
teegí(Fr) birdlime MassTeengá Teengá PersonalName(♂)
ti'itaa(ngw)(Mo) ti'iteeri(N∅) plantsp. StranglerFig(Ficusthonningii)tiqiti(Fr) tiqiteemo(N∅) disease
titiiwumó(Mo)titiiwi(Fr)titíw(Mo) titiiwoo(Fr) plantsp. (Bosciamossambicensis)
Titiiwoo Titiiwoo PersonalName(♂);titiiwoótla/aangw(Mo) tle/eeri(N∅) middle
tla/afi(Fr) tla/eefufu(N∅) livingquarters tla/amó(Mo) tla/ama'(N∅) ditch tla/anó(Mo) tla/e(N∅) stone
Tla/arafáy Tla/arafáyPersonalName(♂);c.f.v.<tla/aaf>:theactionofcrawling(forachild)
tlaankumó(Mo) tlaankima'(N∅) bridge tlaanqarmó(Mo) tlaanqarma'(N∅) bridgeofnose tlaaqati(Fr) tlaaqát(Mo) tlaaqataa(Fr) antelopesp. tlaatlakwaa(Fr) tlaatláqw(Mo) tlaatlaqwadu(N∅) pap,porridge tlafi(Ft) tlafoo(N∅) cloud
NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural
553
tlahhay(Mo) tlahhi'i(N∅) clan tlakway(Mo) tlakwi'i(N∅) bag,sack tlamfi(Fr) tlamfáy(Mo) beeswax
tlamki(Fr) tlamkaa(Fr) birdsp. anysp.ofRedBishoptlangasi(Fr) tlangás(Mo) quiver
tlanka(Mo) tlankatlank(Mo)tlankikiingw(Mo) arguing Deverbal(sourceverb?<tlaánk>)
tlapepe/i(Fr) tlapepé/(Mo) tlapepe/áy(Mo) reptilesp. anysp.ofToadorFrogtlaptumó(Mo) tlapteema'(N∅) birdsp. anysmallraptor,esp.falcons
tlaq(Mo) cutting(i.e.atree) Deverbal(sourceverb<tlaáq>)tlaqasi(Fr) tlaqeesusu(N∅) k.o.milletmash
Tlaqasí Tlaqasí PersonalName;c.f.tlaqasitlaqumó(Mo) tlaqáy(Mo) plantsp. (Azanzagarckeana)Tlaramba'a Tlaramba'a PersonalName(♀)
tlataa(N∅) vision(supernatural) MassTlatla'á Tlatla'á PersonalName(♂);c.f.tlatla'aangw
tlatla'aangw(Mo) tlatla'eeri(N∅) afternoon tlatu(Mo) tlatetee(Fr) debt
tlawi(Ft)tlawoo(Fr)tlawaa(Fr) birdsp. anysp.ofpigeon
tlawi(Ft) tlawáy(Mo) lake
tlawu(Mo)tlaba'(N∅)tlab'a(Na) clothing(onepiece)
tlaxoo(Fr) price Deverbal(sourceverb<tlaáx>)tle'usmo(Mo)tle'uso'o(Fr) tle'usee(Fr) potter Tleema'í Tleema'í PersonalName(♂);c.f.tleematleemu(Mo) tlatlaangw(Mo) leaving Deverbal(sourceverb<tláw>)Tleemú Tleemú PersonalName(♂);c.f.tleemu
NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural
554
tleesa(Fr) tleemis(Mo)liftingontothehead,towakeup Deverbal(sourceverb<tleés>)
tleeso ? birdsp. anysp.ofweavertleharumo tlehár plantsp. (Acaciapolygantha)
tlehha(Fr) tlehhit(Mo)tlehhima(Mk) making Deverbal(sourceverb<tleéhh>)
tlehheemu(Mo) tleehhemu(Mo)wayinwhichsth.ismade Deverbal(sourceverb<tleéhh>)
tli/antli'umó(Mo) tli/antlí(Fr) plantsp. (Artemisiaafra)
tli/isimó(Mo) tli/isima'(N∅)tli/iseeri(N∅) log
tliifusmo(Mo)tliifuso'o(Fr) tliifusee(Fr)
stupidperson(♂,♀respectively)
Tlo/orí Tlo/orí PersonalName(♂)tlookoti(Fr) tlookotaa(Fr) reptilesp. anysp.ofPython
tloomaa(Fr) tloomi'i(N∅) hill,mountain tluwá/(Mo) tluwe/e/ee(Fr) upperarm
tluway(Mo) rain MassTluway Tluway PersonalName(♂);c.f.tluwayTo'á To'á PersonalName(♀)tofalimó(Mo)tofali(Fr) matafari(Fr) brick c.f.theSwahili'tofali':'brick'
too/ú(Mo) too/eema'(N∅) reptilesp.
anysp.oflarge,highly-venomoussnake(esp.CobrasandtheBlackMamba)
Toololí Toololí PersonalName(♀)toqori(Fr) toqoráy(Mo) crippledperson
Torontoray Torontoray PersonalName(♂);c.f.torontoráytorontoráy(Mo) trials Mass
tsa'a(Fr) tsa'amiingw(Mo) smelling,sensing Deverbal(sourceverb<tsaá'>)tsa'asi(Ft) tsa'asoo(Fr) torch
NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural
555
tsa/asmó(Mo) tsa/asma'(N∅) ladder
tsa/atay(Mo)tsa/eetutu(N∅)tsa/eema'(N∅) yolkofegg,placenta
tsa/ay(Mo)tsa/i'i(N∅)tsa/a/(N∅) sole,palm
Tsa/ayo(Fr) Tsa/ayo PlaceNametsaara'asi(Fr) tsaara'asáy(Mo) flame
Tsaaxwá TsaaxwáPersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.tsaáxw:'cold'
tsabumó(Mo) tsabi(Fr) plantsp. WildSisal(Sansevieriaehrengergii)
tsagaara(Fr) tsagadiingw(Mo)tsagadidiingw(Mo) bewitching Deverbal(sourceverb<tsagár>)
tsagani(Fr) tsaganaa(Fr) mammalsp. squirrel,greatergalagotsala'ammó(Mo) tsala'ammáy(Mo) insectsp. tsamasi(Fr) tsamás(Mo) giraffe Tsamasi(Fr) Tsamasi PlaceName
Tsamasí TsamasíPersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.eithertsamasiorTsamasi
Tsamfú Tsamfú PersonalName(♀)tsangusa(Fr) tsangumis(Mo) luring,beckoning Deverbal(sourceverb<tsanguús>)tsangweli(Ft) tsangwalaa(Fr) plantsp. Tsangwelí PersonalName(♂);c.f.tsangwelitsantsafumó(Mo)tsantsafi(Fr) tsantsáf(Mo) plantsp. UmbrellaThorn(Acaciatortilis)tsapenimó(Mo) tsapenáy(Mo) plantsp. (Commiphoramollis)
tsari(Ft) tsariyoo(N∅) clitoris tsarma'umó(Mo) tsarma'i(Fr) plantsp. (Lanneaschimperi)
tsatay(Mo) tsati'i(N∅) knife tsawara(Fr) tsawdidiingw(Mo) choosing Deverbal(sourceverb<tsawár>)tsawawa(Fr) tsabbaangw(Mo) strangling Deverbal(sourceverb?<tsáw>)tsawdito(Fr) tsawdidiingw(Mo) choosing,election Deverbal(sourceverb<tsawár>)
NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural
556
tsawditoo(Fr) tsawditoo(Fr) choice,electionMassDeverbal(sourceverb<tsawár>)
tsaxaara(Fr) tsaxariingw(Mo) shooting(witharrow) Deverbal(sourceverb<tsaáx>)tsaxaraa(Fr) tsaxardu(N∅) blood-drawingarrow
tsaxway(Mo)tsaxwi'i(N∅)tsaxwa'(N∅) insectsp. grasshopper
tsaxweelí(Fr) tsaxwél(Mo) trap(springtrap) tse'esimó(Mo) tse'esima'(N∅) leftovers Tse/imá Tse/imá PersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.sunshine
tsee/a(N∅) farawayplace Mass
tseega(Fr) tsegit(Mo)tsegigiingw(Mo) closing,tyingup Deverbal(sourceverb<tseék>)
tseehhaa(Fr) tsehhu(N∅) k.o.manure Tseeree Tseeree PersonalName(♂);c.f.tseeree
tseeree(Fr) tseerdu(N∅) blood tseheeyimo(Mo) tseheeyaa(Fr) youngman Tsehhá Tsehhá PersonalName(♂);c.f.tsehha
tsetse/imi(Ft) tsetse/imáy(Mo) openplace tsetsee/i(Fr) tsetsé/(Mo) star Tsi'í Tsi'í PersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.odour
tsi/i(Ft) tsi/iya'(N∅) shin
tsifiraangw(Mo)tsifiraawee(Fr)tsifireeri(N∅) tongue
tsifiri(Fr)tsifireeri(Fr)tsifiráy(Mo) language
tsii'imó(Mo) tsii'oo(Fr) chick,pullet tsiinqaa(Fr) tsinqu(N∅) stream
Tsiitsií' PersonalName;c.f.tsiistií'tsimahhi(Fr) sound Mass
tsingarumó(Mo) tsingár(Mo) tsingaráy(Mo) shortperson
NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural
557
Tsingáy Tsingáy PersonalName(♂);c.f.tsingártsini(Ft) tsiniya'(N∅) end
Tsinoo Tsinoo PersonalName(♂);c.f.tsinootsinoo(Fr) milletchaff Mass
Tsinowa Tsinowa PersonalName(♀);c.f.tsinootsir/i(Fr) tsir/oo(Fr) bird Tsir/i Tsir/i PersonalName(♀);c.f.tsir/iTsir/oo Tsir/oo PersonalName(♂);c.f.tsir/ootsisi(Ft) tsisoo(Fr) spark tsitsihhi(Fr) tsitsihhaa(Fr) gravel
tsitsii'imó(Mo) tsitsií'(Mo) birdsp.anysp.ofsmall,finch-likebird(esp.ifcolouredredorblue)
Tsixoo Tsixoo PersonalName(♂)Tsixuu Tsixuu PersonalName(♂)tsiyoyoo/umó(Mo) tsiyoyó/(Mo) birdsp. Green-wingedPytilia(Pytiliamelba)Tso'i Tso'i PersonalName(♀);c.f.tsoyo
tsoobú(Mo) liquidhoney MassTsoonsí Tsoonsí PersonalName(♀);c.f.tsoonsooTsoonsoó Tsoonsoó PersonalName(♂);c.f.tsoonsoo
tsoowoo(Fr) tsabu(N∅) axe Tsooxo Tsooxo PersonalName(♂)
Tsoxolí TsoxolíPersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.<tsoxoli>:aprotuberance
tsoyo(Mo)tsoyeemo(N∅)tsoyodima'(N∅) dikdik
Tsoyo Tsoyo PersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.tsoyo
tsu'a(Mk) sweetnessMassDeverbal(sourceverb<tsuú'>)
tsu/a(Mk)tsu/uti(Fr) tsu/utó(Mo) killing Deverbal(sourceverb<tsuú/>)
NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural
558
tsufay(Mo) tsufi'i(N∅) entrance
tsuhay(Mo)tsuhaawee(Fr)tsuhi'i(N∅) lowerback
tsuhhulala'umó(Mo) tsuhhulalá'(Mo)tsuhhulaladima'(N∅) mongoose
tsukurumó(Mo) tsukúr(Mo) tsukuruma'(N∅) k.o.gourd tsukurumó(Mo) tsukuruma'(N∅) ladle
tsunqa(N∅) tsunqu'u(N∅) saliva tsuqumayimó(Mo) tsuqumayi(Fr) insectsp.
tsururú(Mo) tsuureema'(N∅) nest
Tsutsi TsutsiPersonalName(♂);reportedlyararename
tsutsunqi(Fr) tsutsunqaa(Fr) birdsp.;plantsp.anysp.ofbeeeaters;Lion'sEar(Leonotisnepetifolia)
tsuunqa(N∅) saliva,blessing Masstu'i(Fr) scavengedmeat Mass
Tu'i Tu'iPersonalName(♂,lesscommonly♀);c.f.tu'i
tu/a(Ft) tuutu/uungw(Mo) uprooting Deverbal(sourceverb<tuú/>)
Tu/tu/í Tu/tu/íPersonalName(♂);c.f.v.<tu/tu/>'tillingweeds'
Tuku/oo Tuku/oo
PersonalName(♂);c.f.v.<tuku/uut>:tohavetiredjoints(arthritis?)tothepointofnotbeingabletowalk
Tulumbú Tulumbú PersonalName(♂)tunáy(Mo) driedhoney Mass
Tururú(Mo/Fr) Tururú PlaceNametuumba(Mo) tuumbebee(Fr) pool
Tuuri Tuuri PersonalName(♂)tuutukuma(Fr) tuutukumadu(N∅) stopper,plug
NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural
559
tuweerimó(Mo) tuwér(Mo) tuweerima'(N∅) mammalsp. Africanwilddog(Canispictus)u'i(Fr) u'umo(Mo) cryforhelp Deverbal
udamoroó(d)(Mo/Fr) udamorooduma'(N∅) mammalsp.Africanstripedweasel(Poecilogalealbinucha)
udanjali(Fr/Ft)udanjalidima'(N∅)udanjanáy(Mo) mammalsp.
Groundpangolin(Smutsiatemminckii)
ufa(Mo) uffee(Fr) pile(esp.ofmanure) Ufa(Mo) Ufa PlaceNameUfaní Ufaní PersonalName;c.f.ufaníufanimó(Mo) ufaní(Fr) plantsp. uhumó(Mo) uheemi(N∅) internalhousepost
uma(Mo) umi'i(N∅) name umali(Fr) cry(ofpain) Mass
umali(Fr) umalaa(Fr) hedgehog Umali Umali PersonalName;c.f.umali
Umbá UmbáPersonalName;c.f.theSwahili'mbwa':'dog'
Umbóy UmbóyPersonalName;c.f.theSwahili'mbwa':'dog'
unkuri(Ft) unkuráy(Mo) fever(periodic) urru'usa(Fr) uru'u'umis(Mo) ululating Deverbal(sourceverb<urruús>)Ursú Ursú PersonalName;c.f.urús
urús(Mo) urusesee(Fr) k.o.milletmash uruwa(Fr) urdu(N∅) road
Ushigee Ushigee PersonalName(♂)uumtuso'o(Fr) uumtusee(Fr) nurturer(♀)
uunú(Mo)uuneema'(N∅)uunudu(N∅) k.o.gourd
uunú(Mo) uuneemoo(N∅) law uwanja(Fr) uwanjedu(N∅) field
NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural
560
Uwoo Uwoo PersonalName(♂);c.f.u'iwa'ami(Fr) wa'eemoo(N∅) bonemarrow
wa/aangw(Mo) we/eeri(N∅) arroyo,canyon wa/ari(N∅) vomit Mass;Deverbal(sourceverb<waá/>)
Wado Wado PersonalName(♂)waha(Ft) wahaangw(Mo) drinking Deverbal(sourceverb<wáh>)Wahá Wahá PersonalName;c.f.waha
wahasaa(Fr) wahasasu(N∅) soot wahhahha'amó(Mo) wahhahha'ama'(N∅) mammalsp. Bushhyrax(heterohyraxbrucei)wakaari(Fr) wakawak(Mo) hating Deverbal(sourceverb<waák>)wakalelu'uma(Fr) yaareema'(N∅) unity
wakari(Fr) wakaráy(M)chinAlternativeforms<kawri>(Fr);<kawráy>(Mo)
wakti(Ft) hate,interdiction Mass;Deverbal(sourceverb<waák>)wakusumo(Mo)wakuso'o(Ft) wakusee(Fr)
enemy(♂,♀respectively)
Walangí PersonalName;c.f.theSwahili'Warangi':'peopleofRangiorigin'
walo/i(Fr) walo/aa(Fr) plantsp. Walo/í Walo/í PersonalName(♂);c.f.walo/iWambi Wambi PersonalNamewaqaasi(Fr) waqás(Mo) waqasu(N∅) ceilingbeam waqaát(Mo) waqaatetee(Fr) intestines Wara/eé Wara/eé PersonalName(♂);c.f.wara/useewara/usmo(Mo)wara/uso'o(Fr) wara/usee(Fr)
escortforbride(♂,♀respectively)
warahhasmó(Mo) warahhasma'(N∅) ford warinkakamó(Mo) warinkaká(Mo) birdsp. anysp.ofGroundBarbetWarqasoo Warqasoo PersonalName(♂);c.f.warqeesa
NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural
561
warqeemu(Mo)mannerofturningaround
MassDeverbal(sourceverb<warqeés>)
warqeesa(Fr) warqeemis(Mo) turningaround Deverbal(sourceverb<warqeés>)Watlarí Watlarí PersonalName(♂)
waweeri(Fr) wawdu(N∅)housesection(front-to-back)
wawi(Fr) wawoo(Fr) insectsp. wawitumo(Mo)wawito'o(Fr) wawitá(N∅)
ruler,chief(♂,♀respectively)
Wawu Wawu PersonalName;c.f.wawiWeelee Weelee PersonalName(♂)Weema Weema PersonalName(♂);c.f.weemo
weemo(Fr) weemo(Fr) wanderingMassDeverbal(sourceverb<weém>)
weemusumo(Mo)weemuso'o(Fr) weemusee(Fr)
wanderer(♂,♀respectively)
weerusumo(Mo)weeruso'o(Fr) weerusee(Fr) fornicator Welwel Welwel PersonalName(♂)
Wirasi WirasiPersonalName(♂);c.f.theSwahili'viazi','potato'
xa'anó(Mo) xaa'i(N∅) tree
xa'anóamatu/imó(Mo) xa'anóamatu/i(Fr)xa'anóamatu/áy(Mo)
plantsp.(Daturastramonium) <xa'anóamatu/i>collective
xaafa(Fr) xafit(Mo) brushinghair Deverbal(sourceverb<xaáf>)Xaafí Xaafí PersonalName(♂);c.f.xaafaXaangi Xaangi PersonalName(♂)
xaanxáy(Mo) desert Massxaawi(Fr) xawoo(Fr) charcoal
Xabo PersonalName(♀);c.f.<xawo>:matrimony
NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural
562
xadi(Ft) xadáy(Mo) udder Xafahandí Xafahandí PersonalName(♀);c.f.xafxafaxafxafa(Ft) xafxafiingw(Mo) beingmakeshift Deverbal(sourceverb<xafxaáf>)
Xalili XaliliPersonalName(♂);c.f.theArabic'Xalil',andtheSwahili'Khalili'
xam'i'i(Fr) xam'áy(Mo) deafperson Xambáy Xambáy PersonalName(♂)
xarmó(Mo) xareemi(N∅)xarma'(N∅) horn
xawa(Mo) xawe'ee(Fr) k.o.manure
xawoo(Fr) xabibiingw(Mo) marrying
Deverbal;<xabibiingw>manymarriages(manycouples,ormanymarriagesovertime
Xeera PersonalName PersonalName;c.f.xeeraangwxeeraangw(Mo) xeeraawee(Fr) scorpion
Xeeru Xeeru PersonalName(♂);c.f.xeeraangwXifi Xifi PersonalName(♂)xiingarumó(Mo) xiingár(Mo) insectsp. Xindáy Xindáy PersonalName(♀)xirantlumó(Mo) xirantluma'(N∅) mammalsp. Zorilla(Ictonyxstriatus)
xirfu(Mo) praise MassXongumó(Mo) Xongumó PlaceNamexoo'arumó(Mo) xoo'ár(Mo) xoo'aráy(Mo) birdsp. anysp.ofCrow
xooroo(Fr) crowd Massxoosla(Fr) xoosliingw(Mo) grindingmillet Deverbal(sourceverb<xoósl>)
xooslumó(Mo) xoosla'(N∅)xoslu(N∅) vessel,tool
Xooxáy Xooxáy PersonalName;c.f.xooxáyxooxi(Fr) xooxáy(Mo) insectsp. termite(winged)
xooxoo'i(Fr) xooxoo'aa(Fr) plantsp.
NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural
563
xooyaangw(Mo) xooyaawee(Fr) birdsp. anysp.offrancolinorspurfowlXooyaangw PersonalName(♂);c.f.xooyaangwxooyarimi(Fr/Ft) xooyár(Mo) xooyarimáy(Mo) birdsp. anysp.ofquailxorxormó(Mo) xorxorma'(N∅) mammalsp. anysp.oflargemongoosexotloompi(Fr) xotloompaa(Fr) trap(boxtrap)
xufoo(Fr)
xufifiingw(Mo)xufta(Fr)xufto(Fr)
drinkingparty,drinking(alchohol) Deverbal(sourceverb,<xuúf>)
Xufoo Xufoo PersonalName;c.f.xufooXumpu'umó Xumpu'umó PersonalName;c.f.xumpu'umóxundurufumó(Mo) xundurúf(Mo) insectsp. Xuufí PersonalName(♂/♀)
xuuntlú(Mo) xuuntláy(Mo) xuuntlaawee(Fr)
unusualprotuberance(usuallyasaresultofaninjury)
xuuxeemó(Mo) xuuxú(Mo) insect
xwaaslansli(Fr) xwaslansláy(Mo)xwaansláy(Mo)
garbage;roughgroundmilletflour(reservedfromgrindingforbeer)withhoneyadded;wilderness
Xwantláy Xwantláy PersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.xwaansláyxwaxumó(Mo) xwaxuma'(N∅) palate
xwaylaa(Fr) progeny Massxwaylitumó(Mo)xwaylito'o(Fr) xwaylitee(Fr)
parent(♂,♀respectively)
xweera(N∅) xweerdu(N∅) evening ya'eemi(Fr) ya'eema'(N∅) stream Ya'eérDaangi Ya'eérDaangi PlaceName
NounsGloss NotaSingular General Plural
564
ya/abusumó(Mo)ya/abuso'o(Fr) ya/abusee(Fr)
messenger,emissary(♂,♀respectively)
ya/ama(N∅) permission Massya/ati(Fr) ya/ata'(N∅) ya/eetoo(N∅) shoe,footwear
Ya/aw Ya/aw
PersonalName(♂);c.f.v.<ya/awa>:theactionofsending(orbeingsent)onanerrand
Ya/oo Ya/oo PersonalName(♂);c.f.ya/amaYaá Yaá PersonalName(♂)
yaa'ee(Fr) yaa'a'(N∅) leg yaa'ee(Fr) ya'u(N∅) river
Yaagú Yaagú PersonalName(♂)yaaháy(Mo) rain(soft) Mass
Yaamee Yaamee PersonalName(♂);c.f.yaamuyaamu(N∅) yaami'i(N∅) earth,land
Yaahi Yaahi PersonalName(♂/♀);c.f.yaaháyyandoo(Fr) yandudu(N∅) hammer
yaqamba(Mo) yaqambee(Fr) buck Yaro Yaro PersonalName(♂)Yerotoní(k)(Fr) Yerotoní(k) PlaceNameZiwani(Fr) Ziwani PlaceName
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