The Vision of Pakistan The Vision of Pakistan TheVisionofPakistan TheVisionofPakistan

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The Vision of Pakistan

ContentContent

Quaid’s Islam‐ Quaid’s Pakistan 1

The Conflict about Jinnah’s Vision for Pakistan‐I 4

The Conflict about Jinnah’s Vision for Pakistan‐II 6

The Conflict about Jinnah’s Vision for Pakistan‐III

Defining Pakistan‐ I 10Defining Pakistan I 10

Defining Pakistan ‐ II 17

Pakistan: The Failure of Intellectuals 21

Rebuild Pakistan 26Rebuild Pakistan 26

The Vision of Pakistan QUAID’S ISLAM‐ QUAID’S PAKISTAN

63 years after the creation of Pakistan where dot d C i i i i lf t th

philosophical terms by Mohammad Iqbal, bystating that he wanted a Muslim state and notwe stand. Crisis upon crisis engulfs us, to the

extent that people are questioning the veryviability of the state. The core of the problem isfailure to achieve and define the Identity ofPakistan.

Like it or not ‘Islam’ is the crux of the matter.The word in context of Pakistan ignites fiery

stating that he wanted a Muslim state and nottheocracy he was not being contradictory. Hemeant and believed that Islam was democraticand progressive. As did almost all Muslims inthose days.

In those days, Muslim world over saw IndianMuslims to be the beacon of light. Internationalg y

passions and debates. There are two maingroups. People who claim that Islam makes thebasis of the creation of the Pakistan andtherefore they want to impose their version ofIslam/ Sharia upon us. The opposing group is ledby progressive Muslims who claim that Pakistanwas never meant to be a theocracy. Both

t h l f h

gscholar Muslims like Mohammad Asad travelledto India, and stayed in Pakistan, for Islamicrenaissance.

Now 60 years on, Islam is seen in the narrowterms of religion. It is seen as lifeblood of antiprogressive, static, obscurantist and dogmaticcivilization Conservatives are proud of itgroups can quote enough examples of speeches

by Quaid to support their stance. So what is thetruth?

In this article we contend that theinterpretation of both groups is completelywrong. This whole dispute is based on thecomplete misunderstanding of the issue by both

civilization. Conservatives are proud of it.Progressives loathe it. But that is how bothdefine it.

And that is here this whole misunderstandingbegins. The fundamental flaw in discussionabout Quaid is simply that when he talkedabout Islam he said it from his own perspective

The meaning of word ‘Islam’ is not the

ip g y

parties. While interpreting anything perspectiveor the paradigm is the most fundamentalelement. We believe that this whole disputearises because both parties have failed tounderstand the perspective in which Pakistanwas created and what Quaid said about this.

I th d t d th t th i f

p pof what he understood Islam to be and 60 yearson we see it from our perspective which is verydifferent in the new geopolitical reality.

Which perspective is correct is a separatediscussion altogether and we shall devoteanother article to that.

same in Pakistan now as it was for the Indian Muslims in 1930s and 1940s.In other words we contend that the meaning of

word ‘Islam’ is not the same in Pakistan now asit was for the Indian Muslims in 1930s and1940s. In fact the meaning of Islam seems tohave undergone a transmutation which can beclearly divided into three phases. Phase onestart at 1924 when ottoman caliphate wasabolished and ends in 1948. Second phase ends

So what did Quaid say?

“You are free; you are free to go to yourtemples, you are free to go to your mosques orto any other places of worship in this State ofPakistan. You may belong to any religion orcaste or creed‐that has nothing to do with the

1940s.

pin 1970s and third phase begins from then tillpresent. In the first quarter of century after theFirst World War finished the Ottoman Caliphate,Islam was understood to be an ideology againstcolonialism and oppression. It was light offreedom. It opened possibilities of existence. Itopened all paths for those who followed it in

i i i l i ti

gbusiness of the State.”

[Quaid’s presidential address to the constituent assembley of Pakistan on the

11th Aug]

When he said religion has nothing to do withthe matter of state, he was saying what issupported by Muslim history For example Jewsname, in principle or in practice.

So when Quaid politically articulated the visionof Indian Muslims, most amply described in

supported by Muslim history. For example Jewsin medina were never persecuted for being theJews. They were kicked out for breaking theircontracts. Mamluks in 12th century punished

Quaid’s Pakistan‐Quaid’s Islam 1

their Police officials for prying into people’private matters. Ottoman institution ofMuhtasib was strictly limited to Public crimesand market regulation with no jurisdiction over

theocratic State to be ruled by priests with adivine mission. We have many non‐Muslims –Hindus, Christians, and Parsis –but they are allPakistanis They will enjoy the same rights andand market regulation with no jurisdiction over

the private affairs of the people. In all hisspeeches and statement Quaid gave the basisfor the framework for policies based onprotection of everyone’s rights, endingdiscrimination and injustice, a society modeledon the principles of Islam which are equality andsocial justice. For him and his fellow Muslims

Pakistanis. They will enjoy the same rights andprivileges as any other citizens and will playtheir rightful part in the affairs of Pakistan.

[Broadcast talk to the people of the United States of America on Pakistan recorded

February, 1948.]

And also in Feb. 1948 in his broadcast to thejIslam was dynamic and progressive. The statewas to be based on pluralism and welfare forall.

After independence, as head of the state he hadfounded, Jinnah talked in the same strain. Hetalked of securing “liberty, fraternity andequality as enjoined upon us by Islam” (25

people of Australia,“ Pakistan is not a theocracy or anything like it.Islam demands from us the tolerance of othercreeds and we welcome in closest associationwith us all those who, of whatever creed, arethemselves willing and ready to play their partas true and loyal citizens of Pakistan.”

For Quaidand his fellow Muslims

equality as enjoined upon us by Islam” (25August 1947); of “Islamic democracy, Islamicsocial justice and the equality ofmanhood” (21 February 1948); of raisingPakistan on “sure foundations of social justiceand Islamic socialism which emphasized equalityand brotherhood of man” (26 March 1948); oflaying “the foundations of our democracy on

In a Press Conference held in New Delhi on4th July 1947, Quaid‐I‐Azam answered certainquestions which were put to him regarding thenature of state of Pakistan.

Q: Will Pakistan be a secular or theocratic state?A: You are asking me a question that is absurd. I

Islam was dynamic and progressive. The state was to be based on pluralism y g y

the democracy on t he basis of true Islamicideals and principles” (14 August 1948); and“the onward march of renaissance of Islamicculture and ideals” (18 August 1947). He calledupon the mammoth Lahore audience to buildup “Pakistan as a bulwark of Islam”, to “live upto your traditions and add to it another chapterof glory” adding “If we take our inspiration and

do not know what a theocratic state means…(A correspondent suggested that a theocraticstate meant a state where only people of aparticular religion, for example Muslims wouldbe full citizens and non‐Muslims would not befull citizens.)A: Then it seems to me that what I have alreadysaid is like pouring water on the duck’s

pluralism and welfare for all.

of glory”, adding, “If we take our inspiration andguidance from the Holy Quran, the final victory,I once again say, will be ours” (30 October1947).[Ref: sharif Almujahid‐ Quaid‐e‐Azam’s Vision of

Pakistan]

‘I do not know what the ultimate shape of this

said is like pouring water on the duck sback laughter).When you talk of democracy, I am afraid youhave not studies Islam. We learnt democracythirteen centuries ago.

Quaid’s sayings give the clear message of whthe understood about Islam. For him it is a pathp

constitution is going to be, but I am sure that itwill be of a democratic type, embodying theessential principle of Islam. Today, they are asapplicable in actual life as they were 1,300 yearsago. Islam and its idealism have taught usdemocracy. It has taught equality of man,justice and fair play to everybody. We are theinheritors of these glorious traditions and are

which lead to progression throughimplementing the fair and vital principles ofjustice, equality, liberty, unity, hard work,loyalty and tolerance. He did not leave hismessage unclear. At every point of time whenhe said he wanted a separate state forpracticing Islam he underlined the principleswhich he saw as the basis of a fair system ofinheritors of these glorious traditions and are

fully alive to our responsibilities and obligationsas framers of the future constitution of Pakistan. In any case Pakistan is not going to be a

which he saw as the basis of a fair system ofstate.

Quaid’s vision of Pakistan has now been a

2 The Vision of Pakistan

source of controversy and conflict because ofour own conservative understanding of theIslamic principles.

While for him Islam is in consonance with

stood for in his life.

Can we stand up and fulfill our responsibilitywhich is the greatest need of the time. Theresponsibility of making Pakistan what QuaidWhile for him Islam is in consonance with

progress and modernity. There is no end toprogress. The word ‘Quaid’ means the leader.But unfortunately he has just been made asymbol and everything about him has beenmade a mere ceremony. This is not what he

responsibility of making Pakistan what Quaidand Muslims of India wanted it to be. We needto start from that beginning, both for Pakistanand Islam. For renaissance and progress.

The choice is ours.

Quaid’s Pakistan‐Quaid’s Islam 3

On all the national holidays of Pakistan,different events and programs are held forfl ti b t th i l d Th i f

The conflict about the Jinnah’s Vision for Pakistan- Itwo main concepts of State, competing in thisconflict, ie Islamic and secular, are so narrowlyd fi d d i t t d th t b th f threflection about these special days. The issue of

the nature of the state in Pakistan and thevision of Jinnah about its nature, remainscontentious. People on different sides of theideology divide in Pakistan, have different viewsabout what Jinnah wanted Pakistan to be. Themain field for battle is whether he wanted an‘Islamic’ state (mostly meant in Ziaist terms) or

defined and interpreted that both of them aredevoid of their true meaning in the broad sense.Secularism is loosely translated to mean‘irreligiousity’ (la‐deeniyyat) by the religiousclass, which sees in it cloaked forms of neo‐colonio‐capitalist materialism ( orWestoxification ( We prefer it to merewesternization)), devoid of spirituality and( y )

a Secular one.

Many people first claim that Islam makes thebasis of the creation of Pakistan; and they thenpresent their own version of Islam which they‘demand’ to be imposed on all and sundry. Onthe opposite side are those who claim thatP ki t t t b ‘th ’

)), p yrunning amok against so called ‘Islamic andeastern’ values. While there is a germ of truth inthis perception, it is certainly not the wholetruth.

Similarly on the other hand, there lies anotherextreme which, knowing it not to be the wholet th it di h tl i i t ti I l

the two main concepts of State,

Pakistan was never meant to be a ‘theocracy’and since being Islamic means theocratic, theysuggest secularism as an alternative to it, withstrict separation of state and religion. Since thestart of so‐called war on terrorism, this battlehas become even more heated and intense andsometimes it seems that it may break into an allout war.

truth, quite dishonestly insists equating Islamwith theocracy. This group truly can have muchbroader support for its cause, but due to itsintellectual extremism, it insists on taking ultra‐non‐ compromising positions. It is led by acoterie of English speaking class, a motley crewof bloggers and writers, who revel inmartyrdom complex ( where one instead of

competing in this conflict, ieIslamic and secular, are so narrowly defined and interpreted

This debate is further complicated by differingperceptions and interpretations of Jinnah’slegacy, by various ideological factions inPakistan, who can quote enough statementsgiven by Jinnah to support their respectivepositions. Theocracy, Islamic state, seculart t I l i d ti t t d

y p (working hard to achieve his/her object throughhard graft, one would rather take a selfrighteous non‐pragmatic positions and claim forthemselves the title of un‐understoodideologues).

They would rather not face the arduous task ofti d t ki id i th i id tit

interpreted that both of them are devoid of their true meaning in the broad sense

state, Islamic democratic state or a modernsecular democratic state are differentterminologies that are used in this incessantquarrel.

The reason this discussion continues is becausewe have singularly failed, as a nation toformulate , define and achieve the ‘Identity of

accepting and taking pride in their identity as aMuslim, in a dominant civilizational paradigm ofWest, and try to work for creating a newparadigm for their co‐coloured and co‐faithbrethren. Instead they would rather changetheir skin colour, forget their origins and, beingashamed of who they are, disown everythingabout their Muslim background. In this struggle, y

Pakistan’. Perhaps the most important andfundamental reason this debate continues isneither social nor political but economic.Nevertheless we are where we are and theredoes not seem to be any resolution to thisdebate.

S l i Th

g ggabout the identity of Pakistan they would rathercede the opposite camp to the ‘ maulvi’ or socalled ‘ aalim’. They are, along with the selfish,greedy and narrow minded mulla, guilty ofcreating a priestly class in Islam where there isnone, and anointing it with the guardianship ofIslam and Pakistan’s Islamic identity.

Secularism or Theocracy

The crux of the problem lies in the fact that theWe have an issue with both these camps.Because they rather conveniently forget and


ignore the real issue that lies at the core ofPakistan’s problems‐ the issue of Governance.However the intellectual discourse of ‘Jinnah’svision of Pakistan’, is indeed at the heart of oursearch for a modern identity. Therefore it ought

Phase one start at 1924 when ottomancaliphate was abolished and ends in 1948.Second phase ends in 1970s and third phasebegins from then till present.

to be resolved in as much as possible. Theconflict over this issue has long driven a wedgebetween various sections of this society and hasbeen one of the major hurdles in the way ofsynthesizing an identity of Pakistan. We haveargued this before, that therefore, Pakistan is afailure of intellectuals.Islamic

We will approach this issue with an openmind. But we are not historians, so wecannot claim to the truth of the history asone hundred percent correct. The truth ofthe statements pronounced decades agocannot be rejected, but the interpretationcan be changed and therein lies thedistortion of the true sense Since historiansIslamic

In this series of articles we will articulate ourthesis that the identity of Pakistan is truly linkedto Islam, but both in Secular (which we shall callDunya‐viyaat) as well as Islamic religious (notjudeo‐christian religious) sense. In fact thisidentity is inextricably linked to renaissance and

distortion of the true sense. Since historiansalso are generally not present in the livingmoments, so it is not possible that theirunderstanding is completely the same asthat what was meant, at the time when aparticular event took place or statement wasmade. We therefore must build ourpicture from various little pieces scattered

revival of Islam (which we prefer to see asIbtadaa min al Asaal – A beginning from theOriginal). We have not fully developed a newterminology for some of these concepts, so weare forced to borrow from the traditionallanguage (and hence we are at the risk ofsounding cliché‐ ridden).

We also believe and in the

p pover decades and must not rely on one ortwo fragments, as is wont when one is tryingto clinch an argument (as do the secularistsand islamist mullahs).

We also do not claim originality to thisthesis. But we do claim that we are trying totake the dust of the truth We will endeavorWe also believe and in the

course of these articles we intend todemonstrate that Jinnah’s Pakistan was neitherSecular nor theocratic, but simply Islamic.Jinnah talked of Islam along with the modernnotion of the state, constitutionalism, civil andpolitical rights and equal citizenship irrespectiveof religion or any other consideration. He truly

take the dust of the truth. We will endeavorto present the picture of Islam that we havecome to understand form the foundingfathers themselves. This includes Jinnah asthe first and foremost, but also Iqbal, LiaqatAli, Nishtar, Muhammad Ali and scores ofothers who worked with Jinnah. After allthey lived in the history and their evidence

believed these ideals to represent Islam. Jinnahviewed Pakistan as a modern, democratic stateunderpinned by universal ethical principles ofIslam.

In this series we will contend that theinterpretation of both groups, who dominatethe intellectual discourse about Pakistan Islam

y yand understanding of Islam must closelyreflect Jinnah’s understanding of Islam. Andthat is how Pakistan was envisioned. So wewill finish this first article with a reference tothis speech of Quaid.

‘I do not know what the ultimate shape ofthis constitution is going to be but I am surethe intellectual discourse about Pakistan, Islam

and identity, is completely wrong. This wholedispute is based on the complete and uttermisunderstanding of what Jinnah, Iqbal andother Muslims leaders meant by when theyused the word ‘Islam’. In other words wecontend that the meaning of word ‘Islam’ inpresent day Pakistan is not the same as it was

this constitution is going to be, but I am surethat it will be of a democratic type,embodying the essential principle of Islam.Today, they are as applicable in actual life asthey were 1,300 years ago.

Islam and its idealism have taught usdemocracy. It has taught equality of man,

for the Indian Muslims in 1930s and 1940s. Infact the meaning of Islam seems to haveundergone a transmutation which can be clearlydivided into three phases.

y g q y ,justice and fair play to everybody.

We are the inheritors of these glorioustraditions and are fully alive to our

The Conflict about Jinnah’s Vision for Pakistan‐I 5

responsibilities and obligations as framers of thefuture constitution of Pakistan.

In any case Pakistan is not going to be atheocratic State to be ruled by priests with a

Pakistanis. They will enjoy the same rights andprivileges as any other citizens and will playtheir rightful part in the affairs of Pakistan.’

[B d lk h l f h U i dtheocratic State to be ruled by priests with adivine mission. We have many non‐Muslims –Hindus, Christians, and Parsis –but they are all

[Broadcast talk to the people of the United States of America on Pakistan recorded

February, 1948.]

The conflict about the Jinnah’s Vision for Pakistan- II

In the part I of this series we have argued thatwhile the identity of Pakistan is inextricablylinked to renaissance and revival of Islam (Abeginning from the Original). We also believeand in the course of these articles we intend todemonstrate that Jinnah’s Pakistan was neitherSecular nor theocratic, but simply Islamic.Jinnah talked of Islam along with the modern

secularists who insist on appropriating this asthe sole definition are themselves guilty ofplaying into the hands of extremist Mullahs andtheir motives for doing so remain highlycontentious if not suspect. Then there is also anall important question. And that is following. Ifwe are to accept that Jinnah wanted a ‘SecularP ki t ’ ( i th l i d b th

Jinnah viewed Jinnah talked of Islam along with the modern

notion of the state, constitutionalism, civil andpolitical rights and equal citizenship irrespectiveof religion or any other consideration. He trulybelieved these ideals to represent Islam. Jinnahviewed Pakistan as a modern, democratic stateunderpinned by universal ethical principles ofIslam.

Pakistan’ ( in the sense claimed by thesecularists) then why did he made so manystatements and speeches about Islam and itsrole in the making and definition of Islam. Anexplanation that he used this for politicalexpediency is not only against the verycharacter of the man, it is not borne out by anyserious study of the history.

viewed Pakistan as a modern, democratic state underpinned by universal hi l

Of course Jinnah is the lynch pin here.Secularists quote him and so do the Islamists.The secularists always claim, supported by manybiographies written by western writersespecially Bolitho’s and Wolport’s, that Jinnah’slife style was western (which means so manydifferent things to different people) Even a

y y

Alternatively we have the case made mostly byIndian authors, of Jinnah who for his narcissisticego split asunder a country and was responsiblefor the death of millions.

Ajeet Jawed concludes ‘He was sad and sick, Hei d i ‘I h itt d bi t

ethical principles of Islam

different things to different people). Even amore fundamental charge is that he was evenunaware of even the most basic Muslim ritualsand was a ‘non‐practicing’ Muslim.

By calling someone a non‐practicing Muslim onefalls into classic trap of narrowly defining what aMuslim is in terms of ritual performance. And

cried in agony, ‘I have committed biggestblunder in creating Pakistan and would like togo to Delhi and tell Nehru to forget the follies ofthe past and become friends again’....trap hecould not escape and had to meet his tragicend.’ (Secular and nationalist Jinnah 244). Orshall we concur with M. V. Kamath that thisafter Pakistan he changed again (third phase)p

the debate suddenly lands itself on Mullah’sturf. There are two points of critical importanceto be noted and understood clearly. First such anarrow ritual based definition of a ‘Muslim’ hasno basis, what so ever, in Quran, Sunnah oreven history of Muslims and Islam. Second byaccepting this (narrow and wrong in every senseof the word) definition is akin to giving oxygen

g g ( p )inexplicable...basing that assessment of Jinnah’smountainous ego, inevitable. (Chavan iii). Mr.Chavan’s own conclusion is ‘The million dollarquestion... why did he convert from andAmbassador to Creator of Pakistan? The replyaccording to me is it was only for thepsychological satisfaction to show that, he was

th t h t Gh di N h P t l d


of the word) definition is akin to giving oxygento the moribund theology of Mullahs andprovides them a powerful stick to beat everyone with. Last but not the least some

more than a match to Ghandi, Nehru, Patel, andAzad put together. Because they had hurt hisego in one way or the other and did not givehim the recognition as he expected.

The world Jinnah lived in 1876 to 1906

Clearly this enigma has to be solved. We eitheraccept that Jinnah was a Mullah in disguise

secularists would use these silly arguments tojudge a man’s Islam. But they do. As does theMullah. This is due to their warped sense ofreligion religiosity and a convenient way out ofaccept that Jinnah was a Mullah in disguise,

which clearly he was not by no stretch ofimagination. Or he was an egoistic narcissisticman, who cared about nothing and wasresponsible for the death, destruction andmisery of scores of millions. Fortunately wehave a way out of this dilemma. Jinnah wasneither. He was an ordinary Muslim, who over

religion, religiosity and a convenient way out ofa difficult argument. We will endeavor to tacklethese arguments as we build a picture of a manwho was Muslim first, Muslim in between andMuslim last, but not in any orthodox or Mullahsense and thank Allah for that.

We begin by exploring the world Jinnah lived inthe course of his life has struggled to uplift andrelieve the misery of scores of his countrymen.He was also an anti colonialist and antiimperialist, whose whole public life wasdevoted to struggle for the freedom against thegreatest empire the world has ever seen.

Jinnah’s methodology was his own which he

late 19th and early 20th century. This was theworld in transformation. The industrialrevolution based on the science and technologywhich in turn had developed out of theenlightenment, had by now transformed into atrue scientific revolution where everything inthe world of nature and humans was beingexplored explained laid bare and open toJinnah s methodology was his own, which he

had learned, developed and worked out as aself made man. He was a staunch believer andfollower of the principles he espoused.Nevertheless he was also a man of his times. Toexpect a hard working, self made, proud man tohave a static mind is an insult. To expectsomeone like Jinnah not to learn, imbibe and

explored, explained, laid bare and open tochallenge and question. This was the age whereChristian theology was being systematicallydeconstructed by likes of Darwin, Marx,Nietzsche, and Freud.

Politically the colonialism with its imperialisticmajesty was at its height and White man ruled

Jinnah was also an anti colonialist and anti

change and transform his views that best servehis people is a particular affront to one of thegreatest figures of the history, whose singularachievement is unmatched in the annals ofmankind.

One of the arguments that is preponderantlyused by western writers and secularists is

the world, with a sense of cultural andintellectual superiority immersed in arroganceand approbation. The electromagnetic phase ofthe scientific revolution had ushered in a spateof technological inventions and discoveriessuch as the light bulb, photography,phonogram, telegram, telephone, Xray andsuch like The old Newtonian world was about

imperialist, whose whole public life was devoted to struggle for th f dused by western writers and secularists is

Jinnah’s life style. That he drank. His culinaryhabits. That he wore western clothes. If we usepork eating as a standard, then using MirzaGhalib’s famous reply we may have few, but notmany half Muslims. Lowering ourselves to thenext standard to drinking of alcohol, Mullah willforce us to exclude many Muslims, including

such like. The old Newtonian world was aboutto be demolished. A new Einsteinian /Quantum era with is far reaching andfundamental altering, consequences forphilosophy, sciences, sociology, economics, andpolitics was about to usher in. The world wasyoung, hopeful and bright.

the freedom against the greatest empire the world has ever seen

some very famous figures, andcontroversially according to some historicalreports, seven certain Sahaba, from ‘Daera‐ e‐Islam’. But if were to go down to the lowestdenominator of western clothing then I amafraid every Muslim living in the westerncountries and a significant number of Muslimsliving in the Muslim lands will be out of it

It was also the period when Afghani and SyedAhmed were awakening a new sense of Muslimrenaissance. The Indian National Congress hadjust been formed and a nascent sense of Indiannationalism was developing.

Indian National Congress founded by A O Hume,is considered a direct political consequence ofliving in the Muslim lands will be out of it.

Is this what we recognize as Islam? We find ithard to believe that even the most ardent

is considered a direct political consequence ofthe great famine of 1876. Hume was anadministrator who was perturbed by the Britishreaction to this famine and this would in turn


later influence a generation of nationalists suchas Naoraji and Romseh Dutt ,for whom the‘Great Famine would become a cornerstone ofthe economic critique of the British Raj.( Hall‐Matthews David (2008) Modern Asian Studies

siblings, unlike those of his father andgrandfather, are the consequence of thefamily's immigration to the predominantlyMuslim state of Sindh. Old Karachi was the townof mellow houses that Jinnah knew as a boyMatthews, David (2008), Modern Asian Studies

42 (1): 1–24)

To quote Jaswant Singh (Jinnah P 60) ‘GreatBritain was at the height of its imperial glory,Queen Victoria reined majestically supreme, thelords, the ladies, and the sahibs who ruled onher behalf of the Queen in India saw not a very

of mellow houses that Jinnah knew as a boy.Some of the streets are so narrow, and thehouses so low, that the camels ambling past canlook in the first‐floor windows. In one of thesenarrow streets, Newnham Road, is the housewhere he was born. (Bolitho)

Now let us picture a nineteen year old secondsmall dot of cloud obstructing their imperialvision; not one troublesome dot existed then onthe horizon of their future. How, in such ascenario, a rather poor Khoja5 socially very farfrom the ashraf of India, not the inheritor familywealth, standing or name, did this youngentrant to the cosmopolitan world of Bombay,etch his name so boldly and so indelibly on the

p yor third generation Muslim, whose wife hasgiven birth to a young boy. They were keento confirm their credentials as Muslims.Reportedly Jinnah was taken to a saint’s tomb(Hassan Pir Dargh). According to Jaswant Singhthe newly converts stayed a step lower for ageneration or two and Muslim orthodoxy didnot demand or accept the same standards ofetch his name so boldly and so indelibly on the

social and political firmament of India? That wasMohammad Ali Jinnah, from Kathiwar.Kathiwar, a fertile part of Saurashtra (literallymeaning – a land of hundred kingdoms);inhabited by fine Kathiwari horses; beautifulwomen; sharp tradersand rich business families, both Hindu and

not demand or accept the same standards ofritual performance and social harmony formthem. But it would also be natural and logical toassume that the newly converts would be morezealous in an effort to integrate and ‘prove theircredentials’. If the ritual circumcision had takenplace as had Aqiqah, it is logical to assume thatsome sort of education of Quran must have

Muslim.

It was in this world that Jinnah was born andgrew up. This is where the story of Jinnahbegan.

Muslim First

been imparted in those early years before hisadmission to a school.

Later on he attended Sindh Madressah. Theofficial record reads as follows:

“Muhammadali Jinnahbhaoy” was first admittedto standard I on 14 July 1887 “Khoja” was

Born 25 December 1876, as MahomedaliJennabhai, he was the first born child to toMithibai and Jennabhai Poonja. His father(1857–1901) was just nineteen then. Nineteenmind you. He had moved to Karachi fromKathiawar Gujrat before Jinnah's birth in 1875.Migrating at such a young tender age with (or

to standard I on 14 July 1887. “Khoja” wasmentioned as his sect. In the column under‘previous instructions’, he had been shown tohave passed Standard IV Gujrati........ After fewmonths, on 23rd December 1887, he came backto seek admission again. This time he broughtwith him a certificate from Anjuman‐e‐IslamSchool Bombay, stating that he had passed

without) his wife, he must have been a veryconfident and sure footed young man. A trait hepassed onto his eldest born.

The first‐born Jinnah was soon joined by sixsiblings, brothers; Ahmad Ali, Bunde Ali, andRahmat Ali, and sisters; Maryam, Fatima andShireen Their mother language was Gujrati

y g pStandard I from there..... Afterwards, he studiedcontinuously at Sindh Madressah for more thanthree years. But again on 5th January 1891,while studying in Standard IV, “MuhammadaliJinnahbhaoy” left the school........ Finally, afterabout four and a half year of his associationwith the institution, while studying in StandardV he left Sindh Madressah on 30th JanuaryShireen. Their mother language was Gujrati.

Later on they learnt sindi, kutchi and English.The proper Muslim names of Mr. Jinnah and his

V, he left Sindh Madressah on 30th January1892, with these remarks in the GeneralRegister: “Left for Cutch on marriage.”


Sindh Madressatul Islam was established byHassanally Effendi, after a lot of hard work andagainst opposition from traditional Mullah class.The history ofthis can be read on the schools’web site For us it is important to note that the

Jinnahbhai became Mohamed Alli Jinnah bydropping ‘bhai’ first. Later on ‘l’ from Alli wasdropped to become Ali. Finally an additional ‘m’was added to become Mohammed. The finalversion appeared as Mohammed Ali Jinnah Toweb site. For us it is important to note that the

institution imparted education in English, Sindhi,Urdu and Gujrati. The Quran classes wereregularly conducted in the prayer halls. The firstprize distribution ceremony for the studentswas held in 1887, where the proceedingsbegan with the recitation of Sura Al‐Rehmanfrom Holy Quran.

version appeared as Mohammed Ali Jinnah. Tosay or even think that the young barrister Mr.Jinnah, brought up in Shia tradition would nothave known the significance of these changes,would be akin to slapping the history in theface.

Even more crucially these changes happened,

After having read the above about first years’ ofJinnah’s life and his schooling, any one insiststhat Jinnah only came to know of Islam andQuran at the end of his life, then they are eitherfooling themselves against the evidence orbeing deliberately malicious. We are notclaiming nor do we want to that he was well

while he was in England. Anglicizing the Indianand Muslim names is a well known trick used,and considered by many to succeed, in Britain.But here was a young barrister, a native ofIndia, announcing his identity by making hisMuslim origin more prominent in his name. I amsure 120 years on another simpler explanationcan be offered as an alternative such asclaiming, nor do we want to, that he was well

versed and thoroughly bred in ‘IslamicKnowledge’ ( in Mullah sense), but it is also ablatant lie to say that he knew nothing of hisown religion. This lie has been perpetuated adinfinitum with proof to the contrary. He lived ina Muslim house hold and studied in Muslimschools. How could he not know his origins?

can be offered as an alternative, such asconvenience of convention and spelling. Butwho can look into the mind of young barristerJinnah to say they are right and we are

Wrong. Considering his pride and youthfulexuberance we are confident that he was simplybeing proud of who he was, a Muslim native of

The way he changed his name between 1893 to1896 is also instructive. Mohomedalli

India. It is an affront to history that this manknew nothing of his Muslim heritage or was notinfluenced by it.


The current situation in Pakistan is chaoticrapidly descending into anarchy. Despite ad l h

The dream

k ’ f bl h f d h

Defining Pakistan‐I

democratic set up in place, the state institutionsare absent. Rule of law is non‐existent.Terrorism and unchecked and unabatedcriminal activity has become the order of theday. Sate is failing to provide even the basics:peace, security of life, food, justice andenvironment for economic opportunity to earna dignified living.

Pakistan’s first problem is that of identity. This iswhy the first of this series of the articles is toexplore options for expounding the definition ofPakistan; our own identity.

We have a firm belief that every successivegeneration has to redefine its identity and let itevolve with both, time and space. Evolutiona dignified living.

Then there are internal conflicts of all hue andkind: provincial, political, social, institutional.Emotionally charged and labile we Pakistaniscontinue to carry so much historical baggagethat we are almost being crushed under thesheer weight of it. Finally to top it all we are

d l ‘ ” f ‘f d d

evolve with both, time and space. Evolutionmeans that central core features of the past arepreserved and new features are added in thenew space and time. These new features andvalues in their own time will become bothpermanent and critical to the core identity orgive way to the new ones. This is, and alwayshave been the way of history.

under external ‘pressures” from ‘friends andfoe’ alike. Governed by a group who even theoutsiders are reluctant to hand aid money to,for the lack of trust and transparency, thisvicious combination of mainly internaldeficiencies and external threats have broughtthe country to the edge of a precipice.

The identity has to be shared and acknowledgedby all. This, however, can only be possible if itholistically represents the needs, hopes,emotions, values, beliefs and practices of thepeople who adopt and endorse it. This thenrequires that the identity is defined by us, thepeople (and not any external agents), within the

the need is to ‘refine and update’ Pakistani identity for our

Most importantly the plight of an ordinaryPakistani (the majority – the theela wallas,drivers, masis and house maids, servants,mazdoors, junior officials in public and privateenterprise, teachers, small vendors, smallshopkeepers, the peasants, haris, kisaans, thedhiyeeri wallas) is extremely miserable. The soled h h l f

people (and not any external agents), within thelarger context of a nation‐ state.

The current generation of Pakistanis arestanding at a crucial junction of their history.Amidst the ongoing national crises, marked byconflicts, not solely due to but mainly arising outof borrowed, misconstrued and confusedd

our generation, that is deeply rooted in historic identity but is somehow

and the whole purpose of any State is to serveits public, improve their social and economicwell‐being and quality of life and provide themwith secure and peaceful environment to go onabout their daily life. The state of Pakistan isfailing on all those measures.

For those very Pakistanis, the overwhelming

identities, is an opportunity. It is anopportunity to reconstruct an all‐ encompassingidentity that would permit integration of ourdifferences and similarities into a harmoniousnational, regional and eventually aglobal project we call the “Pakistan ”.

Hence, the need is to ‘refine and update’

distinct from it

For those very Pakistanis, the overwhelmingmajority, those ordinary inhabitants of this land,it is time now that this rot stops andChange is ushered in. Enough is enough. It isabout time, if not already long overdue, that thestate starts responding to the desires andnecessities of its Public. Those very ordinaryPakistanis, who despite running from pillar to

l d k

Hence, the need is to refine and updatePakistani identity for our generation, that isdeeply rooted in historic identity but issomehow distinct from it.

That affirmation of the dream, therefore, is thefirst step on the path of reform for the peopleof Pakistan. This is the idea of Pakistan has notd d f d kpost to earn even meager living and eke out a

lifeless existence remain true to the dream thatwas Pakistan. Pakistanis who still dream thePakistan dream.

died yet. In fact it cannot die. Pakistan wasconceived in the name of Islam for Muslims, butnot as a religious state to be ruled by priestlyclass or according to the dictates of redundant


and archaic laws and structures. The ideologywas, and still is, to view Islam as ideology thatinspires against obscurantism, subjugation andtyranny of one over another. It was not theIslam of Ummayads Abbasids or Ottomans It

Iqbal or a heavily sanskitrised Hindi in the nameof false secularism? Would we be able to saythat we have a piece of land ( state in themodern parlance) where we can developideology of Islam as an answer to the existentialIslam of Ummayads, Abbasids or Ottomans. It

was the Islam where Umar, ( about who BarnbyRogerson writes... ‘there is no one quite like himin all in the centuries of westernhistory…Garibaldi, Lincoln, and Cato touchclosest upon certain aspects of his character),used to address black ex‐slave Bilal as ‘ Syed‐Na’( Our Sir).

ideology of Islam as an answer to the existentialcrisis, both material and spiritual, facing theplanet and human race? We can go on and onwith these arguments but this is not the placefor it.

Hence, it is a dream that will fulfill in the form ofPakistan as a progressive, post‐modern nation

That dream then is to define Pakistan as ahuman state and make it exist as the rationalistMuslim state inhabited by humans of differentorigins, race and colour without fear orprejudice.

Human state represents our idea of a principled

state, that spearheads the development ofMuslim and Human commonwealth. And in theprocess helps make Humanity ready for theexistential challenges that face human beings inthe 21st century. It is a state, whoseintellectuals lead the new beginnings of Islam,to restore it A state, where women are not tiedto their stereotypical roles but instead are seenHuman state represents our idea of a principled

and competent system. A system that embodiesand implements the virtues of pluralism,tolerance, liberty and equity. It is a perfectmelting pot of distinct ethnic, tribal, linguistic,religious and political identities, where all theseconverge into a collective identity thatcorresponds to “The Dream”. It is a state where

to their stereotypical roles but instead are seenand treated as a human in thier own right withdreams, desires and ambitions. Where theyhave no boundaries to explore and redefinelimits to both, their personal, social and nationalexperience.

A state, whose young are educated, motivated,

That dream then is to define Pakistan as a human state and make it

human diversity is not only acknowledged butalso reinforced. Is not Pakistan the perfect placefor it? Different languages, different races,different traditions yet bound by same cultureand one ideology.

It would be appropriate at this stage to writejust a few lines about Muslims in undivided

innovative and hard working. Hence, ready totake responsibility for their individual as well ascollective future. A state, where wisdom of theolder generation is not left to relinquish andeventually fade out amidst the isolation of ourown homes.

And finally it is a state where being human is a

exist as the rationalist Muslim state inhabited by humans of different origins race

India. Some Muslims, almost all in India, claimthat the number of Muslims in an undividedIndia would have made a substantial minorityand would have had more say. That may betrue. But would that have given Indian Muslimsa state of their own to ‘ experiment’ theirunderstanding of Islam ( ref Jinnah) and try tomove forward in time and not be stuck in 1200

And finally it is a state where being human is away of life, underpinned by the idea that allhumans have been created equal by Allah andare such in the eyes of law; and where peopleof all beliefs can live together in a way thatfosters appreciation of religious differences andrecognition of human diversity.

origins, race and colourwithout fear or prejudice

move forward in time and not be stuck in 1200year old Sharia.

Would Muslims in that state have been able topresent a third way in competition withcapitalism and communism? Would there havebeen an opportunity for institutionaldevelopment to present a modern orpostmodern face of Islam? Not that such has

The Dream, therefore, is to see Pakistan asa Nation that becomes a beacon of light andhope for the world. A nation that can create,symbolise and emerge as the human paradigmfor the world to follow.

Failure of Intellectualspostmodern face of Islam? Not that such hashappened in Pakistan at present but we aretalking about an opportunity? Would we bespeaking Urdu a language of Mir, Ghalib and

Defining Pakistan‐I 11

Every identity has a history and so does that ofPakistan. Our history is neither short norentirely peaceful. It has been shaped by British

colonization and the awakening of nationalconsciousness in the minds of all Indians, thatwould eventually lead the struggle for aseparate homeland for Muslims of subcontinenthalf a century later

political leaders and Muslim intellectuals of pre‐partition India, led by Jinnah. The idea ofPakistan was also a source of inspiration forMuslims intellectuals all over the world whowere attracted to the potential of Muslim ledhalf a century later.

Important to note here is the role Muslimintellectuals of India played in evolution ofMuslim consciousness that transformed themfrom being Pathans, Mughals, Punjabis,Sheikhs,Bengalis etc ( term quam was used forall these), to a Muslim nation living inHindustan.

state and Islamic renaissance. This was becausethere was certainly an undeniable singularity ofpurpose, intent and action, the likeness ofwhich has been seldom seen in human history.

So why has Pakistan failed to build the dream?

We believe this is mainly, because we have

The most important of all Muslim intellectuals,in terms of influence on this history without anydoubt is Iqbal. It was his ingenious geo‐politicalapproach based on his ideas of humanity anduniversalism that enabled him to construct acertain Muslim nationality out of a purelyabstract idea of Islam

lacked the intellectuals with this clear vision toprovide underpinnings for materialization of thisdream. A few with the vision have displayed thelack of the courage to stand up for it or took asocial route for reform instead of political oneand in this process have become voices inwilderness. Some such as Fazal ur rehman,suffered from the inaptitude of the politicianabstract idea of Islam.

Iqbal was able to incorporate Islam with theidea of modern nation sate in most modernsense possible. For Iqbal the territorial borderswere essentially temporary devices destinedover time to wither away by enlarging into acommonwealth of Muslims (first and then of

suffered from the inaptitude of the politicianand rulers who instead of aspiring to protect theideals, simply took the easy route ofsuccumbing to the political expediencies toprotect their short‐lived rules. Majority havesimply been complicit with the rulers andserved their interests.

Jinnah and Iqbal clearly both saw an Islam that was free from the bounds of

whole world into a global Ummah of Humanity).Religion for him was neither national, nor racialnor personal but purely human. Similar ideas inChristianity has been described a ‘agape’. Wehave called it Allah’s Paradigm at another place.

It was Jinnah who made Iqbal’s dream possiblein form of Pakistan Jinnah gave these ideas and

Therefore, Pakistan’s history is a history offailed intellectuals. The signs were clear fromthe very beginning. With formation of Pakistanin 1947 followed by immediate death of Jinnahin 1948, leaders of the newborn state foundthemselves at a crossroads. The utopiandiscourses propagated during PakistanMovement had to be now given a definite

bounds of theocracy and tradition, influence of Arabian Islamic Imperialism

in form of Pakistan. Jinnah gave these ideas andideals practical shape, by appealing to Islamicuniversalism. He believed ardently in anindivisible Pakistani nationhood that was basedon an absolute conviction in intrinsic excellenceof the Islamic principles of equality, justice andhuman brotherhood.

Movement had to be now given a definitepolitical form.

While Islam was still recognized as the mostessential coordinate for Pakistani identity,it was discord on the nature of Islam thateventually revealed the extent of disarrayamong Muslim leadership and intellectuals.

and thus compatible with modernity and change

Jinnah and Iqbal clearly both saw an Islam thatwas free from the bounds of theocracy andtradition, influence of Arabian IslamicImperialism and thus compatible withmodernity and change. Jinnah’s Islamic statestood for religious and cultural pluralism andpeaceful coexistence. We have discussed theseideas at length in Quaid’s Islam

From then on began the ambivalentrelationship of Islam and state. The future ofPakistan, from then onwards, wouldsee Islam reduced to a meredevice in hands of politicians, so‐called nationalists, ulema andintellectuals for furthering theirpersonal agendasideas at length in Quaid s Islam.

Hence, formation of Pakistan was a jointventure and a shared dream of the


personal agendas.

Hence the early years of Pakistan saw thefailure of intellectuals in the foremost task at

Hand; development of a nation around definedIslamic ideals. While Deobandis, jamaatis,Ulemas and Pirs built on the readily availableinterpretation of Islam which suited theirpurposes and served their narrow interests the

politics and religion? Most importantly, are wegoing to let it be? We have gone againsteverything Jinnah stood for. Iqbal and Jinnah’sPakistan, a Muslim State, was modern yet notwestern It was Islamic yet not fundamentalistpurposes and served their narrow interests, the

legacy of Iqbal and Jinnah was not developedand nourished the way it should have been.

A slight overview of different political eras willhelp us understand the argument much better.So strong was the influence of Islamic rhetoricin the political language that by 1970’s Islam

western. It was Islamic yet not fundamentalist.They envisioned Islam in its true spirit; open tochange and ever‐evolving. The day we canunderstand and develop such an Islam we willfind our identity too.

We hear about the extremists / extremismtaking over Pakistan day and night. The only

and state, developed a direct liaison under theIslamic socialism of Zulfiqar Ali. His regimeengaged Islam and politics but failed. But he tooneglected the most fundamental of therequirements. Intellectual basis was neitherencouraged nor supported.

However it were eleven years of Ziaism and his

reason any extremist may take over Pakistan orthere may be danger of a disintegration of thedream that Pakistan is, is because, the rest of ussit silently and have let loose the likes ofzardaris, sharifs, fazul rehmans, Gilanis etc torun our affairs There is no intellectualframework that can provide bulwark against thetyranny of both Taliban Islam and failedHowever, it were eleven years of Ziaism and his

Nizam‐e‐Mustafa that finally put an end toQuaid’s Islam and established a state based onimperialistic and antiquated religious ideas ofUlema that generated and fueled sectarianismin the country. Not as much by the force ofargument but through the brute force of rawpower and crude and unsophisticated tactics.

tyranny of both Taliban Islam and failedWestminster style parliamentary system whichis not very conducive to democracy in itsstructure and provides an easy conduit fordictatorship in a country that has powerlessmasses, broken institutions and is withoutrobust and transparent systems ofaccountability and governance. The call of the

Musharraf’s enlightened moderation shouldhave provided progressive and free thinkingintellectuals freedom to develop their Islamicideas in context of Pakistani nationhood andwith respect to modern times. Unfortunatelyhowever, Musharraf’s Islam, a graceless mishmash

time is for the Pakistani and Muslim intellectualsto wrest back their ‘virasat of jamhorriyaat’ andstand up for their ideals of Equality, Justice andLiberty; not only for Muslims but for all humans.

The Fundamentals

To achieve this we need as the first to definemashof western and distorted Islamic ideals, coupledwith the space provided to the obscurantist andrigid ideas championed by ulema, delivered afinal blow to the ideals of Iqbal and Jinnah andfurther dented the already misshapen nationalidentity of Pakistan.

To achieve this, we need as the first to defineand develop a competent and principled systemto run the state. And second we need to haveclear, well thought out strategy and properlylaid out plan of action, for the successfulimplementation of such a system.

How will such a plan of action be implementedThis further division of nation has provided thevacuous spaces into which terrorists roam freelynow. Regrettably, today’s generation ofPakistanis find it difficult to identify hardly withany of the available labels that define Pakistan.As a result, our nation finds itself stumblinglyblindly into a black alley of identity.

and by who? We believe to achieve these aimsone does not need mass revolution or dreamfor an overnight change through a messiah. Weneed a group of sincere, dedicated and selflesspeople, who believe in this dream, are willing tolive and work to achieve this dream and if needbe ready to die for it. They will become the trueand honest role models

So has the dream gone sour forever? Can anation divided against itself, withstand thepressures of an ever changing world of global


and honest role models.

We need both Power and Principle This firstGeneration of ours which has to bring this

Change faces the most difficult task. That is toachieve power, start the reforms and then handit over to the next generation. That is to pass onboth the principles and power. To let go, ofpower after acquiring it

any individual that provide the basis forexecution of the will of people ofPakistan and define and establish theinter‐ Institutional relationship.

power after acquiring it.

To bequeath to the people of Pakistan a nationand a state, that continues to progress in arelentless pursuit of the dream – the dream ofleading the human commonwealth and facingthe challenges of the 21st century.

These reforms should result in stronginstitutions, systems, procedures and policiesthat run independent of any individual. Peoplemay come and go but institutions stay on andgrow in strength and wisdom.

Governance and DemocracyThe plan that we need to achieve this goal, mustas a first, provide a framework of social,political and economic reforms, that canconvince not only the People of Pakistan, aboutthe comprehensive strategy created for theirown welfare. But in addition, when this strategyis implemented it can once and for all lay thesolid foundations for continuing social and

The structure and method of Governance andLegislation is the first and the most fundamentalissue that needs to be addressed. There is nodoubt that in the long run democracy leads toequality, justice and liberty. But it comes at acost. Development may be seriously delayed incorrupt democracies where as in wellsolid foundations for continuing social and

economic progress and provide constant abilityto adapt and evolve with each new generation.This we believe is the only rational way that willfulfill the dream of Pakistan and lead this nationto progress and prosperity.

The Strategy of Reform

corrupt democracies, where as, in welldeveloped states, executive democracies takefull advantage of public apathy to run the statein the service of rentier class and corporateinterests. However dictatorships, even ifbenevolent, are risky in that every succeedinggeneration may not be as The conclusiontherefore is that ‘the system of democracy’ i.e.

To bequeath to the people of Pakistan a nation and a state, that continues to

We shall now propose, in broad outline, thesalient features of this strategy of reform as wehave thought it out. This is being presented as astarting point for discussion and is neither set instone nor a panacea. This must be taken as anopen forum for discussion. We shall discuss theproposed reforms first This will be followed by

its methods and executions, should constantlyevolve. Otherwise we end up in a situationwhere British government went to an illegalwar against the will of its people (executivedemocracy), or where the country with thegreatest pace of economic progress Inhistory (china 1990 to date) is heaving forliberty and choice but cannot find an acceptable

continues to progress in a relentless pursuit of the dream –the dream of leading the human proposed reforms first. This will be followed by

outlining an action plan for implementing thereform strategy. Lastly we shall discuss theexecution of this action plan and how should wego on about its implementation.

The fundamental reforms can be classed intotwo categories. First set of reforms are those

liberty and choice but cannot find an acceptablesolution ( benevolent dictatorship) or a countrybecomes Putin’s Russia, where Putin has to stayon in some form or shape to make sure his pro‐people agenda is carried through, with no clearsign of what will happen when he is no more(unipotent democracy).

commonwealth and facing the challenges of the 21st century

that fundamentally effect the federatingstructure of the State and such political andsocio‐economic basis on which the premise ofthe nation of Pakistan rests. Second set ofreforms are those that create, define andestablish the fundamental institutions thatprovide the basis for execution of the will ofpeople of Pakistan and define and establish the

May be by developing a truly people‐responsivesystem of democracy, we can teach the world alesson or two in this regard.

An Indigenous system of Democracy

Pakistan needs to develop an indigenousjamhoori system This system must be such thatpeople of Pakistan and define and establish the

inter‐institutional relationship. These reformsshould result in strong institutions, systems,procedures and policies that run independent of

jamhoori system. This system must be such thatit delivers the power, its execution, and ‘ikhtiar’or authority of who should use this power, andhow, to the people of Pakistan. Such a system


must define the relationship of the differentsocial groups that exist in Pakistani society. Wehave pre‐existing systems at family, extendedfamily, mohalla, village levels for consultations.This trend of consultation and conferencing is

Making sure power stays with the people

The merits and demerits of first past the pollsystem, proportional representation, anycombination of these or other ways ofThis trend of consultation and conferencing is

crafted in our culture. So it must be put intopractice even at the political and administrativelevels.

We don’t get tired of quoting Abu Bakr, whenhe said ‘follow me only if I do the right andstop me if I am wrong’ ( accountability), or

combination of these, or other ways ofproducing legislature and governors must bediscussed and a suitable method chosen anddeveloped. Limiting tenures is another idea thatcan be incorporated and makes sure freshblood keeps being injected. In brief anymethod that prevents the concentration ofpower in one hand or even few

about Umar when he was questioned abouthis shirt by an ordinary person(transparency). Standing against injustice andZulm runs deep in our blood through Aliand Hussain. So there is no reason that wecannot have tolerance, pluralism,consultation, accountability andtransparency in our own indigenously

individuals, and curtails the use of such power,must be incorporated in our system. This shouldbe even before transparency and accountability.We must not leave this power‐abuse‐prevention to anything or anyone.

As we stated before ‘The power to the peopleand by the people should be the mosttransparency in our own indigenously

developed democratic system. It is notas if these are concepts are alien to us.Such a system will have the capacity to expressand reflect the will of people.

The power to the people and by the peopleshould be the most fundamental and constant

and by the people should be the mostfundamental and constant principle.’

However one of the fundamental inalienablerights that must be guaranteed under allcircumstances should be the right to recall bythe voters. That is that the decision to takeaway the ‘ikthtiar’ of exercising executive power

‘Power without principle is

principle. The methods of how to achieve thiswill follow.

We are also fond of quoting Iqbal (whencriticizing democracy) ‘Jamhorriate is a systemin which ‘bandoon k gina karle hein tula nahinkarte’. If this is really the case, then we shouldstrive to make sure that our democratic system

through either legislature or governance, thatdecision must be firmly in the hands of thepeople of Pakistan. And they should have anappropriate method available to them toexercise such a right and decide when andwhere to terminate the terms for anyone.

A certain percentage of voters should be able to

principle is barren, but principle without power is futile‘

Tony Blair

strive to make sure that our democratic systemis constantly evolving to reach the point when‘ginti’ becomes equivalent of ‘tulana’. The bestway of doing it is of course to increase the levelof knowledge and wisdom of people byeducating them. So that, their opinion becomeswiser. And they are not at all or less liable tosuffer from the evils of narrow‐mindedness,

A certain percentage of voters should be able topetition to launch a recall elections. The voterscan then vote on whether or not to recall theincumbent representative and the same ballot,be able to vote a potential replacement. Thisrule should apply to all representative levelsand all public offices without exception.

parochialism, archaism, prejudice and bigotry.However since in practice this may be too muchof idealism even for this scribe, perhaps thebest way is to devise and incorporate suchmethods in our democratic system, that theseprevent the undesirable consequences ofwestern democracy that we mentioned abovein cases of Britain or Russia There are several

The precise methods to ensure that correct andaccurate representation can take many forms. Ishall not debate those here. Suffice is if I repeatmy mantra of ‘The power to the people and bythe people should be the most fundamental andconstant principle.’

together as one As Tony Blair once said ‘Powerin cases of Britain, or Russia. There are severalways of achieving this and since none is 100 %fool proof, perhaps the best method is to mixand match.

together as one. As Tony Blair once said Powerwithout principle is barren, but principlewithout power is futile‘.


true to the cause as the first generation. Historyof rule by Military Juntas different parts of theworld, post Second World War, serves as theclearest example in this regard.

lack of development. That, whether we needdemocracy at all, is another argumentaltogether, and not for this space. But our ownbrief history at least serves as an example to saythat we do need people to have power You

It must be borne in mind that democracy is notan electioneering method and its presence doesnot automatically either guaranteedevelopment and its absence does not mean

that we do need people to have power. Youmay call it democracy or whatever name youwant to feel appropriate. But power to thepeople of Pakistan is essential if we are tosurvive as a nation.


Defining Pakistan‐II

This article is a continuation of the first part ofDefining Pakistan. We laid out, in the first part,

Governance, which is responsive, accountable,transparent and evolves and adapts with timeDefining Pakistan. We laid out, in the first part,

‘the dream’ of Pakistan’s emergence as a nationsymbolizing the human paradigm. We believethat themost fundamental essential for establishmentof such system of state is a well laid out strategyof reforms, which we will extend here in thispart.

transparent and evolves and adapts with timeto serve the people. Above all there should beinherently inbuilt mechanisms for selfcorrections and limitations, both in time and ofpower, upon those entrusted with governing.

In Pakistan, unfortunately, the overallgovernance structure is corroded andd f i l I d f i h

A NATION'S STRENGTHRalph Waldo Emerson

What makes a nation's pillars highAnd it's foundations strong?

…………….It is not gold. Its kingdoms grand

Go down in battle shock;

dysfunctional. Instead of ensuring theimplementation of policies and service delivery,it hinders and restricts. Name any problem youhave and it can be traced back to bad,dishonest, incompetent and corruptgovernance. Faltering and stumblingdemocracy, fragile and weak economy,escalating budget deficit, unstable financialGo down in battle shock;

…………….Is it the sword? Ask the red dust

…………….And is it pride?

…………….Not gold but only men can make

A people great and strong;M h f h d h ' k

escalating budget deficit, unstable financialconditions, ever increasing trade deficit,provincial conflicts, inefficient bureaucracy,poor living standards, lawlessness, institutionalbreakdown, life insecurity, unemployment, lowlife expectancy, low quality of educationallevels, water, food and energy insecurity,rampant corruption and last but not the least

i lf id h

Name any problem you have and it can be traced backMen who for truth and honor's sake

Stand fast and suffer long.Brave men who work while others sleep,

Who dare while others fly.They build a nation's pillars deep

And lift them to the sky.

This shortened poem epitomizes both the

terrorism are self evident parameters that aredirect result and evidence of poor and badgovernance in Pakistan .

The Human Development in South Asia reportissues in 1999 and 2005 rightly states theunfortunate situation that the masses ofPakistan face, as follows: South Asia presents a

traced back to bad, dishonest, incompetentand corrupt governance

This shortened poem epitomizes both thesolution, and lack thereof, for the problems thatPakistan faces in all and every field. It is our firmbelief that all our social, economic, political, andother ills stem from lack of or bad governanceand bad, corrupt, inefficient incompetent,dishonest and dishonourable governors. It hasbeen our misfortune that neither the democrats

h di h h l d hi

Pakistan face, as follows: South Asia presents afascinating combination of many contradictions.It has governments that are high on governingand low on serving; it has parliaments that areelected by the poor but aid the rich; and societythat asserts the rights of some but perpetuatesexclusion for others. Despite a markedimprovement in the lives of a few, there are

i S h A i h h b f bnor the dictators, who have ruled this country,have ever paid even scant attention to the upliftof ordinary Pakistanis or presented a vision forsuch or taken any long term view to strengthenthe institutions that may produce goodgovernance.

Of all the tasks that any reformer faces, or for

many in South Asia who have been forgotten byformal institutions of governance. These are thepoor, the downtrodden and the mostvulnerable of the society, suffering from acutedeprivation on account of their income, caste,creed, gender or religion. Their fortunes havenot moved with those of the privileged few andthis in itself is a deprivation of a depressingOf all the tasks that any reformer faces, or for

any attempt at reformation, the first and theforemost is establishing a system of good

this in itself is a deprivation of a depressingnature”.

(Human Development South Asia Report, 1999)

Defining Pakistan‐II 17

Governance constitutes for {ordinary people} adaily struggle for survival and dignity. Ordinarypeople are too often humiliated at the hands ofpublic institutions. For them, lack of goodgovernance means police brutality corruption

education and merit based selections hasfurther added to the problem of badmanagement and bad governance. The recentissue of the fake degrees of presentparliamentarians has exposed well the fact thatgovernance means police brutality, corruption

in accessing basic public services, ghost schools,teacher’s absenteeism, missing medicines, highcost of and low access to justice, criminalizationof politics and lack of social justice. These arejust few manifestations of the crisis ofgovernance.

parliamentarians has exposed well the fact thatlittle attention has been paid to the merit andcompetence in Pakistan ’s political andparliamentary system.

Ishart Hussain, a former governor State Bank ofPakistan writes that ‘the vested interestswishing to perpetuate the status quo are

(Human Development South Asia Report, 2005)

In Pakistan’s case, the system is badly caughtinto the vicious cycle of bad conditions and badgovernance, for over a half century now. Theruling elites censure the previous governmentsfor all the problems and assume that the

politically powerful and the coalition andalliances between the political leadership andthe beneficiaries of the existing system are sostrong that they cannot be easily ruptured.The inclusion of public interest in the politicaland bureaucratic systems of the country andthe idea of power to people, has thereforeremained an ideal The decayingfor all the problems and assume that the

situation is too spoiled to get right. Hence theycontinue with their corruption, ineptitude andinefficiencies. Everyone in their turn takes ashort term view and makes hay while the sunshines. The few, with the intention and will towork for the betterment of the people aresimply sidelined by the politically powerful. The

remained an ideal. The decayinginstitutions and poor governance hasmade it impossible to be realized to date.

Governance

Governance is a multi faceted concept. It isgenerally defined as the setup of political,

The history of governance in Pakistan is history of

history of governance in Pakistan is history ofthe domination of civil service and militaryover the democratic political system. In theirturn politicians have excelled in deceit, selfservice and hypocrisy, not to mention failing toact within the norms of law and the essence ofdemocratic values. Our politicians use thegovernance as a means to exploiting any and all

economic and administrative authorities tomanage the affairs of a country. It is consideredto be the manner in which power is exercised tomanage country’s economic and socialresources for development. The system ofgovernance enables all the actors includinggovernment, civil society and politicians,through its diverse mechanisms processes and

is history of the domination of civil service and military over the democratic

governance as a means to exploiting any and allresources. Even a cursory analysis of differentgovernmental tenures and the performance ofthe institutions, shows no significant linkbetween the responsiveness to public interestand a particular form of government.

The lack of coherent and visionary policies and

through its diverse mechanisms, processes andinstitutions, to deliver the objective of ‘Welfareof the Citizens’.

The object of the ‘Welfare of Citizens’, broadensthe scope and definition of governance to greatextent, as the welfare is a vast notion in itself.The welfare of citizenry encompasses the access

political system

vested interests of the powerful groups hasbeen the common feature of the differentregimes. And it continues to be so even in amedia conscious age. Due to the archaic feudalsystem in Pakistan, the power has beenconcentrated in the hands of a few groups andcivil‐military bureaucratic nexus. The traditionalpower brokers the wealthy landlords

to basic rights of living such as food, housing,health and education as well as the other rightsand freedom of expression, freedom of religion,access to justice, security of life, safety of rightsdignity, an environment free of terror andinsecurity and the right and access economicresources and opportunity. The completepicture of the rights of the citizenry makes thepower brokers, the wealthy landlords,

managed the affairs with the prime view toprotect their own material interests andmaintain their powerful status. Lack of

picture of the rights of the citizenry makes therole of governance bigger and more crucial thanit is normally thought to be. The issues ofgovernance are various, yet closely


interconnected. The link between goodgovernance and economic and social wellbeingof public has become the conventional wisdomnow and needs no debate The notion and

agenda with regards to the abovementioned aspects.

Logically and as observation confirmnow and needs no debate. The notion andconcept of good governance is thus, tobe as an instrument of a society’s institutions,that lead to broad‐based inclusive economicand social development. Good governance istherefore a system, wherein public interestsand problems are managed effectively andefficiently.

Logically, and as observation confirmanalytically too, the reasons of poor governanceare the lack or absence of these very sameprinciples.

1. Devolution of power and decentralization ofdecision into multi‐armed and multilevelgovernance. By this we mean that there must Pakistan

Therefore if the access of common citizens tothese institutions is difficult or limited, it reflectsthe weak or bad governance. The differences inthe quality of institutions determine the gap inperformance, between rich and poor nations. Itis also observed through various studies thatgovernance mechanisms and system are the

be more than one power centers within thesystem of governance.

We shall discuss the detailed structure in thefollowing paragraphs, but as a way ofexplanation we see more benefit in two or eventhree centres of executive power rather thanone with defined limits and proper checks to

cannot even take the first step to its road of progress and prosperity without thisgovernance mechanisms and system are the

‘key defining factor’ of the differentdevelopment indicators, among the countrieswith same income levels. It thus concludes thatit is foremost and fundamental to revitalize theinstitutions and the overall governance systemto deliver the core functions of the state. Aparadigm shift of the role of government, civil

one, with defined limits and proper checks toeach power centre. Similarly more executivepowers should be devolved to smaller and thesmallest units.

Studies have conclusively proven thatcommunity empowerment leads to lowertransaction costs because individuals do not

without this most basic and fundamentalof the features. And the guiding

society and political system is essential toreform the governance system.

We believe that our salvation lies in reformingour system of governance. Pakistan cannot eventake the first step to its road of progress andprosperity without this most basic andfundamental of the features And the guiding

have to appeal to higher tiers for any services. Itis also a fact that service delivery from theprovincial levels remains poor and social servicedelivery is in a state of collapse.

It is also a fact that devolution is not effectivewithout transfer of financial powers. Thedevolution should happen both in executive as

principle in this pursuit remains ‘The power to the people and by the people’fundamental of the features. And the guiding

principle in this pursuit remains ‘The power tothe people and by the people’.

The specific aspects regarding the governancethat need to be directly addressed are:1. The system of attaining and exercising power,to manage the institutions, with the capacity to

devolution should happen both in executive aswell legislative arms in a parallel manner. iethere should be a legislative arm of people’srepresentative at each level of executive fortransparent accountability. This devolutionshould be zero sum. ie there should bedisempowerment of higher levels. The mainpurpose and stated objective of such a

people .

represent public will and interest and acttherein;

2. The competence of state structure to designand implement policies to discharge its functionof welfare for its citizens under the directionand guidance of the government. i.einstitutional strength regardless and in spite of

devolution is to achieve cost‐effective andtimely service delivery.

John Gaventa of IDS UK has made an aptobservation when he says that ‘We can win aglobal change ( in Pakistan’s case country widechange), but it will not have teeth unless it isrooted locallyinstitutional strength regardless and in spite of

managerial competence of governors. We cannow list certain attributes as guidingprinciples, to help build and develop the reform

rooted locally.

The challenge is now to develop new forms ofalliance, new forms of citizenship...’

Defining Pakistan‐II 19

2. Political system and culture that admires andappreciates democratic and human values withpublic awareness and social responsibility. Usingpower to promote civil and social values

example in this context. The system of state isnot democratic. But the communist party hastaken the form of an institution that gives equalopportunity to each and everyone to attainpower to promote civil and social values.

Supporting strong institutions that bridge civilsociety and the state, strong civil libertiesparticipatory and deliberative democracy,strengthening and broadening the basis forparty system of participation, increasing therole of civil society,

opportunity to each and everyone to attainpower.

As long as there is political will, and honestcommitment to the citizens of the country, thewelfare will be delivered, no matter what thesystem. Where the system matters is when itgets the governors who are either not willing to

3. Rule of law Up gradation of rules,enforcement mechanisms, organizationalstructures and incentives of state structures

4. Strict separation of the executive andlegislature. In other words MNAs and MPAsshould not be the ministers Their job should be

deliver with honesty or are simply incapable ofdoing it. In which case, the system should haveinbuilt mechanisms, to promptly remove suchgovernors and replace them.

For Pakistan, due to its feudal background,colonial history and vision of a future as ahuman state however democracy may be theWhere the should not be the ministers. Their job should be

the legislation and accountability of theexecutive. Transparency and Accountabilityneed to go hand in hand with full and freeaccess to the information for the public in theform of freedom of information legislation withregulatory oversight that ensures free flow ofinformation to public in a consistent manner.

human state, however, democracy may be themore desirable setup because it provides aneasier mechanism of accountability and is moreeffective in delivering power to the people.When led by the values of protection of thehuman rights, democracy creates avenues forthe public to participate in policymaking. Itprovides a system for the inclusion of multiple

system matters is when it gets the governors who are either not illi t

5. Coherent policies based on larger interest ofpublic, and responsive to public demands withpolitical will and commitment to implementthese policies. The rewards of governmentdecisions should be aligned with the social costsand benefits to the public at large.

social groups in policy making and grant peoplethe right to hold authorities accountable andjudge them on the basis of their performance indischarging their duties. However as we haveemphasized above, this democratic system hasto be tailored to the specific needs andpeculiarities of Pakistan. The modes andmethods of democracy and governance have to

willing to deliver with honesty or are simply incapable of doing it. In which case, the system

6. Supportive & Competent administrativesystem that ensures smooth, efficient, costeffective and timely delivery of services. Thishas to combine with fair mechanism for disputeresolution, equal access to opportunities,adoption of meritocracy as a rule, fair judgmentand appropriate rewards.

methods of democracy and governance have tobe Pakistan centric and Pakistan specific.Implanting of any other system has been afailure and will continue to be so. On these basisthere must be developed an indigenous systemof governance which can ensure equalopportunity for people to participate, meritbased selection, transparency and

yshould have inbuilt mechanisms, to promptly remove such governors and replace them

As far the precise system of government isconcerned, numerous studies and case studiesshow that there is no correlation between theparticular form of government and welfare ofthe citizens. No particular form of governmentalsystem is an ideal for delivering the object ofthe state We have seen different countries

aaccountability and finally constant but smoothtransition and change with transfer of power.

Without addressing the roots of governancecrises in Pakistan, efforts to improve the state ofdevelopment or bring prosperity and welfarefor masses, will not yield a meaningful andpermanent solution mechanism Good

them

the state. We have seen different countriesworld over have made different systems ofstate work for the objective of welfare tothe citizenry. The state of in China is an

permanent solution mechanism. Goodgovernance and welfare based reform agendaare the essential ingredients of any attempt tosalvage our society, politics and economy. Theagenda must not ignore the core values of


human rights including civil, cultural, economic,political and social and in total the right to livewith dignity and peace. But is it possible to

frame and evolve an indigenous system ofdemocracy and governance? We shall turn tothis in our next section.

PAKISTAN: A FAILURE OF INTELLECTUALS

Every Identity has a history and so does that ofPakistan. It is short but tumultuous, althoughsome say it was born with the conversion orsettlement of the first Muslim in India. In truly

d h h I di l i lf b

However the difference between these twocould simply be down to the fact that Iqbal’sideas were being proposed nearly 50 yearsafter the time of Sir Syed, during which Muslimsf I di h i d h I himodern sense though India was only itself born,

when British firmly established their rule fromAfghanistan to Burma, by 1890s. In the processof doing this however, they sowed the seed ofnational consciousness in the minds of Indians.British influence moulded Indian nationalism byomissions and commissions. However itinevitably also laid the seed of communalism, as

of India has experienced much. In any event thisdiscussion is lea relevant here. What isimportant is that eventually it were theseevolved ideas of Iqbal, in the line of Aligarhmovement which took hold of Muslimsimagination and belief and won the groundfrom Azad and Deobandis. Congress andHindu’s obstinate and communal attitudesinevitably also laid the seed of communalism, as

different regions and nationalities in the subcontinental melting pot, woke up to the Britishrule and demanded their rights.

Without going into the details, Muslimconsciousness evolved from being Pathans,Mughals, Punjabis, Sheikhs, Bengalis etc ( term

d f ll h ) li

Hindu s obstinate and communal attitudesprovided much needed help in engraving theideas espoused by Iqbal, deeper onto Muslimsconsciousness.

In espousing these ideas, Iqbal had specificallyargued that he was not following European‘nationalism’ ideas (which he opposed because

di hi i i d h fquam was used for all these), to a Muslimnation living in Hindustan. The two maindefinitions that competed for the attention andeventual adoption by Muslims were those ofAzad and Deobandis on one hand and Sir Syedand Iqbal on the other. Azad and Deobandisbelieved that Muslims were not a minority inIndia and should stop seeing themselves as one.

according to him it contained the germs ofatheistic materialism which he saw as thegreatest danger to humanity); but rather wastaking a practical approach in that ‘thesurvival of Islam in India depended upon itscentralization in a specified area’. But it was notonly the survival he was concerned about.Being a much wiser and prescient man thatIndia and should stop seeing themselves as one.

Muslims they argued were rather a part of auniversal ummah, so where they lived did notmatter much. Iqbal, like Sir Syed took a morepractical line and they both wanted to firm upthe place of Indian Muslims in the politicalsetup of India while it was still within BritishEmpire and after British had left.

Being a much wiser and prescient man thathe was, Humanity and Universalism were hisconcern. ‘ if you want to make it(universalism) an effective ideal and work it outin social life, you must start……….with asociety… with a creed and a well defined outlinebut ever enlarging… such a society.. is Islam’.(Letter to Nicholson). At the same time hedi d hi lf f Sh i h i i d i

It has been argued, however that even withinthis line of thinking Sir Syed’s understandingof community and his attention wasfocused on largely Urdu Speaking Muslims inand around Central and northern India. Muslimsof northwest and northeast India wereperipheral to his concerns. In contrast Iqbal

distanced himself from Shariah inspired versionof community that relied on ulema as well asSufism. In fact in a letter to Nawab ofBahawalpur in 1938, he described Ulema andtheir attitudes as a threat to the Muslims ofIndia.

Looking back now at his approach, threeperipheral to his concerns. In contrast Iqbalshowed a genuine grasp of geography onpolitics and proposed geographically definedand limited states in the Northwest andNortheast.

Looking back now at his approach, threequarters of a century later, Iqbal essentiallyperformed an Ijtihaad, in that he defined thelimited political shape of Indian Muslims whileaspiring for Universal values and ethos. He

Pakistan: A Failure of Intellectuals 21

thereby made Islam’s universal valuesexpressible in a form compatible with themodern idea of state. In other words he appliedIslam in a new ‘time and space’. This wasessentially without precedence in the Muslim

was indispensable that Islamic codes of publicmorality based on equality, justice, fair play,tolerance, and pluralism are implemented. Iqbalconsidered that acceptance of social democracywas a return to the original purity of Islamessentially without precedence in the Muslim

history.

Iqbal believed that Islam constructed nationalityout of a purely abstract idea, a commonspiritual aspiration. The sense of solidarityamong Muslims was due to a certain view ofthe world and a commitment to sacrifice ones’

Iqbal believed

was a return to the original purity of Islam.Jinnah’s Islamic state stood for religious andcultural pluralism and peaceful coexistence. Wehave discussed these ideas at length in Quaid’sIslam. Hence, formation of Pakistan was a jointventure and a shareddream of the politicalleaders and Muslim intellectuals of pre‐partitionIndia, led by Jinnah. This is not to say that there

life for this ideal. For Iqbal the territorialborders were essentially temporary devicesdestined over time to wither away by enlarginginto a commonwealth of Muslims (first andthen of whole world into a global Ummah ofHumanity). For Iqbal religion was neithernational, nor racial nor personal but purelyhuman Similar ideas inChristianity has

that Islam constructed nationality out of a purely abstract

was uniformity or unanimity in every single ideaor action. But there was certainly an undeniablesingularity of purpose, intent and action, thelike of which has been seldom seen in humanhistory.

The idea of Pakistan was also a source ofinspiration for Muslims intellectuals all over thehuman. Similar ideas inChristianity has

been described a ‘agape’. We have called itAllah’s Paradigm at another place.. Jinnah gavethese ideas and ideals practical shape, byappealing to Islamic universalism. He believedardently in an indivisible Pakistani nationhoodthat was based on an absolute conviction inintrinsic excellence of the Islamic principles.

idea, a common spiritual aspiration.

inspiration for Muslims intellectuals all over theworld who were attracted to the potential ofMuslim led state and Islamic renaissance. At thetime of Pakistan’s independence, much ofMuslim lands were still under colonial rule.Those who were independent in Arabia and Iranwere under direct influence or control of thewestern powers. Turkey was the only other

Jinnah responding to Mountbatten hadsaid: ‘The tolerance and goodwill that theEmperor Akbar showed to all the non‐Muslims isnot of recent origin. It dates back to thirteencenturies ago when our Prophet not only bywords but by deeds treated the Jews andChristians after he had conquered them with theutmost tolerance and regard and respect for

truly independent Muslim nation, but one whohad denied its Muslim character and insteadopted for a western based nationalism. Underthese circumstances Pakistan was a beacon ofhope for those Muslim intellectuals, who saw inits creation, the seed of Islamic renaissance andfreedom of Muslims from the clutches of Ulemaand Sufisutmost tolerance and regard and respect for

their faith and beliefs’. According to Dr SafdarMehmood, Jinnah mentioned Islam as basis ofPakistan 101 times before partition and 14times after partition. But the same Jinnah byarticulating that religion had nothing to do withthe affairs of the state, and that there were noconcepts of theocracy in islam, was making it

and Sufis.

This idealism took a severe knock however inthe ensuing decade. Taken up by politicians,military dictators, ulema, nationalists andintellectuals of every following generation,Pakistan’ s identity as a Muslim State stillcontinues to be marred by controversies and

absolutely clear what his understanding of Islamwas and was giving a voice to Iqbal’s ideals.

Jinnah and Iqbal clearly both saw an Islam thatwas free from the bounds of theocracy andtradition, influence of Arabian IslamicImperialism and thus compatible withmodernity and change According to Iqbal Islam

disagreements on the very basics of this idea.Every generation of leaders has tried and testedtheir own versions of Muslim state and havefailed miserably. The upshot has been a failedstate and an entire generation with confusedidentities.

So why has Pakistan failed to build themodernity and change. According to Iqbal Islamwas not a religion in the ancient sense of theword. It is an attitude.. a protest… it is discoveryof man’. In the state created in this image, it

So why has Pakistan failed to build thedream? We believe this is mainly, because wehave lacked the intellectuals with this clearvision to provide underpinnings for


materealization of this dream. A few with thevision have displayed the lack of the courage tostand up for it or took a social route for reforminstead of political one and in this process havebecome voices in wilderness Some such as

neither an apologetic attitude (which is franklyunconceivable in the presence of euphoria ofvictory of independence and creation of newstate; rather such euphoria actually leads tofirm faith in truth of one’s’ ideas and beliefs)become voices in wilderness. Some such as

Fazal ur rehman, suffered from the inaptitudeof the politician and rulers who instead ofaspiring to protect the ideals, simply took theeasy route of succumbing to the politicalexpediencies to protect their short‐lived rules.Majority have simply been complicit with therulers and served their interests.

firm faith in truth of one s ideas and beliefs),nor a hypocritical accommodation, for whichleague leaders had little need in the first fewyears. Farzana Shaikh’s analysis castingaspersions on these individual’s motives isnothing more than a crude attempt from herown perspective rooted in probably her ownweak personal identity.

While Mauduadi setup a political framework,for his flawed vision of an Islamic state, andevery conservative traditionalists has politicalpresence in Pakistan, people like GhulamPervaiz, Amin Islahi and Fazal Rehman stayedwithin academic bounds and social parameterswith no political voices In the present day

Every generation f l d

The utopian discourses propagated duringPakistan Movement had to be now given adefinite political form. While Islam was stillrecognized as the most essential coordinate forPakistani identity, it was discord on the natureof Islam that eventually revealed the extent ofdisarray among Muslim leadership andintellectuals From then on began thewith no political voices. In the present day

people like Ghamidi, Riffat Hassan, Hoodbhoyetc continue on this course. Pakistan more thanbeing the failure of politicians, military orbureaucracy has been the failure of intellectualsclosely followed by judiciary. Had onehonourable Justice stood up to the usurpers,history would have been very different.

of leaders has tried and tested their own versions of Muslim state and have failed

intellectuals. From then on began theambivalent relationship of Islam and state. Thefuture of Pakistan, from then onwards, wouldsee Islam reduced to a mere device in hands ofpoliticians, so‐called nationalists, ulema andintellectuals for furthering their personalagendas. Hence the early years of Pakistan sawthe failure of intellectuals in the foremost task

With formation of Pakistan in 1947 followed byimmediate death of Jinnah in 1948, leaders ofthe newborn state found themselves at acrossroads. The country needed a constitutionand that too an Islamic one. It has been arguedthat this was due to lack of local roots for thepolitical leaders of the league The needed ‘

have failed miserablyat hand; development of a nation around

defined Islamic ideals. While Deobandis,jamaatis, Ulemas and Pirs built on the readilyavailable interpretation of Islam which suitedtheirpurposes and served their narrow interests, thelegacy of Iqbal and Jinnah was not developedand nourished the way it should have beenpolitical leaders of the league. The needed

Islamic legitimation’. However this argumentappears spurious since had anyone at that stagetried to proclaim anything other than Islam,he would have been charged with hypocrisy atthe least. Objectives resolution is considered bymany as a victory for the Ulemas and Jamaatis.However some Like Mian Iftkihar voted

and nourished the way it should have been.

The fact that it took us nine years (India three)to formulate a constitution goes to show thelevel of ambiguity that was faced by the thenleaders and intellectuals. This long period ofuncertain ideals created an identity gulf thatwould continue to haunt our generations for

against it as they considered it againstthe progressive and democratic dimensions ofIslam. Even those who supported this weremore inclined towards affirmation of Islamicethos and social concerns rather than interestedin particular legal injunctions.

Farzana Shaikh has called this a legacy of 19th

years to come. More so, it opened up the arenafor the very players that Jinnah had tried sohard to keep away from our state affairs.

So strong was the influence of Islamic rhetoricin the political language that by 1970’s Islamand state, developed a direct liaison under theIslamic socialism of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto The onlyFarzana Shaikh has called this a legacy of 19th

century Indo‐Muslim apologists. Historicalobjectivity however forces one to conclude thatthis was nothing but the real framework ofunderstanding of Islam for League leaders,

Islamic socialism of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto. The onlyimprint of Islam on laws and functioning ofPakistani state till now had been limited to thecommitment of upholding the Shariah and thetitle “Islamic Republic” (1956 constitution).

Pakistan: A failure of Intellectuals 23

However, Bhutto changed all this that. Hisregime engaged Islam and politics soon afterthe fall of Dhaka by making Islam the centralelement of all foreign policy, law makingdecisions and social and economic issues facing

less religiously minded army which stood by hisshenanigans. Paradoxically Musharraffcommanded, which are generally considereda much more religiously

decisions and social and economic issues facingthe country. But he too neglected the mostfundamental of the requirements. Intellectualbasis was neither encouraged nor supported.

Yet Islam still remained an open and forwardlooking faith for the citizens of the state duringBhutto’s era. It was Zia‐ul‐Haq who brought a

zealous armed forces , who stood by his ‘enlightened moderation’. This phenomenon initself deserves to be studied, as the implicationis either a highly disciplined force, two decadesacross the time, in complete obedience of itscommander or a force whose loyalty has beenbought over by its commander, both in 1980sIqbal and

backward looking Islam into the socialsphere through advocating his ambition offounding complete Nizam‐e‐Mustafa. Zia’sIslamisation, solely intended for theconsolidation of his own personal power,caused turmoil and created lasting fissures inthe social, economic, legal and politicalstructures of the country and society with far

and 2000s.

Hence, Musharraf’s Islam, a graceless mishmash of western and distorted Islamic ideals,coupled with the space provided to theobscurantist and rigid ideas championed byulema, delivered a final blow to the ideals OfIqbal and Jinnah and by default further dented

Iqbal and Jinnah’s Pakistan was a Muslim State, was modern yet not

structures of the country and society with farreaching destructive consequences. Thecountry has since experiencedsectarianism and disproportionatelyincreased influence of theocracy. These elevenyears of Ziaism finally put an end to Quaid’sIslam and established a state based onimperialistic and antiquated religious ideas of

Iqbal and Jinnah and by default further dentedthe already misshapen national identity ofPakistan. This further division of nation hasprovided the vacuous spaces into whichterrorists roam freely now. Regrettably, today’sgeneration of Pakistanis find it difficult toidentify hardly with any of the available labelsthat define Pakistan. As a result, our nation

western. It was Islamic yet not fundamenta‐list. They envisioned Islam in its true spirit;

Ulema. Not as much by the force of argumentbut through the brute force of raw power andcrude and unsophisticated tactics.

Paradoxically, however, it was under“Enlightened Moderation” of Musharraf’smilitary regime that Islam in Pakistan wouldexperience the worst blow Musharraf’s idea of

finds itself stumblingly blindly into a much anidentity abyss.

So has the dream gone sour forever? Can anation divided against itself, withstand thepressures of an ever changing world of globalpolitics and religion? Most importantly, are wegoing to let it be? We have gone against

true spirit; open to change and ever‐evolving. The day we can understand

experience the worst blow. Musharraf s idea ofenlightened moderation should have providedprogressive and free thinking intellectuals, thefreedom to develop their Islamic ideas incontext of Pakistani nationhood and withrespect to modern times. However, it didexactly the opposite. Enlightened Moderationdegenerated into a political farce. An

going to let it be? We have gone againsteverything Jinnah stood for. Iqbal and Jinnah’sPakistan, A Muslim State, was modern yet notwestern. It was Islamic yet not fundamentalist.They envisioned Islam in its true spirit; open tochange and ever‐evolving. The day we canunderstand and develop such an Islam we willfind our identity too.

and develop such an Islam we will find our identity too

intellectual orphan, whose sole purpose ofexistence, like Zia’s Islam, became toconsolidate the power for Musharraf, it becamean historical irony of the highest order. Twomilitary leaders at either end of the democraticchaos enhanced and extended their rule byexploiting two contrasting interpretations ofIslam The irony is put into even sharper focus if

We hear about the extremists / extremismtaking over Pakistan day and night. The onlyreason any extremist may take over Pakistan orthere may be danger of a disintegration of thedream that Pakistan is, is because, the rest of ussit silently and have let loose the likes ofzardaris sharifs fazul rehmans Gilanis etc toIslam. The irony is put into even sharper focus if

one considers the nature of the armed forcesthat both military commanders commanded atthe time. In Zia’s time it was still by and large a


zardaris, sharifs, fazul rehmans, Gilanis etc torun our affairs. Our politicians are witless andvision less. They cannot see beyond their noses(assuming they have any).

There is no intellectual framework that canprovide bulwark against the tyranny of bothTaliban Islam and failed Westminster styleparliamentary system which is not veryconducive to democracy in its structure and

transparent systems of accountability andgovernance.

The call of the time is for the Pakistani andMuslim intellectuals to wrest back their ‘virasatconducive to democracy in its structure and

provides an easy conduit for dictatorship ina country that has powerless masses, brokeninstitutions and is without robust and

Muslim intellectuals to wrest back their virasatof jamhorriyaat’ and stand up for their ideals ofEquality, Justice and Liberty; not only forMuslims but for all humans.

Pakistan: A failure of Intellectuals 25

TheThe VisionVision ofof PakistanPakistan isis aa collectioncollection ofof articlesarticles byby VisionVision2121.. InIn thesethesearticlesarticles wewe havehave triedtried toto presentpresent thethe ideaidea toto definedefine thethe visionvision andandarticlesarticles wewe havehave triedtried toto presentpresent thethe ideaidea toto definedefine thethe visionvision andanddefinitiondefinition ofof PakistanPakistan asas rationalistrationalist statestate thatthat leadsleads thethe newnew beginningsbeginningsofof thethe world,world, aa progressiveprogressive postpost‐‐modernmodern nationnation statestate thatthat spearheadsspearheadsthethe developmentdevelopment ofof humanhuman commonwealthcommonwealth andand helpshelps makemake humanityhumanityreadyready forfor thethe existentialexistential challengeschallenges thatthat faceface humanhuman beingsbeings inin thethe 2121ststcenturycentury..

TheThe challenges,challenges, thatthat besetbeset PakistanPakistan today,today, includeinclude aa multiplemultiple rangerange ofofissuesissues andand problemsproblems whichwhich areare intenselyintensely interconnectedinterconnected.. TheThe crisiscrisis ofofeverever increasingincreasing costcost ofof living,living, thethe crisiscrisis ofof economiceconomic andand socialsocial security,security,thethe environmentalenvironmental crisiscrisis ofof climateclimate change,change, ethicalethical dilemmas,dilemmas, crisiscrisis ofofglobalglobal paradigmparadigm andand thethe crisiscrisis ofof selfself identityidentity urgeurge forfor needneed forfor aaframeworkframework whichwhich cancan addressaddress allall thesethese crisescrises.. WeWe holdhold thatthat thethe largestlargestformform ofof organisationorganisation thatthat cancan addressaddress globalglobal issuesissues andand provideprovide suchsuch aaframeworkframework isis ‘State’‘State’.. PakistanPakistan isis aa statestate thatthat cancan potentiallypotentially performperform thethetasktask ofof puttingputting forwardforward aa globalglobal frameworkframework toto challengeschallenges facedfaced bybyhumanityhumanity..

Vision21Vision21 FoundationFoundation

www.thevision21.orgwww.thevision21.org

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