The Role of Somali women on peace building

1

CHAPTER ONE

1.0 Introduction

Women are the backbone of every nation. They are the glue that

holds and binds the nation. They are the one who usually takes

care of the families no matter what or how painful and

difficult it is. They sacrifice their lives and everything on

their capability for the sake of helping their families. Ever

since the collapse of the central government in 1991, Somali

women have been involved in mitigating conflicts between the

societies. They always act like a bridge between the conflicted

parts; they mitigate conflicts, prepare meeting venues, and

prepare food & drinks and everything necessary to make that

meeting successful. They carry peace rallies and bring people

together. It is commonly said in Somalia that “while women can

build peace only men can make it”. One reason for this is that

a woman’s affiliations with her father’s clan, and her

mother’s, husband’s, children’s and son-in-law’s clans, mean

that a woman’s clan loyalty is perceived as unpredictable.

Therefore, they therefore are not included as clan delegates in

negotiations and decision-making forums that can affect the

fortunes of the clan.

During the Somali civil war many women found themselves at the

center of conflicts fought between their sons, husbands and

other male relatives. In Somali society it is men, specifically

2

the elders, who traditionally have the means to make peace

through dialogue and mediation. But although women are

typically excluded from decision-making forums where peace

accords are negotiated, their position within the clan system

gives them the ability to bridge clan divisions and to act as a

first channel for dialogue between parties in conflict. By the

same token a woman’s multiple clan affiliations can give her a

structural role as a peace builder, enabling her to act as a

conduit for dialogue between warring parties and to exert

pressure on them to keep talking.Somali women have been

effective in influencing elders and others to intervene in

conflict and have mobilized resources to finance peace meetings

and support demobilization. While men typically focus on

achieving a political settlement, with the assumption that

peace will ensue, women’s vision of peace exceeds this and

includes sustainable livelihoods, education, truth and

reconciliation.

Somali women have also led the way in mobilizing civil society

engagement in peace work, although few of their initiatives for

peace have been documented. Many women peace activists have

found the struggle for peace inextricably linked to that for

women’s rights (Jama, 2010).When mobilized, women play an

important influencing role in local peace processes, especially

if they have wealth, are related to clan elders or come from a

respected family.

3

Women generally do not socialize with men in public places.

Somali women served in military units and played sports before

the civil war. Opportunities for secondary and higher education

had increased for women before the collapse of the central

government in 1991. With this, women also lost the legal status

and equal rights that had been afforded them. While women have

actively engaged in peace building, the gendered nature of

clan-based politics means that women are typically excluded

from full participation in peace talks. For the most part, male

delegates dictate the shape and form of negotiations. Women

remain in the conference venue as observers and as pressure

groups ensuring that any challenges that would cause a break-up

are promptly dealt with. One of the powerful lobbying

strategies women use is poetry. Among the Somali some women

poets use their art to search for peace in their country.

Again, according to the Somali researcher, (Mohamed, 2003), “In

some parts of the country, women at times employed desperate

measures to stop inter-and intra-clan wars. They formed a human

chain, lined themselves up between the warring parties, and

refused to leave until the two groups backed down. Their

immediate objective was to see to it that the two armies did

not shoot each other. A related objective was to bring in

alternative conflict resolution methods based on dialogue and

peace.” if in the thick of a battle, a woman stepped in front

of a man about to be killed, that man’s life was spared. In

this way, women played a key role in saving the lives of those

4

considered to be of high standing in the community. This act

often created an environment that enabled the warring parties

to settle their differences peacefully and to establish good

relations.

Women’s role as peace envoy that in some regions, among the

Somali, older women who could no longer conceive were used as

peace envoys. Because women belong to both those considered to

be inviolate and to the three whose heads are protected, they

are shielded from war-related violations. In times of war women

were the only one who could move across the zones of conflict

freely and without much danger. It was women who studied the

situation, assessed the prospects for peace, and facilitated

contact and communication between the two warring

parties.During periods of tension and in serious situations a

peace delegation was sent. The Somalis are careful as to whom

they would choose as a peace envoy. Those selected are required

to possess a wide spectrum of qualities and competencies,

including a sense of responsibility, patience, good

personality, oratory abilities, decency, etc. They are well

versed in customary law, and are required to know exactly what

the problem is and what is at stake. They are select group

individuals of rare qualities. This is depicted in the saying:

Two deserve utmost decency – Ergo (peace envoy) and a young

woman seeking marriage.

5

In many areas efforts aimed at resolving conflicts were not

confined to the ergo tradition. There were also enlightened and

visionary individuals in both camps. Those individuals shuttled

between the two sides, carrying messages of peace and

reconciliation. They include the leaders, religious leaders,

poets and other women. Responsibility for selection and

deployment of peace envoy rested with crowned heads (mentioned

earlier), prominent leaders, religious figures and women.

Married women, capitalizing on their neutrality and the

privileges bestowed on them by Somali culture, shuttled between

the warring clans, theirs and that of their husbands. They

carried messages of peace and reconciliation, and they

mobilized and encouraged the forces of peace from both sides.

When the real cause or causes of the war were figured out, the

aggressors acknowledged their mistake, submitted themselves to

mediation and accepted the verdict.These revelations are again

instructive. They draw attention to the great potentials for

peace and reconciliation, which African women hold for the

larger society. It is therefore an issue to be regretted that

despite all the strategic roles which women were able to play

in the old Africa, current political culture in most parts

of Africa tend to marginalize the position of women in the

search for peace in various corners of the continent. When

clans fight and there is death, steps are taken to organize the

collection and payment of blood money. A marriage or marriages

involving the two parties immediately follow this. This kind of

6

marriage occurs between a man who lost a brother or close

relative and a girl from the opposing side. The main objective

of the marriage is to heal the wounds and to cement the

agreement/settlement reached by the two parties. In the support

of the above practice, the Somalis say: ‘Where blood is shed,

it must be soaked with birth fluids’. And the point is that the

married woman will give birth to sons who will fill the void

created by the men who perished in the battle. In addition, the

marriage is designed to bond the two groups, and thus to

minimize the possibility of another conflict erupting between

them.In periods of conflict, there were times when a group of

young, unmarried women from one of the warring clans paid

visits to the opposing clan without the knowledge or consent of

their families. They were locally known as Heerin. They told the

people that they were unmarried women, and that they wanted to

be married. Because this was a well known tradition, the young

women were welcomed, and preparations were made to ensure that

they were married. This immediately stabilized the situation,

and sets in motion a peace process that eventually resolved the

conflict.The overall reduction in hostilities across Somalia

over the past few years has been accompanied by a growing

disengagement of women from the dynamic of conflict and a

growing emphasis on their responsibilities as breadwinners with

children and other dependants to support. But women have not

only disengaged from violence; in many cases they have taken an

active role in peace processes, both locally and nationally.

7

Historical Contribution of Women in Somalia have participated

in and contributed extensively to the history of the country.

Women were instrumental in the struggle for the country’s

freedom and independence. As active participants in the Somali

Youth League movement throughout the 1940s and 1950s, women

organized and recruited new members, promoted and raised

patriotic awareness, collected funds and membership fees,

secured housing and concealed nationalists from authorities.

Many were imprisoned, tortured and killed, as they fought for

the Somali flag. These remarkable contributions and struggles

of Somali's women freedom fighters were notably cited by the

death of Hawa Osman Taako, who was killed 1948 in a Somali

Youth League headquarters. Notwithstanding such outstanding

sacrifices at the forefront during the fight for liberty and

freedom of Somalia, women were and continue to be excluded from

any meaningful contributions within the political leadership

roles (Farhia Ali 2012).Thus, there is genuine discontent,

among Somali women today; that they are suffering from this

problem of exclusion, a problem not of their own making, but

that they are forced to endure. Even so, Somali women are and

have been the backbone of Somali’s economy and remain as

caretakers of family, children, and extended families since the

start of the civil war in 1991. Women continue to contribute

tirelessly to maintain a sustainable and a viable state in

Somalia, including the remittance by Diaspora's women to

alleviate family's suffering and to the NGOs that are helping

8

refugees inside and outside the country. Somalia without Somali

women, therefore, cannot be considered a sustainable society

that can strive for socio-cultural and political change. One

can argue that, if Somali women knew what worked in wartime,

they should know what can work in peace time, and if this is

the case, they should be at the forefront in rebuilding their

country as advisors, policy makers and peace builders. Indeed,

Somali women are not interested in war, but in the peace and

security of their families, regions and the country at large.

Somali women believe in dialogue as the only method to achieve

lasting peace.

Women and internationally-sponsored Somali peace processes, in

theory at least, international support has afforded women civil

society activists an entry point into externally-sponsored

peace processes, which had previously largely been a male

preserve. In the Arta conference in Djibouti and the Mbgathi

conference in Kenya, women made inroads with their

participation and representation. The Arta process coincided

with the adoption of UN Security Council Resolution 1325 on

Women, Peace and Security. This stresses the importance of

women’s ‘equal participation and full involvement in all

efforts for the maintenance and promotion of peace and

security, and the need to increase their role in decision-

making with regard to conflict prevention and resolution’.At

the Arta conference women lobbyists succeeded in convincing

Djibouti President Omar Guelleh to secure a position for women

9

in the talks and quota of 25 seats for women in the 245-member

parliament. The achievement was somewhat undermined, however,

when women were selected by men on the same clan basis as male

MPs, using the ‘4.5 formula’, rather than on merit.Two years

later, at Mbagathi, conference organizers categorized women

together with civil society. Some 100 women from diverse

backgrounds tried to take part in the conference on this basis,

which at its height had over 1,500 male delegates. The lines

between civil society activism and politics were blurred and

some political opportunists sought to gain seats under the

civil society banner.With the conference management de facto in

the hands of the faction leaders and their regional supporters,

just 55 women were given places: 21 as officially registered

observers and 34 as official voting delegates. Of these, 26

women took part as members of faction groups or the TNG. A

woman sat on each of the Reconciliation Committees established

as part of the process, and two women participated in the

powerful ‘Leaders Committee’, consisting of 22 faction leaders

and five members of civil society.

Women therefore made some gains in terms of their formal

participation at the Mbgathi talks because of international

support. However the Transitional Federal Charter reduced the

quota of parliamentary seats allocated to women at Arta to

twelve per cent in the larger Transitional Federal Government

(TFG) parliament. Political leaders have since failed to uphold

even this number and when a woman vacates her seat her clan

10

fills it with a male candidate. Consequently women made up only

eight per cent of MPs in the 275-member parliament. Since the

parliament was expanded in January 2009, women make up only

three per cent of parliamentarians in the new government of

Sheikh Sharif Sheikh Ahmed.

The outbreak of violent conflict in Somalia caused thousands of

people to be killed andhundreds of thousands of women and men

to be displaced. Many people lost theirfamilies as well as

livelihoods and properties, and continue to suffer from a

variety ofproblems as a result of these conflicts. In conflict

situations, women are much moredisadvantaged compared to men.

Women tend to be the more vulnerable to variousforms of

violence, from domestic violence, rape, harassment, to

tortureand other types of sexual violence. They also suffer

disproportionately fromdisplacement and deprivation. But

focusing only on women as victims of conflicts ignores the fact

that women play significant roles during and after the

conflicts, and reinforcesexisting traditional gender values and

practices that women are only “passive” and“subservient” in

peace and politics. This has negative consequences in

overlookingwomen’s potential as key actors in peace-building

processes and activities.Women are powerful actors in conflict

situations. During and after violent conflict, womenplay a

variety of different roles to ensure their and their families

survival. Womenbecome community organizers, helping to

distribute food, clothes, medical care andother basic needs to

11

the disadvantaged people; and they are powerful advocates

forpeace. Some women become combatants to protect their family

and community from the“enemy”. However, women’s experiences and

roles in peace-building and theircontributions are often

unacknowledged, undervalued and ignored. They

areunderrepresented and barely included in the formal political

peace processes. Much ofthe analysis tends to focus on women as

victims of conflicts rather than as actors. Awareof the

different impacts of conflict on women and men and of the

importance of the rolesand experiences of women as actors as

well as victims, the writer intends to investigatethe women’s

potential role in the peace-building in Somalia.

Researching women in peace building in Somalia is interesting

since women and menexperience conflict and are vulnerable to

its impacts in different ways. This is mostlydetermined by the

gender roles and identities based on masculinity and femininity

inSomali society. Related to development, it is also

interesting to find out that theinclusion of both men and women

in every aspect of peace-building is of criticalimportance in

order to enhance the effectiveness of development work in

conflict-pronecontexts. Political structures, economic

institutions and security arrangements negotiatedin peace talks

will not facilitate greater equality between women and men if

genderdimensions are not considered in this discussion. But

since women’s contributions tend to be undervalued and not

12

readily incorporated or sought by manypractitioners of peace-

building, the writer assumes that the women are mostly

engagedin the informal peace activities corresponding to their

concern to maintain a peacefulsituation in their community.

1.1 Problem Statement

In a world marred by conflict and violence, peace building is

becoming increasingly important as a means of preventing

continuing hostilities. Peace building missions andefforts have

focused on emphasizing such factors as security and governance

to preventthese potentially volatile situations from erupting

into full fledged conflicts. This approach, however, has

neglected the gendered dimensions of peace building. That is,

it does not recognize the particular needs of women during the

peace building phase, nor does itacknowledge their role in

contributing to effective peace building. During the war the

perception of women as the victims obscured their role as

peacemakers in the reconstruction and peace-building processes.

However, grassroots women and women’s organizations initiated

dialogue and reconciliation within their villages and

communities. But although women played important roles in

forging for peace during the clashes in the family and the

community, the government and other members of the societies

seemed to ignore the role they played as peace builders in the

society and as a result very few resources were (and still are)

allocated to their organizations. Also during the clashes, in

13

peace talks between warring parties, women were (and still are)

hardly involved, despite the fact that they were most affected

by the conflict. Besides this, most of the state peace-building

initiatives during the clashes took the top–down approach and

since there are fewer women in the upper echelons of power,

they were under-represented. This is in spite of the fact that

women, as child bearers, seek conditions that enable people to

live in peace by being counselors and custodians of human

values which is as a result of socializing the young ones in

the family.Since women are the backbone of the society is it

possible that they do not take part for the conflict management

and peace building of the Somali community, most of the Somali

cases for peace building Somali women do not included, this

study will identify why Somali women are excluded peace

building process and analyse the role played by Somali women in

peace building in Somalia.

1.2 Purpose of the study

As mentioned above, more than two decades of war in Somalia was

characterized by the extreme suffering of women, during the war

period. Women bore the brunt of the hardship, and little

attention has been devoted to the abuses against them. In

addition, the country as a whole has been left in a state of

destruction, which requires intensive peace-building and

reconstruction efforts. In view of resolution 1325, the first

internationally endorsed resolution for gender mainstreaming in

14

peacebuilding, the question arises whether women have been

taken into consideration in the peacebuilding efforts in

Somalia.

The purpose of the study is therefore to determine the nature

of the involvement of the women in peace-building efforts in

Somalia. The various dimensions of peace-building as set out in

the African Union’s post conflict reconstruction and

development (PCRD) framework and it’s emphasis on gender

mainstreaming in peace-building efforts will serve as the

framework for analyzing the involvement of women in peace-

building and development in the country. The various dimension

of peace-building namely, political transition, government and

democratization, security, humanitarian emergence assistance,

human rights, justice, and reconciliation, socio- economic

reconstruction and development and gender-will be discussed in

more detail below. In analyzing the nature of women’s

involvement in peace-building in Somalia, a distinction will be

drawn between the role of the government in promoting women’s

peace-building efforts on the one hand, and initiatives of

women’s groups in Somalia and international organizations and

agencies, on the other.

1.3 General Objectives of the Study

15

The main objective of the study was to examine the extent to

which women have contributed to the peace building and

reconciliation process in Somalia

1.3.1 Specific objectives

1. To analyze women’s contribution to promotion of peace and

security in Somalia

2. To examine women’s contribution towards governance and peace

building in Somalia

3. To investigate women’s contribution to Relief and

Development in Somalia

4. To analyze women’s contribution in reconciliation efforts in

Somalia

1.4 Research questions

The questions emanating from these assumptions were as follows;

1. Whatdo women’s contribution to promote peace and security in

Somalia?

2. To what do women’s contribution towards governance and peace

building in Somalia?

3. Howdo women’s contribution to Relief and Development in

Somalia?

4. Howdo women’s contribution in reconciliation efforts in

Somalia?

16

1.5 Significance of the study

This study is important because it will reveal the extent to

which the Somali women have contributed if any towards peace

building in Somalia, also this study will help to pin point the

contribution of Somali women in peacebuilding process in the

country. The study provides acritique of traditional

peacebuilding in terms of their neglect of the role of women in

theprocess. Furthermore, it suggests that a more inclusive

approach to peace building could prove more successful than the

practices currently utilized.

1.6 The Scope of the Study

Geographical scope: The study will be based on Somalia but will

only measure the views and perceptions of selected individuals

within the society of Somalia in Mogadishu, the country’s

capital city.

Content Scope: This work will assess the role of Somali women

on peace building and will measure only the views and

perceptions of selected individuals within the society of

Somalia in Mogadishu.

17

Time Scope: In terms of time, the study has drawn to a close at

the end of June, 2014.

1.7Operational Definitions

The UN describes peace-building as “an attempt, after peace has

been negotiated orimposed, to address the sources of present

hostility and build local capacities for conflictresolution

Peace-building activities range from the “demobilisation and

reintegrationof soldiers, demining, emergency relief and food

aid, to the repair of road and infrastructure. Peace-building

sometimes lasts for years after the end of a civil war but a

short-term assessment can be made two years after the peace

treaty is signed.

1.8 Limitations of the study

The researcher had encountered several limitations. The study

topic was primarily limited as there were no available public

libraries in Mogadishu. As the issue of the role of Somali

women debated, the research time was very limited to conduct

such data generating. The sample size of this research and the

scope of the research could not be expanded unless an earlier

start in the data collection. As the topic of this study was

a political and governance related issue, many of my

respondents could be sensitive in responding the questionnaire

18

fearing for their security while others strongly labeled the

issue of role of women as a foreign idea brought to Somalia.

CHAPTER TWO

LITERATURE REVIEW: WOMEN AND PEACEBUILDING

2.0 Chapter Overview

Throughout history women have been part of both peacebuilding

and war-making. Yet when it comes to formal negotiation

processes and to decision-making processes, they have been

largely ignored. This chapter aims to review previously

existing literature on women and peacebuilding in order to

evaluate the importance of including women in peace processes.

As was mentioned before, women have been excluded from most

decision-making processes. This discriminatory tendency started

to be reversed in 1949, with “The Convention Relative to the

Treatment of Prisoners of War…” the “first modern-day

international instrument to establish protections against rape

for women”. However, discrimination, rape, and lack of

protection continued. Because of this, women’s groups and civil

society continued to push to put and end to discrimination. As

a result, the convention for Elimination of All Forms of

Discrimination against Women was created in 1976. The

19

convention advocated for the need to end discrimination towards

women. It was signed and ratified by 189 countries (A. Trujillo

2013).The convention for Elimination of All Forms of

Discrimination against Women was a major legal step towards

ending women´s discrimination. Discrimination tendencies

persisted and women groups and civil society continued to

advocate for their rights. This led the international community

to establish the Beijing Platform for Action in 1996. The BPA

identified strategic priorities and created necessary actions

and strategies to move forward when it came to women’s

discrimination. Yet, women continued to be segregated. This was

especially evident when it came to peace processes where women

are almost completely ignored. Attempting to fill this gap the

United Nations Security Council established Resolution 1325 in

the year 2000 (United Nations Security Council 2000).

Resolution 1325 was very significant because it recognized the

importance of including women in peacebuilding processes and

all decision-making processes. “The inclusion of women is

rooted in the premise that their presence, participation and

perspectives will improve the chances of attaining viable and

sustainable peace. It is also based on the knowledge that if

half the population faces discrimination and violence there can

be no peace” (A. Trujillo 2013).

A report performed by Judy El-Bushra, with the organization

International Alert confirms the importance of the resolution:

20

“Activists stress the importance and variety of women’s roles

in peacebuilding and the need to support women’s peace

organizations. United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325

echoes this concern, and represents a global policy commitment

to support women’s role in peacebuilding and in post-conflict

reconstruction. Resolution 1325 is seen as a tool to promote

women’s empowerment, as well as a basis for mobilizing women as

a resource to render peace processes more effective” (El-Bushra

2012).

2.1 Women and their roles in conflict

Throughout history women have been seen as passive actors of

war and peace. Either they have nothing to do with war or they

are victims of it. “War is a men’s thing. It is very masculine

and women play a marginal role in it” (Wilson Center 2013).

According to a research that is being performed by the

Institute of Collaborative Learning Projects “Many people

assume that since women bear children and are their primary

caregivers, they are predisposed to be peaceful and reject

violence. In reality, neither sex nor gender roles are

predictors of peacefulness” (Berwind-Dart 2012).

In her doctoral thesis research Mary McCarthy stated that

“while women are generally the victims during conflict, their

21

condition should not be misconstrued as one of passivity.

Because of the extreme circumstances in which they are placed,

women often adopted proactive strategies to ensure their

survival and to provide for their families. Further, women do

not always retain their civilian status during these wars—they

are increasingly likely to participate either as combatants or

as women associated with fighting forces who provide logistical

and economic support for the fighters” (McCarthy 2011).

International Alert also confirms this belief: “globally, men

do predominate not only as actors in war but also as

perpetrators of violence, practitioners of extreme physical

feats, and decision-makers in institutions that underpin

violence. Women (with some exceptions) are less commonly

engaged directly in combat or violence, yet they support

violence in many indirect ways, e.g. by providing services to

fighters, through the way they educate their children, and by

encouraging men to engage in violence. As such they may be key

players in the creation of “murderous ideologies.” A review of

data from different parts of the world and different historical

periods shows that both men and women can be both victims and

perpetrators of violence, and both men and women can exert

extraordinary efforts, overcoming fearful odds, for peace” (El-

Bushra 2012).

2.2 Women as Perpetrators

22

When it comes to conflict, women as well as men can be

perpetrators. Their roles in supportingconflict vary. According

to Anderlini, “from Bogotá to Baghdad, women are on the front

lines of

providing services, heading households, caring for the sick and

the elderly, and sustaining and ensuringthe survival of their

families” (Anderlini 2007).

Women also support war by helping to spread warpropaganda, and

by, for example encouraging revenge. Even more, women serve

men, iron their clothing,cook for them, and perform many other

sorts of services that allow warriors to fight. At times, they

arewarriors themselves. Many times they perform these

activities by force, as they are abducted and obligedto be

active members of conflict. Yet other times they willingly

support the conflict.In McCarthy´s words: “some women adopt an

active role—serving on the front lines of theconflict…

Frequently, women find the experience empowering, as they

acquire skills such as basicliteracy, organization, leadership,

map reading and negotiations. Thus, women are not inherently

peaceful they too have the potential for violence and are

capable of participating alongside malecombatants in brutal

conflict” (McCarthy 2011).

23

Deciding to take part in conflict affects women in ways

different ways then it affects men. This isespecially true in

patriarchal societies. As women become perpetrators they are

usually discriminated bysociety. This can be seen in the

following quote from United states institute of peace report:

“When women challenge themythical division between Just

Warriors and Beautiful Souls, they tend to be portrayed as

particularlytransgressive and ruthless, thus implicitly

violating gender norms of femininity, which plays into other

derogatory stereotypes” (Kimberly, Phenicie, and Murray 2011).

2.3 Women as Victims

As victims, women’s roles vary. As was stated before, women can

become victims by beingforced to take a part in conflict; they

can also lose their loved ones, or become direct victims of

rape,landmines, or explosions among other forms of violence.

Additionally, they can lose their land, theirhousehold support

and be forced to shift their traditional roles in

society.According to McCarthy, for example, women are “more

likely than men during a civil war to bedisplaced, experience

food insecurity and to lose traditional social

networks”(McCarthy 2011).

It is important to note that women suffer the most when it

comes to conflict. Even before conflictstarts, abuses towards

them increase. “Too often women´s roles and positions in

24

society are among thefirst to be circumscribed. Their

employment, their freedom of movement, their dress, and

legislationgoverning their citizenship, as well as rise in

sexual violence and parallel decline in prosecution of

suchcrimes, are among the earliest indicators of increased

social and political intolerance” (Anderlini 2007).

During conflict women also suffer the most, as their bodies

become tools for the different armedgroups. Many analysts, such

as Amnesty International (Amnesty International 2011), Human

Rights Watch, (Anderlini 2007), and McCarthy (McCarthy 2011)

among others agree onthis fact. In Anderlini´s words: “in

effect, men communicate with each other through attacks on

women:thus women´s bodies are literally in the front lines and

battlefields of many contemporary wars”(Anderlini 2007).

As armed conflict advances so does the abuse towards women. In

many occasions abuse that wasperpetrated before conflict

continues and exacerbates during conflict: “sexual violence

during wartimecould be viewed, therefore, as representing an

exacerbation of existing patterns and accepted norms ofbehavior

under conditions that tend to multiply the number of armed

actors and heighten their authorityand freedom. As Wood has

noted, “repertoires of violence” may magnify existing patterns

ofinterpersonal violence, yet they may also reflect innovation

as perpetrators begin deploying forms ofviolence that are truly

25

unprecedented in a particular region or armed conflict”

(Theydon, Phenicie, andMurray 2011).

2.4 Women advocating for positive peace

By reviewing conflict resolution literature it is evident that

the notions of peace are changing. In Munro’s words “there are

two general categories of peace; positive peace and negative

peace. The latteris defined as the absence of all kinds of

violence while the former is described as the fulfillment of

basicneeds, freedom, and equality at all levels of society”

(Munro Jean 2000).

At one point, peace primarily meant the signing of peace

accords and the demobilization of armedactors. Recently,

however, the idea of a positive notion of peace is getting

stronger. This notion states thatto construct peace the

structures and root causes that produce violence need to be

directly addressed andcivil society has to be included in the

process: “Trust and security are ripped aside in civil war, and

peacecannot be made solely by military and political leaders”

(A.Trujillo 2013). International and nationalactors involved in

peace processes are more and more advocating for this notion of

peace.More often than not, women, search for a holistic notion

of peace, not just a ceasefire. Theyadvocate for inclusion of

everyone, for the end of violence in society, for a shift in

social structures, for achange of the structural causes of

26

conflict. Therefore most observers have concluded that women

shouldbe included in future peace processes.

2.5 Women’s involvement in peace

This section analyzes the main features of women’s involvement

in the peace cause, takingthose experiences of dialogue

promotion led by women in countries ravaged by war andviolence.

Although peace activism has gathered both women and men, it is

not less true thatthe peace movement has been one of the most

“feminized” social movements, with manywomen taking part in

it(Cockburn 2007).

Women have been traditionally considered as passive victims

ofwar. It was not until the 90’s that some attention was

brought into the fact that womenplayed different roles within

armed conflicts, challenging traditional views that

portrayedmen as active agents of violence and women as its

passive victims. Furthermore, taking intoaccount the reality on

the ground of the armed conflicts that are taking place since

the end ofthe Cold War, “the idea that (feminized) civilian and

(masculinised) military spaces aredistinct and separate no

longer holds” (Giles 2004).

27

Women are victims of the consequences of wars,but as Lithander

states, “the image of women as victims is paralyzing, and it

does not dojustice to the diversity, richness and drive of

women’s groups that oppose war and lean onmutual solidarity to

offer alternative visions of reality. Listening to the victims

is notequivalent to reduce them to that role.Women in many

countries around the world have decided to organize themselves

todemonstrate against war, reclaim the whereabouts of their

beloved ones, report human rightsviolations committed during

armed conflicts and demand that the parties to a conflict

conduct peace talks and work toward the end of violence. Many

women have decided to organize in women-only groups, one of the

most relevant and well-known being the Women in Black network.

Many women choose to participate in these kinds of groups

because “the autonomy of women’s thought and their freedom to

choose methods and means of action could be guaranteed. It’s a

political choice to be a women’s organization, it’s not

exclusion. Armed conflicts leave behind them a legacy of

destruction and violence that lasts for many years after the

end of the confrontations and the signature of peace

agreements. For many women, war implies impoverishment, the

loss of relatives, the breaking of the social fabric, sexual

violence or forced displacement. Nevertheless, armed conflicts

are not the same reality for all women. For some of them,

conflicts have also provided an opportunity for empowerment and

for gaining access to social realms denied until then.

28

Recognizing that although armed conflicts are basically a

source of destruction and violence, it is also important to

acknowledge that for some women they have meant an opportunity

for deeper involvement and participation within their

communities. This idea serves to back the view that women are

not merely passive victims of war and violence. For many women,

armed conflicts represent the first opportunity to have an

active social and political participation. There are many

women’s movements against the war that are raised as a result

of the impact that violence has on civilians, and consequently

on women. Demands made on the parties to a conflict asking for

an end to the violence, reports of human rights violations and

support to deserters are some of the issues around which women

have changed from being passive victims into been active agents

in social transformations. In fact, “more often than not, women

are among the first to speak out collectively against war and

try to prevent escalation(Lithander 2000).

In some contexts, characterized by oppression and

fundamentalism, such as Afghanistan, since the beginning of the

Taliban regime, women have developed resistance strategies

against patriarchal practices such as criminalizing access to

health and education .Nevertheless, the image of women in

relation to armed conflict that prevails is that of passivity

rather than agency in front of violence. Women are perceived or

considered as objects and not subjects that can act for

29

themselves and make their decisions to confront violence and

conflicts. Analyzing armed conflicts and their consequences on

women’s lives and bodies from a gender perspective, implies

leaving behind the simplistic discourse that condemns women’s

vital experience to that of victims (Lithander 2000).

2.6 Women’s experiences in Peace dialogue

As it will be analyzed in the following section, the

absence of women in formal peace talks is notorious. However,

women have been involved in the cause of peace all over the

world, and women’s movements have been critical in promoting a

negotiated solution for many armed conflicts. Women in Sierra

Leone, Colombia, Nepal, Sri Lanka, Serbia, Northern Ireland,

Uganda, Somalia, Cyprus and many other places have been

advocating for the end of the conflicts that affected their

countries and made contributions that were significant and

valuable in those contexts that began the transition from war

to peace (Anderlini 2000).

Women frequently recognize unofficial peace processes as

an occasion to become involved in the public and political

arenas and to organize them, particularly in the

nongovernmental sector. Acknowledging these contributions and

experiences in the field of peace building provides a different

perspective when approaching the issue of peace processes,

30

especially at the community and grassroots level. How to

transfer those contributions onto the negotiating table so that

women directly impact peace agreements remains critical because

the cross community dialogue at the grassroots level, women’s

peace initiatives and their first hand knowledge of the war

impact and post-war social needs will provide crucial social

intelligence necessary for resolving conflicts peacefully. It

is often argued that the absence of women in peace talks is due

to their lack of experience in the conflict-resolution field.

The reality seems to be quite different in that women all over

the world are practicing dialogue on an everyday basis, perhaps

not in a formal manner, but in a way that is closer to people’s

conditions on the ground. Nevertheless, this role must not be

taken for granted or naturalized, because when women’s peace

work is naturalized then the risk to perpetuate inequality

increases. As Boutaet. Al state, “when this work is taken for

granted, it goes unrecognized, is stripped of its political

meaning, and is rendered invisible’ .Women have been capable of

building bridges of dialogue and empathy in polarized societies

that go beyond the reasons for the armed confrontation and the

deep rooted hatred and division. They have sought positions in

common from which to initiate a rapprochement and search for

new ways of living together. These coalitions can be found in

contexts such as the Balkans and Palestine, Cyprus or Northern

Ireland (Bouta 2005).

31

These alliances established between women have empowered them

to transcended core political, ethnic, or religious divisions.

This constitutes a palpable demonstration that coexistence;

reconciliation and dialogue are possible from recognizing the

other as a legitimate interlocutor with whom common ground can

be found. At times, however, women that have dared to cross the

border and have dialogue with other women have been labeled as

traitors to their community, homeland or identity. The most

clear example of this can be perhaps found in the case of

Serbian women that refused to take part in what Cockburn calls

the ‘bothering “the project of the women living in Yugoslav

space has been to hold together in the face of a violent late-

twentieth-century movement differentiating ‘Serbs’, ‘Croats’

and ‘Muslims’.” Women have demonstrated that the building of

emotional bonds and identification with women on the other side

of the battle line is possible (Giles 2004).

Armed conflict contexts, especially those that have

developed around social polarization and division, have been

paradoxically particularly fertile scenarios for the upsurge of

women groups that have worked and develop cross-community

initiatives. It is well known that contemporary armed conflicts

have an overwhelming impact in the lives of women and that some

strategies such as the use of sexual violence as a weapon of

war are specially focused on harming women(Rehn 2002).

32

It is therefore understandable that those that have

suffered in a similar way the impact of violence are capable of

identifying more easily with the suffering of other victims

without taking into account their community, ethnic, religious

or political affiliations. Discourses on women, war and peace

advance two schools of thoughts: essentialism and

constructivism. Inger and Dan Smith’s Gender, Peace and Conflict

argue that when dealing with areas of gender roles, the two

opposing views provide a starting point. The field of war,

peace-making and conflict resolution from a gendered

perspective requires us to think of core individual and social

identities irrespective of behavioral stereotypes and

generalizations about people by nationality, social class,

ethnicity or gender. Smith in “The Problem of Essentialism” in

Gender, Peace and Conflict argues that essentialists base their

argument on the notion that some objects possess static

characteristics and that the behaviors and values of men and

women are different by nature. Inger in Gendered Battlefields:

A Gender Analysis of Peace and Conflicts argues that

essentializing gender will mean that men are exclusively

masculine and women are exclusively feminine. According to this

thought, the relationship of women to war and peace can be

looked at along gender lines. The perception that it is men who

fight wars, and so it is men who should make peace does not

reflect the realities of war and peace, but rather reinforces

33

gender stereotypes of women, as a weaker sex in need of a

male’s protection (Inger and Dan 2001).

However, looking at peace building and conflict resolution

from a critical gendered perspective, it is clear that women

have been and are active participants in issues of peacemaking

and conflict resolution. Apparently, geopolitical changes have

altered wars and conflicts over time. Cynthia Enoe’s explains

these changes from the point of view of men’s socialization in

the military. She argues that men are persuaded to participate

in conflict generally, as well as in the militarization of

ethnic nationalism through the assertion that their manhood,

that is the masculine ideal, can only be validated through

military participation. Thus, the notion of militarized men or

rather, masculinity, is termed positive while the feminine is

understood as negative. This is reflected in traditional

theories regarding gender and conflicts. Gender roles are

dichotomized: men, viewed as soldiers or warriors, exercised

power over women not only during wars and during conflicts but

also in other times. Women, seen as civilians, contrary to men,

were to stay at home. This explains the reason why men feminize

the enemy and commit rape against women symbolically, and too

often literally. They use gender psychologically to symbolize

domination in order to assume a masculine and dominant position

during wars and conflicts. However, there have been men who

perform duties that are socially constructed as belonging to

34

females and vice versa. Thus, essentialism does not have room

for change and relies on the idea that people remain

essentially unchanged throughout their lives. The

constructivists’ theorists use this fact. Inger, in “Is

Femininity Inherently Peaceful?” in Gender, Peace and Conflict,

sees the world and individuals as constantly transforming and

not fixed. Inger argues that individual characters are products

of social construction. In other words, individuals are shaped

by certain historical and cultural phenomena. This denies women

agency in matters of war, peacemaking and conflict resolution

(Cynthia 1998).

Literature on African women and the issue of war and

peace explores various other themes. Some provide depictions of

the types of war-time human rights violations committed against

women; for example Meredith Turshen, in What Women Do in Wartime:

Gender andConflicts in Africa (Meredith and Clotilde 1998).

2.7 Women in peace negotiations through community-

based initiatives

Despite the countless efforts made by the global community to

promote women’s equalrights and support women’s participation

in the peacebuilding process, including UN Resolutions1325,

35

1820, 1888, and 1889, there continues to be a significant

under-representation of womenformally at negotiating tables

post-conflict.Societal barriers obstructing women from

participating in the peace process vary fromcountry to country.

In most instances however, patriarchal cultural norms

strengthen thesebarriers creating a difficult environment for

women to engage at any level within the public orpolitical

arena. Additional variables capable of contributing to the

continued exclusion of womenin the early post-conflict stages

and throughout the peacebuilding process include a lack

ofcapacity building, denied access to education, economic

dependence on men, and domesticresponsibilities at home.

Dismantling any of these obstructions to women is a

challengingobjective, especially when there are patriarchal

norms deeply ingrained in a society. The womenresearched for

this report maneuvered their way around these social, political

and culturalbarriers, which in the past had barred them from

any decision-making processes.Regardless of the continued

paucity of women’s involvement in the early stages of

peaceprocesses, formally at the negotiating tables and in the

development of peace agreements, manyfemale community-based

initiatives have strived to promote women’s participation in

theseprocesses. A Peace Research Institute Oslo report states,

when examining women’s participationin peace negotiations it is

important to consider women’s participation within the

conventionalpolitical arena as well as their activities in

36

civil society, which has served in the last several yearsas an

alternative arena for women’s influence (Falch, 2010).

Women have utilized creativesolutions to provide

invaluable contributions to peace processes. These entry points

are oftendeveloped through informal dialogue, local peace

initiatives, community based activism andparallel

consultations” (Suthanthiraraj and Ayo, 2010). In their efforts

the women exemplified inthis report have moved beyond their

stereotypical role at home and created a space for

women’svoices to be acknowledged.With the assistance of women’s

civil society organizations, these women worked throughinformal

procedures to ensure that their perspectives be incorporated in

the formal procedures.Ayo and Suthanthiraraj (2010) write, “At

the informal level, women have been instrumental inbuilding

bridges of dialogue and empathy in polarized societies, forming

cross communityalliances to address core social concerns and

initiating movement beyond ethnic, religious andpolitical

stalemates.” Turshen (2001) agrees that central to these

efforts are women’s civilsociety organizations, “Though

positioned on the margins, grassroots organizations show

theirability to mobilize large numbers of women and to

translate individual grievances into legitimatesocial

concerns”. Serving as a solid base and powerful constituent

these groups haveproved to be a pivotal component, cultivating

women’s skills and broadening opportunities forwomen to gain

37

entry to the peace process. As strong coalitions that use

gender to bridge political,ethnic and religious divides,

women’s organizations have offered an important

andcomplementary strategy for enhancing women’s engagement in

the public and political sphere(Falch, 2010).

Working with women’s civil society organizations the women of

Northern Ireland,

Guatemala, Burundi, Somalia, Liberia and Sudan have

participated in their country’s peace

negotiations. However that with such limited examples of

women’s inclusion in peace is processes, specifically in

peacenegotiations it is difficult to gage quantitatively the

effects of their presence. “The paucity ofwomen involved in

peace processes does not allow for the testing of any

hypothesis on way orthe other” (Anderlini, 2007).

38

CHAPTER THREE: RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

3.0 Introduction

This chapter sets out various stages and phases that were

followed in completing the study. It involves a blueprint for

the collection, measurement and analysis of data. In this

stage, most decisions about how research was executed and how

respondents were approached, as well as when, where and how the

research was completed. Therefore in this section the

researcher identified the procedures and techniques that were

used in the collection, processing and analysis of data.

Specifically the following subsections were included; research

design, target population, sample size, sampling procedure,

validity of the instrument, reliability of the instrument,

research instrument collection instruments, data gathering

procedures, data analyzing, ethical considerations.

3.1 Research Design

The researcher used a survey design method for the study.

Survey design is a design in which data are collected with

questionnaires to collect information about the Role of Somali

Women on Peacebuilding. The researcher used the above design to

enable him describe or present a picture of the problem under

study. According to (Owens 2002), survey research design is

39

unique as it gathers information not available from other

sources and that the standardization of measurement used in

survey ensures that same information is collected from

respondents. Individual respondents are never identified and

the survey results are presented in the form of summaries, such

as statistical tables and charts (Ferber and Sheatsley, 19801.

Oso and Onen, (2008) describe survey design as present oriented

methodology used to investigate population by selecting samples

to analyze and discover occurrences.

For this study survey design was be preferred because surveys

are relatively less cost, easily accessible and also useful in

describing the characteristics of a large population and making

the results statistically significant even when analyzing the

variables. Also surveys are flexible in deciding how the

questions are to be administered. Survey method is best used

when the researcher wants to collect a lot of data with a

limited period of time as was the case with this study. In

collecting data, the researcher also collected used feedbacks

and textual analysis of the Somali Society in the capital

Mogadishu.

3.2 Target population

1Ferber, R. and Sheatsely, P. (1980).Understanding Polling And Surveying Methods. George Mason: University, 1980.

40

This study was conducted in Mogadishu City, the capital of

Somalia. The target population of this study is 40 persons

selected from the different segments of the society including;

university students and civil society members. Each of these

people was asked to respond 15 questions relating on the topic

of this study.

3.2.1 Sample Size

The researcher selected a sample of 40 respondents from the

different segments of the larger population in Mogadishu to

determine the role of Somali Women on Peacebuilding. The data

collected were tabulated and analyzed. A sample size of 40

persons was deemed ideal for this kind of study. In getting the

sample size, the researcher used non-mathematical sampling

techniques where the sample is determined at the discretion of

the researcher2.

3.2.2 Sampling Procedure

The researcher selected a sample of 40 respondents from the

different segments of the larger population in Mogadishu.The

researcher selected a sample of 40 respondents from the

different segments of the larger population in Mogadishu. The

40 were selected using non-mathematical sampling procedure.

2A General Guide to Writing Research Proposal and Report, (2nd edition).Ahandbook for Beginning Research, pp76.

41

The sample size was drawn proportionately, regardless of their

gender, their ages.

3.3 Research instrument

In order to conduct the research, the researcher has the

questionnaire to collect data in this study. Simple but

comprehensive questionnaires were prepared by the researcher

and were validated by the supervisor and they were based on the

objectives which the researcher sought out to achieve. This

study employed convenience sampling technique which selects, on

the first come first served basis, those who happen to be

available. This technique was used for the study because it

takes the advantage of those who happen to be there at the

moment of unexpected events and it is easy for data collection

and does not require rigid procedures. The respondents from

both genders were considered. The questionnaires were

structured to have both open-ended and closed questions. A

sample of the Questionnaires used in this study is attached as

Appendix I.

3.3.1 Validity of the instrument

The validity of the research instrument was ensured at the

beginning stage by giving it to the research supervisor and

consulting him on the techniques used to validate the research

design and instrument. Corrections and re-checking before the

42

final draft was made. The face validity of the questionnaires

was examined by interviewing people after they had completed

the questionnaires to find whether or not the responses they

gave in the questionnaireconcurred with their real opinions.

The questions in the interview were wordeddifferently from

those in the questionnaire.

3.3.2 Reliability of the instrument

Reliability refers to a measure consistency in producing almost

similar results on different but comparable occasions3. Test

and re-test method was used to determine the reliability of the

research instrument and its design to determine if the

questions would be acceptable, answerable. Thus the researcher

administrated the instrument on the supervisor of this study in

three occasions within one month. All the results obtained

were correlated using product moment correlation and co-

efficient and it yielded 0.78. This high correlation co-

efficient shows that the instrument used in this study is

reliable.

3.4 Data gathering procedure

The data for this research were collected using a survey

questionnaire. The survey was created using suitable questions3Onen, D. (2002). A General guide to writing research proposal and report, Kampala: Ososo Printing Press.

43

modified from related research topic “The role of Somali Women

on peacebuilding” and individual questions formed by the

researcher. The survey questions comprised of 15. The

researcher visited numerous places in Mogadishu including

public cafeterias, university campuses, offices, meeting

centers, and hotels for the purpose to collect the data from

the respondents of the different segments of the society as

they were available in those places. The questionnaires were

distributed to each respondent and was given time to respond

each of the 15 questions which were related to the

participant’s perception regarding role of Somali women. In the

questionnaire, Likert scale was used to determine if the

respondent agreed, strongly agreed, disagreed, strongly

disagreed or was neutral in each statement on the questionnaire

paper. The respondents were 40 persons from the different

segments of the community i.e. to university students and civil

society members in Mogadishu, the capital of Somalia. The

researcher assured confidentiality of the survey paper since

the identities are not important. The researcher also

understood that people’s awareness may also affect their

honesty and effectiveness in answering the survey, and so, the

researcher gave people to be anonymous. There were no

incentives offered for participating in the research.

3.4.1 Data analyzing

44

The collected data was first checked for errors in the entries,

outlying values and any unexpected values. The researcher

employed percentages and frequencies to analyze the results of

questionnaire using Statistical Package for Social Science

(SPSS). SPSS is a computer program used for survey authoring,

data mining and statistical analysis. The researcher preferred

to use this program as it is convenient and simple tool which

is available for the researcher.

3.5 Ethical considerations

During the start and on the process of the data gathering, the

researcher has made all the ethical considerations.

Participation was voluntary and identified willing participants

were requested to give informal informed consent. To ensure

anonymity and secure privacy of the participants, the

researcher did not require names and other means of identifying

participants during the research process. No identification

number was given to the questionnaires before being returned.

Participants were given concise, clear, accurate statements

about the meaning and limits of confidentiality during data

collection. The researcher kept all information obtained in

strict confidence and only for purposes of the study. There

were no video or audio tapes recordings to store the voices,

images or paralinguistic features of any respondent. The

45

researcher recognized all the authors, academicians and

researchers whom their work and ideas were used in the study

and are mentioned on the references page.

3.6 Conclusion

This chapter described the research methodology, including the

population, sample, data collection Instruments as well as

strategies used to ensure the ethical standards, reliability

and validity of the study. The chapter also pointed out the

data gathering techniques and how the data analysis was done.

CHAPTER FOURDATA ANALYSIS AND DISCUSSION

4.0 Introduction

This chapter presents data analysis, presentation,

interpretation and discussion in the following themes:

questionnaire rate return, demographic characteristics,

46

respondents’ age, their occupation, gender, questions related

to the role women, questions related to the peace building and

the perception of the respondents toward the role of Somali

women on peacebuilding.

4.1: Demographics of the respondents of the study

Table 4.1.1:Age of respondent

Age of respondents Frequency

Percent

ValidPercent

CumulativePercent

Valid 20-30 years 26 65.0 65.0 65.031-40 years 8 20.0 20.0 85.041-50 years 3 7.5 7.5 92.551-60 years 1 2.5 2.5 95.060 years and above 2 5.0 5.0 100.0

Total 40 100.0 100.0

Table 4.1.1 represents the age of the respondents to the study.

The researcher gave out a total of 40 sets of questionnaire to

40 respondents and all the 40 were returned for analysis,

forming 100% return rate. This was considered adequate for

analysis. Time allowance given was five to ten minutes before

collecting questionnaires administered to the respondents. A

total of 65.0% of all the respondents were young ranging their

ages between 20-30 years old in a frequency of 26 times. The

second largest group of the respondents, a total of 20.0% was

those aged 31-40. The third group, a total of 7.5% was those

47

aged between 41-50 years. The respondents aged above 60 were

only

5.0%

while

the other

2.5%

were

those

aged

51- 60

years.

48

Figure 4.1.2 shows the age of respondents in graph.

4.2: Qualification of the respondents

Qualification Frequency

Percent

ValidPercent

CumulativePercent

Valid

Secondary 6 15.0 15.0 15.0Bachelor 26 65.0 65.0 80.0Master 6 15.0 15.0 95.0Other 2 5.0 5.0 100.0Total 40 100.0 100.0

Table 4.2.1 depicts the qualifications of the respondents. This

shows the most number of the respondents were holding bachelor

degree qualifications which were 26% of the respondents while

5% were holding other qualifications (diploma or professional

certificates). Only 15% were secondary level. 6% of the

respondents hold masters degree qualification.

49

Figure 4.2.2 illustrates the level of the qualifications of theall respondents.

4.3: Gender of respondents

Gender Frequency

Percent

ValidPercent

CumulativePercent

Valid

Male 19 47.5 47.5 47.5

Female 21 52.5 52.5 100.0

Total 40 100.0 100.0

Table 4.4.1 shows the gender of the all respondents. 52.5% of the

respondents were female while 47.5% were male.

50

Gender Frequency

Percent

ValidPercent

CumulativePercent

Figure 4.4.2 illustrates the gender of the all respondents.

4.4:Occupation of respondents

Occupations

Frequency

Percent

ValidPercent

CumulativePercent

Valid

Student 9 22.5 22.5 22.5Business 4 10.0 10.0 32.5

Employee 19 47.5 47.5 80.0

Other 8 20.0 20.0 100.0Total 40 100.0 100.0

Table 4.4.1 shows the occupations of the all respondents. 47.5%

of the respondents were employees with a frequency of 19, while

51

those carried businesses 10% and students were 22.5% with a

frequency of nine. 20% were others with the frequency of

eight.

Figure 4.4.2 shows the occupation of the respondents.

4.5: The Marital Status of respondents

Status Frequency

Percent

ValidPercent

CumulativePercent

Valid Single 17 42.5 42.5 42.5Married 19 47.5 47.5 90.0

Divorced 4 10.0 10.0 100.0

Total 40 100.0 100.0

52

Table 4.5.1 explains the marital status of all respondents. 47.5% of the respondents were married of a frequency of 19 while 42.5% were singles with the frequency of 17. Those divorced were 10% with the frequency of four.

Figure 4.5.2 illustrates the marital status of the respondents.

4.6: There is an important role that played Somali women on peace building in Somalia

53

Question 1: Frequency

Percent

ValidPercent

CumulativePercent

Valid

Agree 18 45.0 45.0 45.0Strongly Agree 12 30.0 30.0 75.0

Neutral 5 12.5 12.5 87.5Disagree 3 7.5 7.5 95.0Strongly Disagree 2 5.0 5.0 100.0

Total 40 100.0 100.0

Table 4.6.1 explains the respondents’ response to the question

1 which said that “There is an important role that played

Somali women on peace building in Somalia”. 45% of the

respondents agreed that there is an important role that played

Somali women on peace building with the frequency of 18 while

30% strongly agreed that there is an important role. 12.5% were

neutral and those who strongly disagreed were 5%. Others of

7.5% of the respondents disagreed about the important role that

played Somali women on peace building.

54

Figure 4.6.2 depicts the respondents’ responses in the graph.

4.7:Somali women promote peace in family, community and society

Question 2:Frequency

Percent

ValidPercent

CumulativePercent

Valid


Neutral 4 10.0 10.0 95.0Disagree 2 5.0 5.0 100.0

Total 40 100.0 100.0

Table 4.7.1 shows the respondents’ responses on the second

question which asked that “Somali women promote peace in

family, community and society”. 57.5% of the respondents agreed

that Somali women promotewith a frequency of 23 while 27.5%

55

strongly agreed of a frequency of 11, 10% were neutral, 5%

disagreed and there were not respondents strongly disagreed.

Figure 4.7.2 describes the respondents’ answers of the second question

4.8:Somali women have the role to promote peace during the conflict or in the post-conflict


Percent

ValidPercent

CumulativePercent

Valid

Agree 20 50.0 50.0 50.0Strongly Agree 5 12.5 12.5 62.5Neutral 4 10.0 10.0 72.5Disagree 5 12.5 12.5 85.0Strongly Disagree 6 15.0 15.0 100.0

Total 40 100.0 100.0

56

Table 4.8.1 shows the response of the respondents on the third

question which said “Somali women have the role to promote

peace during the conflict or in the post-conflict”. Against

this question 50% agreed that Somali women have the role to

promote peace, in a frequency 20 times. 15% strongly disagreed

that Somali women have the role to promote peace while 10% of

the respondents were neutral. While those strongly agreed and

disagreed were 12.5% each and a frequency of five per each

group.

Figure 4.8.2 illustrates the respondents of this study against the third question

4.9: Somali women play a significant role in Somali society

57


Percent

ValidPercent

CumulativePercent

Valid


Neutral 7 17.5 17.5 90.0Disagree 4 10.0 10.0 100.0

Total 40 100.0 100.0

Table 4.9.1 above shows the responses from the respondents

against the fourth question which asked Somali women play a

significant role in Somali society”. According to this table,

42.5% strongly agreed that Somali women play a significant role

in

Somali society in a frequency of 17 times. 30% of the respondents

58

agreed meanwhile 17.5% neutral and 10% disagreed that Somali

women play a significant role in Somali society in a frequency of

four, but only 10% strongly disagreed it.

Figure 4.9.2 shows the fourth question against the percent of the respondents.

4.10: Somali women have always been the backbone of Somali society and women in nomadic Somalia do almost all the work ensuing the survival of the Somali family in a harsh environment.


Percent

ValidPercent

CumulativePercent

Valid



Total 40 100.0 100.0

59

Table 4.10.1 shows the number of respondents against the fifth

question which asked “Somali women have always been the backbone of

Somali society and women in nomadic Somalia do almost all the work

ensuing the survival of the Somali family in a harsh environment”.

The table above shows that 32.5% of those respondents agreed and

strongly agreed with a frequency of 13 times each group. In the

meantime 22.5% neutral in a frequency of nine times while 5% were

disagreed and 7.5% of the respondents strongly disagreed it.

Figure 4.10.2.Shows the percent of the respondents against the fifth question.4.11:Increased women’s participation in the politics could solve the conflicts in Somalia

60


Percent

ValidPercent

CumulativePercent

Valid



Total 40 100.0 100.0

Table 4.11.1 shows the percent of the respondents against the sixth

question which asked that “Increased women’s participation in the

politics could solve the conflicts in Somalia.” 30% of the all

respondents strongly agreed that increased women’s participation in

the politics could solve the conflicts in Somaliain a frequency of

12 times. 25% of the respondents agreed the statement while 20% were

neutral. Only 12.5% disagreed but 12.5% of the respondents strongly

disagreed it.

61

Figure 4.11.2 shows the percent of the respondents to the sixthquestion.4.12: Somali Women are often excluded from the formal discussions given their lack of participation and access in pre-conflict decision-making organizations and institutions


Percent

ValidPercent

CumulativePercent

Valid



Total 40 100.0 100.0

Table 4.12.1 shows the responses of the all respondents against

the seventh question which as if “Somali Women are often

62

excluded from the formal discussions given their lack of

participation and access in pre-conflict decision-making

organizations and institutions”. The above table illustrates

that 27.5% of the respondents agreed or supported the idea in a

frequency of 11 times. Those strongly agreed of the all

respondents were 25% in a frequency of times. 10% strongly

disagreed that Somali Women are often excluded from the formal

discussionsin a frequency of only four times, but 17.5% others

disagreed the idea while 20% were neutral. Only 10% of the

respondents strongly disagreed the idea that Somali Women are

often excluded from the formal discussions given their lack of

participation and access in pre-conflict decision-making

organizations and institutions.

63

Figure 4.12.2 represents the percent of the all respondents against the seventh question.

4.13: Somali Women’s rights are not always recognized as human rights


Percent

ValidPercent

CumulativePercent

Valid Agree 11 27.5 27.5 27.5

Strongly Agree 11 27.5 27.5 55.0

Neutral 4 10.0 10.0 65.0

Disagree 9 22.5 22.5 87.5

Strongly Disagree 5 12.5 12.5 100.0

Total 40 100.0 100.0

Table 4.13.1 represents the all respondents who responded

against the eighth question which asked “Somali Women’s rights

are not always recognized as human rights”. 27.5% of the

respondent agreed and 27.5% also strongly agreed Somali Women’s

rights are not always recognized as human rights. 22.5% of the

64

respondents disagreed it while 10% were neutral. A total 12.5%

strongly disagreed that Somali Women’s rights are not always

recognized as human rights.

Figure 4.13.2 represents the percent of the all respondents in the chart above.

4.14:Somali women have been active in peace movements

65


Percent

ValidPercent

CumulativePercent

Valid



Total 40 100.0 100.0

Table 4.14.1 shows the all respondents against the ninth

question that “Somali women have been active in peace

movements”. 30% agreed the idea while 12.5% disagreed it. A

total of 35% were neutral, while 17.5% strongly agreed and only

5% strongly disagreed the statement.

Figure 4.14.2 portrays the percent of the all respondents to the ninth question.

66

4.15: Somali Women have fundamental intake in building peaceful communities and their contributions to peace building should be encouraged and supported


Percent

ValidPercent

CumulativePercent

Valid Agree 14 35.0 35.0 35.0Strongly Agree

14 35.0 35.0 70.0

Neutral 7 17.5 17.5 87.5

Disagree 4 10.0 10.0 97.5

Strongly Disagree

1 2.5 2.5 100.0

Total 40 100.0 100.0

Table 4.15.1 shows the all respondents. 35% have both strongly

agreed and agreed that Somali Women have fundamental intake in

building peaceful communities and their contributions to peace

building should be encouraged and supportedin a frequency of 14

times each group. Only 10% disagreed the same while 17.5% were

neutral. 2.5% of all the respondents strongly disagreed that

Somali Women have fundamental intake in building peaceful

communities.

67

Figure 4.15.2 represents the percent of the respondents againstthe tenth question.

68

4.16: There is a need of women’s contribution towards governance and peace building in Somalia

Question11: Frequency

Percent

ValidPercent

CumulativePercent

Valid



Total 40 100.0 100.0

Table 4.16.1 the above table shows the respondents’ responses

toward the asked question of that there is a need of women’s

contribution towards governance and peace building in Somalia.

According to this table 42% of all respondents agreed the

question but also 25% strongly agreed it. 12.5% of all

respondents strongly disagreed while those who disagreed were

only 7.5%. A total of 12.5% were neutral.

69

Figure 4.16.2 represents the percent of the respondents of table 4.16 in a chart.

4.17:Women are at the forefront of peace and reconciliation


Percent

ValidPercent

CumulativePercent

Valid Agree 9 22.5 22.5 22.5Strongly Agree 4 10.0 10.0 32.5


Total 40 100.0 100.0

Table 4.17.1 shows the all respondents against the asked

question “Women are at the forefront of peace and

reconciliation”. According to the data analyzed 40% were

neutral that Women are at the forefront of peace and

reconciliation while 22.5% agreed. A total of 10% strongly

agreed it but at the same time 20% disagreed that. Only 7.5% of

all the respondents strongly disagreed that.

70

Figure 4.17.2 represents the percent of all the respondents against the asked question of the above table.

4.18:I don’t think women have played a role of peace building in Somalia


Percent

ValidPercent

CumulativePercent

Valid



Total 40 100.0 100.0

71

Table 4.18.1 shows the all respondents responded against the

asked question that “I don’t think women have played a role of

peace building in Somalia the respondent of 35% disagreed in a

frequency of 14 times but 22.5% strongly disagreed the asked

question. Only 12.5% agreed, while 17.5% strongly agreed that I

don’t think women have played a role of peace building in

Somalia with a frequency of seven times. While 12.5% were

neutral.

Figure 4.18.2 represents the percent of all respondents againstthe asked question as shown in table 4.18 above.

4.19: Women’s participation in the peace building is the way to build social confidence in Somalia

72


Percent

ValidPercent

CumulativePercent

Valid



Total 40 100.0 100.0

Table 4.19.1 describes the all respondents against the asked

question which said that Women’s participation in the peace

building is the way to build social confidence in Somalia. The

analyzed data shows 37.5% of the respondents agreed that

Women’s participation in the peace building is the way to build

social confidence in Somalia in a frequency of 15 times, but at

the same time 25% strongly agreed it. Only 17.5% were neutral theidea as a total of only 10% disagreed it, while 10% of the

respondents were strongly disagreed with a frequency of four times

each.

73

Figure 4.19.2 illustrates the percent of the respondents against the table 4.19 shown above.

4.20: Women can be effective allies for government reconciliation processes and as vehicles for social cohesion


Percent

ValidPercent

CumulativePercent

Valid Agree 12 30.0 30.0 30.0Strongly Agree 4 10.0 10.0 40.0


Total 40 100.0 100.0

Table 4.20.1

shows the all

74

respondents against the asked question which said that “Women

can be effective allies for government reconciliation processes

and as vehicles for social cohesion”. A total of 30% of the

respondents agreed that Women can be effective allies for

government reconciliation processes and as vehicles for social

cohesion in a frequency 12 times and 25% were neutral but 20%

of the respondents strongly disagreed that Women can be

effective allies for government reconciliation processes and as

vehicles for social cohesion. A total of 15% of the respondents

disagreed the idea. while those who strongly agreed were 10% of

the respondents.

Figure 4.20.2 illustrates the percent of the respondents against the table 4.20 shown above.

4.21: Discussion

75

The study examined the perception of the respondents toward

the role of Somali women on peace building. The researcher

used a questionnaire survey to collect the data from 40

respondents in different segments of the society. The

researcher distributed 40 set of questionnaire papers to

university students and civil society members in Mogadishu,

the capital of Somalia. The questionnaire papers were

distributed to those available at the time of distribution.

The researcher did not regard the gender of the respondents,

their ages, their political views or where they live but were

distributed as first come first served basis. All the

respondents were given time between five to ten minutes to

complete the questionnaire and were returned back. The data

collected was analyzed using qualitative techniques.

Quantities data was analyzed using descriptive statistics and

presented as frequency distribution. Percentages in tables and

narrative form, the quantitative data were organized into

themes that came out of the research questions and analyzed

using descriptive narrative. The analysis of data enables of

the researcher to come up with the following findings.

A total of 65% of all the respondents were young ranging their

ages between 20-30 years old in a frequency of 26 times. The

second largest group of the respondents, a total of 20% was

those aged 31-40. The third group, a total of 7.5% was those

aged between 41-50 years. The respondents aged above 60 were

only 5% while the other 2.5% were those aged 51-60 years.

76

Majority of the respondents of this study 75% confirmed that

there There is an important role that played Somali women on

peace building in Somalia describing the postive aspect of

practicing it by the way 12.5% of the respondents were in

disagreement that There is an important role that played

Somali women on peace building in Somalia. A total of more

than 62.5% confirmed that Somali women have the role to

promote peace during the conflict or in the post-conflict.

Here based on the findings of this study supported the same

suggestions by Mohamed (2013) that Women has a significant

role as peace envoythat in some regions, among the Somali,

older women who could no longer conceive were used as peace

envoys.

CHAPTER FIVE

SUMMARY, SUGGESTION AND RECOMMENDATION

5.0 Introduction

This chapter presents a summary of findings. It then gives

summarized conclusion derived from the study and makes

recommendations, and suggestions for further studies.

5.1 Summary

77

The purpose of this study was to examine the role of Somali

women on peace building in an enlightening way in order to

gain the public perspectives on the issue as it’s is a

practiced phenomenon. Using non-mathematical sampling

techniques the researcher selected a sample of 40 respondents

to determine role of Somali women on peace building, what

influence can Somali women play on Somalia’s peace building

process as well as resolving the conflicts between Somali

society.

The study took note of the various levels of the role of

Somali women and peace building with the challenges ahead of

this phenomenon. Data was sorted then analyzed. SPSS software

was used to enhance the data processing by providing relevant

tables for analysis. The researcher applied all the elements

of a descriptive research. In chapter four the data was

analyzed in SPSS and the result presented in tables and bar

charts to make it easier for the end users. Majority of the

respondents of this study 75% confirmed that There is an

important role that played Somali women on peace building in

Somalia describing the positive aspect of practicing it by the

way 12.5% of the respondents were in disagreement that There

is an important role that played Somali women on peace

building in Somalia. A total of more than 62.5% confirmed that

Somali women have the role to promote peace during the

conflict or in the post-conflict.

78

5.2 Suggestions

After findings from this study the researcher suggests;

1) The stakeholders and decision makers should include women in

the political system of governance which will give them

opportunity to perform their role on peace building

2) Support women's equal representation in transitional justice

processes at all levels: as designers, judges, commissioners,

prosecutors, defense attorneys, investigators, witnesses, and

observers.

3) To Protect women under threat of physical violence by training

the military and police to prevent and address gender-based

violence, cooperating with local women's groups to provide

safe havens for victims, and conducting public information

campaigns. Condemn violations of their rights and call upon

all parties to adhere to international humanitarian and human

rights law.

4) Engage women in substantive roles in post-conflict planning

processes, including donor conferences and Ensure women's

79

participation and the adoption of a gender perspective in

international interventions; ceasefire and peace negotiations;

disarmament, demobilization, and reintegration, and security

sector reform.

5) Women must participate in all aspects and all levels of the

design, planning, implementation, monitoring and evaluation of

the process of peace building and peace maintenance.

5.3 Recommendations

Taking the determinations of the study into considerations the

researcher made the following recommendation for further

studies

1) Although the study was carried out in Mogadishu, there is a

need for further research across the regions and districts of

the nation.

2) There is a need to examine the role of Somali women as

peacemakers and peace builders

80

3) There is a need to assess the understanding of the public on

the preferred system as a united society.

REFERENCES:

Ali, F. (2012).http://www.hiiraan.com/op4/

Anderlini, S. (2007).Women building peace.Boulder and London: Lynn RiennerPublishers.

81

Anderlini, S.N. (2000). Women at the peace table.Making a difference.NewYork: UNIFEM.

Ayo, C. and Suthanthiraraj, K. (2010).Promoting Women’s Participation inConflict & Post-Conflict Societies.Global Action to Prevent War, NGO WorkingGroup onWomen, Peace and Security, Women’s International League for Peace andFreedom.

A General Guide to Writing Research Proposal and Report, (2nd edition). A handbook for Beginning Research, pp76.

Berwind-Dart Chloe. 2012. "Issue Paper: Women, Gender anPeacebuilding: Do Contributions Add Up?" Collaborative LearningProjects.

Bouta, T. (2005).Gender, conflict, and development, eds. Georg Frerks,Ian Bannon. Washington, D.C.: World Bank

Cockburn, Cynthia ( 2007). From where we stand: War, women’s activism andfeminist analysis. London: Zed.

Cynthia E. (1998) Does Khaki Become You? The Militarization of Women’s LivesLondon: Pandora Press

El-Bushra, Judy. 2012. Gender in Peacebuilding, Taking Stock. London:International Alert.

Falch, A. (2010). Women’s political participation and influence in post-conflictBurundi and Nepal. Peace Research InstituteOslo.http://www.prio.no/sptrans/1687871333/Womens- PoliticalParticipation.pdf

Ferber, R. and Sheatsely, P. (1980).Understanding Polling And Surveying Methods. George Mason: University, 1980.

Giles, W. and Jennifer H. (2004).Sites of violence: Gender and conflictzonesUniversity of California Press

Giles, W. and J. (2004).Sites of violence: Gender and conflictzonesUniversity of California Press

http://www.prio.no/sptrans/1687871333/Womens-%20PoliticalParticipation.pdf

82

Inger S. and Dan S. (2001) Gender, Peace and Conflict (London: SAGEPublication)

Jama, F. (2010). Somali women and peacebuilding.

L.M. Handrahan (2001) “Gendering Ethnicity in Kygyzstan:Forgotten Element in Promoting Peace and Democracy,” HumanitarianWork 9, no.3 , 74.

Lithander, A. (2000). Engendering the peace process. A gender approach todayton-and beyond. Stckholm: KvinnaTillKvinna.

McCarthy Mary K. 2011. "Women’s Participation in Peacebuilding: AMissing Piece of the Puzzle? "University of Pennsylvania.

Meredith Turshen and ClotildeTwagiramariya, (1998)WhatWomen Do inWartime: Gender and Conflicts in Africa London: Zed Books

Mohammed, Abdi 2003.The role of Somali women in the search for peace. In:UNESCO.

Munro Jean. 2000. Gender and Peacebuilding. Ottawa: Peacebuilding andReconstruction Program Initiative.

Onen, D. (2002). A General guide to writing research proposal and report, Kampala: Ososo Printing Press.

Rehn, E. and Ellen J.. (2002). Women, war, peace: The independent experts’assessment on the impact of armed conflict on women and women’s role in peace-building. UNIFEM.

Resolution 1325 (2000), United Nation Security Council Resolution,(2000).

Theydon Kimberly, Phenicie Kelly, and Murray Elizabeth. 2011.Gender, Conflict, and Peacebuilding: State of the Field and Lessons Learned from USIPGrantmaking. Washington DC: USIP.

83

Trujillo, A. (2013). The Role of Women In peacebuilding In Colombia.Washington, DC.

Wilson Center. 2013. The Peace Process in Colombia. Washington DC: The Wilson Center.

Appendix I

QUESTIONNAIRE

About this questionnaire!

As I am preparing my thesis book for Bachelors Degree of the

College of Social Science and Humanities at the University of

Somalia (UNISO) in Mogadishu. My research topic is “The role of

Somali women on peace building”.

This survey is distributed to members of the different segment of the community in Mogadishu, the capital of Somalia including politicians, college students, professors, elders, journalists, business people, women activists, youth etc.

Obtaining feedback from you is very vital to review the topic of my research; I therefore appreciate you taking time to complete

84

the following survey questions. It should take about five minutes of your time.

This research is for academic purpose not for gaining profit, please respond and feel free to fill this questionnaire.

SECTION ONE: Please fill in the demographic details before you could answer the questionnaire:

Age:

A. 20-30yrs ( ) B. 31-40yrs ( ) C. 41-50yrs ( ) D. 51-60yrs ( ) E. above 60 yrs ( )

Qualification:

A. Secondary School ( ) B. Bachelor degree ( ) C. Master ( ) D. Other ( )

Gender:

A. Male ( ) B. Female ( )

Occupation:

A. Student ( ) B. Business ( ) C. Employee ( ) D. Other ( )

Marital status:

A. Single ( ) B. Married ( ) C. Divorced( )

SECTION TWO: Please mark your selected response by the following way;

1 = Agree 2 = Strongly agree 3 = Neutral 4 = Disagree5 = Strongly disagree

85

S/N

*Please mark your selected option 1 2 3 4 5

1. There is an important role that played Somali women on peace building in somalia

2. Somali women promote peace in family, community and society

3. Somali women have the role to promote peace during the conflict or in the post-conflict

4. Somali women play a significant role inSomali society

5. Somali women have always been the backbone of Somali society and women innomadic Somalia do almost all the work ensuing the survival of the Somali family in a harsh environment.

6. Increased women’s participation in the politics could solve the conflicts in Somalia

7. Somali Women are often excluded from the formal discussions given their lackof participation and access in pre-conflict decision-making organizations and institutions

8. Somali Women’s rights are not always recognized as human rights

9. Somali women have been active in peace movements

10.

Somali Women have fundamental intake inbuilding peaceful communities and theircontributions to peace building should be encouraged and supported

11.

There is a need of women’s contributiontowards governance and peace building in Somalia

12.

Women are at the forefront of peace andreconciliation,

86

13.

I don’t think women have played a role of peace building in Somalia

14.

Women’s participation in the peace building is the way to build social confidence in Somalia

15.

Women can be effective allies for [government] reconciliation processes and as vehicles for socialcohesion

Thanks for your time!

AppendixII

88

Appendix III

The Role of Somali women on peace building

Documents

Transcript of The Role of Somali women on peace building