The Medieval Musical Manuscripts of the Cistercian Order in Portugal, ( Ottawa, Canada: The...

The Medieval Musical Manuscripts 227

The Medieval Musical Manuscripts of the Cistercian Order in Portugal and Galicia

Mara Fortu

The Cistercian Order arrived in Portugal in the 1140s through

monks from Clairvaux sent by St. Bernard and left an important imprint on its history. St. Bernard was personally acquainted with Portuguese clerics and exchanged letters with the first Portuguese king, D. Afonso Henriques, whose family, on his father's side, also came from Burgun-dy.

The foundation in Portugal in 1153 by the monks of Clairvaux of one of the greatest monasteries of this Order in Europe, the monastery of Alcobaça, had a very considerable cultural impact, as it became one of Portugal's main artistic and intellectual centers. There are currently an impressive number of Cistercian manuscripts and fragments from its scriptorium in Portuguese and other European libraries.1

Unlike many other religious orders, the Cistercians left behind or owned a considerable number of early music manuscripts across Eu-rope that have been the subject of musicological research. In Portugal, this order has also left some traces in the area of the Gregorian chant. Portugal and Galicia, forming the western part of the Iberian Peninsula, hold one of the greatest and richest collections of medieval musico-liturgical manuscripts in Europe, and these have not yet been systemat-ically studied.2 Indeed, during a systematic search through Portuguese

1 The non-musical sources from the Alcobaça scriptorium are very rich and represent a national treasure. The first history of Portugal, “Monarquia Lusitana,” was written by Cistercian monks at Alcobaça: Frei Bernardo de Brito (1597, first and second parts); Frei António Brandão (1632, third and fourth parts) and Frei Francisco Brandão (1650, fifth and sixth parts). 2 Solange Corbin, Essai sur la musique religieuse portugaise au moyen âge (Paris, Les Belles Lettres, 1952), p. 165; Andrew Hughes, “Medieval Liturgical Books at Arouca, Braga, Évora, Lisbon and Porto: Some Provisional Inventories,” Tradition 31 (1975): 369-84; Manuel Pedro Ferreira, "Early Cistercian Polyphony: A Newly-Discovered Source," Lusitania Sacra, 2nd series, 13-14 (2001-2002): 267-313; Antonio Nogueira Gonçalves, “Livros litúrgicos [do Mosteiro de Arouca],” Inventário artistico de

Mara Fortu 228

and Spanish libraries and museums, I discovered and identified some 170 musico-liturgical Cistercian manuscripts from the twelfth and thir-teenth centuries, many of which can be connected to the Alcobaça scriptorium.3 Starting from the description and paleographic study of the notational particularities of these manuscripts, as well as their com-parison with other Cistercian manuscripts of the Clairvaux branch, this study demonstrates the importance, the particular features, and the role played by the Alcobaça scriptorium in the history of plainsong, mainly on the Iberian Peninsula.

An inventory of codices and fragments of Cistercian origin with musical notation of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries reveals not only a considerable number of musical manuscripts and fragments attributa-ble to the scriptorium of the Alcobaça monastery, but also other codices brought from Galicia (ms.19-Arouca) and Léon-Castille (mss. 22 and 23-Arouca). Therefore, the research on the manuscripts now in Portugal includes the Galician manuscripts and those from some other border regions in Spain. I have also included some Spanish manuscripts with features in common with the manuscripts of the Clairvaux family in order to contextualize several Cistercian manuscripts of the Iberian Peninsula: the antiphonary Ms. 1322 of the National Library of Madrid, the fragments of the antiphonary of the archives of the Galician city of Ourense, and those from the monastery of Oseira stored at the Arquivo Histórico de Madrid. Although the monastery of Oseira, the only direct foundation of Clairvaux in Spain, had a productive scriptorium, the sources from this monastery and its dependencies, such as Monteder-ramo, Lugo, Sobrado, and S. Clódio, were completely destroyed when

Portugal, vol. II: Distrito de Aveiro, Zona de Noroeste (Lisbon: Academia Nacional de Belas Artes, 1991), pp. 56-62; Dom Jean Leclercq, “Manuscrits cisterciens du Portugal,” Analecta Sacri Ordinis Cisterciensis 6 (1950): 131-139; Manuel Joaquim, O Colectário de Arouca e os seus textos musicais (Porto: [Imprensa Portuguesa], 1957), pp. 6-7; Mário de Sampayo Ribeiro, Sete «Alleluias», inéditos (dum códice do Mosteiro de Arouca), ed.Mauro M. Fábregas (Negrelos/ Mosteiro de Singeverga: Edições Ora & Labora, 1949-1950). Published separately in Liturgia 3 (1949), nº 4-9; 4 (1950), nº 3, 8-9, 10; 5 (1951), nº 2, 4 and 5. 3 My Ph.D. dissertation, “The Medieval Musical Manuscripts of the Cistercian Order in Portugal and Galicia (Spain),” is forthcoming.


the City Library of Ourense burned in 1927.4 The following abbreviations are used here: ANTT Arquivo Nacional Torre de Tombo National Archive of Torre de Tombo, Lisbon BNP Biblioteca Nacional Portuguesa Portuguese National Library MASA Museu Nacional de Arte Sacra de Sacred Art Museum of Arouca Arouca BME Biblioteca Municipal de Èvora City Library of Évora AHP Arquivo Histórico de Porto Historical Archive of Porto BML Biblioteca Municipal de Leiria City Library of Leiria AHM Arquivo Histórico de Madrid Historical Archive of Madrid AHO Arquivo Histórico de Ourense Historical Archive of Ourense ACO Arquivo Catedrálico de Ourense Cathedral's Archive Ourense MLH Monasterio de Las Huelgas Las Huelgas Monastery MO Monasterio de Oseira Oseira Monastery BNM Biblioteca Nacional de Madrid National Library of Madrid BGUC Biblioteca Geral da Universidade University Library of Coimbra de Coimbra MMC Museu Machado de Castro, Coimbra Machado de Castro Museum’s

Antiphoners Written in the Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries

ANTT

Fragment, no signature5 Box 20, nr. 176

BNP

Illum. 1157 L.C.1578 L.C.1589

4 Minia Martul Tobío, Fondo antigo da Biblioteca Pública de Ourense, catálogo dos séculos XVI-XVII-XVIII (Ourense, Biblioteca Pública de Ourense, Dirección Xeral de Cultura, 1995). 5 One bifolio from the first half of the thirteenth century containing part of the office of Epiphany and of the first Sunday after Epiphany. 6 One bifolio dating from the end of the thirteenth century, containing fragments of the offices of St. Agatha, Conversion of Paul, and Purification. 7 From the beginning of the thirteenth century; presumed origin is the scriptorium of Alcobaça; incomplete Sanctorale; 166r- invitatory tones, 171v-hymnal. 8 Complete Temporale antiphoner, end of the thirteenth century, 192r- Invitatory tones;199v-tonary, 200v-hymnal. 9 Sanctorale antiphoner, 224r-hymnal.

Mara Fortu 230

MASA

Ms.1910 Ms.2111 Ms.2212 Ms.2313 Ms.2514

BME CLI/1-115

AHP Fragm.1516 Fragm.1417

BML I-B-2018

AHM 1458-B/ 15,16 19,18,19 1461-B/ 13-14-15

AHO ACO

Fragm.C 20 Perg 1521

MLH Ms.10 22

BNM Ms.1322 23

10 Colectary entitled “Livro de horas da Rainha Mafalda” written in the Monastery of Montederramo, Ourense, Spain, between 1228 and1231; some prayers and the office of the Dead with musical content . 11 Complete Temporale antiphoner (c.1200);182r-Invitatory; 191r- Te Deum; 193v-hymnal. 12 Temporale antiphoner, hymnal; first quarter, thirteenth century; at the beginning adding of the office of Saint Ana; probably of Spanish origin; set with ms.23. 13 Sanctorale antiphoner, first quarter,;thirteenth century, with office of the Dead; a set with ms. 22. 14 Santorale antiphoner (c.1200); in the initial bifolio, Bernardine two-part hymn, cop-ied in the thirteenth century: Exultet celi curia.. 15 Temporale antiphoner from the beginning of the thirteenth century; Alcobaça scripto-rium. 16 One folio from the end of the thirteenth century containing a fragment of the office of St. Paul. 17 One folio from the end of the thirteenth century containing a fragment of the office for the third Sunday in Lent. 18 One bifolio from the end of the thirteenth century. 19 Office of the Sundays of Quadragesima and Quinquagesima. 20 One bifolio with the office of the fourth Sunday after Easter. 21 One bifolio with the office of Easter Sunday. 22 Complete Temporale antiphoner, (ca.1200); traces in common with the manuscripts from Alcobaça scriptorium.


Among the oldest Portuguese Cistercian manuscripts is the series of antiphoners comprised of ms. 21/25 in Arouca, Ill.115 in the National Library of Lisbon, CLI/1-1 in the Public Library of Évora, and ms. 10 at the monastery of Las Huelgas, which, together with the Gradual of Lorvão, are remarkable for their impressive artistic quality, their obvi-ous stylistic proximity and, therefore, the great diversity of opinions on their origin.

Figure 1: For example, Solange Corbin was convinced that the manuscripts of

Arouca were in fact codices imported from Clairvaux before St. Ber-nard’s reform,24 but the monk Maur Cocheril, who analyzed the manu-script illuminated at Las Huelgas in Burgos and compared it to the Por-tuguese manuscripts, concluded that they were from the same scriptori-um, having contact points closer to the scriptorium of Clairvaux than

23 Summer Temporale antiphoner, incomplete, 61r-sanctorale; 180r-invitatory; 188r-hymnal; includes features of a Cistercian manuscript of the Clairvaux family. 24 Solange Corbin, Essai sur la musique religieuse portugaise au Moyen Age (1100-1385) (Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 1952), p. 165.

Mara Fortu 232

that of Cîteaux.25 The opinion of some investigators that this series might have a Spanish origin is now completely out of the question; 26 now their Portuguese origin at Alcobaça is internationally accepted.27

Concerning the manuscript from Las Huelgas, the decorative style of the antiphoner is almost unique among the codices of this monastery, leading specialists to agree that it originated outside of Spain. Its pres-ence in Las Huelgas is easily explained, given that the Portuguese prin-cess Dona Branca, the eldest daughter of King Afonso III and his se-cond wife, Beatrice of Castile, was a nun at the Convent of Lorvão, and that she later became Abbess of Las Huelgas in 1294, where she was called the Lady and Keeper of the Convent and Viscountess. She lived at Las Huelgas for 25 years and was buried there.28

Regarding the dates of this group of antiphoners, Manuel Pedro Fer-reira concluded that they were probably written and illuminated by the monks of Clairvaux who reinhabited Alcobaça in 1190, after its total

25 Dom Maur Cocheril, “L'antiphonaire de Las Huelgas,” in Cîteaux - Commentarii cistercienses 17 (1961): 156-165. 26 These manuscripts were studied as a series for the first time, but assuming an incor-rect Spanish origin, by Wesley David Jordan in The Liturgical Manuscripts of the Cis-tercian Monastery of Saint Peter & Saint Paul, Arouca, Portugal: An Index of Medie-val Cistercian Office Chants, vol. 1: Manuscript Ar.T1: Antiphoner, Temporal Cursus, vol. 2: Manuscript Ar.S1: Antiphoner, Sanctoral Cursus (Brisbane: Bastine, 1990); “An Introductory Description and Commentary Concerning the Identification of Four Twelfth Century Musico-Liturgical Manuscripts from the Cistercian Monastery of Las Huelgas, Burgos,” Revista Portuguesa de Musicologia 2 (1992): 57-146; also in Cîteaux 44 (1993): 152-237. 27 Maria Adelaide Miranda, “Do esplendor do ornamento à simplicidade da imagem: A iluminura românica dos manuscritos do Mosteiro de S. Pedro de Arouca,” in O Mosteiro de Arouca: Pergaminhos [Catálogo de exposição] (Arouca: Real Irmandade da Rainha Santa Mafalda/ Museu de Arte Sacra, 1995), pp. 5-12; Fernando Galván Freile, “El proceso de internacionalización de la miniatura en torno al año 1200 en la Península Ibérica: el antifonario y el martirologio de Las Huelgas Reales de Burgos,” El monacato en los reinos de León y Castilla (siglos VII-XIII)/X Congreso de Estudios Medievales 2005 (Ávila: Fundación Sánchez Albornoz, 2007), pp. 437-456; Manuel Pedro Ferreira with Mara Fortu, “A música antiga nos manuscritos de Arouca, con-tribuição para um catálogo,” in O Orgão do Mosteiro de Arouca, Conservação e restau-ro do património musical, Arouca, 2009), pp.45-53. 28 Dom Maur Cocheril, “Les abbesses de Lorvão au XVIe siècle,” Revue d’histoire ecclésiastique 55 (1960): 916-35 (930-31).


destruction by the Moslems; 29 their style of decoration dates back to around 1200, according to paleographers.

In comparison with the known the manuscript production forming the “Library of Alcobaça,” the similarity of decorative style is the most obvious marker of this scriptorium, though the illuminated initials show similarities with those found south and north of the English Channel around 1200: large letters full of flowers and palm trees, sometimes with the body of the letter replaced by a decoration .

Figure 2:

The richness and variety of decoration of the Portuguese Cistercian

manuscripts absolutely contradicts the prescription “Litterae unius coloris fiant” introduced by St. Bernard in 1152,30 but immediately af-

29Manuel Pedro Ferreira, “Um fragmento de Alcobaça, o canto dos pregadores e os seus livros de coro na Biblioteca Nacional,” paper presented at the IV Congresso Internacional Sobre Cister em Portugal e na Galiza, “Os caminhos de Santiago e a vida monástica cisterciense,” Braga, 2009. 30 On the decorations of manuscripts from the Alcobaça scriptorium, see Maria Adelaide Miranda, “Um olhar sobre as artes plásticas cistercienses: a Galiza e Portugal,”Arte de Cister em Portugal e Galiza, ed. Jorge Rodrigues & Xosé Carlos Valle Pérez ([Lisbon-Coruña]: Fundação C. Gulbenkian/Fundación Pedro Barrié de la Maza, 1998), pp. 140-183.

Mara Fortu 234

ter his death, manuscripts were again decorated. These manuscripts represent the direct transmission of the tradition of Clairvaux to Alco-baça at the end of the twelfth and beginning of the thirteenth century, yet these manuscripts also reveal certain paleographic features which differ from the Clairvaux tradition and deserve more study.

A detailed paleographic study of Cistercian musical notation did not yet exist when the Hungarian Cistercian monk Solutor Marosszéki wrote his dissertation on Cistercian chant.31 He provisionally highlight-ed four styles of notation. The manuscripts of Alcobaça can be placed in groups B or C and are related to the gradual, F-Pn lat.17328, and to the manuscript Oelenberg 46 and 47,32 since their features are related to the Lorraine notation “by connection points.”

The oldest Portuguese Cistercian manuscripts present common paleographic traces and a comparative study of their particularities can reveal the habits of the copyists of the scriptorium of Alcobaça who did follow to some extent models from Clairvaux.

31 Solutor Marosszéki,“Les origines du chant cistercien.Recherches sur les réformes du plain-chant cistercien au XIIe siecle,” Ph.D. diss., published in Analecta Sacri Ordinis cisterciensis 8 (1952). 32 Manuel Pedro Ferreira, “La réforme cistercienne du chant liturgique revisitée: Guy d’Eu et les premiers livres de chant cisterciens,” Revue de musicologie 89 (2003): 47-56.


Illustration 3:

Mara Fortu 236


The characteristic features of the Clairvaux family in these manu-scripts consist of a few particularities. Until now, the unique study about this issue1 reveals the arbitrary use of virga and punctum in Cis-tercian manuscripts. But in our investgation, we have noticed, only in manuscripts of Clairvaux 2 branch, the use of virga is not arbitrary. Al-so, these manuscripts show a precise use of the virga, however, which not only signals a higher pitch, but often begins the word.3 Here is an example of this in a recitative in Arouca, ms. 25, fol. 67r, V:“ Omnis terra adoret te Deus et psallat tibi. Psalmum dicat nomini tuo. Alleluia.” Figure 4:

This charactheristic use of the virga led to the identification of the

Cistercian manuscripts of Clairvaux of Spanish origin, for example, ms. 1322 of the National Library of Madrid or the fragments of the Archive

1 See note 37. 2 We can observe the same use of the virga in a recitative, also in others manuscripts belonging to the Clairvaux family, such as the Responsorial of the Abbey of St. Ber-nard in Bornem, written in 1244-1245, partially reproduced in François Masai and Mar-tin Wittek, eds., Manuscrits datés conservés en Belgique, vol. I: 819-1400, (Brussels: Bibliothèque Royale, 1968), in the plates 34-35 3This hypothesis on the use of the virga at the beginning of the word as a feature of the Clairvaux family comes up in Manuel Pedro Ferreira, “Relatório preliminar sobre o conteúdo musical do Fragmento Sharrer,” Actas do IV Congresso da Associação Hispânica de Literatura Medieval, vol. 1 (Lisbon: Edições Cosmos, 1991), pp. 35-42 and Cantus coronatus – Sete Cantigas d’El-Rei Dom Dinis (Kassel: Reichenberger, 2005), p. 52.

Mara Fortu 238

of Ourense or Arquivo Histórico de Madrid. We know there are no Clairvaux affiliations in Spain.4 This is why our inventory of Cistercian manuscripts comprises Spanish manuscripts with this feature, because they were imported from Spain, in this case to Clairvaux or to monas-teries affiliated with Clairvaux, like Alcobaça.

Another characteristic of the scriptorium of Alcobaça is the exist-ence of a fa clef, which is not very common and part of an older prac-tice. In fact, this clef derives from an F very much like that in the man-uscripts of Clairvaux from the twelfth century, such as Troyes, ms. 571.5 Figure 5: Parchment 15, Ar-chives of the Cathedral of Ourense (Galicia)

4 The unique monastery is Oseira in Galicia; all of the manuscripts of this scriptorium were destroyed in the fire of the City Library of Ourense in 1927. See note 4. 5 So far, we have not had access to other manuscripts of direct Clairvaux affiliation in order to perform a more thorough comparative study and therefore the demonstration of this theory is in progress, but such a study in Troyes where the manuscripts of Clair-vaux are kept is planned.


Figure 6: The Evolution of the F-Clef in Portuguese Manuscripts

This kind of clef in the Cistercian manuscripts in Portugal also ap-

pears in other manuscripts of the Peninsula, as well as in the Sharrer

Mara Fortu 240

fragment containing medieval love songs in Galician-Portuguese.6 The Gradual of Lorvão and the fragment no. 11 have marginal addi-

tions, the most important being the feast of St. Malachy, introduced to the Cistercian calendar in 1191, which offers a very clear temporal marker and shows that these manuscripts were copied in the same peri-od as the series of antiphoners already mentioned.7

Among the other liturgical manuscripts of Alcobaça are music fragments, such as Alc. 167 and Alc. 255. Characteristic of some of the manuscript missals without musical notation is the notated blessing of the Easter candle at the Easter Vigil, or Benedictio cerei, as in manu-script Illuminados. 218 in the National Library of Portugal, in Aqui-tanian notation;,Alc.167, with musical notation characteristic of the Portuguese Cistercian manuscripts, and Ms. 28 in Arouca, with square notation of a French type and unrelated to the typically Portuguese no-tation.

6 Manuel Pedro Ferreira, “Relatório preliminar sobre o conteúdo musical do Fragmento Sharrer,” Actas do IV Congresso da Associação Hispânica de Literatura Medieval, vol. 1 (Lisbon: Edições Cosmos, 1991), pp. 35-42. 7 Ferreira,"Um fragmento de Alcobaça."


Other Twelfth and Thirteenth-Century ManuscriptsLocation Gradual Others

ANTT Lorvão 158

BNP MMMF.119

Illum.218- Missal10

Alc.260 -Collectar11 Alc.167 Evangeliary12 Alc.255-Missal13

MASA MS.28-Evangeliary14

BNM 1458-B/17 15

The most important sources dating from the fourteenth and fifteenth

centuries are, first, Alc. 66, a breviary with an additional folio of the thirteenth or fourteenth century with the hymns of St. Bernard: Bernar-dus inclitus ortus natalibus, Iam angelica turba, Confessor alma claruit, and others. Secondly, there is the processional, Cod.6207, which is one of the few sources of tropes in Portugal in spite of the Cis-tercian abhorrence of textual additions to the “pure” Gregorian chant. In this case, the explanation can be found in the typically Cistercian devotion to the Virgin Mary, which may have overridden general tech-

8 Gradual (Temporale and Sanctorale) starting at Lent and continuing through the feast of St. Thomas, Apostle, dated between 1190-1200, with a marginal addition for the feast of St. Malachy (1191); traces of the scriptorium of Alcobaça. 9 One bifolio containing a fragment of a Cistercian litany. 10 Missal of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries; origin in the Monastery of Arouca, ”Livro da Rainha Santa”; Aquitanian notation for the Benedictio cerei. 11 Collectar from the thirteenth century; musical notation for some prefaces and some canon prayers. 12 Evangeliary from the thirteenth century; Benedictio cerei with musical notation. 13 Missal from the thirteenth century in Aquitanian notation: Descendit te celis deus. 14 Evangeliary, first quarter thirteenth century; fols. 76v-80r, with notated Benedictio cerei. 15 One bifolio belonging of Clairvaux family, with fragments of the gradual containing the mass of the fourth Sunday after Pentecost.

Mara Fortu 242

nical and formal principles.16 This was why the Cistercians accepted the Kyrie trope, O rex virginum, the Gloria trope, Spiritus et alme and the offertory trope, Recordare virgo mater.

Manuscripts of the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries Location Antiphoner Gradual Processional Others BNP Cod. 620717

Alc.6618 - Breviary Alc. 437 -43819 - Psalters Alc.459 - Missal

MASA Ms.1120 Ms.30 21 Ms.27 22

Ms.1623

ANTT Lorvão 4224 BME Cod.CXXIV

/1-14

In the National Archive Torre de Tombo, we find in the antiphonary

Lorvão 42 of 1454, a short version of the Tonale Sancti Bernardi, a Cistercian tonary that is widely considered to reflect the twelfth-century understanding of music. This late witness to it from Lorvão is im-portant, because it is one of very few surviving documents with music

16 Joaquim O. Bragança, Processional-tropário de Alcobaça, Manuscrito 6207 da B.N. de Lisboa (Lisbon: Instituto Gregoriano, 1984). 17 Processional-Troper; Alcobaça scriptorium origin. 18 Breviary, thirteenth century (later addition of a bifolio with the hymns of St. Ber-nard) . 19 Set of Psalters: Alc.437 and Alc.438. 20 Dated 1473. 21 Dated 1451. 22 Dated 1488. 23 Dated 1485 ; Gradual is complete. 24Antiphoner Sanctorale (1454) ; the Office of the Dead; Tonale Sancti Bernardi; hym-nal.


theory from this time in Portugal. The scarcity of sources with music theory can be explained if we understand that in Portugal in the Middle Ages music was taught orally.

The manuscript sources of the sixteenth century are the richest and represent a testimony of the liturgical evolution of the Cistercian Order in Portugal. Regarding the inventory of Cistercian processionals, we have completed the list made by Michel Huglo,25while correcting the origin of some processionals, for example that of the Museum of Sa-cred Art of Arouca, ms. 31.26

The only musical sources of the Order of Christ27 are highlighted by the beauty of their illuminated initials and had not been identified: two processionals in the General Library of the University of Coimbra, mss. 214 and 215.We can read at the end of manuscript: «Incipit prima pars processionarii ad usum cisterciensis ordinis militiae iesu christi cum aliis pluribus additamentis…». This military Order adopted the Cister-cian repertory, although the extent of that appropriation remains to be clarified.

We also find the set of manuscripts from 1532, the time of founda-tion of the monastery of Nossa Senhora de Conceição in Portalegre, but most impressive is the number of antiphoners and graduals from the Monastery of D. Dinis de Odivelas (1295), of the monastery of Lorvão (a set divided between the ANTT and the BNP), and from many other Cistercian monasteries that have not been precisely identified (such as those at the BME).

A hymnal with musical notation is Lorvão 18 (National Archive of Torre de Tombo), an important source for new Cistercian hymns added until the sixteenth century.

25 Michel Huglo, Les manuscrits du processional. I: Autriche à Espagne, RISM B XIV 1 (Munich: Henle 1999). 26 See note 66. 27 My discovery is important, because the Christ Order (a substitution of the Order of Templars in Portugal) existed under the Cistercian rule and protection of Alcobaça monastery until 1532.

Mara Fortu 244

Sixteenth-Century Manuscripts

Location Antiphoner Gradual Processional Others

BCUG MMC

Ms.21628 Ms.214 Ms.21529 Ms.6730 Ms.21831 Ms.222632

ANTT Lorvão16 Lorvão25 Lorvão2633 Lorvão27 Lorvão23 Lorvão28 Lorvão2934 Lorvão30

Lorvão19 Lorvão20 Lorvão2135 Lorvão22 Lorvão24 Lorvão31

Lorvão07 Box20/13 Box20/12 Lorvão02 36

Lorvão1837

MASA Ms.3 Ms.5 Ms.8 Ms.13 ms.15

Ms.6 Ms.7

Ms.3138

28 Office of the Dead. 29 Two processionals (mss.214/215) written for the Military Order of Christ. 30 Probably from Seiça Monastery. 31 Probably from Celas Monastery. 32 Now in Machado de Castro Museum, Coimbra. 33 The only manuscript of the set bears the year 1529. 34 Set of Temporale antiphonaries (Winter and Summer), Lorvão 23, 28, 29. 35 Set of Temporale graduals (Lorvão 19, 20, 21). 36 At the end of the manuscript, there is a characteristic polyphonic Benedicamus Domino, described by Manuel Pedro Ferreira in Antologia de música em Portugal na Idade Média e no Renascimento, vol. 1 (Lisbon, CESEM, 2008), p. 142. 37 Incomplete 16th-century hymnary, 90 pages, beginning with In nativitate Domini until In dedicatione ecclesie, including some feasts of the saints like: St. Peter and Paul, St. Andrew, St. Luke, St. Lawrence, and St. Martin. 38 A deeper study of the content of this manuscript shows its greater proximity to the Cistercian rite rather than the Dominican rite (as in RISM B XIV 1, see note 54); for example, in analyzing the content of the feast of 2 February, In nativitate B. M Virginis, the antiphon Cum appropinquaret, which is characteristic to the Dominican rite, does not appear. It also must be a Cistercian processional, because it contains the feast of St. Bernard: “In nativitate B. M. Virginis.”


BNP L.C 211 L.C.212 L.C.213 L.C.214 L.C.215 L.C.21639 L.C.23940 L.C.16441 L.C.249 L.C.248 L.C.251 L.C.25442 L.C.240 L.C.159 L.C.160 L.C.161 L.C.24243

L.C.207 L.C.206 L.C.208 L.C.20944 L.C.20545 L.C.204 L.C.23746

M.M.497447

L.C.252 Kyriale L.C.168 Kyriale

BME Mús.Lit.Ms nº 35 Mús.Lit.Ms nº 68 Cód.116(c)

Mús.Lit.Ms nº1 Mús.Lit.Ms nº 32 48 Mús.Lit.Ms nº 34

CLI/ 2-14 CLI/2-15

Cod.CLI/1-9 d.49

MO Mss.1/2/350

39 Monastery of Nossa Senhora de Conceição (Portalegre) (1531) ; all of them (L.C.211, L.C.212, L.C.213, L.C.214, L.C.215, L.C.216) comprise a single multi-volume antiphoner of the Temporale. 40 M. Lorvão (makes part of the set of ANTT (continuation of Lorvão 28). 41 1529; Sanctorale containg an blazon related to the Lorvão Monastery. 42 Set of antiphoners from the monastery of Celas (Coimbra). 43 Origin at Dom Dinis de Odivelas monastery; L.C.159-Sanctorale from 1525; L.C.160- Sanctorale from 1502; L.C.161-Common of saints with hymnal from 1536. 44 Set of Sanctorale graduals (L.C.211,212,213,214,215,216 ) from Portalegre monas-tery . 45 Summer gradual set with L.C.204 (winter) originated in Portalegre monastery. 46 Temporale gradual from Monastery of Celas;1528. 47 Processional originating in the area of Lisbon. 48 At the end of the manuscript, a four-part " Credo." 49 One bifolio with polyphonic music. 50 Originated from the monastery of San Isidro of Dueñas.

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There are many music manuscripts dating from after Claude Vaussin’s reform in the seventeenth century.

Manuscripts from After the Reform of Claude Vaussin From the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries

Antiphoner Gradual Processional Others

MASA

Ms.4 Ms.9 Ms.10 Ms.12 Ms.14

Ms.1 Ms.2

Ms.1751 L352-12-11-9752

BME Mús.Lit.Ms nº15 Mús.Lit.Ms nº18

Hymnal Mús.Lit.Ms nº16

ANTT

Lorvão37 Lorvão38 Lorvão39

Lorvão40 Lorvão41

Lorvão36

BNP Cod.5993 Illum.58 Alc.104

Alc.106 Alc.107 Alc.105

Taking into consideration the rarity of Cistercian sources with po-

lyphony, the existence of such compositions in these Portuguese codi-ces deserves more thorough study. For example, Solange Corbin53 iden-tified a polyphonic setting of a preces, Jesu redemptor, suscipe illam, a survival from the Mozarabic liturgy, at the end of a sixteenth-century Cistercian manuscript (ms. 216-BGUC). The Ritual of Celas, as Corbin called it, is also found in other codices54, but we also located it in ms.

51 Ms. 17 is entitled The feast of St. Virgin Mafalda. She was the daughter of King San-cho I of Portugal and the patroness of Arouca Monastery in the thirteenth century, and is venerated in the Cistercian calendar on 2 May, as St. Mafalda, Queen, beginning in 1792. 52 The only manuscript filled with polyphony. 53 Corbin, Essai sur la musique, p. 324. 54 Also appears in non-Cistercian codices from the University Library of Coimbra (BGUC), like ms.34, ms.53, and others.


75 from City Library of Porto, with a very curious title, Ladainha Ber-narda (Bernardine Litany). We do not know if Portuguese Cistercians actually adopted this prayer with its polyphonic melody, but it reflects Iberian (Portuguese) influence on the Cistercian tradition.

But the first source of polyphonic music identified in Portugal, da-ting back before the fifteenth century, is also of Cistercian origin and was discovered by Manuel Pedro Ferreira.55 The existence of a rare ad-dition in the antiphoner from Arouca monastery, Ms. 25, of a two-part hymn, Exultat celi curia, for St. Bernard, written around 1225 in a very outdated style for that time, is an expression of Cistercian piety. Figure 7:

In Europe, it is one of the two oldest examples of Cistercian polyphony: there is only one other source from before 1300, the gradual from Hauterive (Switzerland) now in Oxford, which includes the two-part pieces, Nicolai Solemnia and Catholicorum concio. The text of this hymn, Exultat celi curia, is also found at the end of a Cistercian processional of the ANTT: Lorvão 07. The hymn has, so far, no known concordances, either textual or musical. In short, the considerable number of Cistercian manuscripts in

55 Manuel Pedro Ferreira, “Early Cistercian Polyphony: A Newly-Discovered Source," Lusitania Sacra, 2nd series, 13-14 (2001-2002): 267-313.

Mara Fortu 248

Portugal give evidence of the extent of the Cistercian presence on the Iberian peninsula and reveal important directions future research should take. Such research would be a prerequisite for deeper studies of sacred medieval chant on the Iberian Peninsula.56

56 The Iberian Peninsula is the only part of Europe with Cistercian manuscripts that have not been studied yet, despite the great number of codices that survive here.

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