1

A. The Media Construction of U.S. Gay Pride Parade as a

Carnival-like Event of Gay Pride and Visibility

Gay Pride Parade is basically a parade of gay pride

and visibility. It displays the pride and visibility of

homosexual people as an individual and a community to be

publicly noticed, familiarized, and accepted. In the

early phase of modern gay liberation movement in 1970s,

homosexual Americans were more visible among their

community. In this regard, the significance of their

visibility was associated with the coming-out action of

LGBT Americans to tell others that they were homosexual

(Eaklor, 2008, p. 132). American gays and lesbians at

that time firstly adopted the parade model as a strategy

to tell America about their community formation and their

pride as homosexual being (Herrel, 1992 as cited in

Maasik and Solomon, 1997, p. 421). Thus, the first U.S.

Gay Pride Parade in 1970 was held in a form of public

gathering of LGBT Americans that was indistinguishable

2

from political demonstration (Armstrong and Crage, 2006,

p. 740).

In 1970, Gay Pride Parade was firstly and

simultaneously held in New York, Los Angeles and Chicago

on June 28 (ibid, p. 740-741). There were hundreds to

thousands of LGBT Americans joined the parade. They made

use of Gay Pride Parade to express their pride and visibility

in public space (urban street) for the purpose of gaining

public recognition and familiarity. At that time, the

parade was used to be held in ordinariness and solemnity.

There were no floats, no sounds of booming music, no boys

in briefs that colored the scene U.S. Gay Pride Parade in

early 1970s (Sargeant, 2010).

The physical appearance of most LGBT participants in

the 1970 U.S. Gay Pride Parade was mostly displayed in

the ordinariness of everyday appearance. The parade

attributes that were attached to the LGBT participants

were signs and banners that echoed their demand on public

3

acceptance towards their pride and visibility as an

individual and a minority of homosexual kind. Yells and

shouts were also lamented by LGBT participants to attract

public attention and to encourage public familiarity,

acceptance, and support towards their homosexuality. At

the Los Angeles Gay Pride Parade in 1970 for instance,

there were groups of LGBT participants under the

affiliation of Gay Liberation Front that marched while

carrying banners and yelling, “Two, four, six, eight, gay

is just as good as straight” (Christopher Street West

Association, n.d.). There was also a march of an

affiliation called as group of friends carrying a large

sign that echoed, “Heterosexuals for Homosexual Freedom”

(ibid).

In recent twenty first century years, U.S. Gay Pride

Parade is known as an event that displays the pride and

visibility of LGBT Americans through the attractive and

entertaining scene of carnival-like displays and shows.

4

Unlike in the previous years of the twentieth century,

U.S. Gay Pride Parade in twenty first century years is

held in a form of carnival-like event that displays

dancing and singing performance, booming music, rainbow

flags, and hundreds of colorful parade floats. Through

the parade, LGBT Americans come out or express their pride

and visibility as an individual and a minority of

homosexual kind to be publicly noticed, familiarized, and

accepted in an attractive and entertaining way. The sense

of ordinariness and solemnity has no longer dominated the

way the homosexuality of all LGBT participants is made to

be visible during the parade. The public spectators are

served with the appearance of LGBT participants in

various themed-costumes, body painting, make-up,

accessories, and other bodily attributes. Meanwhile, some

LGBT Americans even display their body in shirtless and

nudity symbolizing their aggressiveness in expressing

their homosexual or gay pride and visibility. All of these

5

carnival-like attractions, shows, as well as the

attributive and aggressive bodily display basically

symbolize the way LGBT Americans overtly make use of Gay

Pride Parade to construct their attractive, entertaining,

and aggressive pride and visibility as homosexual beings

in the frame of public familiarity for the purpose of

calming down public homophobia or anti-gay feeling and

attitude.

In some American media, the 21st century U.S. Gay

Pride Parade is illustrated as a carnival-like event that

displays gay pride and visibility. In the media, the

discussion of U.S. Gay Pride Parade is often associated

with the description about carnival-like displays and

shows that color and decorate the scene of the parade and

the physical appearance of LGBT participants. In this sub

chapter, the analysis is focused on the media

construction of U.S. Gay Pride Parade as a carnival-like

event that displays gay pride and visibility. The

6

construction is analyzed in the perspective of The

Seattle Times’ online news article published during 2009

to 2011.

Susan Kelleher (2009) in The Seattle Times’ article

entitled Seattle Parade Marries Pride and Politics presents the

discussion about Gay Pride parade in Seattle, Washington.

In her article, Kelleher specifically uses the term Seattle

Pride Parade to refer to the Gay Pride parade that was held

in Seattle on June 29, 2009. She illustrates the Seattle

Pride Parade as a carnival-like event of gay visibility

by describing the physical appearance of LGBT participant

in bodily attributes and decorations that can be analyzed

from the following citation:

"I'm not the marrying type," said Jeff Foster, 30, a living work of art deckedout in black leather with a rainbow-colored mohawk, silver-studded faceand ears, and tiny ruby horns sticking from his forehead above his piercedeyebrows (Seattle Parade Marries Pride and Politics, June29, 2009).The self-described goth/punk/pagan from Bend, Ore., traveled to Seattle toexperience a sense of "family and safety and belonging" with a largercommunity (ibid).

7

The above citation is The Seattle Times’ online news

article that points out the discussion about the visibility of

Jeff Foster as one of gay participants at the 2009

Seattle Pride parade. In this case, Susan Kelleher, the

author of the article describes the gay visibility of Jeff

Foster in two identities, as “a living work of arts” and

“a self-described Goth, punk, and pagan”. As a living work

of art, Kelleher describes the physical visibility of Jeff

Foster that was decorated with or “decked out” in black

leather with a rainbow-colored Mohawk, silver-studded face and ears,

and the tiny ruby horns that are stuck in his forehead right

above his pierced eyebrows. Based on this description, Jeff

Foster is illustrated as a gay man who came out or

expressed the visibility of his gay body and asserted his

gay identity to be publicly noticed and familiarized

through the artistic display of his physical appearance.

Kelleher’s description about Jeff Foster’s body as “a

living work of art” represents her perspective in

8

describing the 2009 Seattle Pride parade as a form of a

carnival-like event. Artistic display is the integral

part of carnival. One element that represents the

artistic display of carnival is the flamboyant costume or

dress. The display of flamboyant costume by carnival

revelers or participants is one element that

characterizes the scene of a carnival-like event

(Lipsitz, 1994, 235). In this regard, the visibility of

Jeff Foster’s body that is described as “a living work of

art” can be considered as flamboyant. Literally, flamboyant

is defined as the very confident in behavior or the

appearance that is purposely made to be noticed by being

brightly colored (Cambridge Advanced Learner’s Dictionary

3rd Edition). As one of the Seattle Pride parade

participants, Jeff Foster’s appearance is flamboyant

because during the parade the visibility of his gay body

was intentionally displayed and decorated to look

attractive and colorful in public gaze, familiarity and

9

recognition through his black leather outfit, rainbow-colored

Mohawk, silver-studded face and ears, horned forehead, and pierced

eyebrows.

Based on the illustration above, the 2009 Seattle

Pride parade is implicitly defined in the news article as

the rhetorical strategy for homosexual people like Jeff

Foster to be publicly noticed, familiarized and well

liked through the artistic and flamboyant display of his

gay body. The modification of his physical appearance

into “a living work of art” during the parade represents

the way he made the visibility of his gay body to look

attractive and entertaining in the frame of public

Americans’ gaze. By appearing as “a living work of art”

at the 2009 Seattle Pride parade, Jeff basically made use

of the parade as his rhetorical tactic to proudly come

out or express his artistic and flamboyant appearance to

calm down public fear and hate towards his homosexuality.

By maintaining his “living work of art” appearance, Jeff

10

Foster was also being friendly in encouraging public

familiarity and fondness towards his self-identity as a

gay man. He was being friendly here because his

appearance was not made as confrontational, solemn, and

ordinary as the physical appearance of LGBT participants

at the early 1970s U.S. Gay Pride parade. His overall

physical appearances here were made to look as artistic,

flamboyant, friendly, attractive, and entertaining in the

frame of public Americans’ gaze and familiarity.

In addition, the black leather outfit that decorates the

physical appearance of Jeff Foster is known as the

typical outfit for gay men when they present their

visibility as participants of Gay Pride Parade. In this

case, the bodily appearance of gay men in leather outfit,

accessories, or fashion attributes basically symbolizes

the aggressive ways of gay men in declaring their gay

visibility to public watchers (Herrel, 1992 as cited in

Maasik and Solomon, 1997, p. 424). Since 1970s, Gay Pride

11

parade across the United States has been inevitably

colored with the presence of gay men groups in leather

clothes, costume, accessories, or fashion attributes. In

the 1979 Chicago Gay Pride parade for instance, there was

the march of gay men in leather outfits (leathermen),

women dress (drags), and muscular body (beefcakes). They

came out and marched at the 1979 Chicago Gay Pride parade

as a minority that demanded public acknowledgment and

familiarity towards their community culture and sexual

acts (ibid).

In queer perspective, gay men in leather clothes

symbolize dangerous hypermasculinity (ibid). By wearing

leather clothes or costumes, accessories, and other forms

of fashion attributes, gay men escalate their masculinity to

be hyper-visible to counteract the social stereotype that

marks them as effeminate (Cameron and Kulick, 2003, p. 6).

In this case, the escalation of gay men’s masculinity is

done through the way the leather materials are made and

12

designed to accentuate and decorate gay men’s muscular

body. In the news article above, the description of Jeff

Foster’s body as a living work of art in black leather constructs

the physical identity of Jeff Foster as a hypermasculine gay

man who aggressively asserted his muscular visibility in

front of public Americans through the 2009 Seattle Pride

Parade. Based on this construction, it can be understood

that the 2009 Seattle Pride Parade is defined by the news

article as an event that displays gay men’s visibility in

hypermasculinity. In another sense, the description of

Jeff’s appearance in black leather outfit that is

highlighted in the above news article can also be

understood as the way the news article defines the 2009

Seattle Pride Parade as one form of rhetorical tactic

used by gay men i.e. Jeff Foster to encourage public

society to identify and acknowledge his gender identity

as a hypermasculine gay man.

13

For gay men, hypermasculinity is one of their central

issues related to their struggle in achieving the ideal

requirement of hegemonic masculinity or masculinity based

on the socially constructed norms and values. In other

words, hegemonic masculinity is masculinity that is widely

acknowledged by major society. In certain understanding,

hegemonic masculinity is referred to the patriarchal

masculinity or masculinity that is presented by a male

figure with identities as white, straight (heterosexual), upper-

middle class, college educated, gainfully employed, Protestant,

father, of good complexion, weight, and height, and sportsmen

(Erving, 1965 as cited in

http://web.grinnell.edu/courses/lib/s01/lib397-01/ReStruc

turing_Masculinities/documents/gaymasc.pdf). Based on

this definition, gay men are exactly excluded from the

category of hegemonic masculinity due to their sexual

identity that is considered as non-straight. This exclusion

is also strongly supported by the established social

14

stereotype that marks their gender identity with the term

effeminate (Cameron and Kulick, 2003, p. 6) or other

identities that are commonly referred to women’s personas

or feminine traits. In fact, there are numbers of gay men

who reject the socially constructed gender classification

that excludes them from the classification of manhood

masculinity. Thus, being hypermasculine is a way for gay men

to prove to public society that they are masculine men.

In the struggle of being hypermasculine or of having a

physical look as a masculine (straight) man in the eye of

public society, gay men apply several symbolic artifacts

to express and represent their hypermasculinity. One obvious

object or artifact used by gay men to symbolize their

hypermasculinity is leather. In this regard, the wearing of

outfits made of leather material symbolizes an attempt of

gay men in displaying and expressing their masculinity to

be highly visible in public gaze and space. In 1950s, gay

men started to make use of leather outfit to represent

15

their hypermasculine image (Kularski, 2013, p. 9). Then,

throughout years of post-Stonewall Riots incident,

leather clothing developed into a community and a

subculture. Members of leather community consists of gay

men who likes wearing leather clothing and perform such

sexual fetish, a sexual act towards objects or parts of

the body other than sexual organs i.e. leather,

sadomasochism, bondage, domination, uniforms, and rubber

(http://www.lambda.org/symbols.htm). At that time, the

physical look of gay men in leather clothing or outfit

was made to be visible in cultivated muscles, short

haircut, trimmed mustaches, jeans, and boots (Eaklor,

2008, 139). In other words, gay hypermasculinity during the

post-Stonewall years was visualized by the appearance of

gay men in leather clothing with muscular body, short

haircut, trimmed mustaches, jeans, and boots. They were

used to be called as “macho men” (ibid).

16

The physical appearance of Jeff Foster in black

leather outfit at the 2009 Seattle Pride Parade that is

described in the above news article illustrates the way

Jeff Foster made use of leather artifact to construct and

assert his hypermasculine or “macho-man” image to prove his

masculinity in front of public Americans. In other words,

the physical appearance of Jeff Foster in black leather

outfit describes his attempt to have a look as a

masculine (straight) man in public gaze and familiarity by

displaying and emphasizing his muscularity in black leather

outfit. Thus, the description of Jeff’s visibility in

black leather outfit as one of participants at the 2009

Seattle Pride Parade that is highlighted in the above

news article represent the way the news article

implicitly defines Gay Pride Parade as an event that

displays the hypermasculine visibility of gay men

participants signified by their muscular body in leather

outfit. In other words, the news article’s description

17

regarding Jeff Foster’s appearance in black leather

outfit at the 2009 Seattle Pride Parade shows how the

news article defines Gay Pride Parade as an event that is

used by gay men to assert their masculinity and to

encourage public familiarity and acknowledgment towards

their manhood masculinity for the purpose of

counteracting social stereotype that all gay men are

effeminate and that masculinity is the province of

straight men.

In another sense, the public display of Jeff’s bodily

appearance in black leather outfit at the 2009 Seattle

Pride Parade illustrates how he, as a gay man, tried to

assert the established notion of masculine-male/feminine-

female binary that men are born with masculine traits

while in contrast, women are born with feminine traits.

In this regard, Jeff’s masculine image that was

accentuated or made to be hyper visible through his

muscular body display in black leather outfit illustrates

18

his way of strongly supporting the notion that

masculinity is associated with maleness and

muscularity. In common conception, Jeff’s hyper-visible

masculinity (hypermasculinity) is associated with male power

and domination but it is the male power and domination

that is emphasized to be more obvious (Springer, 1993 as

cited in Vergne, 2012, p. 3). Meanwhile, male power is

often associated with physical strength particularly

muscle strength. Dyer (1982) noted that muscles are

defined as a sign of male power (p. 71 as cited in Vergne,

2012, p. 4). Based on this notion, hypermasculinity

represents male power and domination that are accentuated

or made to be hyper-visible through muscularity. In this

regard, Jeff Foster is a gay man and he has muscular

male-body. The accentuation of his muscular body in black

leather outfit at the 2009 Seattle Pride Parade

illustrates the way he publicly asserted and echoed the

notion that masculinity is associated with male power and

19

domination. Thus, the description of Jeff Foster’s

visibility in black leather outfit at the 2009 Seattle

Pride Parade that is highlighted in the above news

article shows the way the news article defines the 2009

Seattle Pride Parade as an event that assert the notion

of masculine-male/feminine-female binary through the

visibility of gay men participants who made their

masculinity hyper visible through the accentuation of their

muscular body using black leather outfit.

Other identifications of Jeff Foster that are pointed

out in the above article are Goth, punk and pagan. In the

article, Goth, punk, and pagan are said as the self-described

identities of Jeff Foster at the 2009 Seattle Pride

parade. In the article above, the discussion about the

self-described identities of Jeff Foster as a Goth, punk,

and pagan is explained in the context of family and

community inclusion. The clause “family and safety and

belonging” that are stated in the article above and are

20

put in quotation marks emphasize the signification of the

terms Goth, punk, and pagan as a form of family or

community that promotes sense of safety, affiliation, and

inclusion to homosexual people in this case to a gay man

like Jeff Foster.

In most common knowledge, Goth and punk are known as

communities of people who are interested in particular

genre of music, arts, fashion, literature, films, even

ideology. The visibility of these two communities’

members in public space is commonly characterized with

fashion style and physical look. In the article above,

the identification of Jeff Foster’s physical appearance

in black leather outfit and rainbow-colored Mohawk emphasizes the

signification of his inclusion and affiliation in the

community of Goth and punk. In gothic world, black and

other dark colors are used to characterize gothic fashion.

Meanwhile, Mohawk hairstyle is one of the typical styles

in punk fashion. The description of Jeff Foster’s

21

physical appearance in the combination of black leather

outfit and rainbow-colored Mohawk illustrates the way he

asserted his gothic-punk identity as well as his inclusion

and affiliation in the community of Goth and punk to

public spectators.

Another self-described identity of Jeff Foster that

is highlighted in the above article is pagan. Literally,

pagan is defined as a polytheistic religion (Cambridge

Advanced Learner’s Dictionary 3rd Edition). Its believers

are also called as pagan (ibid). It is assumed that the

first accounts about homosexual behavior had been found

in the ancient religious ritual of pagan (Buchanan, 2000,

para. 1 as cited in Sutor,

http://rockhawk.com/homosexuals_in_history.htm). For this

reason, the inclusion and affiliation of homosexuality is

at least found in the worship of various pagan gods

(ibid). In this case, the discussion about the self-

described identity of Jeff Foster as a pagan signifies an

22

interpretation that defines Jeff Foster as a religious

gay man. Based on this interpretation, Jeff Foster’s gay

visibility that was displayed at the 2009 Seattle Pride

parade was not simply about his identity as a gay man,

but it was also a display about his religious identity as

a pagan. At the same time, the way Jeff Foster described

himself as a pagan illustrates his attempt to assert the

sacredness of homosexuality as its practical value had

ever been found in the ancient religious ritual, in this

case in ancient pagan ritual. In other interpretations,

the discussion about Jeff Foster’s religious identity as

pagan highlighted in the above news article illustrates

the way the news article implicitly defines the 2009

Seattle Pride Parade as an event that assert an insight

about homosexuality and its sacredness in religious

teachings that is represented by the way the LGBT

participants i.e. Jeff Foster publicly assert their

religious identity through words and physical appearance

23

in outfits or accessories that symbolizes paganism. In

this case, Jeff’s silver-studded face and ears of Jeff Foster

that is discussed in the above news article symbolizes

Jeff’s way of asserting his paganism through physical

look since accessories or jewelries made of silver

material are often used to symbolize paganism.

The description of Jeff Foster’s religious identity

as a pagan that is highlighted in the above news article

also signifies an inclusion and affiliation of homosexual

people in the realm of religious practice and

denomination i.e. pagan. Yet, in most religious teachings

and denominations, homosexuals are often unaccepted as

they are regarded as unnatural, ungodly, and impure (Yip,

2005 as cited in Adamczyk and Pitt, 2009, p. 339).

Meanwhile, Americans are mostly religious. They believe

in various religious teachings and are affiliated into

various denominations. Many of religious Americans are

conservative and most of them are intolerant towards

24

homosexuality. Thus, LGBT Americans have been commonly

experiencing an exclusion from religious denominations.

It is a struggle and a movement for LGBT Americans to

be visible and recognized not as a sinful being in the

midst of religious communities and particularly the

conservative ones. They have long been seeking freedom in

religious practice and inclusion in various

denominations. In the late twentieth century, their

struggle resulted in the growing number of “LGBT-friendly

religious groups” that openly welcomed the affiliation of

LGBT members (Eaklor, 2008, p. 221). In the mid-1980 for

instance, there were some Christian denominations that

openly welcomed homosexual Americans i.e. United Church of

Christ, the United Methodists, the Evangelical Lutherans, and the

Presbyterian Church USA followed by The Unitarian Universalist

Association, The Quakers, Reform and Reconstructionist Judaism in

1990s (ibid, p. 222).

25

Into the twenty first century, the number of

religious groups that openly welcome the inclusion and

affiliation of LGBT Americans is greater. Christians, as

the largest community of faith in the United States, show

greater welcome towards LGBT Americans. There are tens to

hundreds of Christian Churches across the United States

welcome the inclusion of LGBT Americans

(http://www.gaychurch.org/find_a_church/united_states/uni

ted_states.htm). Yet, there are also numbers of

denominations that show their exclusion towards the

affiliation of LGBT Americans i.e. Conservative

Protestants (Southern Baptist, Churches of Christ, Evangelical,

Fundamentalist, and Pantecostal), Mormons, and Conservative

Muslims. This particular phenomenon shows that the LGBT

Americans are now actually still struggling for the

expansion of their inclusion in the arena of religious

denominations particularly the conservative ones.

26

In the article above, the identification of Jeff

Foster as a pagan reflects the way Susan Kelleher

illustrates the spiritual need and the religious

affiliation of Jeff Foster that were symbolically

expressed by him at the 2009 Seattle Pride parade.

Through this illustration, Kelleher defines the 2009

Seattle Pride parade as an event that displays the

religious visibility of LGBT Americans. This definition

refers to the way Jeff Foster made use of Gay Pride

parade to express or make visible his religious

affiliation to make public aware on his need in religious

practice and inclusion. This illustration also explains

the way Jeff Foster encouraged religious spectators other

than pagans to welcome the inclusion and affiliation of

LGBT Americans as part of their denominations.

The overall identifications about the physical

appearance of Jeff Foster that is discussed in the above

article illustrate the variety of Jeff Foster’s

27

visibility that was displayed at the 2009 Seattle Pride

parade. Based on this illustration, the visibility of

Jeff Foster that was made to be publicly recognized and

familiarized through the 2009 Seattle Pride parade was

his identity as a gay, Goth, punk, and pagan in the shield

of his “living work of art” appearance. In this case, the

visible presence of Jeff Foster that was made to be

artistic, attractive, entertaining, aggressive, and

flamboyant in the frame of public gaze through the 2009

Seattle Pride parade was not simply his presence as a gay

man. Yet, the visible presence of Jeff Foster that was

made to be publicly seen as “a living work of art” was

also the identity of his inclusion and affiliation in

communities of faith and interest i.e. pagan, Goth, and

punk.

In this sense, the identification of Jeff Foster as

“a living work of art”, Goth, punk, and pagan also

signifies the way the news article defines the 2009

28

Seattle Pride parade as a carnival-like event that

display and declare the gay visibility of LGBT Americans and

their inclusion in various interest groups and religious

denominations. Based on this interpretation, the

carnival-like scene of the 2009 Seattle Pride parade is

illustrated as a rhetorical strategy for a gay man like

Jeff Foster to encourage public familiarity and

acceptance towards his homosexuality and to expand his

inclusion in broader mainstream communities i.e.

religious denominations and interest groups.

Another illustration that defines U.S. Gay Pride

parade as a carnival-like event of gay pride and visibility is

also presented in The Seattle Times’ online news article that

was published on June 27, 2010 entitled Seattle Pride Parade

Show of Support for Gay Community. The author of the article,

Christine Willmsen points out a description about the

visibility of LGBT Americans’ pride that was symbolically

displayed at the 37th annual Seattle Pride Parade in the

29

aegis of rainbow-colored attributes. She writes, “Allen and

hordes of other people lined Fourth Avenue downtown to watch people in

rainbow-colored boas, socks, earrings, beads and wigs marching in the 37th

annual parade” (Willmsen, 2010, para. 3). In this article,

Allen and hordes of other people are described as the parade

spectators who enjoyed watching the visibility of LGBT

participants’ pride that is symbolized in rainbow-colored

attributes.

In the above news article, the rainbow colors are

identified as the color of boas, socks, earrings, beads, and

wigs that decorate the physical appearance of LGBT

participants at the 37th annual Seattle Pride Parade. In

the perspective of queer analysis, the colors of rainbow

are the symbol of gay pride. In time post Stonewall

Rebellion (1969), numerous symbols and colors were

created and adopted by American gay men, lesbians, and

bisexuals to express their pride or signify their sexuality

and/or politics (Eaklor, 2008, p. 138). The rainbow colors,

30

for instance, were used as the color of a flag that was

designed to symbolize gay pride (ibid). This rainbow-

colored flag was later known as the Gay Pride Flag. Gilbert

Baker, a San Francisco gay artist, was the one who

designed the Gay Pride Flag. In recent twenty first

century years, the Gay Pride Flag remains as the icon of

gay pride parade and it is always waved in every Gay

Pride Parade around the world.

In the above news article, Christine Willmsen points

out that the rainbow colors are found in some accessories

and jewelries i.e. boas, socks, earrings, beads, and wigs worn

by LGBT participants during the 37th annual Seattle Pride

Parade. Based on queer perspective, what is Willmsen

intended to point out here is that the rainbow-colored boas,

shocks, earrings, beads and wigs are symbolical. These

accessories and jewelries symbolize gay pride as they are

rainbow-colored. They were worn to symbolize the self-pride

of LGBT participants towards their homosexuality or

31

gayness. In this sense, the 37th annual Seattle Pride

Parade is illustrated by Christine Willmsen as an event

that comes out the self-pride of LGBT Americans as homosexual

beings or as individuals that are not completely straight.

In another paragraph, Christine Willmsen points out

another description of some carnival-like displays and

the physical appearance of LGBT participants at the 37th

annual Seattle Pride Parade that were also decked out in

the nuance of rainbow notion. She writes, “About 165 floats, many

decorated with the theme "Over the Rainbow," showed support for the gay

community with balloons, flags, booming music and several versions of

Dorothy and The Wizard of Oz skipping through the Emerald City”

(Willmsen, 2010, para. 4). In the article, Willmsen uses

the phrase “Over the Rainbow” to describe the decorations

of 165 floats displayed at the 37th annual Seattle Pride

Parade.

In common understanding, “Over the Rainbow” is known

as the title of a song that becomes the official

32

soundtrack of a popular American movie entitled The Wizard

of Oz. For LGBT Americans, the phrase “Over the Rainbow”

is a song that symbolizes gay visibility as it is

popularized by Judy Garland who is well known as an

American gay icon (Currid, 2001, p. 123). The song was sung

by Garland in her starring role as Dorothy Gale in The Wizard

of Oz (1939) movie. In the era of 1950s to 1960s, Judy

Garland was very famous among LGBT Americans as a gay

singer and a movie star. Her stage performance at that

time could successfully come out large number of gay

audiences and created idolization (Wickman, 2012, para.

4,

http://www.slate.com/articles/life/explainer/2012/06/rain

bows_and_gay_pride_how_the_rainbow_became_a_symbol_of_the

_glbt_movement_.html). In this case, Garland’s capability

of representing queer identification and pleasure is

constructed based on her appearance and film role that

often reflect the androgynous and camp character (Currid,

33

2001, p. 123). Thus, all of her stage shows were often

successful in encouraging LGBT Americans particularly gay

men to come out and watch her show in particular public

spaces as her audiences and fans as well.

Beyond Judy Garland’s role and iconography, “Over the

Rainbow” song itself is queerly identified as the

reflection of LGBT Americans’ life story. The song lyrics

of “Over the Rainbow” tell about an imaginary land in

somewhere way up high over the rainbow where happiness

and all dreams can come true. In The Wizard of Oz movie, the

song was sung by Dorothy Gale in the scene when she found

herself in trouble and got no sympathy from her aunt and

uncle. By singing the song, she wandered his imagination

and started wondering for a dreamland where she could get

sympathy and find no hardship. Until then she experienced

an unexpected journey that led her to the Land of Oz. In

the queer perspective, Dorothy’s journey from the great

grey prairie of Kansas to the bright, beautiful, and green Land

34

of Oz is interpreted as the journey of LGBT Americans to

come out from the grey area of self-unawareness and self-denial to

the bright area of self-awareness and self-acknowledgment as

homosexuals.

In the news article above, the phrase “Over the

Rainbow” is exactly used to describe some decorations

that were used to make the 165 parade floats in the 37th

annual Seattle Pride Parade looked attractive. It is

stated that the decorations consist of balloons, flags, booming

music and several versions of Dorothy and The Wizard of Oz skipping

through the Emerald City. Among these decorations, what are

called as the several versions of Dorothy and The Wizard of Oz

refer to some LGBT participants who modified their

appearance by wearing Dorothy Gale and The Wizard of Oz

costumes. Both Dorothy Gale and The Wizard of Oz are known as

the major characters in The Wizard of Oz movie. By wearing

Dorothy and The Wizard of Oz costumes, the LGBT participants

35

here were symbolically expressing their homosexual self-

awareness in the frame of “Over the Rainbow” theme.

For many LGBT Americans, being visible or coming out to

one-self and to others as a homosexual is mutually

exclusive and often problematic at the same time.

Historically and culturally, LGBT Americans experience

the wide range practice of homophobia and heterosexism in

the midst of American society. Since childhood period,

LGBT individuals even have been victimized to homophobic

or antigay attitude addressed their own families,

communities, and strangers (Drescher, 2007, p. 16). Their

fear on public rejection makes themselves unable to merge

their homosexuality into their public personalities

(Drescher, 2007, p. 16). They rather choose to hide their

homosexuality from oneself-awareness and public

acknowledgment. Thus, they become closeted individuals (ibid).

In recent twenty first century years, criminality

based on homophobic or antigay attitude are continually

36

being experienced by LGBT Americans as well as

heterosexuals who are suspected as gay. In 2010 for

instance, there were three homicide cases towards

homosexual citizens. One of the cases was the death of an

18-year-old gay man from Texas that was murdered by his

classmate based on homophobia motive (Romney, 2011, para.

1). The National Coalition of Anti-Violence Programs

reported statistic data that showed a 13% rise in violent

crimes on the basis of perceived or actual sexual

orientation, gender identity, and status of HIV positive

throughout 2009 years and over (ibid, para. 2). Both the

homicide case and the statistic data reported by National

Coalition of Anti-Violence Programs show that homophobia

remains to be exist in the midst of contemporary American

society.

Based on the above facts, the self-awareness of LGBT

Americans as homosexual beings that is publicly displayed

through their appearance in Dorothy and The Wizard of Oz

37

costumes at the 37th annual Seattle Pride Parade is

strongly contradictive with the real life experience of

many LGBT people in America in dealing with public

homophobia and their difficulties in coming out their

homosexuality. By wearing Dorothy and The Wizard of Oz

costume, the LGBT Americans here were coming out their

homosexual self-awareness and telling public about their

homosexuality. The costumes were basically used by LGBT

participants to make their gay visibility looked attractive

and entertaining in public familiarity and

acknowledgment. Thus, public fear on homosexuality and

other antigay attitudes could be calmed down and

transformed into sense of acceptance and inclusion. In

this case, the 37th annual Seattle Pride Parade is

implicitly illustrated in the above news article as an

event that displays the attractive and entertaining

visibility of LGBT Americans in expressing their

Unicorns from Beyond the Garden ofHedon march in the parade Sundayafternoon. The sidewalks werepacked as the parade, whichstarted at 11 a.m., made its wayalong Fourth Avenue, from Union

38

homosexual self-awareness as a way of overcoming public

homophobia.

In another online

news article published

by The Seattle Times, the

interpretation of Gay

Pride Parade as a

carnival-like event of

gay pride and visibility is also presented in a form of

photographic narration

attached to the news

article entitled Sunday

Pride Parade Draws Diverse Crowds. The photograph on the right

side of this paragraph presents an illustration of the

LGBT participants that marched at the 37th Seattle Pride Parade

held on Sunday, June 26, 2011. In the photograph, it can

be seen that there are numbers of LGBT participants

expressing their gay pride and visibility cheerfully and

39

flamboyantly by displaying their appearance in unique

costume, accessories, brightly-colored makeup, and

artistic hairstyle.

The caption explains that the LGBT participants

captured in the photograph belong to a group called as

Unicorns from Beyond the Garden of Hedon. In this case, Unicorns

from Beyond the Garden of Hedon is an interest group which its

members share strong liking towards unicorns and fashion

(http://vinylmeow.wix.com/unicorns#!about). Members of

Unicorns from Beyond the Garden of Hedon are individuals with

creativity and skills in fashion design by using the horn

of unicorns as the icon of their fashion ornaments.

Members of Unicorns from Beyond the Garden of Hedon are mostly

LGBT people. The group is often invited to present a

fashion show in many public events including the Gay

Pride Parade held around Seattle City. The above

photograph describes the fashion show displayed by the

40

LGBT members of Unicorn from Beyond the Garden of Hedon during

their participation at the 37th Seattle Pride Parade.

In the photograph, it can be seen that the LGBT

members of Unicorn from Beyond the Garden of Hedon were marching

at the 37th Seattle Pride Parade while expressing their

pride and visibility under the aegis of their appearance

in unique costume, makeup, hairstyle, and a unicorn horn

stuck on their forehead. The woman in the giant black

tuxedo captured in the photograph represents one of the

LGBT participants at the 37th Seattle Pride Parade who

expressed her gay pride and visibility through her

flamboyant appearance in tuxedo costume, bright-colored

makeup, Mohawk hairstyle, and horned forehead. The way

she waved her hands and smile to public audiences also

signifies the way she expressed her self-pride as a

homosexual to public spectators. She and other LGBT

participants captured in the photograph illustrate the

way LGBT participants of the 37th Seattle Pride Parade

41

made their gay visibility looked artistic, attractive and

flamboyant in the frame of public gaze, identification,

and familiarity.

In another sense, the woman in the giant black tuxedo

that can be clearly seen in the photograph also

represents butch figure. In this regard, the term butch is

literally used to define a woman appearing or behaving

like a man, or a very strong and muscular man behaving in

traditional male way (Cambridge Advance Learner’s

Dictionary 3rd Edition). In the framework of gender study,

butch is referred to lesbian gender. Another term that is

also used to refer lesbian gender is femme. In this

regard, butch describes lesbian gender that accentuates

signs of masculinity, while femme describes lesbian gender

that accentuates signs of traditional femininity

(Levitt&Hiestand, 2004, p. 605).

In particular, butch identity describes lesbians or

women whose personalities resemble traditional (male)

42

masculinity (Rosario et al, 2007, para. 4). Butch lesbians

or women here are likely to appear or be visible and

behave in men’s way. Their physical appearance resembles

men’s style and cross dressing i.e. short sometimes

slicked haircuts and three-piece suits with formal

collars (Picket, 2009, p. 35). In addition, there is an

empirical justification stated by some researchers that

views butch women’s dress and hairstyle as a sign of

assertion towards lesbian identity (Cogan, 1999; Krakauer

& Rose, 2002 as cited in Rosario et al, 2007, para. 4),

as tools to attract femme partners, and as a way of

having the most comfortable and true feeling as butch

lesbian (Levitt & Hiestand, 2004 as cited in Rosario et

al, 2007, para. 4).

The giant black tuxedo and Mohawk hairstyle that

decorate the physical appearance of the lesbian woman in

the above photograph symbolize men’s style and cross

dressing. In this case, tuxedo is literally defined as a

43

form of male suit consists of one set of black or white

jacket, trousers and bow tie that is usually worn at

formal social events (Cambridge Advance Learner’s

Dictionary 3rd Edition). Meanwhile, Mohawk hairstyle in

many ways represents men’s hairstyle since it is often

characterized with short haircut and few hairs that are

made longer along the centre of the head. In this regard,

the lesbian woman in the giant black tuxedo and Mohawk

hairstyle that is captured in the above photograph

illustrates the way she asserts or makes her identity

visible and noticeable as butch lesbian by displaying her

masculine look in the giant black tuxedo and Mohawk

hairstyle. In another sense, the photographic narration

that describes the lesbian woman in the giant black

tuxedo and Mohawk hairstyle that is clearly captured in

the above photograph illustrates the way the news article

defines the 37th Seattle Pride Parade as an event that

displays the gender visibility of lesbian women as butch

44

that is represented by the masculine look of the woman in

the giant black tuxedo and Mohawk hairstyle.

In the perspective of queer study, the formation of

butch identity is seen as a political attempt to

counteract and challenge the constructed nature and the

traditional social notion of the masculine-male/feminine-

female binary. The term butch in the scope of gender

conception is used to define the gender presentation,

behavioral traits, and social role of lesbian women who

maintain the traditional (male) masculinity. In this

regard, the most visible attempt of butch lesbians in

representing the traditional male masculinity is

represented through the way they maintain their physical

appearance in mannish look and cross dressing. At the

same time, the way butch lesbians maintain their mannish

look and cross dressing also represent their visible

attempt in breaking the boundary of the masculine-

male/feminine-female binary.

45

In common practice, the way butch lesbians maintain

their men’s style and cross dressing is done by having short

haircut and wearing pants. Yet, short haircut and pants

are certainly considered as contradictive to the

traditional or orthodox conception of female gender

presentation that suggests women should represent

femininity through long haircut and dress. Dress, for

instance, has been maintained as the normative symbol of

traditional (female) femininity (Griffin, 1998; Sherrow,

1996; Woolum, 1998; Zimmerman and Reavill, 1998 as cited

in Wilde, n.d.). Meanwhile, pants are often known as the

symbol of traditional (male) masculinity. Thus, the

physical appearance of butch lesbians in short haircut and

pants explicitly signifies their political attempt in

challenging the traditional social conception of the

masculine-male/feminine-female binary.

In this case, the giant black tuxedo and Mohawk

hairstyle that colored the physical appearance of the

46

butch lesbian woman captured in the above photograph

symbolize the traditional (male) masculinity. Tuxedo, for

instance, is literally referred to man’s suit consist of

one set of black or white jacket, trousers and bow tie

that is usually worn at formal social events (Cambridge

Advance Learner’s Dictionary 3rd Edition). The literal

definition of tuxedo here explicitly explains that tuxedo

is socially and commonly understood and acknowledged as a

suit specially designed for man. In other words, tuxedo

can be understood as the artifact symbol of traditional

(men’s) masculinity. Thus, the physical appearance of the

butch lesbians in the giant black tuxedo that is clearly

captured in the above photograph illustrates the way the

woman as one of the LGBT participants made use of the 37th

Seattle Pride Parade to express their gender presentation

in traditional (male) masculinity to public society. At

the same time, the physical appearance of the butch

lesbians highlighted in the above photograph also

47

illustrates the way she made use of the 37th Seattle Pride

Parade to publicly assert her rejection towards the

traditional social conception of the masculine-

male/feminine-female binary.

Meanwhile, the Mohawk hairstyle of the woman in the

above photograph is also commonly identified as the

traditional hairstyle of men. Historically, Mohawk

hairstyle was firstly introduced by men of Mohawk tribe,

an Indian tribe of the Iroquois nation in the

northeastern part of North America (Parker, 2012, para.

1). Mohawk men modified their hairstyle by pulling the

hair out of the head until only a small square was left

at the back crown of the head (ibid). In certain case,

Mohawk men made use of their hairstyle to intimidate

enemies during war time. Afterward, the modern adoption

of Mohawk men’s hairstyle was firstly started during the

early World War II. It became the haircut style of the

U.S. Allied Airborne soldiers, specifically the 101st

48

Airborne Division (Granger, 2008, para. 3). At that time,

the Mohawk hairstyle was also used by the soldiers to

intimidate enemies (Parker, 2012, para. 2).

Throughout the 1970s, Mohawk hairstyle was popular

amongst Punk rock generations. It became the cultural

symbol of Punk rock lovers’ hairstyle. By the 1980s,

Mohawk hairstyle was not only popular amongst Punk rock

generations. Celebrities outside of Punk genre at that

time began to adopt Mohawk haircut as their hairstyle

(ibid, para. 3). Today, Mohawk hairstyle has been widely

adopted as one form of popular hairstyle for men.

Moreover, there are numbers of women who modify their

haircut with Mohawk style. Female celebrities i.e.

Rihanna (the Grammy Award winner who is known for her

single “Umbrella”), Miley Cirus (an American actress and

singer who is popular with her performance in American TV

series “Hannah Montana”), and Halle Berry (a popular

American actress and former fashion model who won

49

Academic Award as Best Actress in 2002 for her

performance in Monster’s Ball) are now well known as the

role models of women with Mohawk hairstyle. Their Mohawk

hairstyle has been widely discussed in media and in many

occasion, the media portray these celebrities’ pride of

having the Mohawk haircut.

The popularity of Mohawk hairstyle amongst women and

female celebrities in many ways indicates a sign of a

revolutionary movement in breaking the boundary of the

orthodox norm of female gender presentation that is

symbolized with long haircut. In this case, Mohawk

hairstyle is commonly characterized with short haircut.

Meanwhile, in the stereotypical and orthodox perspective

of social knowledge, short haircut is used to symbolize

maleness. In other words, Mohawk hairstyle symbolizes the

male gender presentation that is traditionally and

socially defined as masculine. Thus, the butch lesbian

with Mohawk hairstyle that is captured in the above

50

photograph illustrates the way she made use of her Mohawk

haircut to symbolize her political act in breaking the

boundary of the normative-orthodox gender presentation

based on the masculine-male/feminine-female binary.

Based on the overall explanation above, both the

giant black tuxedo and the Mohawk hairstyle that decorate

the physical appearance of the butch lesbian captured in

the above photograph are included as symbols of

traditional male-masculinity. In this regards, the way

the butch lesbian in the photograph maintains her look in

the giant black tuxedo and the Mohawk hairstyle here

represents her way of copying the traditional men’s

masculine style to express her rejection towards the

conformity of the normative-orthodox gender presentation

based on the boundary of the masculine-male/feminine-female

binary. Thus, the highlight about the image of the butch

lesbian in the giant black tuxedo and the Mohawk

hairstyle that is clearly captured in the above news

ELLEN M. BANNER / THE SEATTLETIMES"Recycling Queers" march indresses made from plastic bottlesin Seattle's 37th annual PrideParade Sunday, June 26, 2011 indowntown Seattle. The paradestarted at Union Street, went

51

article photograph illustrates the way the news article

defines the 37th Seattle Pride Parade as a carnival-like

event used by lesbian women to assert their political

action in challenging the normative-orthodox gender

presentation based on the masculine-male/feminine-female

binary and at the same time, encouraging public

familiarity and acknowledgment towards their gender

presentation performed in traditional male masculinity.

The second photograph

on the right side of this

52

paragraph is also attached to The Seattle Times’ news

article entitled Sunday Pride Parade Draws Diverse

Crowds. The photograph displays the image of two gay men

marching as participants of the 37th Seattle Pride Parade

held on June 26, 2011. It can be seen in the photograph

that these two gay participants marched along public

urban street while displaying their carnival-like

appearance in an attractive and artistic costume design

made of plastic bottles. In the photograph, it can be

obviously seen that the two gay men dressed up in skirt

and carried umbrella that were made of second-hand

plastic bottles. They also wore unique hat made of

plastic bottles’ caps. In the caption, they are defined

as “Recycling Queers” that refers to their physical

visibility as gay men with costume and bodily accessories

made of second-hand plastic bottles. In this case, the

word “queer” at “Recycling Queers” is literally used as

another term to call homosexual people, specifically

53

homosexual men (Cambridge Advance Learner’s Dictionary

3rd Edition).

Amongst queer community, the physical appearance of

the two “Recycling Queers” in the photograph is well-

known as drag queen. In queer terminology, a drag queen is

defined as a homosexual or gay man who often, or

habitually, dresses in female clothes (Newton, 1979, p.

3-4). Drag queens are commonly known as stage performers

and many people like to call them as female impersonator

(Scheiner, 2011, p. 13). In this case, becoming drag

queen for gay men means embodying female appearance and

sometimes attitude for an entertainment or a show. It can

be obviously seen in the photograph that those two

“Recycling Queers” or gay men maintained such drag

attitude and appearance that embody femaleness. In terms

of appearance, it can be seen that those two gay men

dressed up in skirt made of plastic bottles, wore giant

white-corsage around their wrists, and put lip-gloss on

54

their lips. In this case, skirt has been culturally and

normatively defined as female clothing. Meanwhile, the

giant corsage made of white lace that decorated their

hand-wrists is also commonly known as one forms of female

accessory. And the lip-gloss they put on their lips is a

type of (women) make-up that makes lips look shiny

(Cambridge Advanced Learner’s Dictionary 3rd Edition). In

addition, the rainbow-colored hats that are made of

plastic bottle caps worn by those two gay men embody

queer conception of pride. In queer sense, the rainbow

colors of those two gay men’s hats are defined as symbol

of gay pride since they are usually used as the official

color of the Gay Pride Flag

(http://www.capitolpride.org/glbt_symbols.shtml). Thus,

the rainbow-colored hats worn by those two gay men

implicitly symbolize their pride of being publicly

visible as gays in drag appearance that embodies

femaleness that was displayed along public urban street

55

during their participation at the 37th Seattle Pride

Parade.

In terms of attitude or manner, the way those two gay

men in the photograph carried their umbrellas also

represents female gesture. It can be seen from the way

they performed the effeminate or sissy act when they

carried their umbrellas that are made of plastic bottles.

Their effeminate or sissy act here in many ways represents

female mannerism. For drag queens, the embodiment of

female mannerism is achieved by copying traditional

female attitude i.e. being feminine, effeminate, or sissy.

In many occasion, they intentionally embody feminine,

effeminate, or sissy gestures for a public show or an

entertainment that is made to be attractive and

entertaining in public gaze. In the photograph, it can be

obviously seen that those two gay men performed

effeminate act in carrying their umbrella when marching

along public urban street during the 37th Seattle Pride

56

Parade. By acting as effeminate in public, those two gay

men in the photograph basically performed drag act to

entertain, attract, and attain the attention of public

spectators along the edge of the street. In this sense,

those two gay men proudly presented their gay visibility

to be present in public Americans’ gaze and familiarity

by attracting and entertaining public spectators using

their effeminate act or gesture as drag queens during the

parade.

It can also be obviously seen in the photograph that

there are numbers of spectators along the edge of the

streets watching and enjoying the parade marchers

including those two gay men who performed effeminate act

as drag queens. Some spectators took the photograph, made

video, and some others just sat, stood up, and cheered to

the parade participants. Those scenes literally

illustrate the sense of attention paid by spectators

towards parade participants including those two gay men

57

who performed effeminate act as drag queen. It proves

that the embodiment of effeminate act by those two gay

men when they performed as drag queens during the parade

were attractive and entertaining. Thus, the highlight of

the effeminate gesture maintained by those two gay men in

the photograph shows the way The Seattle Times newspaper

defines the 37th Seattle Pride Parade as an event used by

gay men to attract and entertain public Americans’

attention and familiarity by displaying their gay body

through the embodiment of effeminate gesture as drag

queens.

In its most practical level, the embodiment of female

appearance and attitude by gay men i.e. the effeminate

gesture, the cross dressing dress, the make-up, wigs,

etc. often becomes the primary point of attraction that

is always well performed by drag performers to attain

public attention as well as admiration. In a study

conducted by Steven Hopkins (2004, p. 140), drag queens

58

with little or no conventionally marketable talents

confess that their drag performance helps them not only

in making money but also in receiving attention (ibid).

Hopkins’ study proves that the drag queen show in many

ways successfully helps gay men in attaining the

audiences’ attention through their drag performance and

appearance. And in many ways, the existence of audiences’

attention here often turns to such admiration.

In certain case, the existence of audiences’

admiration towards gay men’s drag attitude and appearance

helps building up their self-esteem (Scheiner, 2011, p.

12). For gay drag performers, such attention and

admiration given by their audiences means an acceptance

towards their gay visibility. The existence of audiences’

acceptance here plays important role in the construction

and the escalation of gay drag performers’ self-esteem

that helps encouraging them to make their gay body

visible in public gaze. In this sense, becoming drag

59

queen represents the attempt of gay men in gaining self-

esteem to express their gay visibility by dragging public

attention and admiration with the embodiment of female

look and gesture represented by their gay body. In other

words, performing as drag queen for gay men is basically

a rhetorical tactic used to attract public attention and

admiration hence, they can have self-esteem to be visible

as gay in public.

In the photograph, it can be clearly seen that those

two gay men marched as drag queens while waving happy

smiles to the camera and spectators along the edge of the

street. The wave of their smiles here literally

illustrates that they were happy and confident to be

visible as gay in public space by performing as drag

queens at the 37th Seattle Pride Parade. In another sense,

the wave of their smiles here can be described as a form

of self-esteem and pride they expressed during the

parade. For this reason, the highlight of their

60

appearance and attitude as drag queens in the photograph

that is attached to the Seattle Times’ online news

article entitled Sunday Pride Parade Draws Diverse Crowds

signifies the way The Seattle Times newspaper defines the

37th Seattle Pride Parade as an event that displays the

self-esteem and pride of gay men under the aegis of

female attire and attitude as drag queens. At the same

time, the newspaper also defines the 37th Seattle Pride

Parade as an event that promotes and strengthen the

notion of drag queen as an appearance and an attitude

used by gay men to establish and escalate their self-

esteem and pride in expressing their gay visibility in

public space and in the frame of public gaze for the sake

of gaining public familiarity and acknowledgement towards

their gayness.

In the perspective of queer theory, drag queens are

discussed as individuals or figures that represent the

complexity of gender subjectivity that does not fit with

61

gender category based on binary or dualism conception. In

this case, drag queens are often identified as

individuals who perform such appearance and attitude that

combine maleness and femaleness in a way that is hard to

be described by using conventional (binary) gender-

categories i.e. masculine and feminine (Rupp&Taylor,

2003, p. 126 as cited in Valocchi, 2005, p. 757-758).

This conception is practically based on the way drag

performers often present such appearance and attitude

that represent the opposite sex role and/or the mix sex-

role (Newton, 1979, p. 4).

In performing such appearance and attitude that

represent the opposite sex role, gay drag performers act

and appear as individuals that oppose their ‘real’ self

(subjective self). In this sense, when the real self of

drag performers are male, their male-role is covered

underneath their social (stage) self as female by

dressing up in female clothing, putting make-up on face,

62

and acting in womanlike characters i.e. sissy, nelly,

effeminate, feminine, etc. This way of performing the

opposite sex-role is adopted more by heterosexual

transvestite (ibid). Meanwhile, the mix sex-role

appearance and attitude is frequently presented by gay

men when they perform as drag queens. In performing such

appearance and attitude that represent mix sex-role, gay

drag performers usually act and appear in both male-

masculinity and female-femininity. One of the many ways

done by gay drag performers to perform as the mix sex-

role drag queen is done for instance, by dressing up in

stripping costume and then at the same time, taking off

the bra to show off or proudly display their flat (male)

chest (ibid, p. 5). Another method used by gay drag

performers to appear and act in mix sex-role is

demonstrated through the way they display their bodily

appearance in female clothing yet, still maintaining male

63

manner by talking verbally or vocally in male voice to

audiences (ibid).

Those two gay men in the above photograph literally

perform such drag appearance and attitude that represent

mix sex-role. It can be seen through the way they displayed

their body and the way they performed in gesture that

embodies the socio-cultural concept of both male-

masculinity and female-femininity. In this case, the

embodiment of female-femininity by those two gay men is

represented through the way they effeminately carried

their plastic-bottles umbrellas, dressed-up in plastic-

bottle skirts, put lip-gloss on their lips, and wore

giant white-corsage around their wrists. In this case,

their effeminate gesture in carrying umbrellas and the

way they dressed up in skirt made of plastic bottles are

the two most obvious objects that signify the way they

embodied female femininity by impersonating female

appearance in cross-dressing dress and female attitude

64

i.e. sissy, nelly, effeminate, and feminine. Meanwhile, at the

same time, the embodiment of male-masculinity by those

two gay men is also represented through the way they

proudly displayed their shirtless muscular body.

In common social thought, muscularity has been

understood as a symbol of maleness and masculinity. In

this case, men with muscular body are often identified as

masculine. In the perspective of socio-cultural norm in

American culture, muscularity is strongly associated with

male masculinity (Steinfeldt et al., 2011, p. 324). For

this reason, American men are easily encouraged to

struggle for having muscular body (ibid). They work hard

on their body, building their muscles to meet socio-

cultural expectation about what it means to be a man.

Thus, the way those two gay men in the above photograph

publicly displayed their shirtless muscular body

illustrates their attempt of maintaining such appearance

65

that defines their male-masculinity in the frame of

public Americans’ gaze and familiarity.

In this case, the overall drag appearance and

attitude performed by those two gay men in the above

photograph obviously represent mix sex-role. It can be

obviously seen through the way they act and appear in

femininity and masculinity at the same time by

effeminately carrying their umbrellas, dressing up in

skirt, putting lip-gloss on their lips, wearing the giant

white-corsage around their wrists, and displaying their

muscular body in shirtless. Physically, those two gay men

are male therefore, they could shape their body to be

muscular and displayed it in shirtless during the parade

as their way to actualize their maleness and masculinity

in front of public spectators. At the same time, half

parts of their male body were wrapped with female

clothing, make-up, and accessories i.e. the plastic-

bottle skirt, lip-gloss, and the giant white-corsage.

66

They also made their male bodily movement in feminine

gesture through the way they effeminately carried their

umbrellas.

In this case, the mix sex-role attitude and

appearance performed by those two gay men implicitly

represent their ability to be masculine and feminine at

the same time using their male body. In the perspective

of queer theory, the ability of those two gay men in

performing mix sex-role is understood as a complexity in

gender subjectivity which cannot be defined using the

traditional conception of sex, gender, and sexuality

based on the alignment of binary opposition concept i.e.

male/female, masculine/feminine, and heterosexual/homosexual.

Based these binaries, a man or male is aligned with

masculinity, while a woman or female is aligned with

femininity. Practically, the binary alignment of male-

masculine and female-feminine has long been widely adopted as

a cultural norm of sex-role by major (heterosexual)

67

society under the rule of heteronormativity, a set of norms

that make heterosexuality seems ‘natural’ or ‘right’ and

that classify homosexuality as ‘unnatural’ or ‘wrong’

(valocchi, 2005, p. 756). Based on heteronormativity, the

binary alignment of male-masculine and female-feminine work

naturally or rightly only when it is represented by

heterosexual males and females. By contrast, homosexual

men and women are viewed as unnatural, wrong, or

‘deviant’ towards the binary alignment of male-masculine

and female-feminine. Thus, homosexuals like gay men are

normatively excluded from the traditional conception of

masculinity and femininity. This exclusion, practically,

results in the emergence of such action or movement

addressed by homosexual people to counteract the way

major (heterosexual) people think about the naturalness

and the righteousness of masculinity and femininity based

on traditional (heteronormative) binary-concept.

68

In certain circumstance, performing as a drag queen

is viewed as an explicit and intentional action made by

homosexual people particularly gay men to reject or mock

the traditional notion of femininity and heterosexuality

(Rupp and Taylor, 2003, p. 117 as cited in Valocchi,

2005, p. 757). In this case, performing as a drag queen

is one way used by gay men to challenge the boundary of

sex-role based on the heteronormative binary-alignment of

male-masculine and female-feminine by proving their

ability in performing or impersonating heterosexual

female-femininity using their male body that is

represented through their bodily gesture in carrying the

plastic-bottle umbrella effeminately and their physical

appearance in female clothing, make-up, and accessories

i.e. the plastic bottle skirt, the lip-gloss, and the

white giant-corsage around their wrists. In other simple

words, the drag attitude and appearance performed by

those two gay men illustrate the way they prove to public

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that femininity is not a natural trait attached to

(heterosexual) female and masculinity is also not an

innate trait attached to (heterosexual) male. In this

sense, femininity and masculinity can be performed by one

single male particularly a homosexual male or gay man

using his muscular (male) body.

In the above photograph, the highlight about those

two gay men’s attitude in carrying their umbrellas

effeminately and their physical appearance in shirtless

muscular body, female clothing (i.e. the plastic-bottle

skirt), make-up (i.e. lip-gloss), and accessories (i.e.

white giant-corsage) suggests the way The Seattle Times

newspaper uses photographic narration to illustrate the

37th Seattle Pride Parade as an event that displays the

visibility of gay men in drag attitude and appearance

that embody mix-sex role i.e. masculinity and femininity.

Through the photograph, The Seattle Times newspaper here

implicitly constructs an interpretation that defines the

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37th Seattle Pride Parade as a parade of gay visibility

used by gay men to challenge public Americans’ perception

that believes in the naturalness of sex-role based on the

binary association and classification of male-masculine and

female-feminine that define male and female here as

heterosexual. In other words, the newspaper here views

the 37th Seattle Pride Parade as a gay pride parade that

presents the political action of homosexual people i.e.

gay men to prove the unnaturalness of sex-role through

the way they proudly presented their gay visibility in an

entertaining and attractive display of drag attitude and

appearance that embody masculinity and femininity at the

same time for the purpose of encouraging public

Americans’ familiarity, acceptance, and acknowledgement

towards gayness and the complexity of its sex-role or

gender performance with the hope that public exclusion

and stereotypical identification of homosexual people as

the “other”, the “abnormal” or the “deviant” related to

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their gender attitude and appearance will be no longer

exist in future.

B. The Media Construction of U.S. Gay Pride Parade as

a Political Celebration of Gay Rights Movement Victory

Throughout the late twentieth until recent twenty

first century years, the spirit of celebration has been

inevitably coloring the scene of Gay Pride parade across

the United States. The scene of celebration is

represented through the sparkling displays of carnival-

like shows and attractions that decorate the parade scene

e.g. dancing and singing performance, loud music-beat,

rainbow flags, artistic costume display presented by

parade participants and hundreds of colorful parade

floats. There have been numbers of issues underlining the

theme of celebration. Most issues are related to several

achievements or victories of gay rights movement e.g. the

Stonewall Riots incident, community acknowledgment,

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equality in marriage rights, child adoption, military

involvement, family and church inclusion, acceptance in

working places, etc.

Began in 1990s, gay pride parade across the United

States was mostly held in the spirit of celebration

towards gay rights movement victories. The theme of

celebration was framed into two conceptual terms, pride and

visibility. Both terms were used to define all achievements

or victories gained by LGBT Americans at that time related

to the wide expansion of their visibility in public. They

could come out, telling their sexual identity to public

with pride and without fear. They used gay pride parade

to be publicly visible as LGBT individuals, communities,

and members of several mainstream institutions e.g.

families, education, politics, church groups, work-

places, public services, and city officials.

At the Seattle Gay Pride Parade held in 1996 for

instance, the scene and spirit of celebration colored the

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march of LGBT Americans from Capitol Hill to downtown

Seattle. They courageously expressed their gay pride and

visibility as individuals and communities. As individuals,

they expressed their gay pride and visibility in the

attractiveness of their gay body covered by colorful and

stylish costumes and accessories ranging from casual T-

shirts and sneakers, yards of sequin and taffeta,

towering high-heels to leather straps (Byrnes & Thomson,

1996, para. 7). As communities, they proudly dressed up

in such uniforms that described their social status and

affiliation as pagans, Starbucks and Microsoft employees,

Peace Corps volunteers, teachers, firefighters, police

officers, scuba divers, choral singers, politicians,

water-polo players, veterans, and as members of the

Righteously Outrageous Twirling Corps and Dykes on Bikes

(ibid, para. 6, 8, 9, 10).

In this case, the attractiveness of LGBT participants

in colorful costumes and uniforms presented at the Seattle

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Pride Parade in 1996 illustrates the way they celebrated

their freedom to be pride and visible in public space

(street) as individual and community of homosexuals or

those whose sexuality is identified as LGBT (lesbian, gay,

bisexual, and transvestite) and queer. In other words, the

Seattle Pride Parade in 1996 illustrated a celebration of

courage for LGBT Americans in expressing their pride and

visibility for having no more fear to come out as LGBT

individuals and communities not only in public but also

in numbers of mainstream institutions e.g. religious

groups, working-fields, sports, public services,

education, and military.

As a matter of fact, the 1990s years witnessed the

significant victory of LGBT Americans in achieving gay

pride and visibility across the United States. Throughout

the 1990s years, LGBT Americans could successfully expand

their visibility and inclusion in political life, state

officials, military, academic field, employment, health

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services, legal institution, religious denominations,

other civil rights groups, sport life, media coverage,

internet, TV-shows, film, music, and literary works. In

academic field, for instance, many LGBT Americans could

have open access to higher academic institution i.e.

college and university as students and staffs i.e.

lecturers and administrative employees. They also got the

facility like the establishment of office devoted to deal

with diversity in general and specifically to LGBT

students in higher education institutions (Eaklor, 2008,

p. 219). In addition, course or programs related to LGBT

studies had increased in numbers since the first Gay and

Lesbian Studies Department was created in 1989 at San

Francisco City College (ibid). In 1991, the City

University of New York opened the Center for Lesbian and

Gay Studies and the university became one of very few

institutions where one could pursue graduate-level work

in the area of LGBT studies (ibid). Yet, by 2000 there

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were about twenty institutions offered programs focusing

on LGBT studies, usually within Gay and Lesbian Studies

or within a Woman’s and Gender Studies program (ibid).

In recent twenty first century years, gay pride and

visibility are no longer the major themes of celebration at

most gay pride parades across the United States. There

has been one single issue underlining the spirit of

celebration in every U.S. Gay Pride Parade throughout the

21st century years. This issue is about the legalization

of same-sex marriage in several states across the United

States. Exactly since 2004 until recent years, there have

been seventeen states granting legal marriage license to

same-sex couples. Among the states are i.e.

Massachusetts, Connecticut, Iowa, Vermont, Washington

D.C., New Hampshire, New York, Washington, Maine,

Maryland, California, Delaware, Minnesota, Rhode Island,

New Jersey, Hawaii, Illinois, and New Mexico

(http://www.statesthatallowgaymarriage.com/). The

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legalization of same-sex marriage in those 17 states has

been becoming the reason for the annual organization of

U.S. Gay Pride Parade as a form of celebration

particularly towards the victory of gay and lesbian

Americans in gaining equality in marriage rights in the

21st century years.

In some American media, the 21st century U.S. Gay

Pride Parade is also described as an event of celebration

by highlighting same-sex marriage issue as the main theme

of celebration. To some extent, the media view U.S. Gay

Pride Parade as more than just a celebration by adding

brief discussion about gay rights issues communicated

beneath the crowds of celebration mood that makes the

parade sounds political at the same time. Thus, in this

sub-chapter, the analysis is focused on how American

media define U.S. Gay Pride Parade as a political

celebration of gay rights movement victory. In this case,

the analysis is based on the news coverage about U.S. Gay

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Pride Parade published in the online page of The Seattle

Times newspaper during 2009 to 2013.

The following news article discusses about U.S. Gay

Pride Parade held in New York City cited from the online

news article published by The Seattle Times on June 28, 2009

entitled Gay Pride Parade Marks 40 Years after NYC Uprising. The

article is written by Karen Mathew (2009) and it

particularly discusses New York Gay Pride Parade as an

event used by LGBT New Yorkers to celebrate the

legalization of same sex marriage in some states as well

as to express their demand on the same legalization of

same sex marriage in New York.

Decades after a riot at a Greenwich Village bar sparked a movement forequal rights, gay New Yorkers celebrated their gains at Sunday's gay prideparade and lamented the state has not legalized same-sex marriage.

The annual march down Fifth Avenue commemorated the Stonewallrebellion of 40 years ago, when patrons at a gay bar resisted the police. Theseveral days of disturbances that followed the uprising became one of thedefining moments of the gay rights movement.

The celebration was tempered by the knowledge that other states, includingMassachusetts, Connecticut and Iowa, have legalized same-sex marriagebefore New York. (Gay Pride Parade Marks 40 Years after NYC Uprising,June 28, 2009)

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In the first paragraph of the above article, the

author specifically uses the term Sunday’s gay pride parade to

refer to the gay pride parade that was held in New York

on Sunday, June 28, 2009. She describes the Sunday’s gay

pride parade as an event where gay New Yorkers celebrated their

gains. She further explains that the celebration was about

the ‘gains’ of gay New Yorker resulted from the incident

of a riot at Greenwich Village bar that sparked a movement for equal

rights. In this case, a riot at Greenwich Village bar is

widely well-known as the Stonewall Riots.

The word celebrated stated in the clause ‘gay New

Yorker celebrated their gains’ literally indicates the way

the author directly describes the Sunday’s gay pride parade as

an event used by LGBT Americans to celebrate the gains of

gay rights movement. In other words, the Sunday’s gay pride

parade in the above news article is defined as a form of

celebration towards gay rights movement’s gains or victories.

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In this case, the word gains stated in the clause “…gay

New Yorkers celebrated their gains at Sunday's gay pride parade...”

literally signifies some gay rights movement goals or

victories achieved by LGBT Americans during the year when

the Sunday’s gay pride parade was held. In the previous clause,

the author writes about a riot at a Greenwich Village bar

that marked the spark of a movement for equal rights. The riot

is called as the Stonewall rebellion in the next second

paragraph. In this case, the author tries to explain that

the gains that were celebrated by gay New Yorkers at the

Sunday’s gay pride parade related to the gains or victories of a

movement for equal rights that had been achieved by gay

New Yorkers since the day the movement was sparked during

the Stonewall Riots at a Greenwich Village bar until the

day they held the Sunday’s gay pride parade on Sunday, June

28, 2009.

There have been many gains or victories achieved by

LGBT Americans through their gay rights movement since

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the outbreak of the Stonewall Riots in 1969 until recent

21st century years. Several gains that had been achieved by

LGBT Americans particularly gay New Yorkers since the day

the Stonewall Riots happened on June 28, 1969 until the

day the Sunday’s gay pride parade was held are i.e. the

expansion of their visibility and inclusion in sport

life, media coverage, internet, TV-shows, film, music,

and literary works, political life, state officials,

military, academic field, employment, health services,

legal institution, religious denominations, and other

civil rights groups.

Yet, in the last clause of the first paragraph of the

above article, the author specifically mentioned one gay

rights issue that was lamented by gay New Yorkers beneath the

midst of the celebration mood at Sunday’s gay pride parade.

The issue was about same-sex marriage rights that had not

been legalized in New York State at that time. In this

case, the highlight about same-sex marriage issue in the

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first paragraph of the above article explains that there

was a right, in this case a marriage right that had not

yet been gained by gay New Yorkers until the day they held

the Sunday’s gay pride parade.

Then, in the last clause of the first paragraph of

the above article, the author further explained that

there was not only a celebration at Sunday’s gay pride parade.

The verb-word lamented stated in the clause literally

refers to the act of expressing sadness and feeling sorry

about something (Cambridge Advanced Learner’s 3rd

Edition). In this case, the use of the verb-word lamented

in the clause indicates the way the author tries to

describe that there was not only a joy that colored the

atmosphere of celebration at the Sunday’s gay pride parade.

There was also an expression of sadness and regret by gay

New Yorkers related to their marriage rights that had not

been legalized and acknowledged by the state government.

Thus, the Sunday’s gay pride parade is contextually defined by

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the first paragraph of the above article as a celebration

that is not only colored with party and pleasure but it

is also tempered with the lament or the expression of

sadness and regret stated by the LGBT participants, in

this case gay New Yorkers about same-sex marriage rights

that had not been legalized by New York state government

at that time.

In the second paragraph of the above article, the

author uses the term annual march to refer to the Sunday’s

gay pride parade. The word march in the phrase annual march is

literally defined as an event displaying large number of

people who walk along public space (street) while

expressing their support or disagreement of something

(Cambridge Advanced Learner’s 3rd edition). This literal

definition of the word march shares similar literal

meaning with the word demonstration that is defined as a

march of people in group together showing their support

or disagreement of something or someone (ibid). Thus, the

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phrase annual march stated in the second paragraph of the

above article signifies the way the Sunday’s gay pride parade

is literally viewed as a form of demonstration.

Yet, in the first full sentence of the second

paragraph of the above article, the phrase annual march is

explained as an event that commemorated the Stonewall rebellion

of 40 years ago. The word commemorated stated in the sentence

signifies that the phrase annual march is described as an

event that was colored with the mood of commemorating the

Stonewall rebellion. In other words, the phrase annual march

here is also defined as a commemoration. Thus, based on

the way it is referred to the phrase annual march, the term

Sunday’s gay pride parade is contextually defined by the second

paragraph of the above article in two senses at the same

time, as a demonstration and as a commemoration of the

Stonewall rebellion.

Meanwhile, in the third paragraph of the above

article, the Sunday’s Gay Pride Parade is again defined as a

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celebration. It is literally signified through the way

the author uses the phrase the celebration to refer to the

Sunday’s Gay Pride Parade. In its full sentence, the celebration

phrase is further explained as an event that is tempered

by the knowledge about the legalization of same-sex

marriage in other states i.e. Massachusetts, Connecticut,

Iowa except New York. The word tempered here is a verb

meaning to make something less strong, extreme, etc

(Cambridge Advance Learner’s Dictionary 3rd Edition). The

use of the word tempered in the sentence signifies that

the phrase the celebration is described as an event with less

extreme or less strong mood or temper. As celebration is

literally related to a party (ibid), therefore the phrase

the celebration stated in the third paragraph of the above

article is, in other words, contextually defined as an

event that was expressed in the less extreme of party mood.

In this case, the knowledge that made the party mood of

the celebration became less extreme as stated in the third

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paragraph of the above article is the exclusion of New

York from the list of states that had legalized same-sex

marriage in 2009 or at the time when the Sunday’s Gay Pride

Parade was held. Literally, this knowledge can be considered

as an unpleasant fact or an expression of regret towards

the same sex marriage rights that had not been legalized

in New York by realizing the fact that other states i.e.

Massachusetts, Connecticut, and Iowa had legally

acknowledged same sex marriage rights. Thus, the celebration

phrase is mainly defined by the third paragraph of the

above article as an event that was tempered with the party

mood or fun and unpleasant feeling as well as

disappointment at the same time. In this sense, since the

celebration phrase is referred to the term Sunday’s gay pride

parade, thus the Sunday’s gay pride parade (2009) is

contextually defined in the third paragraph of the above

article as a celebration that was expressed not only in

the less extreme of party mood or fun but also in

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unhappiness and disappointment at the same time under the

knowledge about the legalization of same-sex marriage

rights in some states i.e. Massachusetts, Connecticut,

Iowa except New York at that time.

Based on the first, second, and third paragraph of

the above article, the Sunday’s gay pride parade is directly

referred through the word celebration and the phrase annual

march. Those two references are contextually defined in a

sense that, in some ways, far from their literal meaning.

In the first and third paragraph of the above article,

the word celebration for instance, is contextually described

as an event that is colored with not only happiness or

joy but also a lament of regret and disappointment toward

the knowledge about same-sex marriage rights that had not

yet legally been legalized in New York State. This

lament, in particular sense, can be understood as a form

of political action performed by the parade participants

(gay New Yorkers) that expressed their demand on public

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support for the legalization of same-sex marriage in New

York State. Thus, the contextual definition of the word

celebration stated in the above article signifies that the

Sunday’s gay pride parade is contextually defined as a political

celebration.

Then, the phrase annual march stated in the second

paragraph of the above article is contextually used to

refer to the act of commemorating the Stonewall rebellion. In

this case, the phrase annual march is not literally

identified as an event that expressed the act and the

mood of a march or a demonstration. It is identified as a

form of commemoration that is literally referred to the

act of officially remembering and respecting a great event

or a great person (ibid). In the second paragraph of the

above article, the Stonewall rebellion is said as one of the

defining moments of the gay rights movement. Thus, it can be

understood that the Stonewall rebellion here is said as a great

event that was commemorated at the Sunday’s gay pride parade.

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The two contextual definitions of the Sunday’s gay pride

parade that are signified through the word celebration and

the phrase annual march as clearly stated in the above

news article show the way the above news article asserts

a notion that gay pride parade is more than just a

celebration. The knowledge about same-sex marriage

legalization and the Stonewall rebellion history that is

briefly discussed in the above news article explains that

there is a commemoration and a political message related

to gay rights issues that is lamented or spoken up beneath

the celebratory and ceremonial mood. In other words, it

can be said that the above news article simply defines

the Sunday’s gay pride parade as a political celebration and a

commemoration of gay rights movement.

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