DUMBARTON. OAKS TEXTS

IV

THE LETTERS OF

MANU E L 11 PALAEOLOGUS

CORPUS FONTIUMHISTORIAE BYZANTINAE

CONSILIO SOCIETATIS INTERNATIONALISSTUDIIS BYZANTINIS PROVEHENDIS DESTINATAE

EDITUM

VOLUMEN VIII

MANUELIS II. PALAEOLOGI

EPISTULAE

EDIDIT, ANGLICE VERTIT,ET ADNOTAVIT

GEORGE T. DENNIS

SERIES WASHINGTONENSISEDIDIT IHOR 9EVCENKO

In aedibus Dumbarton Oaks

Washingtoniae, D.C.

MCMLXXVII

THE LETTERS OFMANUEL II PALAEOLOGUS

TEXT, TRANSLATION, AND NOTES

by

GEORGE T. DENNIS

Dumbarton OaksCenter for Byzantine Studies

Trustees for Harvard UniversityWashington, District of Columbia

1977

All rights reserved by theTrustees for Harvard University

The Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and CollectionWashington, D.C.

In accordance with the rules adopted by the International Commissionfor the Edition of Sources of Byzantine History,

the text and translation of this volume have been verifiedby Ihor 9evicenko.

Distributed byJ. J. Augustin, Publisher

Locust Valley, New York 11560

LIBRARY OF CONGRESS CATALOG CARD NUMBER 77-14898; ISBN 0-88402-068-1

PRINTED IN GERMANY AT J. J. AUGUSTIN, GLUCKSTADT

FOREWORD

Ten years ago Fr. Raymond J. Loenertz suggested that I undertakethe task of editing and translating the Letters of Manuel II Palaeologus.With the. aid of a grant from the John Simon Guggenheim Foundation, I wasable to begin preparing a critical edition of the text and organizing materialfor a commentary. The project, particularly the .work of translating theletters, proved more complicated than I had anticipated. Other problems,not all of my making, also caused delays, with the result that this bookappears much later than I had hoped. Undoubtedly it is still imperfect, butto attempt to remove all the imperfections would cause further postponementof its publication. I should apologize, then, both for the delays and for theimperfections.

Whilethe importance of Manuel's letters for studying the history ofByzantium in the late fourteenth and early fifteenth centuries has long beenrecognized, relatively little use has been made of them. The basic reason forthis is that, as they stand, they are difficult to understand and to interpret.An edition; therefore, of the Greek text without. a translation into a modernlanguage would be of limited use to scholars.

Two problems concerning the translation should be noted.. The first isits accuracy in rendering the Greek original. In this regard I have done mybest and received valuable help from others. Manuel composed his letters ina rhetorical Greek which is not always clear and at times seems deliberatelyobscure. Some words and passages, after lengthy study, still admit of twolegitimate but different interpretations. Eventually though, only one can bechosen. I have generally pointed out such difficulties or given alternate trans-lations in the notes.

The second problem concerns the manner of translating the Emperor'sartificial Greek into readable, modern English. A literal translation wouldhave resulted frequently in meaningless phraseologies. Hopefully withoutdistorting the meaning, I have had to take some liberties with the Greek;leaving out, for example, all sorts of transitional words. When a phraseexactly translated made for an artificiality incompatible with the formal yetconversational tone of the original, I have not hesitated to redo it as a writerin English might have phrased it. At other times I have employed a more or

vi FOREWORD

less literal translation for certain passages which I think were meant tosound pedantic or intended to be obscure or open to different interpretations.

In the course of this decade I have had reason to be grateful to manypeople for their encouragement, assistance, or at least non-interference. First,I would like to express my gratitude to the John Simon Guggenheim Foun-dation for financial aid granted me in 1964-65 to begin research on thisbook. My thanks are of course due to Fr. Raymond J. Loenertz, O.P., who,despite serious illness and other preoccupations, always generously gave ofhis time and advice. Thanks are due also to Fr. Joseph Gill, S.J., for his helpwith the translation. I owe special thanks to Professor Ihor gev5enko ofHarvard University, who devoted far more time and energy in going overthe text and translation than his editorial duties required and whose sug-gestions have made the work much more accurate than it would otherwisehave been. I am also much indebted to Professor Thomas West of theCatholic University of America for generously going over the translation inthe final moments and helping to make it into readable English. I am grateful,too, for the assistance and the suggestions of many others: the late Fr.Vitalien Laurent, A.A., Fr. Jean Darrouzes, A.A., M. Charles Astrue of theBibliotheque Nationale, Professor Donald Nicol of the University of London,Professor Erich Trapp of the University of Vienna, Professor Leendert G.Westerink of the State University of New York at Buffalo, Professor SperosVryonis, Jr. of the University of California at Los Angeles. I am grateful for thesupport and understanding of my colleagues at Loyola University of LosAngeles and at the Catholic University of America, and in many ways, greatand small, to the staff at the Dumbarton Oaks Center for Byzantine Studies.

Whether the results of my efforts prove satisfactory will be disputedby scholars. What I do here is present these results to provide further materialfrom which the reader can more easily and better understand the author. ofthe letters, his friends, and the times in which they lived.

Washington, D. C. George T. Dennis, S.J.27 June 1974,

624 years after the birth of Manuel Palaeologus

TABLE OF CONTENTS

FOREWORD ....................................:.......... v

INTRODUCTION ........................................... xiii

PROSOPOGRAPHY ........................................ xxvii

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS ................................ lxi

LIST OF SIGNS ............................................ lxiii

TRANSLATION and NOTES .................................. 2

TEXT ...................................................... 3

APPENDIX ................................................ 219

BIBLIOGRAPHY ........................................... 228

INDICES

I. PROPER NAMES .................................... 232

II. TERMS and VOOASVLARY ............................. 235

III. CITATIONS ......................................... 241

IV. INCIPITS .......................................... 244

V. CHRONOLOGY ....................................... 245

VI. GENERAL ......................................... 246

DUMBARTON OAKS TEXTS

IV

THE LETTERS OFMANUEL II PALAEOLOGUS

INTRODUCTION

1. Manuel II Palaeologus, Emperor of the Romans

Manuel, the second son of Emperor John V Palaeologus and HelenaCantacuzena, was born in Constantinople on 27 June 1350.1 At the age offive he bore the title of despot and was already being used as a pawn in theold game of negotiating for Western aid, a game he would spend much ofhis life playing. At fifteen he learned another lesson when he was detainedas a hostage in Hungary after his father's vain quest for aid there. At nineteenhe had to put what he had learned into practice as governor of Thessalonica,the second city of the Empire. This marked the end of his formal studies inclassical literature and writing. He was swept along, as he later remarked,from letters to other cares. "For many things, as though in league, rainedupon me then in close succession; difficulties, wrestling with various mis-fortunes and all sorts of dangers. As though I had been caught up in a whirl-wind, I was unable to catch my breath."2 Despite Manuel's penchant forexaggeration, these words are a fairly accurate description of his adult life.While he did find time for some reading and study, for scholarly discussionswith Cydones, Cabasilas, Ivanko, and the Moslem Muterizes, and for pleasantliterary gatherings, he lamented that they were just interludes, brief, enjoyablemoments snatched from a routine of administrative detail, meetings withambassadors, quarrelsome prelates and monks, tedious journeys by ship oron horseback, and the harsh realities of war.

Negotiations for military assistance led his father to Rome in 1369,where he made a Catholic profession of faith, and then to Venice, where heran out of money. To his urgent appeal for help his oldest son, Andronicus,turned a deaf ear, and it was Manuel in Thessalonica who gathered theamount needed and in mid-winter 1370-71 sailed to Venice. After obtainingJohn's freedom, he remained for further negotiations with the Signoria,

' For the details of Manuel's life, see Dennis, Manuel in Thessalonica, and Barker,Manuel II, both of which contain abundant references. Further references are given inconnection with the individual letters below.

2 This is from a theological essay addressed to Alexis lagoup: see Dennis, Manuelin Thessalonica, 14; a longer excerpt has been translated by Barker, Manuel II, 410-13.

xiv INTRODUCTION

returning to Thessalonica in the summer or fall of 1371. In gratitude John Vconfirmed him in his rule over that city and granted him whatever other landshe might be able to occupy in Macedonia.

While Manuel busied himself in Thessalonica, trouble was brewing inConstantinople. John V was cooperating more closely with the Turkish Emir,Murad 1, and their eldest sons, Andronicus IV and Saudji-celebi, were alsocooperating, but in a slightly different direction. In May 1373 they joinedforces to overthrow their fathers. Although Saudji fought on until the end ofSeptember, Andronicus was soon defeated and on 30 May taken into custody.For the succession to the throne John now looked to his second son, and on25 September 1373, at the age of twenty-three, Manuel was proclaimedemperor.3

In the summer of 1376 Andronicus escaped and, with Genoese andTurkish troops, entered Constantinople. After some bitter fighting in whichManuel was wounded, John V and his two sons, Manuel and Theodore, wereforced to capitulate. They were then subjected to a strict and harsh imprison-ment in the Anemas Tower, which Manuel never forgot. Their own escapeand recapture of the city in the summer of 1379 sent Andronicus fleeing toGalata, where he and his Genoese allies were besieged for almost two yearsby John V, who was aided by the Venetians and the Turks.

In the peace treaty of May 1381 John V had to recognize Andronicusas heir to the throne. Manuel, then at the Ottoman Porte, does not evenseem to have been mentioned in the agreement, nor was there any mentionof him in the subsequent Greco-Genoese treaty of 2 November 1382. Hisreactions are not recorded, but one significant step he took clearly indicatedhis feelings.

In October or November 1382 Manuel secretly sailed for Thessalonicaand established himself as independent emperor. In opposition to his father'spolicy, he waged war against the Turks, successfully at first, but by November1383 the Ottoman army had encircled the city. As he remarks in Letter 8,Manuel tried every expedient, every possible alliance, including ecclesiasticalunion with Rome, to fend off the Turks. None of these succeeded, and thegrumbling and discontent of the citizens at the rigors of the siege increaseddaily. Finally in April 1387 Manuel and a small group of followers sailedaway from the city, which then surrendered. They found temporary refugeon Lesbos, where Manuel wrote his Letter 67 to Cab asilas. Then, after somenegotiations, he went to Brusa and made his peace with the Emir Murad.

His rash adventure, however, was not so quickly forgiven by his father,who exiled him to the island of Lemnos. He was there about two years whenJohn V, old and ill, urgently needed him back in Constantinople, for the son

3 His formal coronation by the patriarch does not seem to have taken place until1392, after the death of his father. A detailed study of the sources is given by P. Schreiner,"Hochzeit and Krbnung Kaiser Manuels II. im Jahre 1392," BZ, 60 (1967), 70-85,esp. 73-75.

MANUEL II PALAEOLOGUS av

of Andronicus, John VII, was attempting to take over the throne. Manuelarrived too late to prevent him from occupying the city, but found safetywith his father in the fortress by the Golden Gate. After some unsuccessfulattempts, Manuel, with the help of the Hospitallers, was able to drive outthe usurper on 17 September 1390.

No matter how much the Byzantine emperors preferred to fight amongthemselves, it was clear that the real power lay with the Turkish EmirBajezid. The emperors were his vassals, and as such both Manuel and JohnVII led their contingents to aid Bajezid in combatting his foes in Asia Minorin the fall and winter of 1390. On 16 February 1391 John V died, and Manuelsecretly fled from Bajezid's camp, raced back to Constantinople, and assumedpower. But in June he again had to take part in the Ottoman campaign incentral Asia Minor, a particularly difficult one lasting well into the winter,during which he found time to write a few of his more informative letters.Returning to his capital, he married the Serbian princess, Helena Dragas,on 10 February 1392, and on the following day they were solemnly crownedby the patriarch.

In winter 1393-94 Bajezid had his Christian vassals assemble in Serreswith the intention, so Manuel claimed, of disposing of all of them at once.They managed to escape, however, and Manuel's inherited policy of cooper-ation with the Turks was ended. In spring 1394 Bajezid began his long siegeof Constantinople, which at times was so severe that Manuel even thought ofabandoning the city. A Franco-Hungarian attempt to aid Byzantium endedin disaster at Nicopolis in September 1396, and was lamented by the Emperorat great length in Letter 31. As the situation grew more desperate, Manuelintensified his efforts to obtain military aid from the West. In 1399 a Frenchforce under Jean le Meingre, Marechal Boucicaut, arrived and achieved someminor successes. But more massive assistance was needed. At Boucicaut'ssuggestion, so it seems, Manuel decided to make a personal appeal to theWestern rulers. He was reconciled to his nephew, John VII, whom he left togovern the city during his absence.

On 10 December 1399 Manuel embarked on a Venetian galley to beginhis remarkable journey to Northern Italy, Paris, and London. Although hisquest soon proved fruitless, the Emperor did not give up easily and, longafter it must have been clear that he would receive little but promises, hecontinued his negotiations. Not even the defeat of Bajezid by the Mongolsat Ankara on 28 July 1402 made him hurry home. He did not leave Parisuntil the end of November and did not arrive in Constantinople until 9 June1403.

On his return Manuel was faced with a complexity of problems. Thedisunity among the Turks after Ankara called for new policy formulations.Matters had to be settled with the Latin powers. The situation in the Moreawas as bad as ever. The conflict with John VII flared up again, but he wassoon allowed to go off and rule in Thessalonica. There were financial diffi-

xvi INTRODUCTION.

culties, and there was a serious controversy in the Church revolving aroundPatriarch Matthew, alluded to in Letters 63-66. Perhaps the best generalsketch of Manuel's preoccupations in the period following his return is givenin Letter 44.

Throughout the rest of his reign Manuel kept up diplomatic contactswith the West, which centered on military aid and ecclesiastical union,although he came to be quite realistic about the latter. In 1407 he lost hisbrother Theodore, to whom he had been very closely attached. He. namedhis own son, Theodore, to succeed him in ruling the Morea and, about a yearlater, visited the region in the hopes of establishing order, a perennial problem,as he remarks in Letter 51. Apparently this visit was cut short by the newsthat his nephew, John VII, had died in Thessalonica on 22 September 1408.He hastened there to install another son, Andronicus, as governor. Back inthe capital early in 1409 he found the Empire in proximate danger of beingdrawn' into the wars among the sons of Bajezid. After defeating Suleymanin February 1411, Musa turned to besiege Constantinople. This criticalsituation, spoken of by Manuel in Letter 57, lasted until July 1413 whenMusa, in his turn, was taken and strangled by his brother Mechmed.

Manuel was now free to attend to some pressing problems within whatlittle territory remained to the Empire. On 25 July 1414 he sailed for Thasos,occupied by Giorgio Gattilusio (see Letter 58), and after a siege of threemonths, returned the island to Byzantine control. He then devoted the falland winter to administrative matters in Thessalonica. On 29 March 1415 helanded at Kenchreai on the Gulf of Corinth and immediately set to workrestoring the Hexamilion, the defensive wall built by Justinian across theIsthmus. The project was completed in less than a month, an accomplishmentthat greatly impressed his contemporaries. He then directed his energiesagainst the rebellious nobles of the Morea and, in a series of battles and siegeslasting through the summer, managed to subdue them. His reflections onthis campaign are expressed in Letter 68.

In March 1416 Manuel returned to the capital and continued negotiatingwith the Western powers, for he knew well that the peace with the Turkswas but a temporary one. On the death of Mechmed in May 1421. the warparty in Byzantium, including the heir to the throne, John VIII, determined,against Manuel's advice, to intervene in the Turkish struggle for succession.But they backed the wrong candidate, and when Mechmed's son, Murad II,emerged victorious, he besieged Constantinople in June 1422. John VIIIvigorously conducted the defense of the city until the Turks withdrew earlyin September.

On 1 October 1422, while conducting diplomatic discussions, Manuelsuffered a stroke which left him partially paralyzed. The business of govern-ment was carried on by John VIII. Manuel never really recovered and, asthe end approached, he assumed the monastic habit under the name ofMatthew and died on 21 July 1425.

MANUEL II PALAEOLOGUS xvii

On Manuel as a personality and a literary figure, there seems to belittle need to enter into detail in these pages.4 It should be sufficient to referthe reader to Manuel's own letters and to the notes given below. A completelisting and study of his extant writings still remain to be done," They representthe sort of literary endeavor 'one would expect of a well-educated Byzantine.There are the letters, of course, polished and revised for posterity. There arethe usual rhetorical exercises: the supposed reply of Antenor to Odysseus,Tamerlane to Bajezid, a benevolent ruler to his subjects, to a drunken man,and so forth. Poetry is represented by his verses addressed to an ignorantperson, to an atheist, and by an epigram on Theodore, but more character-istically by religious poetry in imitation of the Psalms and liturgical hymns.Other religious writings include prayers before communion and a meditationon recovering from illness (see Letter 68). In the classical manner he composedCounsels on Imperial Conduct to his son, John VIII, as well as seven ethico-political essays addressed to him. We also And an essay on the nature ofdreams, a decision in a dispute about being and non-being (see Letter 54),and a rhetorical description (ekphrasis) of a tapestry in the Louvre. Hismother and himself are the discutants in his Dialogue on Marriage, which hekept emending until it was entirely deleted (see Letter 62). Among hisoratorical works are sermons on the Dormition (see Letter 61), on Sin andSt. Mary of Egypt (Letter 52), on Holy Saturday, and the like. More importantare his Discourse to the Thessalonians (see Letter 11), his oration on hisfather's recovery from a serious illness (see Letter 12), and the lengthyFuneral Oration (epitaphios) on his brother Theodore (see Letter 56). Hediscussed the study of theology in an essay addressed to Alexis lagoup, andhe also wrote a short work on the Trinity. As a result of his discussions witha Moslem scholar in Ankara in the winter of 1391, he composed a series oftwenty-six Dialogues with a Moslem Teacher (see Letter 20). Finally, as atrue Byzantine, he compiled a treatise on the Procession of the Holy Spirit;this was occasioned by a syllogism presented to him by a monk of Saint Denisnear Paris in 1400-2, which the Emperor answered in 156 chapters and whichstill remains unedited.6

4 Cf. Barker, Manuel II, 395--439.5 See J. Berger de Xivrey, "MBmoire sur la vie et lea ouvrages de l'empereur

Manuel Paleologue," MgmAclnscr, 19,2 (1853), 1-120; L. Petit, "Manuel II Paleologue,"in DTC, IX, 2 (Paris, 1927), 1925-32. Important corrections have been made by R. J.Loenertz, "Ecrits de Macaire Macres et de Manuel Paleologue dans lea mss. Vat. gr. 1107et Crypten. 161," OCP, 15 (1949), 185-93 (= ByzFrGr, I, 71-79). Barker (Manuel II,426-39) gives a survey of Manuel's writings based on the surviving manuscripts; to theseshould be added the coda. Vat. gr. 632, Vat. gr.1879, Urbinat.. gr. 80, Ambros. gr. L 74 sup.(487), Paris. gr.1253; Coislin. gr. 341, Marcian. gr. XI, 505 (coll. 767), Scorial. gr. 475('V-IV-1), 14 (R-I-14), 243 (Y-I-4), Collegio Greco, cod. 11.

9 Extant in cod. Vat. gr. 1107, fols. 1-130; this contains a number of correctionswhich have been incorporated into the copy of the treatise in cod.. Barberin. gr. 219. fols.93-180.

xviii INTRODUCTION

2. The Letters of Manuel II

Manuel's writings are primarily of a rhetorical nature, intended to beread aloud before a select literary circle. As such they reflect the worstcharacteristics of the rhetoric employed by the Byzantines.7 There is afundamental dishonesty: while living in one world, they speak from another.It is unimportant whether or not what they say is related to reality; howthey say it is what matters. With the world crumbling about him, Manuelcould devote himself to composing an oration in the style of Demosthenesor a dialogue in the style of Plato .8 With Turkish siege weapons poundingthe city, he and his friends could calmly sit around in a "theater" and applauda piece of rhetorical fluff being read to them. It all seems very unreal; yetfor generations, indeed for centuries, this was the sort of thing they had beentrained to value. Whatever the daily realities might be, it was the "authorityof the ancients" that dominated their mentality in almost every sphere oflife: law, political theory, philosophy, theology, even military science andmedicines This was especially true in the realm of literature. To them theterm Byzantine Literature was meaningless. If one could ask a fourteenth-century Byzantine to list the outstanding authors of his literature, he wouldrespond with names such as Homer, Plato, Demosthenes, and Xenophon.Classical Greek Literature was the ideal, and one's excellence as a writerdepended upon how closely one imitated the classical authors. Originality,and even clarity, were not highly regarded. Excerpts and selected works ofcertain authors, reproduced in countless anthologies, were proposed to theByzantine student as models of "fine" writing. In particular, four Hellenisticrhetorical handbooks seem to have formed the basis of all Byzantine writing:these were Apollonius Dyscolus and Herodian on grammar and syntax, Hermo-genes of Tarsus on literary style and criticism, and, perhaps most influential,the Progymnasmata, or Rhetorical Exercises, of Aphthonius of Antioch io

7 For the present discussion the following works on Byzantine rhetoric may beuseful: K. Krumbacher, Geschichte der byzantintischen Literatur (Munich, 1897; rep. 2 vols.,New York, 1958), 450-98; G. Bohlig, Untersuchungen zum rhetorischen Sprachgebrauch derByzantiner (Berlin, 1956); F. Dolger, "Der Klassizismus der Byzantiner, seine Ursachenand seine Folgen," Geistige Arbeit, 5 (1938), 3-5; rep. HAPAEIIOPA. 30 Aulsdtze zurGeschichte, Kultur and Sprache des byzantinischen Reiches (Ettal, 1961), 38-45; H. Hunger,"On the Imitation (MIMHEIE) of Antiquity in Byzantine Literature," DOP, 23-24(1969-70), 17-38; R. J. H. Jenkins, "The Hellenistic Origins of Byzantine Literature,"DOP, 17 (1963), 39-52; P. Wirth, Untersuchungen zur byzantinischen Rhetorik des 12. Jahr-hunderts (Dies., Munich, 1960).

e Of. Jenkins, "Hellenistic Origins of Byzantine Literature," 44-45; he cites ManuelII as the most remarkable example "of an intellectual malaise that was nearly universal."

9 The most concise study of this mentality or world view is found in F. Dolger, "DieKaiserurkunde der Byzantiner als Ausdruck ihrer politischer Anschauungen," Byzanzand die Europdischen Staatenwelt (Ettal, 1953); R. J. H. Jenkins, Byzantium and Byzan-tinism (Cincinnati, 1963).

io Jenkins, "Hellenistic Origins of Byzantine Literature," 434, with examples.Manuel's own dependence on Aphthonius is seen in Letters 3, 44, 67, and 68.

THE LETTERS OF MANUEL II six

What has been said of rhetoric applies also to epistolography, for onedisplayed his rhetorical ability as readily in a finely polished letter as in asonorous oration. The public reading of a letter was often compared to aperformance in the theater; on several occasions Manuel compliments hiscorrespondents on the applause their letters received when read beforehimself and his friends (Letters 9, 24, 27, 32, 34, 44, and 61). Byzantine lettershave been described as lacking every element which, ordinarily speaking,characterizes a letter.'1 Generally we expect a letter to convey a message ofsome sort, but the average Byzantine letter was about as concrete, informative,and personal as the modern, mass-produced greeting card. Just as we havea wide selection of illustrated cards suitable for every occasion, so the Byzan-tine had his formularies of model letters. Most appear to be stylized variationson the theme that distance cannot really separate those linked by genuinefriendship. Today we might select a particularly artistic reproduction of aMadonna and Child to convey Christmas greetings to a friend. The Byzantinewould delve into his handbook of classical allusions and ornate metaphors toembellish an otherwise stereotyped text. In general, then, Byzantine letterstend to be conventional and impersonal and, one might add, terribly boring.

While personal letters, particularly those of prominent figures ingovernment, are regarded by most historians as excellent primary sources,the Byzantinist approaches the letters in his area with some hesitation,aware of the frustrations to follow. Even the best letters were writtenaccording to rules which abhorred proper names, precise dates, and concretedetails.12 The criterion of a good letter was the "purity" of its Attic Greek,including such items as the dual, obsolete for over a thousand years. Wordsand terms designating a specific Byzantine institution or office are rare, forthe vocabulary had to be such that a contemporary of Thucydides mightunderstand it. If the Albanians, Serbs, or Turks were not written about inthe fifth century B.C., they must be referred to as the Illyrians, Triballians,and Persians. Byzantine references to the Scythians, or simply to the Bar-barians, often reduce the historian to sheer guesswork.13 Persons or placesmay be identified only as "our common friend," "that man you know,""this once splendid city." If the letter was meant to convey a message, otherthan generalities about friendship, it was often formulated in such tortuousgrammar and syntax as to be practically unintelligible. The real message,if any, was conveyed by the bearer of the letter, either for reasons of security

u W. Schubart, cited by G. Karlsson, Ideologie et ceremonial dane l'epistolographiebyzantine (Uppsala, 1962), 14. On Byzantine letter writing, consult also the authorsmentioned in note 7, esp. Jenkins, 45-46; also N. Toniadakes, BuZavt v ima-roxoypIXptn.Etaaymy-i, xetµeva, xor&Xoyoc 7CC6roXo'(J&9 v, 3rd ed. (Athens, 1969-70).

12 On the "deconcretization" of the Byzantine letter, see Karlsson, Ideologie etceremonial, 14-17.

13 See G.Moravesik, Byzantinoturcica, II (Berlin, 1958), 13-17; idem, "Klassizismusin der byzantinischen Geschichtsschreibung," Polychronion. Festschrift F.Dolgerzum 75.Oeburtstag (Heidelberg, 1966), 366-77.

.INTRODUCTION

or because of the requirements of style.14 The letter itself was a gift to betreasured, not necessarily understood, by the recipient.

Efforts to utilize these letters as historical sources can be maddening.Yet, if patiently studied, they can often be placed in their proper historicalcontext and further data derived from them.15 This is particularly true ofletters of the Palaeologan period, for a surprising number of those that havesurvived, while still enmeshed in archaic rhetorical forms, actually seem tobe communicating something. The problem lies in deciphering the message.In some instances this may prove impossible, but in others a close scrutinyof allusions to persons, places, or. events, a careful analysis of terms, and acomparison with established facts may be rewarding. In addition, the studentof Manuel's letters has one advantage, a relatively rare one; in many casesthe corresponding letter of Cydones survives and, as may be seen in thefollowing pages, it often clarifies the Emperor's meaning.

The letters of Manuel may be difficult to understand; nonetheless theyare real letters, written to communicate real messages to real people. Someare trivial, others obscure, and many were subsequently edited for publication.The message is not always easy to extract from the verbiage in which it isburied. Manuel shares all the faults of the Byzantine rhetorician: his writingabounds in cliches, worn out proverbs, anachronisms, excessive (and some-times unclear) allusions to classical authors, belabored and confusing meta-phors, wandering parentheses, and what might best be called a studiedobscurity. His meaning is often uncertain owing to his repugnance for propernames and his insistence on an archaic vocabulary. The syntax is sometimesso intricately twisted about as to be almost devoid of sense. Still, his lettersare actual letters and, written by the Emperor himself, they are historicalsources of the first rank and contain a great deal more information about theman and the period than one might suspect.

Berger de Xivrey long ago asserted that Manuel's collected letters hadbeen carefully arranged in chronological order, a view admitted by Loenertzas a good working hypothesis.16 Examination of the dates proposed for eachletter in the present edition tends to confirm this assumption-with somequalification. Letters 62 to 68 were not part of the original collection, anddo not fit into the general chronological framework. For a very few letters, e.g.,1 and 2, only a terminus ante quem can be established. A few others contain

14 Karlsson, Iddologie et ceremonial, 17-21.16 See, for example, L. Robert, "Les kondakia de Nicee, le combustible de Synnada

et les poissons-scies. Sur les lettres d'un metropolite de Phrygie an Xe siecle, philologie etrealit6s," JSav (1961), 97-166; (1962), 5-74; I. gevicenko, "Nicolaus Cabasilas' Correspon-dence and the Treatment of Late Byzantine Literary Texts," BZ, 47 (1954), 49-59;Loenertz, Caldcas.

16Mdmoire sur la vie et les ouvrages de ... Manuel Paldologue, 60 note 3; R. J.Loenertz, "Manuel Paleologue et D6metrius Cydones, remarques sur leur correspondan-ces," E0, 36 (1937), 271-87.

MANUSCRIPTS AND EDITIONS xxi

no chronological indications at all, but if one admits a general sequentialorder in the collection as a whole, one could cautiously assign a relative datingto those according to their location. Of the first sixty-one letters someforty-one may be dated with certainty, at least as belonging to a particularyear or a certain two- or three-year period. About six others may be given ahighly probable dating, and another six a probable one. The reasons forproposing these dates are given in the notes. The chronological order of theletters, however, must be interpreted in. a broad sense; that is, one cannotprove that they have been arranged in a strict sequence, 1, 2, 3, according tothe date they were written, although this is certainly true of some. Rather,we have to imagine the Emperor going through a packet or copybook ofletters belonging to a certain period, for example, those he wrote in Thessa-lonica from 1382 to 1387 or those he wrote in Western Europe from 1400 to1403, and selecting the ones he wished to publish.17 From the first "packet,"then, we. have Letters 1 and 2 (perhaps 5), written before 1383.. The secondgroup, Letters 3 to 11, consists of letters written in Thessalonica from1382 to 1387, but not arranged in strictly sequential order within that period.The third "packet," Letters 14 to 21, was written while Manuel was cam-paigning in Asia Minor in 1390-91. The fourth "packet," Letters 22 to 36,contains letters written in Constantinople from 1392 to the end of 1399. Thefifth, Letters 37 to 42, consists of those dating from the Emperor's Westernjourney in 1400-3. The sixth "packet," Letters 43 to 50, derives from theyears 1403-8.. The remaining letters, to 61, extend from the end of 1408 toabout 1`4117. The general arrangement of the letters, then, is certainly achronological one, but the ordering of each letter in a "packet" or groupingis not necessarily sequential.

3. Manuscripts and Editions

The codex Parisinus graecus 3041 has long been regarded as the principalmanuscript of Manuel's writings, primarily because of the corrections madein it by the Emperor himself. This was first pointed out by Boissonade in1844 in connection with the Dialogue on Marriage.' In 1853 Berger deXivrey added to this observation. "The first part [of the manuscript] isladen with corrections and excisions drawn by a practiced hand, which isnevertheless no longer that of a professional copyist. This is evidently theauthor, who himself retouches his work with a meticulous severity....Not only phrases, not only entire pages, but all of one work, are ruthlessly

17 He may have kept copies of his letters in "books" or fascicles (TcTp&Sia), as didCydones, who generally copied letters of one period into the same fascicle: R. J. Loenertz,Les recueils de lettres de Ddmdtrius Cydones, ST, 131 (Vatican. City, 1947).

1e Qui dialogus, post multas lituras et correctionum tentamina, f uit demum a capite adealcem totu8 cancellatus, manu, quis dubitet? ipsius auctoris augustissimi: Anecdota nova(Paris, 1844), 249 note 1.

xxii INTRODUCTION

crossed out."19 Legrand in his edition of 1893 was also of the opinion that thecorrections "could only have been carried out by the august author of theletters."20 These judgments have not been disputed by subsequent scholars.Close examination of the manuscript reveals that the corrections, both inthe Letters and in the Dialogue on Marriage, have been made by the samehand, which is that of a contemporary but not of a professional scribe.Furthermore, while most of the emendations have to do with stylisticmatters, some, as in Letter 1, are of such a personal nature that they couldonly have been made by the author himself as he prepared his work forpublication.

In its present condition the manuscript is composed of two distinctparts. The first, fols. 1-136, contains works of Manuel and a few other itemsand, up to fol. 104, is written by one hand. The second part, from fol. 137 tothe end, containing sections of Nicetas Choniates and George Acropolites,was not part of the original manuscript and does not concern us here. Themanuscript (i.e., fols. 1-136) is composed of seventeen quires of unequallength, although most are quaternions, the quire numbered 2 ((3') beginningon fol. 2. Each folio was numbered in red at the top right corner, but onmost pages it has faded away or been cut off. The numbering which remainswas almost certainly done by the same hand that wrote the text and numberedthe Letters. Folio 1 of the present pagination was originally fol. 27, for thepresent fol. 2 is numbered in red as %-I'; the present fol. 104 (the end of theDialogue on Marriage) bears the original number 130 (pX'). There are twowatermarks on the paper, both similar to those attested on French and Italianpaper from 1392 to 1427.21

The contents of the manuscript follow:1. Fols. 1-lv. Fictitious Letters, that is, part of Letter 63, Letters 64,

65, 66 (see notes to Letter 63).2. Fols. 2-37. Sixty-three Letters of Manuel. Letters 53 and 59 are not

real letters and have been omitted in the Barberini manuscript and in thisedition, although published by Legrand. Fol. 37" is blank.

3. Fols. 38-38". The Image of Spring on a Royal Tapestry. The title isin red, above which another hand has added: "In Paris," iv Hapuatcp. Ed.J. Lowenklau (Leunclavius), Praecepta educationis regiae (Basle, 1578); rep.PG, 156, cols. 577-80.

is Mdmoire eur la vie et lee ouvrages de ... Manuel Paldologue, 3-4; trans. Barker,Manuel II, 428.

20 Lettres, xii.21 The first is a unicorn, similar to no. 9968 of C. M. Briquet (Lee filigranes, Diction-

naire historique de8 marquee de papier des leer apparition vers 1282 jusqu'en 1600, 4 vole.[Paris, 1907]), found in Gex, 1397; Damme, 1400; Paris, 1402; Le Puy, 1417. This mark isfound on fols. 1-107, except for the third and fourth quires, fols. 22-37. The second water-mark is a bow and arrow similar to Briquet, no. 791, found in Lucca, 1393; Pisa, 1392-95;no. 793, found in Palermo, 1424; Colle, 1427; no. 799, found in Paris, 1406; Turin, 1410-11.

MANUSCRIPTS AND EDITIONS xxiii

4. Fol. 38v. What Tamerlane Might have Said to Bajezid. Ed. Lowen-klau, op. cit.; rep. PG, 156, cols. 579-82; Legrand, Lettres, 103-4; Englishtranslation by Barker, Manuel II, 513-14.

5. Fol. 38v. On the Defeat of B4jezid in the Form of a Psalm. Ed.Lowenklau, op. cit.; rep. PG, 156, cols. 581-82; Legrand, Lettres, 104;English translation by Barker, op. cit., 514-15.

6. Fols. 39-46. What One Might Say to an Atheist. Eight hundredtwelve political verses in two columns, unedited.

7. Fol. 46v. Prayer Before Communion. The title is in red, somewhatfaded; the text is written across the top of the page and down the leftmargin. Ed. Lowenklau, op. cit. ; rep. P G, 156, cols. 575-76; and with com-mentary by S. Cirac Estopaiian, "La Eucaristia y la paz del alma en unapoesia del emperador Manuel II Paloologo," XXXV Congreso eucaristico inter-nacional. Sesiones internacionales del estudio, II (Barcelona, 1952), 713-26.There is also a three-line poem, unedited, in the middle of the page.

8. Fol. 46v. The Response of Antenor to Odysseus. Ed. J. F. Boissonade,Anecdota graeca e codicibus regiis, 11 (Paris, 1830), 308-9.

9. Fols. 47-51. Advisory Discourse to the Thessalonians When They wereBesieged. Ed. B. Laourdas, in Maxe8ovixa, 3 (1955), 290-307; see Letter 11.

10. Fols. 51v-60. Consideration Regarding a Drunken Man. Ed.Boissonade, Anecdota graeca, II, 274-308.

11. Fols. 60v 65v. Epistolary Essay to Cabasilas. Letter 67 of thisedition; see notes.

12. Fols. 66-72. Panegyric on the Recovery of His Father from Illness.Ed. Boissonade, Anecdota graeca, VI (Paris, 1844), 223-38; see Letter 12.

13. Fols. 72v 85v. Epistolary Essay to Alexis lagoup [On the Study ofTheology]. Unedited.

14. Fols. 86-88. Epistolary Essay to Andrew Asanes [On Dreams].Ed. PG, 156, cols. 87-92; ed. Boissonade, Anecdota graeca, VI, 239-46.

15. Fol. 88v. To Cydones. Letter 62 of this edition.16. Fols. 89-104. Moral Dialogue, or Concerning Marriage. Unedited;

see Letter 62.17. Fols. 104-105. Canon to the Mother of God for Aid in the Present

Situation. Ed. Legrand, Lettres, 94-102; see Letter 57.18. Fols. 105-127. Synaxarion in verse (by Christopher?) of Mytilene.

Not by Manuel, and in a different hand than the preceding works.19. Fols.127 V 128. Prayer of the Stormtossed Adapted from the Psalms.

Clearly attributed to Manuel in the Barberini manuscript; unedited.20. Fols. 128-131. St. Athanasius Against the Jews.21. Fols. 131-132v. On the Seven Ecumenical Councils. Whether this

and the following work were written by Manuel is doubtful.

sxiv " INTRODUCTION

22. Fols. 132x-133o..On the.Condemnation of Paul of Samosata.23. Fols. 133V-134x. Excerpt from St. Augustine on the Liturgy.24. Fols. 134x--136v. Liturgical Prayer on the Lord's Tomb for Holy

Saturday. Perhaps by Manuel.

Much of the codex Barberinus graecus 219 was apparently copied fromthe Paris. 3041, for it incorporates the corrections made therein by ' theEmperor. Some of it was also copied from the cod. Vat. gr. 1107, since itincludes corrections made in Manuel's treatise on the Holy Spirit. An earlyfifteenth-century manuscript, it is fairly ornate and may-have been an editionof the Emperor's works prepared as a gift. It is written in the same hand asthe cods. Crypten. yr. Z.6.I., Vat. gr.1580, and Vat. gr.1619, which also containwritings of Manuel.22 It is composed of 23 quires of unequal size adding up to180 folios.

It begins with the verses to. an atheist (fols. 1-9), as in the Parismanuscript, and continues with the Discourse to the Thessalonians (fols.9-14), the Consideration Regarding a Drunken Man (fols. 14-23v), Letter 67(fols. 24-29V), the Panegyric on his father's recovery (fols. 29v-36v), theEssay to Alexis Iagoup (fols. 36v--50), and the one to Andrew Asanes (fols.50-53). The Letters are found on fols. 53"-88v, to the number of 62, numbers53 and 59 of the Paris. 3041 being omitted. Immediately following (fols.89-90V) and numbered consecutively are the "Fictitious Letters," i.e.,Letters 63 to 66 of this edition. This is followed by Seven Proverbs (fol. 90v),Antenor's Response to Odysseus (fol. 91), the Prayer of the Stormtossed(fols. 91V 92), . and some verses addressed To, a Completely Ignorant Person(fol. 92). Finally is his treatise on the Procession of the Holy Spirit (fols.93-180).

The codex Coislinianus graecus 341 contains on fols. 3,56 to 361v a copyof Letters 1-5 and 7-9, the last being incomplete and followed by a fragmentof the Discourse to the Thessalonians (fols. 362-363v). As may be seen in thecritical apparatus, these letters represent an earlier version than that ofParis. 3041, for they include readings which have been changed in the latter.Possibly, they may have formed part of the copybook from which the Parismanuscript was taken. The codex is dated to the fourteenth century, onesection apparently having been written in 1318. It is composed of fivedistinct sections, two by the same hand, but it seems that these sectionswere bound together fairly early and the quires numbered consecutively bya Slavic scribe on Mount Athos....

Other manuscripts containing individual letters of Manuel are.discussedin the notes to those letters. They are cod. Vat. gr. 632, Letter 52; cod.

22 C. Giannelli, Codices Vaticani graeci 1485-1683 (Vatican City, 1950), 287.

MANUSCRIPTS AND EDITIONS xxv

Vat. gr. 1879, Letter 54; cod. Scorial. gr. 475, Letter 62; cod. Crypten. gr.Z.B.I. and cod. 11 of the Collegio Greco in Rome, Letter 68.

Finally, two other manuscripts should be noted, although they are nowlost. Legrand in the preface (pp. viii-ix) to his edition of the letters mentionsthat Theodore Avramiotis, a collector of manuscripts, purchased a miscel-laneousGreek codex of unknown provenance in Ragusa in the spring of 1890.It was composed of eleven distinct sections. The ninth belonged to the fif-teenth century and was made up of forty folios containing Letters 1 to 63 asarranged in Paris. 3041. Although Legrand claims to have noted somevariants, this manuscript was presumably copied from. Paris. 3041. The nextitem, also dated to the fifteenth century, contained, in 28 folios, Letters 1 to42. According. to Legrand (p. x), in addition to some variants, this copyincluded annotations, apparently by a contemporary, to some of the letters,as well as notes in Latin by a certain Petrus Anconitanus, who seems to haveknown several of the Emperor's correspondents.

Nothing further is known of these two. Avramiotis manuscripts?sLegrand promised to reproduce the variants and the annotations of the secondone in his commentary, which has never appeared, if indeed it was. everwritten. After Legrand published Manuel's Letters in 1893, M. Treu informedhim of the existence of the Coislin manuscript, to which he replied: "J'enferai mon profit quand paraitra le second fascicule des lettres de ManuelPaleologue."24 This did not appear, though, and no trace of any material forsuch a commentary was found among the notes and books left by Legrandat his death 25

Although Legrand claimed to have studied the two Avramiotis manu-scripts, his edition of the Letters of Manuel II in 1893 is.simply a transcriptionof the Paris. 3041. In the preface (p. xii) he promised to indicate the correc-tions in this manuscript, but he did not do so. He was also unaware of theCoislin manuscript and unable to locate the Barberini. His "edition" is, ingeneral, a faithful copy of the Paris manuscript, but no more than that.

The present edition of Manuel's Letters is based on the cod. Paris.gr. 3041 (= P), as all editions must be, for the reasons given above. Thefirst part of Letter 63, missing in P, has been taken from the cod. Barberin.

29 In 1965 M. Richard of the Centre Nationale de la Recherche Scientifique informedme that he had had no success whatsoever in tracing these two manuscripts.

24 M. Treu, "Demetrios Chrysoloras and seine hundert Briefe," BZ, 20 (1911),110 note 1.

25 Treu, be. cit., "... such in seinem Nachlass hat sich, wie H. Pernot die Giitehatte mir 1907 zu schreiben, zu diesem Teil kein Material vorgefunden." Apart from somemanuscripts given to the Bibliothr que Nationale, most of Legrand's notes and booksbecame the property of H. Pernot; cf. his Notice sur la vie et les csuvres d'Emile Legrand(Paris, 1900).

Xxvi INTRODUCTION

gr. 219 (= B); the variant readings in this and in the cod. Coislin. gr. 341(= C) are given in the apparatus to the text. The other manuscripts con-taining copies of individual letters are noted in the apparatus to those letters(52, 54, 62, and 68).

The letters are arranged in the order in which they are found in P,with the few changes made in B, that is, Letters 53 and 59 of P have beenomitted in B and in this edition. Letter 62, located apart from the otherletters in P and published by Legrand as 64, is here, as in B, numbered inorder. This is followed by Letters 63 to 66 of B, which do not form part of thecorpus of the letters in P. Letter 67 is regarded as a separate work in bothP and B, but because of its genuinely epistolary nature has been added toform part of this edition. Letter 68 is not found in P or B, but its epistolarynature dictated that it be included.

This introductory chapter is followed by a prosopographical surveyof Manuel's correspondents and of certain other persons mentioned in hisletters. The text, translation, and apparatus have been prepared in accordwith the rules adopted by the International Commission on ByzantineStudies for the Corpus Fontium Historiae Byzantinae.26 The notes to thetranslation offer an explanation of the dating of the letters and an identifi-cation of persons and places mentioned. They also include excerpts from theletters of Cydones and some historical notes in order to place Manuel's lettersin their context and to make them more intelligible to the reader. An Appen-dix presents a few unedited texts or portions thereof which are connectedwith the Letters of Manuel. The Bibliography is limited to those works whichare of particular importance in understanding the letters or which have beenused a number of times in preparing the notes.

20 Association Internationale des Etudes Byzantines, Bulletin d'in/ormation et decoordination, 4 (Athens-Paris, 1968), 24-31.

PROSOPOGRAPHYTHE CORRESPONDENTS OF MANUEL II PALAEOLOGUS

AND PERSONS MENTIONED IN HIS LETTERS

1. Constantine Asanes

With the settlement of the deposed Bulgarian King John III Asen inConstantinople in 1280, together with his wife Irene, the daughter of theByzantine Emperor Michael VIII Palaeologus, the Asanes came to be oneof the most prominent and prolific noble families in the Empire? Theirsecond son, Andronicus, had at least two sons, John and Manuel Raoul,who achieved distinction, and a daughter, Irene Asanina, who about 1318-20married John Cantacuzenus, the future emperor.2 Their daughter Helena,in turn, became the bride of John V Palaeologus and the mother of Manuel II.The precise relationship of the Constantine Asanes to whom Manuel addressedLetters 18 and 30 is difficult to determine. In a patriarchal document of 24August 1383 he is referred to as the uncle (6eZos) of Emperor John V.3 Amongthe Byzantines this term was loosely employed, often designating simply acousin. He could only have been an "uncle" of John V by marriage, that is,as an "uncle" of Helena Cantacuzena, John's wife. He was much too youngto be a brother of Helena's mother, Irene Asanina, born about 1300, but wasmore probably her first cousin, the son of her father's youngest brother,Isaac, who died about 1351.4 Although called the "uncle" of Helena Canta-cuzena and of her husband, John V, Constantine cannot have been much older

' See T. Uspenskij, "Bolgarskie Asenevici na vizantijskoj sluzbe v VIII-XV vv.,"IRAIK, 13 (1008), 1-16; Loenertz, Calecas, 73-74; B. Krclcic, "Contribution a 1'6tude desAsanis h Byzance," T_'l1, 5 (1973), 347-55. In the Poem of Belisarius, the Asanes are listedamong the leading Byzantine noble families: E. Follieri, "I1 poema bizantino di Belisario,":ltti del conoegao in.ternazionale sul terra "La poesia epica e la eua /ornrazione," Accademia.nazionale (lei Lineei, Problemi a.ttuali rdi scienza e it cultura, quad. 139 (Rome, 1970),583-691, esp. p. 622, 53, p. 637, 313.

2 See D. Nicol, The Byzantine Family of Kaitakoazenus (Crrrilacrrzt'nmm) ca.1100-/1(i()..i (;enealogical and Prouopographical6'tud y, DOS, XI (Washington, D.C., 1968), 104-8.

'M-M, II, no. 361, p. 56.See Loenertz, Calecas, 74 note 4. It is unlikely that he was the son of the third

brother, Constantine, since Byzantine noble families did not generally give the son thesame name as the father.

Xxvii; PRO SOPO GRAPHY

than Helena, born in 1333, and may, in fact, have been younger. The appel-lation "uncle," which, when not used strictly, generally designated an oldercousin, may simply have been given to him because he was a first cousin ofHelena's mother. He seems to have been a young man when Cydones wroteto him in 1358 and was still active in the imperial government in 1409, forin August of that year he took part in a synod and was described as the"uncle" of Emperor Manuel II." Quite possibly he was still alive in 1415, forin the Satire of Mazaris, Holobolos asked Mazaris on his return to the upperworld to convey his greetings to the most noble and preeminent philosopher,the beloved uncle of the Emperor, Asan.e If he were definitely still alive in1409 and perhaps in 1415, it is unlikely that he was born before 1330.

The Asanes, as mentioned above, were a prolific breed and, as wascommon among the Byzantines, the same baptismal names recur constantly.In the sources, moreover, particularly in letters, persons are often referredto only by their last names, so that it is difficult to determine which Asanesis meant or, for that matter, which Constantine Asanes. For example, in1342 the regular renewal of the treaty with Venice was witnessed by a Con-stantine Asanes, almost certainly not the correspondent of Manuel andCydones, who would have been too young, but perhaps his uncle.?

Almost all of our information about Constantine Asanes, the "uncle"of John V and Manuel II, is derived from the letters of Manuel, DemetriusCydones, and Manuel Calecas.8 From each of the latter two at least six lettersto him have been preserved. Those from Cydones, written between 1358 and1381, depict him as a well-educated and prominent person, an advisorand companion to the Emperor (both John V and Manuel), an imperialenvoy, and an anti-Palamite. Once Cydones refers to him as the uncle of theEmperor, but does not specify which emperor, and on another occasionrefers to Asanes, the uncle of Manuel II, but does not specify which Asanes.8The letters of Calecas, written from about the early 1390's to 1400, presentAsanes as his influential protector and benefactor (Letter 30 of Manuel II alsodoes this), the owner of a library who loans and occasionally gives him books.He was listed as one of the principal adversaries of Pala.mism and twice had tomake an official abjuration of the teachings of Barlaam and Acindynus, onceunder Patriarch Nilus (1379-88) and again under Patriarch Antony (1391-1397).10

5 Cydones, Letter 3; cf. Loenertz, Caldcas, 75; Tome of 1409, ed. Laurent, "Tristi-piscopat," 134, 253.

Mazaris, Jounce,, Into Ilades, 160.7 MM, III, no. 26, p. 114.8 Cydones, Letters 3, 71, 109, 155, 186, 426; Calecas, Letters 11, 35, 37, 50, 54, 69.

Cydones, Letters 146:21; 212:4.10 C. Mercati, \'otizie di Prucoro e I)e,,u'trio C'iilone, Manacle ('aleca e Teodoro

Meliteniota ed altri appunti per la storia della teologia e della lettera.tl(ra bizaritir a del secoloX1 Y, ST, 56 (Vatican City, 1931), 222-23; MItI, II, no. 502, p. 267; he signed this simplyas the servant (So5aoc) of the emperor.

CORRESPONDENTS OF MANUEL II PALAEOLOGUS xxix

2. Michael Balsamon

Another noble Byzantine family, prominent in ecclesiastical administration,was that of Balsamon. During this period, in fact, there were three by thename of Michael; the first was a priest and grand skevophylax about 1380;the second, to whom Manuel addressed Letter 34, was a deacon, protekdikos,and grand chartophylax about 1400; and the third was deacon and grandecclesiarch in 1429 and grand chartophylax at the Council of Florence tenyears later.1' The sources do not clarify their relationship to one another norto others, such as Manuel and Demetrius, who bore the same family name.

In February 1394 a Balsamon, probably the second Michael, appearsin the patriarchal register as protonotary, a position he still held on 20 March1397.12 In a document of January 1397 and in another apparently issued afew months later, the position of protekdikos was held by John Syropou los,who in October and November of the same year is listed as sakellarios.13 Inseveral patriarchal documents dated from December 1399 to May 1400,Michael Balsamon appears as protekdikos, a rank he must certainly haveattained between May and October 1397 when his predecessor, Syropoulos,was promoted to the next higher rank.14

During his tenure as protekdikos, Michael Balsamon also held the postof universal teacher (8t8avxcAoS xocOo)ix6S, perhaps similar to the modernordinary professor) and taught both profane sciences (E)J,,gwxaand theology. In Letter 34 Manuel has high praise for his rhetorical ability.Patriarch Matthew appointed him professor in the patriarchal school and,at his order, Balsamon also instructed the notary, John Chortasmenos, ingeometry. He was regarded by Chortasmenos with the highest respect for hislearning and virtue.", Sometime after June 1400 Chortasmenos wrote to himapologizing for some poetry he had composed, which Balsamon had mocked.16

In June 1400 Balsamon was promoted to grand chartophylax, in whichfunction his name occurs frequently in the extant patriarchal registers toJanuary 1402.11 After that date nothing further is known of him; he is not

11 J. Darrouzes, Pecherches snr les 'Opg1[xta de l'eglise byzantine (Paris, 1970), 286.The first of these may be identical with the priest, Michael Balsamon, who in August 1362bore the title of exarch of the Great Church and taboullarios: 0. Theocharides, 0[ Ti;aµ-raaxoveS. 2:u.43oai1 e15 T7jv Bui;avrm,v Alaxe3ovtxijv rrpoaorcoypap[av ro5 IA' atwvoc, inblaxe3ovtx&, 5 (1961-63), 125-83, esp. 140-41.

12 MM, II, no. 461, p. 206; no. 512, p. 275.13 Ibid., no. 508, p. 272; no. 518, p. 292; nos. 549, 550, p. 348.14 Ibid., no. 536, p. 327; no. 559, p. 369; no. 505, p. 376; no. 569, p. 383; no. 570,

p. 385; no. 575, p. 391. On the position of protekdikos, the defender of the accused in anecclesiastical tribunal, see Darrouzes, Recherches set les 'Ocp(Pixia, 323-32.

11 Hunger, C'hortasieenos, 15 note 20. 16 Ibid., Letter 15, pp. 165-66.17 AIM, II, no..579, p.396; no. 585, p. 409; no. 606, p. 438; no. 617, p. 453; no. 638,

p. 485; no. 649, p. 498; no. 644, p. 507 (cf. Darrouzes, Recherches stir les 'Ocpp[xea, 351note 1); no. 646, p. 512; no. 678, p. 557; no. 685, p. 566; and finally, H. Hunger, "Gu denrestlichen inedita des Konstantinopler Patriarchatsregister inl Cod. Vindob. hist. gr. 48,"REI3, 24 (1966), 60, 67-68. On the chartopllylax, see Darrouzes, op. cit., 334-53.

xxx PROSOPOGRAPHY

to be identified with the Michael Balsamon who was grand chartophylax in1439 and a correspondent of George Scholarios,18

3. Nicholas Cabasilas Chamaetos

The Cabasilas to whom Manuel TI addressed Letters 6, 7, 15, and 67was Nicholas Chamaetos, known generally by his mother's maiden name ofCabasilas. Greatly respected for his learning, integrity, and deep spiritualityby his contemporaries, as well as by later generations, much has been writtenabout him, but very few facts of his life are actually known.19 Even these fewfacts have been long in gaining acceptance; for example, the fact that Nicholaswas never archbishop of Thessalonica. Finally, some of these "facts" are stilluncertain. This may be attributed largely to the confusion between Nicholasand his uncle, Neil Cabasilas, who did become metropolitan of Thessalonica.Neil was the name he assumed on becoming a monk, sometime between theend of 1354 and 1360, whereas his baptismal name was probably Nicholas.BQ

is See Darrouzbs, Recherches sur lea 'Opq(xLa, 136, 286; Hunger, op. cit., 85-86.Cf. J. Gill, "A Profession of Faith of :Michael Balsamon, the Great Chartophylax," ByzF,3 (1968), 120-28.

"See H.-G. Beck, Kirche and theologische Literatur im byzantinischen Reich (Munich,1959), 780-83; S. Salaville, Dictionnaire de la spirituality, If (Paris, 1932), 1-9; idem,"Quelquesprbcisionspour labiographiedeNicolasCabasilas,"Acts of the.. inchInter2wtionalByzantine Congress, Thessalonica, 1953 (= Hellenika, suppl. vol. 9, 3) (Athens, 1958),215-26; J. Gouillard, in DHGE, XI, 14-21; P. Enepekides, "Der Briefwechsel desMystikers Nikolaos Kabasilas," BZ, 46 (19:53), 18-46; I. Sevbenko, "Nicolaus Cabasilas'Correspondence and the Treatment of Late Byzantine Literary Texts," BZ, 47 (1954),49-59; idern, "Nicholas Cabasilas' `Anti-Zealot' Discourse: A Reinterpretation," DOP,11(1957), 79-171; R. J. Loenertz, "Chronologie de Nicolas Cabasilas, 1345-1354," OCP, 21(1955) 205-31 (= ByzFrGr, I, 303-28); M. Lot-Borodine, 1'n .Maitre de la spiritualitebyzantine au XI Ve siecle, Nicolas Cabasilas (Paris, 1958). One of the principal manuscriptsof his writings is entitled: Tog oocpw-&TOu xai AoyLut&TOU xai Tolq UAOLS &YLwT&TOu xUP05NLxoa&ou Kap&a0,a coy xai Xa sae-OU abyoL: cod. Paris. gr. 1213, fol. 1.

20 He was undoubtedly the Nicholas Cabasilas who was it candidate for the patri-archate in November 1353, for it is unlikely that the synod would have proposed hisnephew, Nicholas Chamaetos, then only about thirty years old. John Cantacuzenus laterrecalled that at that time Nicholas Cabasilas, surely the uncle, was still it private individual,ovTa TL L& -mr', that is, not in orders or not a monk (Hint., 4, 38:111, 275). The implicationis that he did sometime later enter religious life. One suspects that he did so about thesame time as Cantacuzenus himself in December 1354. An undated patriarchal document,probably issued in January-February 1361, mentions the hieromonk, Neil Cabasilas,metropolitan-elect of '1'hessalonica (MM, I, no. 181, p. 417), said it document of July 1361again speaks of the metropolitan-elect of that see (ibid., no. 183, p. 429). That Neil's baptis-mal name was Nicholas was first suggested by R. J. Loenertz in 1948 in a communicationto L. Thomas (RLB, 6 [1948], 117-21). This would aid in solving several problems. Forexample, the letter of Theodore Pediasimus, apparently written in 1332, would indeed, asit is in the manuscript, have been addressed to Nicholas Cabasilas, the uncle (cf. gevbenke,"Nicolaus Cabasilas' Correspondence," 56 note i ; also see his " `Anti-Z alot' Discourse," 86note 22, for another instance). The more recent edition of Sphrantzes' Chronicon minusalso makes it clear that it was Neil, the brother of Nicholas Chamaetos' mother, who was

CORRESPONDENTS OF MANUEL II PALAEOLOGUS xxxi

Nicholas Cabasilas Chamaetos, the nephew, was born in Thessalonicaof a well established family, sometime about 1320-23, and received hiseducation there. In the summer of 1345 the partisans of John Cantacuzenusseized power in the city and acclaimed him emperor. They then sent Nicholasand a man named Pharmakes as envoys to his son Manuel in Berroia to obtainreinforcements, but these arrived too late to prevent the adversaries ofCantacuzenus from regaining control.21 Probably not long after the victoryof Cantacuzenus on 2/3 February 1347, Nicholas followed his uncle toConstantinople to pursue further studies, and from this period date severalletters to his father in Thessalonica.22 While belonging to the entourage ofCantacuzenus, no specific office or title can be ascribed to him.23 In 1350,together with Cantacuzenus and Cydones, he proposed to enter the monasteryof St. Mamas and then that of St. George in the Mangana, but nothing cameof the project.24 In 1347-48 he participated in the trial of Niphon, monk ofthe Lavra, accused of Messalianism, and in September of 1350 he testified inhis defense before the patriarchal synod together with two other domestics(oixe%ot) of the Emperor.25 At the coronation of Matthew Cantacuzenus inFebruary 1354 he delivered the ceremonial oration.22 He was familiar withboth ecclesiastical and civil law, and in some way was connected with thelegal profession, apparently having been offered a judgeship.27 There are noindications that he ever became a monk, for the letters of Manuel II in 1387and 1391 and those of Joseph Bryennios in 1390-96 are clearly addressed toNicholas as a layman.28 The date of his death is not known, but it must havebeen not long after these letters, that is, sometime in the 1390's.

metropolitan of Thessalonica (Georgios Sphrantzes Dlen?orii, 1401-1477, ed. V. Green[Bucharest, 1966], 18, 1-2, p. 32).

21 Cantacuzenus, Kist., 3, 94: II, 574; of. R. J. Loenertz, "Note our une lettre deDumetrius Cydones ii Jean Cantaeuzene," BZ, 44 (1951), 40,5-8 (= Br1zFrGr, I, 279-83);idern, "Chronologie do Nicolas Cabasilas," 205-31.

22 Eel. Enepekides, "Der Briefwechsel," Letters 1-6, pp. 29-34, erroneously datedca. 1320. In Letter 1 Cabasilas expressly says that it was his admiration for his uncle andhis reputation that persuaded him to leave Thessalonica for Constantinople. According toCydones (Letter 87), he came to the capital at the personal invitation of Cantacuzenus.

23 F. Dolger, .1 us den Schatzka>nmere des heiligen Bergen (Munich, 1948), 64, suggeststhat the Cabasilas bearing the title of grand papias in 1351 was Nicholas, but this is byno means clear: see eveenko, "'Anti-Zealot' Discourse," 87 note 26.

24 Cantacuzenus, Hist., 4, 16: III, 107; see Loenertz, "Chronologie de NicolasCabasilas." This does not mean that he intended to become a monk, but he might simplyhave wanted to join the community by acquiring an adelphaton, as Cydones later did.

25 MM, 1, no. 133, p. 298.26 M. Jugie, "Nicolas Cabasilas, panegyriques inedits de Mathieu Cantacuzene et

d'Anne Paleologine," IRAIK, 15 (1911), 112-21.27 See Letters 6 and 15; Cydones, Letter 124:22-26; R. J. Loenertz, "Pour Is,

chronologie des oeuvres de Joseph Bryennios," REB, 7 (1949), 17; P. Lemerle, "Documentset problemes nouveaux concernant les juges generaux," Ac)-.Xpar.'Apx.`E-., 1 (1964),37; ev6enko, "'Anti-Zealot' Discourse," 86-87.

21 Loenertz, "Pour la chronologie des oeuvres de Joseph Bryennios," 16-17.

PRO.SOPO GRAPHY

Cabasilas is best known and most highly regarded by both Eastern andWestern Christians for his spiritual writings, which have earned him theappellation "The Mystic." The most famous of these are his Explanation ofthe Divine Liturgy and his Life in Christ.29 His other writings include sermons,theological treatises, religious poetry, and some philosophical works; notablya refutation of Sextus Empiricus and a short treatise on syllogisms. Althoughbelonging to the Palamite party and noted for his adherence to officialOrthodoxy, he carried on the most cordial relationships with pro-WesternByzantines such as Cydones.30 The extent of his involvement in the anti-Latin polemics of the period is still a matter of some dispute.

The Mystic was also interested in social questions, at least, those of apolitico-ecclesiastical nature. As a young man he eulogized Empress Anne ofSavoy and addressed to her a treatise on usury.31 More important, perhaps,is his lengthy "Discourse Concerning Illegal Acts of Officials Committedagainst Things Sacred," which had once been regarded as dealing with theZealot regime in Thessalonica during the 1340's, but which has now beendefinitely established as having no connection with the Zealot program ormovement.32 Was the Discourse, then, directed against certain specificauthorities and, if so, under what circumstances? In answer to this questionvarious suggestions have been made: perhaps it was aimed at imperial andecclesiastical officials in the 1340's, such as the Loyalist authorities inConstantinople (Alexis Apocaucus and John Calecas); perhaps it could bemore accurately dated to the 1370's or 1380's; perhaps the writer had officialsof Manuel II in mind.33 A careful study of the Discourse, however, indicatesthat it was not directed against any specific individuals. The Discourse isconcerned with unlawful acts in connection with sacred matter, primarilythe secularization of church property and simony, which have been committed

29 Ed. PG, 150, cols. 368-492; 493-725; trans. S. Salaville, Nicolas Cabasilas,Explication (it, la divine liturgie (Paris-Lyon, 1943); J. M. Hussey and P. McNulty, A Com-vnvdary on the Divine Liturgy (London, 1960); S. Broussaleux, La Vie en Jesus-Christ(Anuay, 1932); (-4. Hoch and E. von Ivanka, Sakramentalmystilc der Ostkirche (Kloster-neuburg-Munich, 1958); see Lot-Borodine, op. cit.; R. Bornert, Les co,nmentaires byzantinesde la divine liturgie du VIII au XVe siecle (Paris, 1966), 215-44.

30 See Cyclones, Letters 87, 124, 125, 126, 213; also Appendix 1, ed. Loenertz, I,169-73.

31 See 8,evirenl o, "Nicolaus Cabasilas' Correspondence," 54-55.32 'I'llis has been clearly proven by Sevicenko, "'Anti -Zealot' Discourse." Also see

id,-)a, "A Postscript on Nicolas Cabasilas' 'Anti-Zealot' Discourse," DOP, 16 (1962),4u3 -s, in which he examines several criticisms of his interpretation of the Discourseand finds, rightly, that none of them adduces any new information or invalidates hisprilicipal conclusion.

31 See ev6. enko, "'A nti -Zealot' Discourse," 161-71; idem, "Postscript," 403; Dennis,.llan'I,I in 90 note 30. Sevbenko ("Postscript," loc. cit.) points out reasonsfi,r assigning a later date to the Discourse, to which one could add that the work itself

jut set-nl t o be that of a young lean, as was Cabasilas in the 1340's, but that of a moreniature iniud.

CORRESPONDENTS OF MANUEL II PALAEOLOGUS xxxiii

by persons invested with legitimate authority, but who misuse that authority.These persons must be the Emperor (or a sovereign despot) and a. prelate.Cabasilas supposes that their actions are due not to bad will but to error orignorance, and he sets out to enlighten them. To this end he refutes thearguments of those theoreticians who attempt to justify such acts, whichCabasilas regards as contrary to the divine law and the canons. These persons,theologians, jurists, or moralists, are not named, although a few decadeslater George Gemistos Plethon would be their spokesman. It is possible, ifnot probable, that the Emperor was a friend of the writer and that thistreatise was composed to advise him, perhaps at his request. In other words,the preoccupations of Cabasilas are not political or mercenary but of a higherintellectual and moral order; he is concerned with canonical and theologicalarguments and not with any specific adversaries.

Finally, eighteen letters of Cabasilas, containing some biographicaland historical information, are extant. The shortcomings of their edition havebeen pointed out, and several important corrections have been made.34 Twoof the letters, though, merit further comment. Letter 17 is addressed simplyTo the Emperor, whom the editor identifies as probably (vermutlich) John VICantacuzenus, and which he dates after 1341. A more attentive reading,however, makes it clear that the letter was addressed to John V Palaeologusin October or November 1364. The writer praises the Emperor for hisphilanthropy and his zeal for the common good which has led him to hold"meetings of wise men, both those of old and contemporaries, those whospeak from books and those who use their tongues, and whose concern forthe soul and for expression is equal." In particular, he is commended fordevoting much time to these matters, time which has not been wasted. "Bytaking time from your labors on behalf of the common good, you have inanother way benefited that common good by appointing a very deservingleader for us" (xaXXlw rcouov ilµdv Tov 7rpoar&Tn v). The "leader" is obviouslythe same person who is referred to by the same word (7spoar&-r7)S, xoLvoSnpoa,ra'rric) in Letters 11:15; 12:8; and 13:14. He is Patriarch PhilotheosKokkinos, appointed for the second time in October 1364 after much hesitationon the part of John V, clearly alluded to by Cabasilas in Letters 11 and 12.Letter 17, then, belongs to the same sequence as Letters 11, 12, and 13.Cabasilas commends the Emperor, John V Palaeologus, for convoking andapparently attending theological discussions in which patristic texts playeda key role, and he thanks him for naming Philotheos patriarch.

A more attentive reading of Letter 18, whose addressee is unknownaccording to the editor, clearly reveals that it was addressed to an unnamedemperor who is absent, apparently among the Turks, and whose valor and

''' Ed. Enepekides, "Der Bricfivechsel." Five letters are also published by Loenertzin his edition of Cyclones' correspondence, Appendix 1, I, 169-72. See the critical remarksof Loenertz, "Chronologie de Nicolas Cabasilas," and of SevCenko, "Nicolaus Cabasilas'Correspondence."

PROSOPOGRAPHY

labors, it is hoped, as in the past, will benefit the city and the common good.The writer suspects that the addressee will not be free to return for sometime and urges him to send a letter, or at least an oral message, by means ofa certain Boullotes. It is quite possible that this letter was addressed toManuel II while he was on campaign with the Turkish Emir Bajezid inAnatolia in 1390-91, during which time Manuel sent his own Letter 15 toCabasilas. The text of this letter, together with a translation and somecomments, is given in the Appendix (p. 221-23).

4. Demetrius Chrysoloras

The eight letters (33, 41, 43, 44, 46, 48, 50, and 61) which Manuel wantedpreserved from his correspondence with Demetrius Chrysoloras indicatethe esteem in which he held his friend. In fact, even when Demetrius was inthe service of John VII, the relationship between the two men seems to havebeen extremely close (see Letter 33). Probably about the same age as theEmperor, Demetrius belonged to the elite literary group at Manuel's court.He and the Emperor exchanged their compositions and engaged in literarypleasantries with one another; indeed, Demetrius was particularly noted forthis. Manuel constantly expressed the highest praise of Demetrius' writings,although he had to reproach him for indulging in flattery (Letters 46, 48).The same high opinion of his rhetorical ability, as well as the charm of hisconversation, is remarked on by others, such as John Chortasmenos andTheodore Potamios.35 He also shared the same Orthodox theological viewsas Manuel and belonged to the anti-Latin party in Constantinople.

Unfortunately, there exists very little factual information about hislife, and most of his writings remain unedited 36 His relationship withManuel Chrysoloras, who addressed a piece of epistolary rhetoric to him,remains obscure, although it is clear they were not brothers.37 Apparentlyabout 1384-85 Demetrius was sent by the Emperor, presumably John V, onan embassy to "the Barbarian," probably the Turkish Emir Murad I, whichinvolved a third power, perhaps a Latin one 38 During the 1390's it is quitepossible, if the interpretation given below of Letter 33 is correct, that heserved in the court of John VII in Selymbria. It also seems that sometimebefore 1400 he had traveled to Western Europe, apparently to France, butwhen and in what capacity is unknown (see Letter 41). During Manuel's ownjourney to the West (1400-3) he remained in Constantinople with John VII

'' See Manuel's Letter 45; Hunger, l'horlasmc.eos, 90-94; Potainios, Letter 8,Appendix, p. 226.

an In general, see Beck, Kirche ,i, d theologische Literatur, 751; M. Treu, "DemetriosChiysoloras and seine hundert :Bride," BZ, 20 (1911),106-28; V. Lundstrom, "Ramenta13vzantina 1'111," Cranos, (i (19o(i), 50-54; Caminclli, illannele C'risolora, 198--201; Hunger,( h ,rEaneenu. , 91-98.

31 Cammelli, loc. cit.38 Potamios, Letter 8, Appendix, p. 226.

CORRESPONDENTS OF MANUEL II PALAEOLOGUS xxxv

in some sort of official position and kept in regular contact with Manuel byletter 39 On 28 July 1403, shortly after the Emperor's return, he delivered anoration of thanksgiving on the anniversary of the battle of Ankara.40 Laterin the year (October or November) he settled in Thessalonica to serve asmesazon for John VII until September 1408. During this period he continuedhis literary activities, including his correspondence with Manuel II. InLetters 43 and 44 Manuel depicts Demetrius as somewhat sedentary anduninterested in hunting or military matters; he was apparently well offfinancially, although the public finances, with which he was concerned, werenot in such a flourishing state. His public duties involved some connectionwith the law courts. About 1407 he was sent by John VII to Constantinopleon some unspecified business 41 In August 1409, as a member of the senate(auyx),yroc) and a domestic (oixrioq) of the Emperor, he took part in thesynod which excommunicated the former bishops Macarius of Ankara andMatthew of Medeia, and spoke about peace in the church so eloquently thathis words "would make a stone shed tears."42 He is last heard of as animperial delegate to the synod of April-May 1416 held to elect a new patriarchand to clarify the rights of the emperor in the church.43

The extant writings of Demetrius have been well characterized byP. Gautier as neither very abundant nor very important.44 They compriseanti-Latin polemics, including a dialogue between himself, Cydones, NeilCabasilas, and Thomas Aquinas, a number of homilies, some astronomicaltables, court orations, and other rhetorical efforts, several of which arediscussed in connection with the letters of Manuel addressed to him.

5. Manuel Chrysoloras

Approximately the same age as the Emperor and Demetrius Chrysoloras,Manuel Chrysoloras, the recipient of Letters 37, 38, 49, 55, and 56, was also anextremely close friend and trusted minister of the Emperor, playing a majorrole in diplomatic negotiations in Western Europe.45 In 1388 he must haveplanned to accompany Demetrius Cyclones to Venice, for on 5 July of that

00 Manuel, Letter 41. If Hunger's alternate dating, 1402-3, of Letter 22 of Chortas-menos is correct, then he would appear to have held a prominent position as an archon:Chortasm.euos, 93.

10 Ed. P. Gautier, "Action des graces de Dembtrius Chrysoloras in Theotocos pourI'anniversaire do la bataille d'Ankara (28 juillet 1403)," REB, 19 (1961), 340-57.

91 Syropoulos, 3, 12, ed. V. Laurent, Les Mdmoires du grasul ecclesiarque de l'Eghsede Gbrwtantinople, b'yleestre b'vjroporlos, sur le enucile de Florence (Paris, 197]), 172-74;cf. Dolger, Kaiserregesteu., 3207, p. 77.

42 Tome of 1409, ed. Laurent, "1'risi+piscopat," 134, 136.19 Syropoulos, 2, 3, ed. Laurent, 102.u Gautier, op. cit., 340..15 The basic work is Canunelli,.llantule Crisolora. Also see Loenertz, l.'alecas, 63-71;

Hunger, Chortos,nenos, 97-101; I. Thomson, "'Manuel Chrvsoloras and the Early ItalianRenaissance," ORBS, 7 (11)6(i), 63-82.

xxxvi PROSOPOGRAPHY

year both were named as executors of the will of John Laskaris Kalopherosin case they should be in Venice at the time 46 But it was not until 1390-91that the two men actually arrived in Venice, and during their visit Manuelestablished contact with the Italian humanist circle of Coluccio Salutati,perhaps at this time giving some instruction in Greek to Roberto Rossi.47In 1394-95 Manuel was again in Venice to request aid against the Turks.Back in Constantinople he gave lessons in Greek to Jacopo Angeli da Scar-peria, who also followed his courses a few years later in Florence and whojoined the Roman curia in 1401.48 Early in 1396 the city of Florence discussedinviting him to teach Greek there and on 28 March sent him an official letterof invitation. About the end of September, together with Cydones, Manuelleft Constantinople for Venice and arrived in Florence on 2 February 1397 tobegin a five-year teaching contract. A year later his salary was raised from150 to 250 florins a year. But on 10 March 1400 he left Florence, citing thedanger of the plague, although the real reason was undoubtedly the arrivalof Emperor Manuel II in Italy. The following day he joined his nephew,John Chrysoloras, in Pisa, and then the Emperor in Pavia. Most of the nextthree years was spent in Lombardy soliciting aid for Byzantium. He returnedto Constantinople, perhaps in the company of the Emperor in June 1403,but in December of 1404 was back in Venice as imperial envoy. His closecontacts with the Latinophiles in Constantinople, particularly with convertsto Catholicism such as Calecas and Cydones, made him suspect among theOrthodox, so that John Chortasmenos called on him to make a publicdeclaration of his orthodoxy.46 It is not certain when Chrysoloras formallybecame a convert to Catholicism, but about the end of 1405, while still inConstantinople, he requested an indult from Pope Innocent VII to beordained in the Roman rite with permission to say Mass in Greek. Althoughthis was granted by the Pope on 19 February 1406, Manuel was never actuallyordained. In Constantinople he continued teaching, his most appreciativeand influential student being Guarino of Verona, who retained the fondestmemories of his sojourn with Chrysoloras in the Byzantine capital. Early in1406 he was in Venice and Padua and about the end of 1407 began a muchlengthier mission for the Emperor which took him to Paris, London, perhapsSpain, and about May of 1410 to the papal court at Bologna. On behalf ofthe Emperor he presented to the monastery of Saint Denis in Paris a rich,illuminated copy of the writings of Denis the Areopagite, containing a

48 A. Eszcr, Das abenteuerliche Leben des Johannes Laskaris Kalopheros (Wiesbaden,1969), 96; Loenertz, Ddnadtrius Cydoues Correspondance, I, Appendix V, 10, pp. 191-92.

47 Loenertz, Caldcas, 54; Cammelli, Mccnuele Crisolora, 21-29; unless otherwiseindicated the following remarks are based on Cammelli.

'8 Loenertz, Caldcas, 71-73; H. Weiss, "Jacopo Angeli da Scarperia (ca. 1360-1410/11)," Medioevo e 2i7wsciniento. Studi in onore di Bruno Nardi, II (Florence, 1955),803-27.

49 Hunger, Chortasmenos, 100-1; Letter 29, pp. 179-80.

CORRESPONDENTS OF MANUEL II PALAEOLOGUS xxxvii

portrait of Manuel II and his family and an inscription by Chrysolorashimself.60 In 1410 he returned to Constantinople, but in April of the followingyear was back in Italy and accompanied the papal court to Rome, remainingthere for two years in an effort to negotiate ecclesiastical union and Westernaid, an effort he soon came to realize was futile. Toward the end of 1413, inthe company of papal legates, he conferred with King Sigismund nearLugano and, after more travels in Northern Italy, possibly a quick visit toManuel II in Thasos or Thessalonica, he arrived at Constance in the fall of1414. The esteem in which he was held is shown by the fact that he wasconsidered for election to the papacy. But he died there on 15 April 1415and was buried in the Dominican convent.

Apart from his diplomatic activity, Manuel Chrysoloras was bestknown for his teaching of Greek to the early Italian humanists. His methodin particular was admired and continued by such men as Guarino. Forteaching Chrysoloras composed a sort of text, the Erotemata, or Questions.His other writings are not many. There is a Discourse to Manuel II, aComparison of Old Rome and New Rome in the form of a letter to John VIII,translations of Latin liturgical prayers, a pro-Latin theological work, andtwelve letters, primarily of rhetorical interest.61

6. Demetrius Cydones

The venerated teacher of Manuel II and one of his closest friends, towhom twenty of his published letters were addressed, was the prominentstatesman and scholar, Demetrius Cydones. Primarily owing to the publi-cation of his correspondence, some 450 letters, it is possible to put togethera fairly clear picture of his life.52

Cydones was born about 1323 of a noble family in Thessalonica, wherehe made his studies under Neil Cabasilas. When his father died in 1341, onreturning from a mission to the Golden Horde, Demetrius became head ofthe family and was taken under the protection of John Cantacuzenus, whohad himself been proclaimed emperor in October of that year. During thecivil war of 1341-47 his support of Cantacuzenus earned him the enmity ofthe Loyalists, who forced him to leave the city in 1344-45, and he sought

50 Now in the Louvre in Paris, reproduced in Barker, Manuel 11, fig. 5, p. 101;fig. 20, p. 264.

51 See Cammelli, Afan uele Crisolora, 178-83. The Comparison of Old and New Romeis translated by F. Grabler, Europa 211E XV. Jahrltundert von Byzantinern gesehen (Graz,1954), 109-41. Also see C. G. Patrinelis, "An Unknown Discourse of Chrysoloras Addressedto Manuel II Palaeologus," ORBS, 13 (1972), 497-502.

52 No complete biography or study of Cydones has yet been written. See Beck,Kirehe end theoloyisehe L it eratu r, 733-37; R. J. Loenertz, Les recueils de lettres de DimitriusCydonis, ST, 131 (Vatican City, 1947), 108-22; the section up to the year 1375 has nowbeen superseded by his articles: "D6m6trius Cydones. 1. De la naissance a 1'ann6e 1373,"OCP, 36 (1970), 47-72; "D6m6trius Cydones. 2. De 1373 11375," ibid., 37 (1971), 5-39.

PROSOPOGRAPHY

refuge in Berroia with Manuel Cantacuzenus. The adversaries of Cantacu-

zenus seized power in Thessalonica and in August 1345 massacred a largenumber of his followers, an event which brought ruin to Cydones' family,and which he recalled on several occasions. After the victory of Cantacuzenus

on 3 February 1347, Cydones entered his service, soon becoming his chancellor

and chief minister. During this period he also seems to have instructedCantacuzenus' daughter, the young Empress Helena, in Classical Greeklanguage and literature. It was apparently about this time that Cydonesbegan his religious and intellectual journey away from the hesychastic orPalamite positions predominant at the court of Cantacuzenus, a journey hewas able to undertake without antagonizing his friends. This was a trait hepreserved throughout his life: the ability to retain the friendship of thosewhose theological views he did not share. In 1350, together with Cantacuzenusand Nicholas Cabasilas, he thought of entering a monastery, and it mayhave been about this time that he acquired an adelphaton at St. George inthe Mangana. He disapproved of Cantacuzenus crowning his son Matthewcoemperor in 1353 and of his rejection of the lawful Emperor, John VPalaeologus. But on 22 November 1354 John V entered Constantinople, andon 4 December Cantacuzenus abdicated and became a monk with the nameof Joasaph, and Cydones retired to the Mangana.

As minister for John Cantacuzenus, Cydones had learned Latin from aDominican in Pera and begun his translation of the Summa contra Gentiles ofThomas Aquinas, which he completed on Christmas Eve 1354. During hisretirement in the Mangana he began translating the Summa theologica, thestudy of which accelerated his religious evolution, and led him, probablyabout 1357, to make a profession of the Roman Catholic faith. His religiousdevelopment is documented by five "Apologies" on his conversion, hissincerity, his spiritual testament, on the authority of the Latin Fathers, andon St. Thomas Aquinas.13

His retirement did not last long, however, for John V Palaeologussoon invited him to the palace to become his chief minister or, properlyspeaking, mesazon, a position he was to hold for about thirty years. Duringthe 1360's Cydones was intensely involved in the business of government,which came to entail more and more contact with the papacy. At the sametime he kept up his literary interests, probably including the instruction ofthe Emperor's second son, Manuel, carried on a voluminous correspondence,and continued writing against the Palamite theology. Although the PatriarchPhilotheos Kokkinos had promised not to liarrass the anti-Palamites, in thespring of 1368 he had Demetrius' brother, Prochoros, hieromonk of the Lavraon Mount Athos, condemned by a synod. Demetrius then wrote against thePatriarch and in defense of his brother.

53 The first three are edited by illercati, Notizie di Procoru e De,netrio Cidone,359-435; German translation of the first by H.-G. Beck, inOKS, 1 (1952), 208-25; 264-82.The last two are unedited: cods. Vaat. gr. 614, 1103, and 1879, and cod. Viiulob. theol gr. 260.

CORRESPONDENTS OF MANUEL II PALAEOLOGUS xxxix

In 1369 he accompanied John V to Rome, assisting at his professionof faith, and then remained with him in Venice until March 1371. Profoundlyimpressed by Rome, as well as by Venice, both Emperor and prime ministerwere soon quite disillusioned about their chances of obtaining Western aidagainst the Turks. Although Cydones retained his position in the government,serious disagreements developed between him and John V after their returnfrom Italy, as John came to follow a policy of cooperation with the Turks.54

Cydones found himself unwelcome at court and spent some time in semi-retirement at the Mangana and also on Lesbos. But he remained loyal toJohn and refused to serve Andronicus IV, who usurped the throne from1376 to 1379. During the resultant civil war and the period immediatelyfollowing, Cydones resumed his place at court, but his known sympathies forManuel II, ruling independently and in defiance of his father in Thessalonicafrom 1382 to 1387, apparently led John to mistrust him. About 1385-87 heresigned from government service, and was excluded from the council calledto determine the fate of Manuel.55 In the course of his flight from Thessalonica(April 1387) and his exile on Lemnos to 1389, Manuel received a number ofletters from Cydones.b8 Probably not long after Manuel's return to Constan-tinople and his reconciliation with his father about the end of 1389, Cydonessailed to Venice, a journey he had been planning for some time. He spentmost of 1390 there, receiving in January 1391 the grant of Venetian citizen-ship, and in March returned to Constantinople.57

During the next year or so Manuel addressed a number of letters (14,16,19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 25, and 26) to Cydones, who seems to have been occupyinghimself in editing his correspondence and having copies made. It was duringthis period, too, that he entered into contact with Manuel Calecas. In lateSeptember 1396, along with Manuel Chrysoloras, he embarked for Venice,and it was probably there that he received from Manuel Letters 31 and 62.He then sailed to Crete, where he died during the winter of 1397-98.58

As far as the present work is concerned, it is clear that the mostimportant of Cydones' writings are his letters, some eighty of which wereaddressed to Manuel II. These letters not only furnish significant factualinformation, but also enable one to discern the personality, the thoughts, andthe feelings of the writer.58 Despite their divergent theological views, the

51 Dennis, 3laiauel in Thessalonnica, 26-37.55 Ibid., 112-52.51" R. J. Loenertz, "L'exil de Manuel 11 Paleologue a Lemnos, 1387-1389," OCP,

38 (1972), 116-40.57 Loenertz, (:'alecas, 54.:.e Ibid., 56-57.

On the letters of Cydones, see Dennis, .11ate!tel in Thee,aloitica, 20-22; sub-sequently, 15 letters have been translated into German by Eszer, Das abeuteuerliche Lebendes ... Kalopheros, 201-44; three into Italian by G. Fedalto, Siruone Atmnan,o, dlorueco diStudio, Arcivencovo Latino di Tebe,secolo 11 V (Brescia, 1968), 127-48; live into French byLoenertz, inOC'P, 37 (1971), 24-38.

xlPROSOPOGRAPHY

close friendship linking Manuel and Cydones stands out clearly in a reading

of their letters. Whether Cydones instructed Manuel in rhetoric and literature

in a formal manner is not certain, but Manuel definitely regarded him as histeacher, constantly sought his advice, and spoke of him with the greatestveneration and affection.

7. David and Damian, Monks

During the sojourn of Manuel II in Thessalonica from October-November1414 to March 1415 a number of monks from Mount Athos took advantageof the occasion to have certain matters settled or to obtain certain privilegesfor their monasteries (see Letter 68). Whether in connection with such affairsor not, two hieromonks, David and Damian, presumably also from the HolyMountain, visited the emperor and entered into close friendship with him.80They expressed interest in a religious work he was composing, a meditationbefore holy communion after recovering from a serious illness, and hepromised to send them a copy of the completed work. Its completion tooklonger than he anticipated, and Letter 68 is his apology for the delay.Nothing else seems to be known about these two monks except that Manueladdresses them as priests and spiritual fathers and clearly held them in highregard.

8. Euthymius, Priest and later Patriarch

Euthymius, the priest to whom Manuel addressed Letters 39, 40, 51, and54, was born about 1340 of a wealthy family and educated in Constantinople.61He embraced the monastic life at an early age and became noted for hislearning, both secular and religious, and for his oratorical and polemicalabilities. He was a very close friend of the Emperor and belonged to theliterary circle at his court. Letter 54, for example, is concerned with a literarywork on which they had collaborated. He may well be identical with "thegood Euthymius" sent by Manuel as an envoy to Pope Urban VI fromThessalonica in the spring of 1385.62 Cydones (Letter 314) describes him as

60 A&T6 1T6 P6(lXloVl XOCTa T6Va T6X71V '26V 6rro,W en:eSil ceiS siV i7U8-Jlµo5am Tp T05Calmmou xaaa(an1 noaem: cod. Vat. gr. 1107, fol. 315. A David was higounienos of Esphig-menou in 1357 and 1398: Dolger, Ans den des heiligen Berges, 51, p. 142;Actes de l'Athos. II, Actes du Pantocrator, ed. L. Petit, suppl. to VizVrern, 10 (1903), 13,p. 43; a David was also protos of Mt. Athos in 1389: J. Darrouzes, "Liste des pr6tes de1'Athos," Le Milldnaire du Wont Athos, 963-1963, Etudes et Didlanges, I (Chevetogne,1963), 432. A Damian was higoumenos of Chilandari in 1384: Actes du Pantocrator, ed.Petit, 6, p. 15; another Damian was ecclesiarch of Karves in 1387 and 1395: Actes deDion.ysiou, ed. N. Oikonomides (Paris, 1968), 207-8; as higoumenos of Menitze in 1394and 1400: ibid., no. 8, p. 73; no. 9, p. 80.

81 J. Darrouzes, "Euthyme II," DHGE, XVI, 59-61.82 Dennis, Manuel in Thessalonica, 137-38. In the Synodikon of Orthodoxy read

in Thessalonica Euthymius receives a lengthier encomium than the other patriarchs, as

CORRESPONDENTS OF MANUEL II PALAEOLOGUS xii

playing a prominent role in the controversies against the Latins, as a monkand convinced Palamite, but also as a good friend, an articulate, intelligent,and virtuous man who would make a favorable impression in Rome. About1390 he was named abbot of the monastery of Stoudios in Constantinopleand given the honorary title of protosynkellos.63 In 1397 he was a candidatefor the patriarchate, and during the long controversy instigated by Macariusof Ankara and Matthew of Medeia he acted as the arbiter, whose moralauthority was respected by all. When the Emperor refused even to look atwhat he felt was a libellous pamphlet, Macarius sent a copy to Euthymius,saying he would go along with his judgment.84 Although Macarius andMatthew were excommunicated in 1409, the disturbance in the church doesnot seem to have abated fully, and on the death of Patriarch Matthew in thefollowing year, the Emperor looked to Euthymius as best able to restorepeace. He was consecrated and enthroned as patriarch on 26 October 1410.66A serious conflict with Manuel regarding the Emperor's rights over the churchwas averted by his unexpected death on 29 March 1416; he was buried in themonastery of Stoudios.66

9. Frangopoulos

Frangopoulos, to whom Manuel II addressed Letter 24, was a commonfamily name in the Late Byzantine period. One branch was prominent in theMorea, and the remains of a large house belonging to the family still exist inMistra.67 Letter 24 was probably written in the years 1392-96, and the bestknown Frangopoulos about that time was Manuel, who bore the title ofprotostrator and represented the despot Theodore I in concluding a treatywith Venice on 28 August 1394.68 A year later, his brother John, governor ofGrevenon, was murdered at the orders of the metropolitan of Patras.69 After

though he had some special connection with the city: J. Gouillard, "Le Synodikon de1'Orthodoxie, Edition et commentaire," TM, 2 (1967), 105.

es R. Janin, La geographie ecclesiastigne de l'empire byzantin. III, Constantinople, lese'glises et les Tn.onasteres, 2nd ed. (Paris, 1969), 433-34; Loenertz, Calecas, 104. In the early1390's he received a letter from Joseph Bryennios: idem, "Pour la chronologie des oeuvresde Joseph Bryennios," 17-18.

84 'IIZ;tce.aa aTa),Yvat Tb (3L(3AiOV 7rp6C TbV 7raV0aL6TMT0V EV 1Epol40Vcx0L4 xalSpLrgv Tou 2:TouStou xup E64R61.uov, xai rb Trap' a&rou SLarpt$Ev aripEo xai AUTO'S: cod.Paris. gr. 1379, fol. 50"; see Laurent, "Trisbpiscopat," 44, 157.

Os V. Laurent, "Les dates du patriarchat d'Euthyme II de Constantinople," BZ,54 (1961), 329-32.

60 Ibid.; Janin, op. cit., 435; on the conflict, see Svropoulos, 2, 1-2, ed. Laurent,Les Mimoiree, 100-2.

A. Orlandos, T& Traa&TLa xal Ta m it z Tou Muotpa, in 3(1037), 3-114, esp. 106. Also of. V. Laurent., "Lttgendes sigillographiques et familles by-zantines," EO, 30 (1931), 466-84, esp. 467-73; ibid., 31 (1932), 344-47.

08 D. A. Zakythinos, Le Despotat grec de 1.1oree, I (Paris, 1932), 138; II (Athens,1953), 98.

84 Ibid., I, 129; MM, II, no. 493, p. 250.

PROSOPOGRAPHY

the death of Theodore I in 1407, Manuel Frangopoulos governed the Morea

during the minority of Theodore II.70

Some time later, the protostrator John Frangopoulos became the chief

minister (xal&oaix6S v) of the Despot Theodore II in Mistra, wherehe founded the Pantanassa monastery and in 1444, according to a document

of Constantine XI, bore the title of general (ysvsp&acs -rids paaastas11ou).71 He seems to have been the protostrator who was sent on missions by

the despot in 1428 and 1443, by John VIII to Murad II in 1430, and who waslater in the service of the Despot Thomas in Mistra.72 An unnamed Frango-poulos is referred to as grand stratopedarch in the 1430's.73

10. Gabriel, Metropolitan of Thessalonica

Gabriel, to whom Manuel II addressed Letters 52 and 57, was the sonof a priest, a diocesan official in Thessalonica, and at a tender age enteredreligious life under the direction of Macarius Choumnos.74 He also receiveda good classical education and apparently displayed the gifts of a good

70 Zakythinos, op. cit., I, 166. A young Greek cleric of the same name from Constan-tinople studied Latin in Rome during the 1370's at papal expense and served in the Mores,as secretary to John Laskaris Kalopheros: Eszer, Kalopheros, 63, 70, 146. A Frangopoulosis mentioned in May 1387 as owning property near Serres: Actes de i'Athos. III, Actes duEsphigminou, eds. L. Petit and W. Regel, suppl. to VizVrem, 12 (1906), 21, p. 42.

71 Zakythinos, op. cit., II, 98-99, 103. On the title xa,9o) r.xls see J. Ver-paux, "Contribution A 1'etude de 1'administrationbyzantine: 6 µEaci o v," Byzantinoslavica,16 (1955), 270-96; R. J. Loenertz, "Le chancelier imperial sl, Byzance an XIVe at au XVesiccle," OCP, 26 (1960), 275-300 (= ByzFrGr, I, 441-66).

72 Zakythinos (op. cit., I, 265; II, 99) mentions Leo and Nicholas Frangopoulos,both protostrators, but these are clearly inventions of ?Macarius Melissenos (Pseudo-Phrantzes), whereas Sphrantzes himself (ed. Green, pp. 26, 66) speaks only of the proto-strator Frangopoulos, who is probably John.

73 S. Lampros, flaaa!oa6yEt0C xai IIEaoirovvraeax&, I (Athens, 1912), 165. In thespring of 1391 the deacon, George Frangopoulos, signed a promise to the patriarch con-cerning his promotion to the priesthood: 1131, II, no. 420, p. ],51. Another George Frango-poulos is mentioned in a property settlement in Thessalonica on 4 April 1421: Dolger,Avs den Schatzlea7nnter72 den heiligen Bergen, no. 102; and also in an act concerning themonastery of Dionysiou in 1430: Actes de Dionpfsiovt, ed. Oikonomidk, no. 25, p. 149.A Demetrius Frangopoulos attested an act of 1415: ibid., no. 14, p. 97. An unnamedFrangopoulos was a bishop of Nicaea: Mancuelis Philae carmine, ed. E. Miller (Paris,1855-57), 11, 286; another was a leader of the anti-Cantacuzenus faction in Adrianoplein 1315: Cantacuzenus, Hist., 3, 90: II, 556; still another was connected with a personpunished for trying to destroy icons in 1393: 1111, II, no. 437, p. 171.

74 Much of the information on Gabriel derives from a panegyric composed shortlyafter his death: cd. L. S. Laourdas, 'Cyxci mcv Et; -.6,) &p7ic7:iaxozov 9E(Yaa).ovtx7jS rot'-

ill MaxEBovcx&, 4 (1955.60), 352-70. See also G. I. Theocharides, Duo via E- ypaya&popo0v-7. Et; -iiv NE.av ,Nloviv ibid., 3145-51; A. E. Bakalopoulos, '0 &p-/ceaiaxo7rcS Ix(ip! ;n xul r` rpc5rq roupxtxi xa;oy-; v ; Oersaa),ovirg5, ibid., 371-73;11. Laourd+ls,'0 Pa(ip:rn in'AOrva, 56 (1952), ] 99-214; 1'. Laurent, "Le me-tropolite de Thessalonique Gabriel et Ie couvent de la Nic 'EA),rvLx&, 13 (1954),241-55.

CORRESPONDENTS OF MANUEL II PALAEOLOGUS

administrator and superior, for when Macarius was called about 1374 tobecome abbot of the monastery of Stoudios in the capital, he left his Thessa-lonican community, referred to simply as the New Monastery (Nice MovI),in the charge of Gabriel. There he remained until early in 1384, when he feltthere was no hope of saving the city from the Turks and of avoiding slavery,and with several of the monks he fled to Constantinople.75 He was namedabbot of the monastery of Chora and overseer of all the monasteries in thecapital. In April 1389 he was named metropolitan of Chalcedon, a see whichno longer had any faithful, but which possessed privileges and property inConstantinople that were to occasion several controversies. Sometime beforeJanuary 1394 Gabriel returned to his New Monastery in Thessalonica assuperior. On the death of Metropolitan Isidore Glabas, 11 January 1396, along conflict arose over the succession, but in the summer of 1397 Gabrielwas named metropolitan of Thessalonica. He was remembered for hissuccessful efforts in obtaining milder treatment for his flock from the Turkishconquerors, efforts which required energetic action and large sums of money.After the city recovered its freedom in the summer of 1402, Gabriel con-centrated on his pastoral and administrative duties, of which one mani-festation is a collection of some sixty-six sermons delivered in Thessalonica,most of which remain unedited.76 He became involved in ecclesiasticallitigation, for example, a conflict over the rights of the bishopric of Chalcedonand a long, drawn out property dispute with the Monks of Akapniou. Sincehis appointment as metropolitan of Chalcedon, Gabriel had been at oddswith Matthew, then bishop of Cyzicus, over the perquisites of Chalcedon. Thehostility continued after Matthew's election to the patriarchate in 1397, andGabriel joined the party led by Macarius of Ankara and Matthew of Medeiawhich sought to depose him. In fact, in the synod held the second week ofJune 1403, Gabriel, by his representatives, voted to depose Matthew fromthe patriarchate.77 Peace between the prelates of Thessalonica and Constan-tinople seems only to have been restored during the patriarchate of Euthy-mius, 1410-16. Gabriel's death occurred sometime in 1416-19.

The relationship of Manuel II with Gabriel raises some interestingquestions. Gabriel's flight from Thessalonica in 1384 must have struckManuel as desertion by a friend whose support was then urgently needed.Furthermore, Gabriel's opposition to Patriarch Matthew and his alliance withMacarius of Ankara must have been regarded by the Emperor as just shortof treason. Yet Manuel's extant letters to him manifest a common intellectual

See Dennis, Alamoel in Thessalonica, 97-98.ve Seven sermons have been published by B. Laourdas, Pmpp ila UE saxi.ovcxns oµ:-

i,ixa, in'AO-1vz, 57 (1953),141-78. The collection is found in cod.58 of the Theological Schoolof Chalki: of. A. Ehrhard, Uberliefer n.g end Bestaed der hagiographischen mail hoiniletischeeaLiteratur der griechischen Kirche (= Tl', 52, 5) (Leipzig, 1943), 714-17.

"(. Dennis, "The Deposition and Restoration of Patriarch ;Matthew 1, 1402,-1403,"By;?, 2 (1967), 104 note 19.

PROSOPOGRAPHY

and religious concern and indicate that a most cordial friendship existed

between them.11. Giorgio Gattilusio

Although it cannot be affirmed with certainty, there is reason tobelieve that Manuel addressed Letters 58 and 59 to Giorgio Gattilusio onThasos during the summer of 1414. Apart from his seizure of the island, or

at least the citadel, of Thasos at that time, all that is known about Giorgio is

that he was an illegitimate son of Francesco II Gattilusio, lord of Lesbos(1384-1403/4) and in September or October of 1397 was sent by his father on

a mission to the duke of Burgundy, then at Constance.78

12. Guarino dei Guarini

The first of the Italian humanists to travel to Constantinople for theexpress purpose, of learning Greek was Guarino dei Guarini of Verona, towhom Manuel addressed Letter 60. Guarino was born in 1374 and educatedin his native Verona, Padua, and Venice.79 While in Venice, his "secondfatherland," in 1403 he met Manuel Chrysoloras, who was accompanyingManuel II on his return to Byzantium from Western Europe. With theencouragement and financial assistance of a prominent Venetian, PaoloZane, Guarino sailed to Constantinople a few months later to study Greekunder Chrysoloras. During the absences of Manuel, Guarino was instructedby his nephew, John Chrysoloras. He remained there until 1408 and alwaystreasured the fondest memories of his instructors, particularly Manuel, andof his sojourn in Constantinople, recalling the Chrysoloras house with itspleasant courtyard and cypresses. He also performed certain official duties,for example, composing the Latin version of the Byzantine-Venetian treatyof 22 May 1406.80 Judging from some letters and exercises of his, Guarino

71 "George, file naturel de Frangois Gastelu, seigneur de Methelin, arriva aupr6 duDue a Constans, auquel it etoit envoih de la part de son pore, pour 1'asseurer que le Comtede Nevers, avec les princes et seigneurs etoient arrivez a 1'isle de Methelin." Prosper Bauyn,Mdrnoire du voyage fait en Hongrie: Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale, MS. Collection deBourgogne, 20, fols. 357-58. On the Gattilusio family in general, see W. Miller, "TheGattilusij of Lesbos (1355-1.462)," BZ, 22 (1913), 400--47; rep. in Essays on the LatinOrient (Cambridge, 1921), 313-53; G. Dennis, "The Short Chronicle of Lesbos, 1355-1428,"Aso vx&, 5 (1965), 3-22.

's On Guarino, see Cammelli, Manuele Crisolora, esp. 131-39; W. H. Woodward,Vittoriruw da Feltre and Other Humanist Educators (Cambridge, 1921); M. Baxandall,"Guarino, Pisanello and Manuel Chrysoloras," 28 (1965), 183-204. The lettersof Guarino, as well as further biographical data, are found in R. Sabbadini, L'epistolariodi (Marino Veronese (Venice, 1915-19).

Si He signed the document: "Ego Guarinus de Guarinis de Verona, imperialiauetoritate notaries at canzellarius prefati domini ambassatoris et curie Venetorum inConstantinopoli." MM, III, no. 34, pp. 152-53; ef. Dolger, Kaiserregesten, 3311, p. 03. Theoriginal still exists in the State Archives in Venice; it is reproduced in Barker, Manuel II,258-59.

CORRESPONDENTS OF MANUEL II PALAEOLOGUS z1v

seems to have learned Greek rapidly and well. On returning to Italy hetaught first at Florence and then at Venice, Verona, and Ferrara. Noted forhis educational methods, which he had learned from Manuel Chrysoloras, hewas influential in the development of other Italian humanists. He died inFerrara in December 1460.

13. Helena Cantacuzena Palaeologina, Empress

While Manuel certainly wrote a number of letters to his mother, theonly one extant is that which he had placed first in the collection. Helenawas born in 1333, the youngest daughter of John Cantacuzenus, and becamethe bride and empress of the sixteen-year-old John V Palaeologus on 28 or29 May 1347 81 She received a good classical education, one of her instructorsapparently being Demetrius Cydones, who complimented her not only onher beauty and virtue, but also on her progress in studies and her literarytalent 82 As empress, Helena played an important role in the religious andliterary life of the capital. She also actively participated in its political life byadvising her husband and her sons and at times meeting with foreign ambas-sadors. In 1376 when her oldest son, Andronicus IV, usurped the throne,she was caught in the middle and tried in vain to reconcile him with hisfather. During the subsequent imprisonment of John V with their two sons,Manuel and Theodore, she was accused of favoritism by both sides, and whenthey escaped in 1379 she was suspected of having planned it. Andronicus fledto Galata taking her, her father, and two sisters as hostages, subjecting themto a rigorous and harsh imprisonment, made worse because of plague andfamine during the siege of Galata. She was not released until May 1381 andwas welcomed back by the people of the capital with great rejoicing. Afterthe death of her husband on 16 February 1391, she determined to become anun. She distributed her goods to the poor and provided special gifts forcertain close friends, among whom was Cydones, who composed his lengthyLetter 222 in gratitude, to which Manuel's Letter 23 is the response. Shethen entered the convent of Kyra Martha in Constantinople taking thereligious name of Hypomone. Exactly when she took this step or how strictlyshe was bound by the cloister is not clear, for she participated with her sonManuel in governmental activities at least until July 1392. She died inNovember 1396.83

81 On Helena, see Nicol, The Byzantine Family of Kantakouzenos, 135-38, fromwhich most of these details are taken.

12 To Helena, Cydones addressed Letters 25, 134, 143, 222, 256, 389; of these thelengthy Letter 222 contains a great deal of biographical information and has been translatedinto French by G. Cammelli, De,nelrius Cydones Correspondance (Paris, 1930), no. 28,PP. 68-77.

11 V. Laurent, "La date de la mort d'Helene Cantacuzene. Une precision," REB,14 (1956), 200-1.

PROSOPOGRAPHY

14. Constantine Ivankos

Almost all that is known about Ivankos is derived from Letter 45 ofManuel addressed to him, one of the longest of his letters. At the time the

letter was written, 1404-8, Ivankos was a venerable old man, and his career

as a rhetorician and teacher had been a long and extraordinarily brilliant one.

Probably a native of Thessalonica, he may well have received, as did Nicholas

Cabasilas, some of his education in the capital. At some time, probably inthe 1360's or early 1370's, he was Manuel's instructor in literature andrhetoric, although whether in Thessalonica or Constantinople is not clear.Manuel regarded him as an outstanding teacher and cherished fond memoriesof him. Ivankos was a respected rhetorician himself and prominent in legaland governmental circles. If the interpretation of certain passages in Letter45 is correct, Ivankos provided firm moral support and counsel to Manuelduring his troubled reign in Thessalonica from 1382 to 1387. The only extantwritings of his are a monody on the death of Isidore Glabas, metropolitan ofThessalonica, presumably given in 1396, the year of the prelate's death, anda rather biting letter, written about 1410 or 1416, to Simon, Protos of MountAthos, who had severely criticized some of his writings.84

Another student of Ivankos, apparently in the early 1400's, was acertain Katadokeinos, known as Katablatas, altered to Skatablatas in"ascurrilous and vulgar little pamphlet composed by a person named Johnsometime after 1423 or 1430; because of his erotic involvement withanother pupil, however, Ivankos expelled him 85 This pamphlet also makes itclear that Ivankos, together with the hieromonk Simon, Protos of MountAthos, was a judge in Thessalonica, sometime in the period from about 1402to about 1420, for the same Katadokeinos served as their secretary andperpetrated a rather crude prank upon Simon, in which Ivankos also joined.86

14 The monody and the letter are published by Legrand, Lettres, 105-12. Simonwas protos of Mount Athos from about 1405 to some date before 1424: see infra, p. lv.In the letter to Simon (lines 47-49), Ivankos claims to have been honored by emperors,rulers, and by "the common leader, teacher and lord (To5 xoe1o5 7rpoa-&Tou xai BLSaaxa''AOUxxi Seaaurou), the one who is now in heaven." These are terns one would apply to theecumenical patriarch; so this letter must have been written shortly after the death ofMatthew I in 1410 or after that of Euthymius II in 1416. In 1364-65 the governor ofLemnos sent a certain Ivankos to visit the Lavra on Mount Athos: Cydones, Letter 96: 51.

"5 Cod. Vallicell. 86 (F 20), fols. 277-291v. This information and a transcription ofthe manuscript were kindly given to me by Professor N. Oikonomides, who is preparingan edition of the work. Fol. 281: 'AA),a yap iv TOUTotq div, &.'1& or Tov aopdv exeivov67reA46v 'I(iayxJv, oux o18' 6irwq ehh (POLT71T'&C, eTEAeaac exeivou' 7 X ,,v &a).' iTEL&aE Y-41A)TO-, T TOU TrrLSOC, e7rt1Lc yr J.rVOV &px 7recpdpaxE, v yEW4 ixELOr' ey&Wac.

tl" Fol. 252v: '0-e µ v yap c&c 'I(3ayxh xai ZL( Lovt rots Twv OETTaXWV 8Lxaaralsiroypaµµa-eiwv, Tire aU 'r6v 'lµova, ra's -roc'-J,9' Eeprv &ytpa xai Trs &yea71; Twv µovaycav,L).r raTOV &v-' e),aviacOU gv TLVt TLilV xptaLµoyp&pe v uroy&ypagpas. Sre xai Tdv 'I(3ayx6vTOUro `eaa&µEVOS 6,56q paaty exaTrvw. 'rriS xa1Ri8paS xai &roYepW Ka,}'f,=t TO cUVBtxacrouxxi Tiv epwµevov alTiav TSq &7roat&aewq, 65 oX6year6c Te el-% &xouaat xal at& Touro--qS xe&s8pc exeivov &TroXwpi)aat, l i pipovra Trv EE auro5 cpepoµevrly &rocpopxv. 6 8e

CORRESPONDENTS OF MANUEL II PALAEOLOGUS xlvii

15. Theodore Kaukadenos

In Letter 27, Manuel granted Theodore Kaukadenos a tutorial positionwith the imperial family. All that we know about the man is that he had beentrying to obtain a position at court for years. Probably sometime in the early1380's Cydones wrote three letters (210, 215, and 357) recommending him forthe imperial service as a good man, a skilled rhetorician, and one devoted tothe Emperor. The Emperor, apparently John V, was persuaded by the firstletter (210) and granted Cydones' request by appointing Kaukadenos tosome sort of position in the imperial bureaucracy with a modest stipend,which he confirmed by an official prostagma (Cydones employs the preciseword twice in Letter 215). But certain officials kept trying to prevent himfrom actually obtaining the position. "They claimed it required further con-sideration and thought it well to ask you [the emperor] the same questionsover again and, in general, they are destroying the man by their daily delays.Although they say they used to love him, and they promised there wasnothing they would not do at a mere nod from you, yet now even after theprostagma, they are lazy and on holiday and do not feel like paying anyattention. Instead, on one occasion they simply sent him away when he cameto discuss the matter, and on another presented him with riddles more obscurethan those of the Sphinx. Finally, they are devising a way of having himdepart without obtaining your gift." Cydones then urged the Emperor toassert himself and show that he and his decree (prostagma) cannot be ignored(Letter 215).

The letter seems to have been successful, and Kaukadenos obtained hisposition and stipend, but soon lost them, so that a few years later, about 1386,Cydones, no longer in favor with John V, wrote to his minister, the mesazonGoudeles, to ask that Kaukadenos' former position and salary be restored(Letter 357). Apparently the same bureaucrats were continuing to intrigueagainst hint. "He has been harmed by insolent people who seek to increasetheir own position at the expense of the empire. They envied the smalllivelihood he was receiving from the emperor, and by depriving him of this,they have condemned him to poverty. So he sits at home with his wife andchildren with nothing coming into the house and spending what he has savedfor so many years." Kaukadenos now wished to return to his former service

E(Lo LaLV6t vov 6XWa xaL µcuJ60Vra ToV 'I(iayxov u7ro),a(36v, EL 6; &X7)iEWC, TOLOUTOV a6T6Vof yr0, 4418EV ETCLp poVTa, ExELVOS sU46S T6 U7r vo a(;' C8E aaur6v,(QTaLv, EvTaU9a OXOXearov xi, T(0 9py p T05-CO 7Ck7rov ca , 8ELHV6C, T(il BaxTUX c) TOG

''O 6)6';(EU-0C kV LEpo LoV&XoL[" 6 8E r& IA'7rp6Ta 6nep.EL8(aoev, CO-' OUTCil

ate-,acrpagJELC xcL Taup7186v EVLBWV ao4, Troa).OLS ac xal ELUp(OLS TOLS aX6L(1.JCaty EpaaaE,aLpe), TLVa xaXwv xaL &Cpu`r xad µau.&xoupov, xal Tq) Twv ypaµµaTewv ou8' ix-rap,i (P'aaLV, ETL[30,X0VTL, EL µ TL yE LGTC0 Val 6aa yE L6TW auvepyeZ [fol. 283] Trpoa7rEpux6Ta-xaL vu xev av ae (.LLxpoU r&v xux).(y&Wv E icacrev, EL 1.7 cc r 6v KLxuv64ev 4c hyr v6 8LS&axa),o4 'I(3ayx6c TepLTOLOUµevoq Tapaxav6aXe.

alviii PROSOPOGRAPHY

(67Crpzaiav) and his modest salary. "With a good disposition he will give due

service (AEvtoupyfav) to the emperor and will not allow anyone to steal orembezzle public funds, as so many have been doing." Oydones was chiefminister or mesazon for a long period and was careful in his use of terms such

as prostagma, service, and public funds. Kaukadenos, then, held an officialposition in the government which, in some way, involved overseeing thefinances. Whether he regained this position or not is unknown. In theseletters Cydones also praised his rhetorical ability, which later impressedManuel II enough to employ him as a tutor for his children. Nothing elseseems to be known about him.87

16. Manuel III Comnenus, Emperor of Trebizond

Letter 53 of Manuel II is addressed simply to the Emperor of Trebizond.That this was his namesake and distant cousin, Manuel III the GrandComnenus, is almost certain owing to the approximate date of the letter,1409-10, and the reign of Manuel III, 1390-141798 By diplomacy, marriageconnections, and a fair amount of luck, he managed to preserve his decliningstate in relative prosperity and to avoid being absorbed by the aggressivelyexpanding empires of the Turk Baj ezid or the Mongol Timur. In 1404 theCastilian ambassador to Timur visited him and was impressed by his hand-some and regal appearance.89 In 1395, after the death of his first wife, hemarried Anna Philanthropena, distantly related to the Byzantine imperialfamily, and at the same time, his son Alexius married Theodora Cantacuzenaof Constantinople 90

17. Theodore Potamios

Theodore Potamios, or Potames, to whom Manuel addressed Letter 47about 1404-8, had died by 1414, for in that year Mazaris saw him in Hadesand satirized him as an ancient old rhetorician with a formidable talent forinvective.91 Practically nothing else has been known about him, except thathe delivered a lengthy monody on the death of Emperor John Palaeologus

87 A certain Doukas Kaukadenos was the subject of a synocial decision in an uncanon-ical marriage in March 1394 and in one involving the ownership of a vineyard in April1400: MM, II, no. 457, p. 204; no. 567, p. 379. Cf. D. I. Polemis, The Doukai, A Contributionto Byzantine Prosopography (London, 1968), 133.

Ne Both had Cantacuzene mothers; see Nicol, The Byzantine Family of Kantakouzenos,141-10.

81 Huy Gonzalez de Clavijo, Encbajada a Tamorlcmn, ed. F. Lopez Estrada (Madrid,1943), 75; see W. Miller, Trebizond, The Last Greek Empire (London, 1926; rep. withintroduction and bibliography by A. C. Bandy, Chicago, 1969), 71-79.

°011t ta'ra Toy I Iavapsrou, Ilepi Tcly iMey&).wv KoµvrvcT v, ed. 0. Lampsides (Athens,1958), 81; of. Nicol, The Byzantine Family of Kantakouzenos, 168-69.

".Journey Into Hades, 150; see M. Treu, "Mazaris and Holobolos," BZ, 1 (1892), 92.

CORRESPONDENTS OF MANUEL II PALAEOLOGUS xlix

and that he wrote some letters.92 A careful reading of those letters, however,reveals much more information about the man. An inventory of manuscriptson Mount Athos compiled early in the eighteenth century lists twenty lettersof Potamios in a manuscript, now located in the Monastery of Iviron (cod.184).93 The manuscript has since been torn in places, and some pages aremissing, so that it now contains only thirteen letters, with a fraction of afourteenth. Pertinent sections of these letters are given in the Appendix, towhich subsequent references are made.

Potamios wrote to Isidore Glabas, metropolitan of Thessalonica (25 May1380-11 January 1396), in the hopes of renewing their old friendship, inter-rupted by the evils of the time (Letter 9). He recalls their studies together asyouths. Isidore was born in 1342 and became a monk in 1375.94 Potamios,then, as a contemporary of Isidore, must have been born sometime about1340, which would make him about seventy-five when Mazaris depicted himas an ancient old man.

Letter 2 was written to renew his old friendship with Pothos, whosefirst name is not given, at a time when "the emperors have put an end totheir former differences with one another," and "the beauty of peace hasdriven out all suspicion." Pothos' letter, to which this is the answer, remindedhim of their old friendship and the time they had spent together as boysstudying literature. Potamios, though, regrets that he has lost his touchfor fine writing and explains why. "In addition to the other evils which thepast ten years have brought upon us and which have made us become likebarbarians, we have, first of all, been living in constant contact with vulgarmen and spending our time in places absolutely uninhabited by the Muse orby Hellenic culture, and then, deprived of all books owing to the disturbanceof the civil wars, we were unable in any way at all to bring ourselves to dosome writing.... We recalled those earlier studies of ours, which at leasthelped a bit while we were not acquiring any of the better things in our flightfrom the fatherland. In fact, we happened to suffer the opposite. What wehad generously cultivated and gathered together from youth, this now, aswe approach old age, we seem to have lost because of the harshness offortune, not to mention the meanness of spirit of the rulers, which has beenthe cause of all our suffering."

The peace between the emperors must be that between John V andAndronicus IV in May 1381 or its confirmation in the Greco-Genoese treatyof November 1382.15 It could not be that between John V and Cantacuzenus

02 The monody, probably on the death of Jobn VII in 1408, and excerpts fromsonic of the letters, have been published by S. Lampros, l)s66wpoc 6 Ilo.iµcos xai r) dS'lceavvr,v ^,Lv flanaLovY"v jJov(,)SLcc aUTO5, in 2 (1885), 48-62.

93 K. N. Sathas, MersxLCOVLxr I3L ,XLo }ii rr, I (Venice, 1872), 282; S. Lampros,Catalojue o/ the Greek 31anascripts on 31omt Atho$, II (Cambridge, 1900), no. 4304,pp. 4.1-50.

94 See Dennis, Manuel in Thessalonica, 16-17.95 ]bid., 44-51.

I PROSOPOGRAPHY

in 1354, for then Potamios would not be able to say that he was approaching

old age. The evils of the past ten years and the mention of the civil wars are

certainly applicable to the 1370's. The fatherland he fled from is not specified,

but it may well have been Thessalonica. At any rate, as he wrote this letter

he had been ten years in a barbaric place, possibly one of the Latin states.

In Letter 4, also to Pothos, he mentions that he is dwelling among peoplewho speak a strange and barbarous tongue.

More informative perhaps is his Letter 8, addressed to TheodoreCantacuzenus, the uncle of the Emperor (Manuel II). He speaks of beingthirteen years in "this turbulent and miserable community." This letter,then, was written three years after Letter 2 to Pothos, that is, about 1384-85.Again, he laments the loss of some of his books during the civil wars and theloss of others to pirates who were constantly attacking the triremes sailingthere. His place of exile, then, must have been a seaport or an island. Hetells Theodore that their mutual friends, Chrysoloras, undoubtedly Demetrius,and a certain Bryennius, "on an embassy for the emperor to the barbarian,because of the common nature of the negotiations, have arrived here."Pothos was also present for the pleasant conversation which ensued. Theembassy presumably was sent by John V either to Murad I or perhaps toKhairaddin Pasha, then besieging Thessalonica.96 The place where Potamioswas residing, perhaps a Venetian or Genoese possession, was also involvedin whatever negotiations were in progress.

A letter of Potamios to two young religious men, Gemistos and Atheno-doros, perhaps monks, indicates that he belonged to the strict Orthodoxparty in Byzantium (Letter 7). He wrote two letters to Cydones, the secondof which (Letter 12) conveys the news that "the two emperors (ro v (ict6Lagoiv)have risen up against each other to the greatest detriment of the Romans,... and like a flame have rekindled civil strife." His use of the dual, repeatedlater in the letter, makes it clear that he is speaking of just two emperors,who must be Andronicus IV and John V in their war of 1373, possibly thatof 1385, for he would have been too young to write about the wars betweenJohn V and Cantacuzenus, and in the other dynastic conflicts during Cydones'life, more than two emperors were involved. Letter 13 is addressed simplyTo the Emperor, who is not named. In it he excuses himself for not beingable, owing to illness, to travel to Constantinople to make a certain requestin person. From Letter 47 of Manuel, it is clear that he was a friend ofDemetrius Chrysoloras and may have been in Thessalonica about the sametime, 1403-8.

18. Pothos, Manuel Pothos

Letter 17 of Manuel is addressed simply to Pothos, while Letters 35and 42 are addressed to Manuel Pothos. Whether these two are to be identified

90 Ibid., 129.

CORRESPONDENTS OF MANUEL II PALAEOLOGUS 1i

or not is a matter of conjecture, for Pothos was a common family name in thePalaeologan period. In 1341 a John Pothos, referred to as in the service ofthe pinkernis, Angelos, was one of the envoys sent by John Cantacuzenus todiscuss peace with the Empress Anne of Savoy.97 He is possibly the sameJohn Pothos, this time in the service of Cantacuzenus, whom Cydones wroteto in the Morea in 1352 (Letter 51). About five years later a Mark Pothos isalso mentioned by Cydones (Letter 61). About 1380-82 Cydones' Letter 234was addressed simply to Pothos, then in Constantinople, and concerned asum of money due him from the Emperor. Four letters (2-5) of TheodorePotamios are addressed to a certain Pothos, an intimate friend with whomhe had studied as a boy, whose writings he praised and who, most probablyin the early 1380's, advanced to an influential position in the government.About 1384-85 this Pothos visited Potamios in his place of exile and carriedon a long conversation with (Demetrius) Chrysoloras, then on a mission tothe Turks (Potamios, Letter 8). In 1385 when Manuel II sent an embassyfrom Thessalonica to Pope Urban VI, Cydones amused himself by imaginingthe reaction of the anti-Latin party, particularly Pothos.98 No more is saidabout him than that, but he must have been well known to both Cydonesand Manuel and may have been in Thessalonica at the time. In 1391 Manuelwrote to thank Pothos for sending him so many letters, assured him that hehopes to return to Constantinople soon, and speaks of him as a competentjudge. The Emperor was careful in his choice of words, particularly thosewhich had a technical meaning, and his use of the word judge, both as nounand as verb (xpvdr , xpivr.v), afford solid grounds for believing that Pothoswas or had been a judge. In Letter 35, probably written in the late 1390's,Manuel expressed his admiration of a literary composition of Manuel Pothos.From Paris in 1401 he encouraged the same person to continue his efforts inConstantinople, on behalf of the security of the Empire, which implies thatManuel Pothos held a responsible position there (Letter 42). In 1408 heaccompanied the Emperor to the Morea and there received a letter fromJoseph Bryennios, which indicates that he belonged to the anti-Latin groupat court.99 One is inclined to believe that Pothos and Manuel Pothos were thesame person, but this cannot be proven.

19. Manuel Raoul

According to Letter 32 of Manuel II, written in 1396-97, Manuel Raoulwas a Byzantine emigre in Cyprus, where he held an important position atthe court of King James I de Lusignan (1382-98).109 The Emperor oompli-

97 Cantacuzenus, Hist., 3, 29: II, 183.98 Letter 302; cf. Dennis, AManuel in Thessalonica, 139.ee Loenertz, "Pour la chronolgie des oeuvres de Joseph Bryennios," 24-25.100 On the family, see S. Fassoulakis, The Byzantine Family of Raoul-Ral(l)es

(Athens, 1973); A. Chatzes, Oi 'Paoua, 'Pxa, '116:aa.L 1080-1800 (Kirchhain, 1908);

iiiPROSOPOGRAPHY

mented him on being able to keep up his literary interests while involved in

public administration, and recalls a visit made by him to Constantinople not

very long ago, 1395-96. During this visit it seems that Raoul also made the

acquaintance of Manuel Calecas, who in the course of the next few years

wrote some five letters to him.'°' From these one learns that he was anti-

Palamite, probably pro-Latin, and, at least until about the end of 1402, still

influential at the Lusignan court on Cyprus.

20. Theodore I Palaeologus, Despot of the Romans

Theodore, the fourth son of John V Palaeologus and Helena Cantacu-

zena, was probably born in the middle or late 1350's.102 In 1376 he wasdesignated governor of Thessalonica, presumably with the title of despot,and in August and September of that year played a leading role in defendinghis father's palace against his oldest brother Andronicus IV and his Turkishallies. Although, according to Manuel, who was wounded in the fighting,Theodore was free to go to Thessalonica, he chose to remain in Constanti-nople, and after the victory of Andronicus in October was imprisoned withJohn V and Manuel in the Anemas tower. On their escape in June 1379 andupon obtaining Turkish aid, they recaptured Constantinople and besiegedAndronicus and the Genoese in Galata. During this period Theodore issueda prostagma regarding some property in Thessalonica. Then, sometimebetween the death of the Despot Manuel Cantacuzenus on 10 April 1380 andMay 1381, when the civil war ended, Theodore was named governor of theMorea, arriving there probably in the fall of 1382.103

The situation facing him there on his arrival may best be described aschaotic 104 Shifty Greek and Latin barons warred against one another and

review by N. Veis, in BuZ ocvrtS, 2 (1911-12), 250-55; B. Mystakides, 01'P&a(a)ca,5 (1928), 256-82. The family was listed among the nobility: Follieri, "I1 poema

bizantino di Belisario" (supra, note 1), p. 622, 52; p. 637, 316. Manuel Raoul is not tobe identified with Manuel Palaeologus Raoul of the Morea, whose letters have been editedby R. J. Loenertz, "Emmanuelis Raoul epistulae XII," 'E7r.'ET.Bu2;.Err., 26 (1956),130-63.

101 Loenertz, Caldcas, 77-78.101 That he was the youngest son is clear from Manuel's Funeral Oration: &v S`e r1

7pfvn 5o z oro ri,>v &r6cacp&v: ed. S. Lampros, fl0Ca0CloA6yEla xai Ileao7rov1j7locax&, III(Athens, 1926), 19. A papal letter of 6 November 1367 was addressed to the three olderbrothers, Andronicus, Manuel, and Michael, without mention of Theodore: 0. Halecki,l'it e 0 pereur rle Byzance it Rome (Warsaw, 1930),367. Barker (?l1anuelll, 6,273) mistakenlyrefers to hint as the third son. On Michael, who was killed in 1376-77, see P. Schreiner,N'hulieu zu den 13l'AXEA XPONIKA (Munich, 1967), 151-55.

1 :' Sec Dennis, lllauuel in. Thessalonica, 28-29, 42-43. The date of Manuel Canta-euzenus' death is given in R.-J. Loenertz,"La chronique breve nloreote de 1423,"MelangesEngine lI (= ST, 232) (Vatican City, 1904), 399-439, no. 11, p. 404.

Un 'T'heodore in the Morea, see Zakythinos, Le Despotat grec do Moree, I, 125-65;I1, Ja.cnm; Dennis, lu uel in Thessalonica, 114-28.

CORRESPONDENTS OF MANUEL II PALAEOLOGUS liii

acted in almost complete independence of any central authority. Pirates ofvarious nationalities and mercenary bands of Navarrese and Turks spreadterror and devastation throughout the land. Theodore's political and militaryattempts to assert his authority over the troubled region are too complicatedto detail here. In general, though, his successes were almost evenly balancedby his mistakes and failures. Yet, despite some notable miscalculations, heshowed himself to be a skillful diplomat, extended his territory, establishedhis authority over his subjects to a limited degree, and repopulated desertedareas with Albanian nomads. While it is true that he was faced with anextremely difficult situation and was very short on resources, one has theimpression that, although intelligent and clever, he really did not measureup to his mission.

In 1383-84 he had married Bartolomea, the daughter of Nerio Accia-juoli, lord of Corinth, but they had no son to succeed to the despotate. Aftera long illness, Theodore died in 1407, probably on 24 June, assuming themonastic habit with the name of Theodoret.105 Manuel's affection for him isexpressed in Letter 9 and in the lengthy Funeral Oration he composed.Cydones also addressed six letters to him.

21. Triboles

As is clear from Letter 9 of Manuel, Triboles belonged to the Emperor'sliterary circle. In Constantinople shortly before May 1381 he drew up thepeace treaty between John V and Andronicus IV. Cydones informed Manuelof it in the following words: "You will also see Triboles, who has becomemore important than ever after the peace between the emperors. For it is hein reality who has reconciled the viewpoints of the two parties in writing andwhose literary abilities have consolidated the truce for us."108 Two otherletters of Cyclones (293 and 421), written in 1383 and 1389, locate him inMistra as a secretary, perhaps chancellor, of the despot Theodore I.

22. Macarius, former Bishop of Ankara

The probable addressee of Letters 63 to 66 was Macarius, deposedbishop of Ankara, a canonist, a theologian of sorts, and, as far as Manuel wasconcerned, a restless, troublesome ecclesiastic.'07 A native of Thessaly, hebecame a monk and first attracted attention in Constantinople as an ardentdefender of Palamism and an aggressive adversary of the Latinophiles, suchas Manuel Calecas. An irresponsible attack on Patriarch Antony, whichearned him the enmity of the prominent metropolitan of Medeia, Matthew,

105 Loenertz, "La chronique breve moreote do 1423," no. 21, pp. 406, 425-26.106 Dennis, illunuuel in 44-45.'° See the notes to these letters. For details, see Laurent, "Trishpiscopat," on which

the following sketch is based.

liv PROSOPOGRAPHY

resulted in his condemnation and deposition from the priesthood in September

1396. But Macarius had influential friends in the hierarchy, and during the

brief patriarchate of Kallistos (May-August 1397) he was not only rehabil-

itated, but was made metropolitan of Ankara. So angry was Matthew of Medeia

at this that he refused to take part in the episcopal assemblies. Then, inOctober 1397, another Matthew, bishop of Cyzicus, who had played a leading

role in having Macarius condemned and in opposing his elevation to theepiscopate, was named patriarch. Relations between Macarius and the newpatriarch remained strained, and would surely have become worse had notMacarius left the capital in December 1399 to accompany Manuel II on hisjourney to Western Europe.

The Emperor undoubtedly wanted to prevent the quarrelsome prelatefrom causing further trouble during his absence. At the same time, he wouldneed ecclesiastical advisors on his visits to the courts of the Catholic West.Macarius did, in fact, compose a long treatise against the Latins, which ischaracterized by a nearly complete lack of originality and organization.

Returning to Constantinople on 9 June 1403, Macarius found that hisold enemy, Matthew, had been deposed from the patriarchate by John VII,largely owing to the machinations of his other old enemy, Matthew ofMedeia. Their hatred of the Patriarch now brought these two together inclose alliance. Manuel II was furious at what had transpired during hisabsence, but he seems to have underestimated the hostility of the bishopstoward Patriarch Matthew and, implicitly at least, toward himself. A synodheld a few days after his return only confirmed the Patriarch's deposition.It required six months for the Emperor to win the bishops over to his views.Another synod was held, this time in the imperial palace; Matthew wasrestored to the patriarchate, and concelebrated the liturgy with the otherbishops, including Matthew of Medeia and Macarius. A synodal decree ofreconciliation was drawn up and confirmed by imperial chrysobull about theend of 1403 or the beginning of 1404.

Macarius, together with Matthew of Medeia, continued to attack thePatriarch. Some calumnious pamphlets compiled by Macarius came to theattention of the authorities, including the Emperor himself. After returningfrom a mission to the Morea, Macarius was about to withdraw to MountAthos when the Patriarch, with imperial consent, brought charges againsthim. He managed to delay matters for a while, but in September 1405 thesynod deposed both Macarius and Matthew of Medeia. Macarius, however,continued his offensive against the Patriarch, and also directed his attacksagainst the Emperor as well. In particular, he composed a lengthy canonicaltreatise against the Patriarch. Manuel II made a number of attempts, in-eluding personal interviews, to bring Macarius to cease these activities, butto no avail. It is in this context that Letters 63 to 66 were written. Finally,Macarius and Matthew were excommunicated by the synod in August 1409and sentenced to exile.

CORRESPONDENTS OF MANUEL II PALAEOLOGUS lv

23. Simon, Protos of Mount Athos

Letter 57 is addressed to the metropolitan of Thessalonica (Gabriel)and to the protos of Mount Athos. The letter is dated to 1411-12 (see thenotes to the letter); the protos was Simon (Simeon?), who held that positionfrom about 1405 to sometime before 1424. He signed a document for themonastery of St. Paul in November 1409, and in 1410 or 1416 was therecipient of a letter from Constantine Ivankos.108 Simon had been verycritical of some writings of Ivankos, and the letter is an angry response to hiscriticism. Simon was also a colleague of Ivankos in the judiciary in Thessa-lonica, and was the victim of a crude joke in which Ivankos joined.'09

24. Antiochos

Antiochos, mentioned in Letter 44, is almost certainly the old man,apparently well known in Byzantine court circles, whom Mazaris visited inhis Journey Into Hades. The meeting is described in part as follows.l10"Then, as though from a bed chamber, there hurried forth from a pile ofexcrement that famous old man, Antiochos, or rather, that crazy old wencher.Before embracing and hugging me, as was his wont, he first asked me, `Tellme, you, how is that most lovely girl friend of mine doing, she whom I havekept in my heart night and day, in Britain, in France, and everywhere, andeven now in Hades?"' Antiochos then identified her more closely as abeautiful, wealthy, and wine-loving lady who dwelt near the gate of St.Romanos. On hearing that both her beauty and her wealth had faded away,he exclaimed, "Alas, the most holy emperor had forbidden me to harry her."Mazaris then reminded him of his daughters and his son, whom he refers toby the name of Kakoalexios. This person is mentioned earlier as the nephewof Holobolos, probably Manuel, with whom Mazaris also spoke in Hades."Antiochos, then, seems to have been the brother or brother-in-law of Holo-bolos and, as is clear from the above citation, was also one of those whoaccompanied Manuel II to Western Europe.112

toe Darrouzes, "Listes des protes de I'Athos," 407-47, esp. 434. The letter is editedby Legrand, Lettres, 109-12.

toe See supra, p. xlvi.110 Journey Into Hades, 147-49.111 Ibid., 130-31.112 In 1453 a Demetrius Antiocllos was an aide to a,jucice: J. Darrouzes, "Lettres

de 1453," REE, 22 (1964), 90, 115. The name is also found among Latins in the Levant.For example, a Venetian document of 2 August 1415 is concerned with Angelo Andiocho(Anthioco) of Negroponte: Venice, Archivio di Stato, Avogaria di Com.un, Raspe, VI, 2,fol. 91V.

lviPROSOPOGRAPHY

25. John Chrysoloras

John Chrysoloras, mentioned in Letter 56, was born on 8 July 1360.113

Not much is known of his early life, except that he was the nephew ofManuel Chrysoloras and spent some time with him in Florence and Northern

Italy about 1400; probably during that period he married Manfredina Doriaof Genoa 114 From 1403 to 1408 he was in Constantinople, where he assisted

his uncle in instructing Guarino of Verona in Greek. In February 1410 hearrived at the papal court in Bologna as the envoy of the Emperor (see notesto Letter 56). He was also sent on missions to the Morea (see notes to Letter60) and to King Sigismund of Hungary. He seems to have died sometimebefore 1427.

26. lagaris

Iagaris, mentioned in Letter 34, whose first name is not given, wasapparently well known to Manuel and to Michael Balsamon. Possibly he maybe identified with Mark Palaeologus Iagaris, a domestic (oixecoS) of the Em-peror, who in October 1400 was involved in some litigation concerning a garden,in which case Michael Balsamon, as grand chartophylax, also took part.116Later he received the title of protovestiarites and then that of protostratorand was the envoy of John VIII to Sultan Murad II in 1422 and 1430, andin 1438, with the title of grand stratopedarch, to Pope Martin V.116

113 He has written the date himself in a copy of the works of Aristides: cod. Vat.gr. 1299; on fol. 263v is his name, 'Io &vvou Tou XpuaoXwp&; on fol. 264 his birthdate,

1i vi iouaa(ou rl', lV8LeTLivoS Ly', evTOUS and on the verso are three mono-condylia of his name. It also occurs twice, once in monoeondylion, in a codex containingworks of Libanius: Leyde, cod. Vossian. GR F 77, vol. 2, fol. 214; vol. 3, fol. 139v.

114 See Cammelli, Manuele Crisolora, 189-97. Manuel Chrysoloras several timesrefers to him explicitly as his nephew, &8eapL8o554, nepos: ibid., 189 note 1.

115 MM, II, no. 649, pp. 497-99. Andronicus lagaris, a rhetorician and diplomat, wassometime between 1422 and 1438 sent by the Emperor to Egypt (Dolger, Kaiserregesten,3405, p. 110), in 1436 as ambassador to Trebizond and Iberia (ibid., 3458, p. 121), in 1437to the Turkish emir (ibid., 3475, p. 124); he was present at the Council of Florence and in1443 was an envoy to Pope Eugene IV (ibid., 3503, p. 129; of. Syropoulos, Les Memoires,ed. Laurent, pp. 162, 320, 630). See also G. Moravesik, "Greoeskaja gramota mamljukskogosultana vizantijskomu imperatoru," VizVrern, N.S. 1S (1961), 105-15, esp. 110. ManuelPalacologus Iagaris (Iagros) was in the service of John VIII at the Council of Florence(Syropoulos, Les Alernoires, ed. Laurent, pp. 240, 260), and in 1449 was sent to Mistra forthe coronation of Constantine XI (Oeorgios Sphrantzes, Memorii, ed. Grecu, 29, 4, p. 72).A Manuel Iagaris Doukas 'l.'yris was the copyist of cod. Paris. gr. 2305 in the year 1418:Polcmis, The Doukai, 122.

n9 See A. Papadopulos, Versuch einer Genealogie der Palaiologen, 1259-1453(Munich, 1938), no. 185, p. 94; Guilland, Recherches, I, 227, 489, 511-12; Syropoulos,Les 9lernoires, ed. Laurent, p. 118.

CORRESPONDENTS OF MANUEL II PALAEOLOGUS lvii

27. Kananos

All that is known about Kananos is derived from Letter 13: about 1390he seems to have come from the Morea to assist Manuel II in Constantinopleand not long afterward to have returned to the Morea, presumably in theservice of the Despot Theodore I. His first name is not given. In the Poem ofBelisarius the name of Kananos is given a place among the leading families ofByzantium.117 But the only known individuals bearing this family name areJohn Kananos, who wrote a description of the Turkish siege of Constantinoplein 1422, otherwise unknown, and Laskaris Kananos, who wrote a briefaccount of his Northern European voyage about 1438.118

28. Demetrius Skaranos

Mentioned in Letter 49, Skaranos is almost certainly DemetriusSkaranos, referred to in autumn 1386 by Cyclones (Letter 359) as "the nobleSkaranos," who was apparently a financial agent for John Laskaris Kalo-pheros. He is mentioned in the will of Kalopheros made in Venice on 5 July1388, and after his death in 1392 took care of the family interests, probablyas executor of his will.119 In this connection, he spent much of his time in thefirst decade of the fifteenth century sailing between Constantinople, Venice,Crete, and Cyprus. Both Constantinople and Venice claimed jurisdiction oversettling the Kalopheros property, and the dispute lasted at least until 1410.He was in Venice probably in 1404, certainly in 1406-7 and 1410. He had beenin Crete in 1399-1400, where he took part in the theological debate betweenJoseph Bryennios and Maximos Chrysoberges and probably wrote the letterto Bryennios, erroneously attributed to Cydones, which accompanied thetreatise by an unknown author published incorrectly under the title "AgainstJoseph Bryennios."120 From this it is clear that he was well educated, anti-Palamite, and Catholic, as were his friends, Calecas and Manuel Chrysoloras.In 1411-12 he seems to have been in Rome and sometime before 1416 becamean oblate in the Cainaldolese monastery of St. Mary of the Angels in Florence,the residence of Ambrogio Traversari. Thereafter he is frequently mentioned,usually as an old man (senex), in the correspondence of Traversari, Guarino,and Giovanni Aurispa. He died about mid-September 1426.121

14 Follieri, "II pocina bizantino di Belisario" (supra, note 1), 622, 53; 636, 314.128 On John Kananos, see 111oravcsik, Byzantinoturcica, I, 320. On Laskaris Kananos,

see V. Lundstrom. Sndirre Byzantiska Skrilter, I (Uppsala, 1902), 14-17; German trans-lation of his work by F. Grabler, Europa iln XV. Jahrhundert von Byzantinern gesehen(Graz, 1954), 101-5. An archon named Kananos is mentioned in 1453: Darrouzes,"Lettres de 1453," 90.

I'll On Skaranos, see Loenertz, Calecas, 86-89; Eszer, Das Lebendes ... Kalopheros, 85, 114. Although no first name is given, it was probably this Skaranoswho represented the Emperor at a synod in summer 1396: Laurent, "Trisepiscopat," 55.

120 Loenertz, Calecas, 95, 339.121 Ibid., 86-89; Eszer, loc. cit.; Cammelli, Manuele Crisolora, 66, 193. The

name Skaranos does not appear very often in the sources. About 1270-74 a monk,

lviii PROSOPOGRAPHY

To this information Letter 49 adds that Skaranos was a relative ofChrysoloras and that he was favorably regarded by the Emperor, whopraised his competence. He had just been given some assignment, something

in which he had had experience, perhaps connected with the Kalopheroslegacy. He was in Venice in 1407, and it is likely that he then discussed withChrysoloras the object of the request made to the Emperor. Whatever thetask allotted to him, Manuel felt that it would indeed prove Skaranos to bean outstanding servant or minister of the Empire and his lord.122 The favorsrequested are not specified, but at least one involved some expenditure since,as Manuel remarks, Skaranos was well acquainted with the financial statusof the Empire. In classical usage, which Manuel almost invariably follows,Xoyta s connotes a financial official such as treasurer, comptroller, or auditor.Skaranos, then, may well have held the position of aoyaptaa-ri4S auaijS, intwo lists called the aoyLa-r*, treasurer or comptroller of the court. Perhaps hewas in charge of what might today be called the payroll office. His duties com-prised verifying the salaries of those serving at court, making up deficiencies,and seeing that they performed the services for which they were paid.123

Although the Emperor held a high opinion of Skaranos, others at hiscourt did not. In a particularly vitriolic passage of his Journey Into Hades,Mazaris has some remarks to make about the imperial treasurer which bothconfirm and add to our other sources and, at the same time, present a fewmore riddles to the Late Byzantine prosopographer. In Hades he met theLatin, Bartholomew de Langosco, who asked about his son, Mazaris' colleagueat court.124 Was he still involved in the salt administration as formerly, or

Theodosius (Theodoulos) Skaranos made his last will and testament: Actes de Xeropotamou,ed. J. Bompaire (Paris, 1964), no. 9. pp. 71-88. About 1344 a certain Skaranos had beenoffered a rich reward to assassinate John Cantacuzenus, but he did not do so and waspraised by his intended victim: Cantacuzenus, Hist., 3, 79: II, 488-89. On this person, aswell as on a George Skaranos, see V. Laurent, "L6gendes sigillographiques et familiesbyzantines," EO, 30 (1931), 466-84, esp. 478-79. Finally, among the signers of the SynodalTome of 1409 was Niphon, bishop of Rhaidestos, who added the qualification "formerlySkaranos": 6 ra7celvo; k7vlaxo7coq `Pac86orou N-;<puv, 6 pore Exap&voq: cod. Vat. gr. 1858,fol. 42v.

122 Lord (8cair6-S) must here refer to Manuel himselfor to the deceased Kalopheros.123 J. Verpeaux, Pseudo-Kodinos, Traite des Offices (Paris, 1966), index, s.v., esp.

186, 323, 337.124 Journey Into Hades, 152-53. In his edition (p. 152) Boissonade gives his name

as N-reaXay&axoq and cites Hase's suggestion that it indicated his place of origin: Delagasco,de la Gascogne. But the manuscript (cod. Paris. gr. 2991A, fol. 471) clearly has Nieaaay-x&axoc. Bartholomew, then, belonged to the de Langosco family, descended from theCounts Palatine of Lomcllo near Pavia. Various branches of the family were located inPavia, Piacenza, Vercelli, and Brescia. But it is not known to which branch this Bartho-lomew belonged or what he was doing in Byzantium. At any rate, it is clear from this con-versation with Mazaris that he was a convert to Orthodoxy from Latin Catholicism, ateacher of some sort and well known to the Emperor. In January 1401 a certain Bartho-lomew, whose last name is not recorded, abjured Latin teachings and made an Orthodoxprofession of faith: Mill, II, no. 618, p. 454.

CORRESPONDENTS OF MANUEL II PALAEOLOGUS lix

was he merely acting as an interpreter between Latins and Greeks? Mazaris,addressing him as professor r&), replied that he was performing bothfunctions well, but that he had to face an audit of the salt accounts. Bartho-lomew then asked who was the current state auditor, the one in charge of theaccounts (aoyt ouc) of the Romans. Mazaris explained, "Don't you rememberthe fellow who came from Babylon to the Golden place that time and stoodtrial together with that senile Peloponnesian, Sophianos the Softhead,regarding that business of the imperial timber which was shipped to Alex-andria ?"125

"You mean," the Latin replied, "that mangy Misael Mouskaranos,that slanderer, that despicable thief, that lewd sneak and pickpocket, whothinks he knows everything past, present, and future, but apart from a lotof impudence, he is nothing at all, that stargazer who cannot speak Greekproperly, that Latin sympathizer, that circumcized one, who has been un-faithful both to the Triune God and to the emperor, whose friendship towardall others is not genuine, but mercenary, deceitful, and cheating. Are youtelling me that this absolutely abominable, debauched, delirious madmanwants to call my dearest son to account ?"

He then requested Mazaris on his return to the upper world to conveysecretly the following message to the Emperor. "He must not send this fouland filthy beast, this Latin sympathizer and enemy of the creed, who shouldbe called Iskariot rather than Mouskaranos, as his ambassador to the podestain Galata. I can swear that it was on his advice that the podesta at onemoment had the insolence to throw the imperial standard down to the groundlike a barren tree, though the next moment he came to his senses, as thoughhe had been drunk, and raised it up to its former position with all possiblepomp and ceremony. Therefore, if the emperor does not tell him to go to hell,one of these days the podesta will do the. Queen of Cities no end of harm ifhe listens to the counsel of this deceitful, murdering ass-sticker. For he is thesower of weeds in the Great Church of God. He is the one who by his adviceand continuous writing persuaded his son-in-law, that most wretched one,Little Raoul the Ant, to purchase the pride of the Romans, the island ofThasos."

Mouskaranos, the cow-brained or dim-witted Skaranos, whom Mazarisdescribes as keeping the accounts (noyusu.otic), is clearly the accountant(Xoyt6-rr;c) of Letter 49. Here he is reviled for his Jewish origin and his inept

'25 This incident, unclear as it is, is not otherwise known. Babylon could meanBaghdad or perhaps some other Moslem territory, but it was often used to designate Cairo,which would make more sense lure, since the timber was sent to Alexandria. The Goldenplace (cr Zp,)ejr,) could mean the Golden City, i.e., C'hrysopolis (Scutari, then in Turkishhands) or, more prohabl. y, the Golden ( ate of Constnntinople or the fortress constructedaround it. The Sophiauos family was prominent in the Morea, but it seems idle to speculatehere on which member of the family is Meant.

lxPROSOPOGRAPHY

concentration on astrology. Apart from these and some more common insults,

he is attacked for his adherence to Latin Catholicism, particularly the teaching

on the Procession of the Holy Spirit (unfaithful to the Triune God, enemy ofthe creed). Yet, he does seem to have been an advisor and trusted servant ofthe Emperor, as Manuel also indicates in his letter. The incident of theimperial standard in Galata is otherwise unknown; the text, incidentally,seems corrupt in places. The reference to the purchase of Thasos is moreinteresting, but just as obscure. In 1357 John V granted two brothers, Alexisand John, hereditary title to several places including Thasos and, afterAlexis' death, John continued to exercise authority over the island until atleast 1386, perhaps to 1394, when he died.12e Then, practically nothing isknown about the island until its occupation by Giorgio Gattilusio and itsrecovery by Manuel II in the summer of 1414 (see Letter 58). Since it wasjust at that time that Mazaris claimed to be visiting in Hades, the sale toSkaranos' son-in-law must have occurred before July 1414, and it may ormay not have had some connection with the venture of Gattilusio. Theidentity of Little Raoul the Ant, `Pao6?aoS Mupp.,IE, remains a mystery; itcould be a translation of a Latin name, a nickname, or simply a derogatoryepithet.

It would seem, then, that Skaranos retained his position as imperialtreasurer or comptroller until the summer of 1414, when Mazaris dated hisDialogue. But the tone of the above passage leads one to suspect that by thetime it was actually read before Manuel and his court, Skaranos must haveleft Byzantium, possibly in disgrace, for Italy.

126 P. Lemerle, PAilippes et laMacedoine orientale (Paris, 1945),200-12. A. Mompher-ratos, Ot llz)aio),6yoa &v 11eAonovv-haw (Athens, 1913), 35, asserts that the archons AsanesRaoul and Branas had seized power over the island, and that their subjugation was theobject of Manuel's expedition in 1414, but the source he cites, Phrantzes, says nothing ofthe sort. C. Hopf also states that a certain Raoul, lord of Thasos, was expelled by Manuel IIin 1414, but he gives no source: Chroniques Greco-Romanes inedites ou peu connues (Berlin,1873), table ix, 2, p. 502. See Letter 58.

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

'ApX.Bui;.Mvlµ.`E?.: 'ApXeiov riiv But;avTI.v v Mvr)eelov T71S `EA]A&Soq

Barker, Manuel II: J. W. Barker, Manuel II Palaeologus (1391-1425). A Study in LateByzantine Statesmanship (New Brunswick, N. J., 1969)

BX: BpaXs'a Xpovtx&, eds. S. Lampros and K. Amantos (Athens, 1932)ByzF: ByzantinischeByzFrOr: R. J. Loenertz, Byzantina et Franco-Graeca, 2 vols. (Rome, 1970-72)BZ: ByzantinischeZeitschrift

Cammelli, Manuele Crisolora: G. Cammelli, I dotti bizantini e le origini dell' umanesimo.I, Manuele Crisolora (Florence, 1941)

Cantaeuzenus, Hist.: loannis Cantacttzeni imperatoris historiarum libri IV, ed. J. Schopen,3 vols. (Bonn, 1828-32) ; references are to book and chapter, then to volume andpage

Cydones, Letter: the letters of Cydones as numbered in R. J. Loenertz, Ddmdtrius CydonesCorrespondance, 2 vols., ST, 186, 208 (Vatican City, 1956, 1960)

AeaT.Xptot.'ApX.'ET.: As).Tlov r ; `Erce pe(acL1eXT.'ET.`E).A.: DEATIov T7 q `Ie-optxcls xal 'E3voaoytxiq `ETatpeiz TY)c `EXA&SosDennis, Manuel in Thessalonica: G. T. Dennis, The Reign of Manuel II Palaeologus in

Thessalonica, 1382-1387 (= OCA, 159) (Rome, 1960)DIIGE: Dictionnaire d'histoire et de geographie dcclesiastiques (Paris, 1912-Dolger, Kaiserregesten: F. Dolger and P. Wirth, Regesten der Kaiserurkunden des ost.-

r6mischen Reiches von 56.5-1453. V, Regesten von 1341-1453 (Munich, 1965)DOP: Dumbarton Oaks PapersDOS: Dumbarton Oaks StudiesDTC: Dictionnaire de Theologie Catholique

Is'O: Echos d'Orient. Revue d'histoire, de geographic et de liturgie orientales'F.tsn pie 'E-atpeias But;av-tv&v ?'nou87)v

Guilland, Recherches: R. Cuilland, Recherches stir lee institutions byzantines, 2 vols.(Amnsterdani, 1967)

GRBS: Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies

Hunger, Chortasvueaos: H. Hunger, Johannes (hortasmenos (ca.1370-ca.1436/37). Briefe,(iedichte und. Kleine Schriften. Einleitung, Regesten, Prosopographie, Text (Vienna,1969)

I RAIK: Izv &tija Rasskago Arheologiceskago Instituta v Konstantinopol5

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

JOOBG: Jahrbuch der Osterreichischen Byzantini8chen Gesellschaft

JSav: Journal des SavantsJWarb: Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes

Karathanasis, Sprichworter: D. Karathanasis, Sprichworter and sprichworterliche Redens-arten in den rhetorischen Schrif ten des Michael Psellos, des Eustathius and desMichael Chorviates, Bowie in anderen rhetorischen Quellen des XII. Jahrhunderts(Munich, 1936)

Laurent, "Trisepiscopat": V. Laurent, "Le trisbpiscopat du patriarche Matthieu Ier (1397-1410). Un grand procbs canonique h Byzance au debut du XVe siecle," RE B, 30(1972), 5-166

Legrand, Lettres: E. Legrand, Lettres de l'empereur Manuel Paldologue (Paris, 1893)Loenertz, Caldcas: R. J. Loenertz, Correspondance de Manuel Calecas, ST, 152 (Vatican

City, 1950)

Mazaris, Journey into Hades: &i .Xoyoc vexpnx64. 'Erci37) dm M&t;apL iv "ASou, ed. J. F.Boissonade, Anecdote graeca, III (Paris, 1831) 112-86

MdmAcInsrr: Mdmoires de l'Institut national de France, Acaddmie des Inscriptions etBelles-Lettres

MM: F. Miklosich and J. Muller, Acta et diplomata graeca medii aevi sacra et pro fans, 6 vols.(Vienna, 1860-90)

OCA: Orientalia Christian AnalectaOCP: Orientalia Christian PeriodicaOKS: Ostkirchliche Studien

Paroem. gr.: Corpus Paroemiographorum Graecorum, eds. E. L. a Leutsch and F. G.Schneidewin, 2 vols. (Gottingen, 1839-51)

PG: Patrologia graeca, ed. J.-P. Migne (Paris, 1857-66)

RE: Paulys Realencyclopadie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft, new rev. ed. byG. Wissowa and W. Kroll (Stuttgart, 1893-

REB: Revue des etudes byzantines

ST: Studi e TestiSuidae Lexicon: Suidae Lexicon, ed. A. Adler, 5 vols. (Leipzig, 1928-38)

Thiriet, Rdgestes: F. Thiriet, .llegestes des deliberations du sent de Venise concernant laRomanie, 2 vols. (Paris-The Hague, 1958-59)

TM: Travaux et Mdmoires. Centre de Recherche d'Histoire et Civilisation byzantinesT U: Texte and Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der altchristlichen Literatur (Leipzig-Berlin,

1882- )

VizVrem: Vizantijski Vremennik

LIST OF SIGNS

rl =

cod. Paris, gr. 3041

cod. Barberin. gr. 219

cod. Coi8lin. gr. 341

cod. Vat. gr. 632

cod. Vat. gr. 1879

cod. Scorial. gr. 475

cod. Crypten. gr. 161

addita a scriptore in marg. vel supra lin.

suppleta ab editore

LETTERS OF MANUEL II PALAEOLOGUS

1. To his Mother the Holy Empress'

1365 -June 1383

This choice is said to have been presented long ago by an oracle totwo lovers: choose either your own death or that of the person you love.Now the first reasoned that it would be far more difficult to continue livingwithout his beloved than to end it all and die, and so he voted for his owndeath. The second, in turn, followed the same reasoning, but concludedthat the other should die, saying, I would rather not force the worse decisionupon the one I love. Although these choices were exactly opposite, still itshould be clear to all that they were really in agreement according to thesaying: "Death is better than life for those who have to live separated fromtheir loved ones."

Now you have actually suffered the loss not merely of one of yourloved ones but of so many, so good, and all so very young, dear to you notonly because of their natural qualities and the ties of kinship, but becauseyou shared so closely in their daily lives.2 You derived great pleasure fromyour efforts to raise them as you endeavored to form their characters, awarethat good character is the proper attribute of men, and these labors of yourspresent no small evidence of the extent of true love. It is understandable,then, that just as they have departed, so you too are eager to leave thisworld; at least, this is indicated by your actions. For what else, one mightask, is intended by your neglecting your health and paying practically noheed to its foes? Are you using your position as a defense? Is this why youdo not obey the doctors in attendance? But certainly, you must obey theemperor, because he is your father and because of the habit he has longworn.3 As much as possible, he never ceases, whether by admonition or bycommand, to get you to protect your holy body, which still suffers fromthose misfortunes. But I feel I must speak with more boldness, so far as toremind your majesty that for the characters in the story, who were pagans,a different law prevailed; but for us who have been taught to give thanks inall circumstances and to rejoice always, "worldly grief produces death."4 Iwould suggest that thanksgiving, not grief, is the attitude expected of you,for you know full well that the souls of your dear ones dwell in the arms oftheir Creator, by His grace.

f. 2 1. Tp &yia 8eano'LT xaL µr)TpL

Mpeaty 7r&Xat 8ta BuoZv 8E806,9-at Xe'yeTaL yLXouµEVOLV,

11 TbV G8LOV H&VIXTOV 7rpOEXe'a&CL YI TOV OUTLVOC, 4pa' xai. TOv ILEv Ta xaxc S

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10 rlov cpLXouPakvWV xcopLS.))

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xa.L ota xai e'v awpcp 7r&vTa -c 7 XLxLa ouX - ov cpLAa T cpuaEL xadauyyeVi Tw oµoBLadTC0 xat oµoTpo7CW. xad of 7rat8etas 8E Xapty 7rovo.

8Ez5 ous a6T71 xaTe(i&Xou Ta i h TOUTWV xoaµouaa, TOUTOGS tLOVOLC15 a4lpc 7roLS Tbv xoaµov EIvat ou µtxpov y' ELC ay&7tY, Xoyov

1EL6tV W6T EtxOS IXVTt TouTwv-epyotS 8 E6Tt µaAtaTa TOUT Et EVIXL

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cpocb TLS &v, TO tM)TE 6aUTY eLS UyLELIXV 7rpOV0ELV xai, TWV TCC 7roAEj1LWv

UXEBOV 7rapcAEL7rELV (418)66; 7CP0p&XAY) To xaL &Ck TOUTO ToL 7CcL6Lv

20 oUX 67reLxELC, TWV LaTpOYv; TW yoUV paa.Aei 6nemELV as Xp' 7raTp't TE

OVTL xa.L Tot) IXUTOU 7r&XUL axYjNaTOS, 06TtC, as 7rpoaTayµaaL vou8'ETWv

TET0CAIXL7rWpr7COT6 TW C&) 9ICL(; GCUl.LcTL TOtq 6UEI.RaaLV, CoC EI;EaTtV, E7Ca-

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25 oSaLv &XAoS o voµoq "'µiv 8' <d2 Tou xoaµou Xu7t77 '&vcrovxaTepy«TaL» zv 7ravTL EuxaptaTEiv 8L8aaxoµEVOLS xcL Xaipety aEL & of

xcd µaXXov &vTL Tou Au7reZ9`hat 7rpo -4xety E(,7roµev &V, ELBuLx r&vTWS

xaXwS (")S TWv cpcXT&TWV aoL aL tJ oxm, Tay Toy A-%Itoupyou xEZpa.;OLxOu L X-PETE T7) a&706.

a

4 1, 2

You must then, I believe, have pity on me, your needy suppliant, as

if I were making use of every possible means of supplication, and, as far as it

depends on you, you must be concerned about your good health, for I needthis more than I do my very breath.

i Helena Cantacuzena Palaeologina, the wife of John V Palaeologus and mother ofManuel. The death of Helena's father, the former Emperor John VI Cantacuzenus, on15 June 1383 is the extreme date of this letter: BX, nos. 52, 50-53, p. 89. He had abdicatedand become a monk, taking the nameJoasaph, on 4 December 1354: A. Failler, "Note ouris chronologie du regne de JeanCantacuzi;ne," REB, 29 (1971), 292-302. But Manuel wasonly four years old at the time, so that this letter could not have been written earlier thana decade or so later. It is also possible that Manuel had it taken out of sequence and placedfirst in the collection as a token of respect for his mother.

Around September 1388 Cydones (Letter 398) complimented Manuel on "the fineletter" he had sent to his mother, the empress, who in turn had shown it to him. But thedate of the letter, which is certain, and the fact that Cydones refers to Manuel's healthand not to that of his mother, rules out any connection with the present letter.

2 The identity of these children is uncertain. In the words he has deleted in the Parismanuscript (line 11) Manuel ascribes their death to his own sins. Perhaps they were illegi-timate children of his who were raised by his mother.

5 Manuel uses the same word, aX%koc, to designate the position or state in life bothof Helena and of her father. In medieval Greek this term generally refers to the monastichabit, but Manuel almost invariably employs it in the classical sense of position, rank,characteristic attribute. In this letter it must refer to Helena's imperial dignity, since itwas written before 1383, and she did not enter the convent until after mid-February 1391:see p. xlv. Regarding John Cantacuzenus the term could be translated as: "his formerposition," i.e., as emperor, but it seems more likely that Manuel is speaking of his statein life as a monk.

4 I Thess. 5:18; Phil. 4:4.

2. To the Protosebastosl

1373-1390

If in jest you are able to attain your goals more efficaciously thanothers who are in earnest, could anything at all elude you if you were reallyin earnest about it ?

Your letter was so full of wit-it contained just the proper amountof playfulness-that, when we heard it, it quickly led us to turn from theserious concerns in which the present situation has us trapped and to burstinto laughter. It was, moreover, so nicely phrased that what you refer to asit cheap little gift we regarded as a perfectly wonderful one which we muchappreciated. Finally, the fact that at a time when I was suffering in bodyyou managed by what you wrote in jest to draw my mind away from worry-

5

1, 2

30 DEi 8k as, wS of eu, xap,e Tov aov ix6T-qv 01xTEEpety7raaLv uiaTr p 'ro%S EiS LxeTEL(Zv ijxouat, xai T6 yE EiS as i)xov

Euc faS xaA o 'r5 &vayx0CtoT6pocS

1: 2-8: of. Xenophonem, Memorabilia, A, 2, 16. 9-10: locum non inveni.25: II Cor. 7, 10. 26: I Thess. 5, 18; Phil. 4, 4.

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f. 2v 2. Ti 7rpwToarpaaT6)

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10 r&XXO xai To xxp.vovr6; µOL TOU awpcToS acpraxuaat Tov vouv t-OXavaaaa'Twv &-o T=O; v6aou cppovTLBwv, oiS EypacpEq, Eu

p'

21 3

ing about my illness might suggest to thoughtful people that you were afterall in earnest. For the reaper at harvest time who stops reaping to sharpenhis sickle cannot rightly be accused of idleness by his employer.

But, since you have sent something to help me in my illness, I am inreturn sending you what I can to help an old man in his struggle againstwinter.

1 The Coislin manuscript contains a more elaborate version of the second half ofthis letter, most of which was copied into the Paris manuscript and then deleted (seecritical apparatus). After Manuel's expression of gratitude for the gift sent by the Protose-bastos, the Coislin text continues : "... since a person in our position must imitate as closelyas possible those whom you suggested we look upon as models, those truly excellentemperors." By position, Manuel refers to the imperial dignity. This and the allusionto imperial models indicate that he already possessed the title of emperor. This letter, then,was written after 25 September 1373, the date on which he was proclaimed emperor: BX,nos. 47, 49, p. 81; also in an astrological notice cited in the Bonn edition of Ducas, HistoriaByzentina, ed. I. Bekker (Bonn, 1834), 12, 4, p. 555. If, as suggested below, the gift sentto the Protosebastos was a sheepskin from Lemnos, the letter might well have been writtenwhile he was actually on the island, 1387-1389, or before then, while he had easy accessto it. After 1390 Manuel was so involved in problems in Anatolia and Constantinople thata later date seems unlikely. Manuel's allusions to his illness and other preoccupationsprovide no sure chronological indications, for, as a perusal of his subsequent lettersshows, he was frequently ill and constantly preoccupied.

The identity of the Protosebastos, apparently an elderly gentleman, is unknown.At this period the title was merely an honorary one: R. Guilland, Recherches sur les insti-tutions byzantines, II (Amsterdam, 1967), 283. The gift sent by the Protosebastos toManuel is not specified, but in the Coislin text he speaks of it as follows: "Since youmentioned that your gift suits the nature of young men and will be helpful to us againstthe illness with which we are now struggling...." This could refer to some sort of medicineor, more probably, to wine. The Emperor's choice of a present which would aid his elderlyfriend in fending off the cold of winter may well have been a sheepskin coat. Cydones makesseveral references to such garments, 6.cpliMpe, youva, as useful in winter and readilyobtainable on Lemnos: Letters 232:6, 16; 397:24; 404:4; 427:22, 26.

3. To Cydones

ConstantinopleThessalonica, winter 1382-1383

What you were so fondly requesting you have, your Plato.' But welike to think that there is nothing strange in presenting the man as a gift toyou. Actually, he has just as much reason to express his gratitude to us asyou do on receiving hirn, that is, if one subscribes to his teaching that aliving thing is better than a non-living thing. Now, something which doesnot move or act or speak could never he properly called alive in any senseat all. This, in fact, has been his condition for many years, since he did notfit in with the monks, who have long ago renounced worldly wisdom.2 But

2, 37

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83

you now bring him to life and make him active again, and it is I who am the

cause of this. If this is really how things are, then there is truth in our asser-tion, strange though it might sound, that a person who has been sent as agift and placed in a position of servitude should be grateful to the man whohas done this. Why should I not phrase it more forcefully? If the only thingwe caused him to experience was this, as if he had been a corpse to cometo life again, his debt of gratitude would be a small one unless he also re-turned to life as a philosopher. But, since he has both, and what he wouldhave prayed for has come about, should he not be full of gratitude for allthat has been done for him? After all, if it is true that each man is like thosewhose company he enjoys, then one could reasonably assume that, since hehas come to live with you, he is enjoying pleasant living and, what is more,living as a philosopher. Where else could he do this if not with you?

I feel ashamed, however, when I look at this old man braving the seasnow in the middle of winter, and then when I think of you paying no heedto your fatherland and to us, dwelling in comfort there in the Mangana-for I hesitate to say that you have been trapped there.3 Of course, we do notmean to imply that he is any better than you, except that time has long agoproven his worth, as it is now proving yours. Still, this good fortune seemsto have been granted to his worthy Excellence, that he might fully enjoyyour company by himself.

If we were freed from our troubles, if things flowed more smoothly forus, right away our overwhelming desire would make the whole of life seemas one brief hour, and every effort would be made to loosen the bondsholding you fast, so that each of us might be allowed to enjoy the companyof a friend. If nothing is more bitter than separation for those who mostvehemently desire to be together, and if life becomes unbearable for thosewho know how to love in a fitting manner, what pleasure could equal theirsharing each other's company again? According to God's will, however, thepresent moment is not working out well for us, the enterprises begun havenot yet come to term, and the outcome of our activities here is obscure.Isocrates it was who remarked: "The future is unseen."4 This led me to decidethat I alone should carry on the struggle, while you should be allowed tospend your time in relaxation; such was the dictate of friendship.

But this does not mean that a person so favored may be unconcernedabout the one who has done him this favor. Nor, because we preferred notto share our hardships with you, ought you to make the same choice, butyou should, it seems to me, interpret my silence as speaking louder than anywords, and without delay quickly set out on the way to us. I know whereyou will seek refuge and what excuses you might offer. But I recall thesaying: Necessity is the mother of invention. Prove yourself a real friend byboarding the ship as soon as possible, and by entering the realm of Poseidon-but enough of fables-by setting sail with all dispatch toward us. These

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few words of ours now must suffice to cover a matter which could haveentailed a lengthy discourse; you may be sure that they were not writtenwithout purpose, but with the idea of proving effective.5 If they should

seem persuasive to you, then request provision for the journey, put asideevery hindrance and start on the way at once, for one who has been con-vinced cannot just sit still. But even if you are not convinced, we do notbelieve that we must give up hope of your coming here. For if we have notgiven any truly good reasons and you still come, it will be clear that youcome without having been forced to do so. Whoever does something for aperson voluntarily does him a favor. In order, therefore, that we may beindebted to you for a favor, my arguments will be able to convince you allthe more if they sound unconvincing, and so in either case we may expectto welcome you here.

1 In November 1382 Manuel had secretly sailed for Thessalonica, apparently noteven telling Cydones, and there, in opposition to the policy of his father, John V, in Con-stantinople, he waged war against the Turks, achieving some successes in the autumn andearly winter of 1382: Dennis, Manuel in Thessalonica, 57ff., and on this letter, 69-70.During the winter of 1382-1383 he found time to attend to such matters as obtaining thecopy of Plato which Cydones had requested. The sequence of letters in this exchangeseems to be as follows : 1. a lost letter of Cydones probably requesting the book; 2. Manuel'sLetter 3; 3. Cydones' Letter 258, which he replaced by, 4. Cydones' Letter 276; 5. Cydones'Letter 259; 6. Manuel's Letter 4. None of these indicates which work of Plato was involved.

In a letter to Manuel's brother Theodore, despot in the Morea, in 1383 Cydones,after deploring the lack of literary interests among his contemporaries, wrote the following:"But the genuine interest which the wonderful emperor [Manuel] displayed in my regardwas decidedly different, for, as soon as he heard that I wanted the copy of Plato, he hasten-ed to have someone go and obtain it for me. Since he was unable to send it from hisresidence, he first had to send envoys to those who possessed it, to promise his friendshipif they gave it to him and to threaten his enmity if they refused. Finally, just to do me afavor, he even endured dangers" (Letter 293:54-60).

2 All Manuel had done was to promise to obtain the book, and Cydones, who fearedthat the monks on Mount Athos would be reluctant to give it up, urged him to take stepsto translate the promise into reality. "For those who have been once disappointed, after-ward remain on their guard against deception. For myself now, if you were to tell memany things of this sort about Plato, I would certainly marvel at your words and praiseyour cleverness, but I will still not believe them before actually having it in hand. As aresult, even though you generously send me thousands of such Platos, I still seem to belooking at images. Therefore, dispel this shadow and, by God, translate words into deedsand hasten to liberate the son of Ariston [Plato] from many Dionysiuses. For Athos iscertainly not treating him more gently now than did Sicily, and perhaps they intend tobetray him twice, as did the tyrant. Their emphatic reluctance without any real reasonconvinces me of this. For they wish to derive some profit from your interest, otherwisethey would have thrown it away to someone who had not even asked for it. Now, if youapproach them in a mild manner, they will call the transaction a sacrilege and will feignindignation. But if it is the emperor who demands it, and they realize there is no refusing,then you will see these men, who are now intransigent, giving in and thanking you forhaving asked. Only be insistent with these men, and you will soon have us see this old man[Plato] crossing not only Charybdis, but also the Aegean" (Letter 276:15-30). The refer-ence is to Dionysius II, tyrant of Sicily (367-345 B.c. ), who twice expelled, or betrayed, Plato.

3

11

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8: 15-16: Euripides, Phoenix (fragm. 812, 7-9, ed. Nauck), apud Demosthenem,De falsa legatione, 245 (= 19, 417); Aphthonius, Progymnasmata, 4 (ed. Rabe, 7).26: of. Theocritum, Scholia, 12, 2. 29: Aristophanes, Plutus, 969, at alibi. 33:Isocrates, Ad Demonicum, 1, 8b. 41: locum non inveni.

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8 This may allude to the displeasure of John V regarding Manuel's action, whichtook the form of reprisals against Manuel's friends. The same idea seems to occur later inthe expression, "the bonds holding you fast." In his reply Cydones confirmed these suspi-cions. "It is not, as you say, the Mangana which holds him [Cydones]-to me this is achain weaker than the spider's-but those adamantine shackles which you know and bywhich you yourself are still hindered in many ways. But if you are bound, what chance doI have of running away ?" (Letter 276:32-35; Cydones was apparently still in disfavor in1387: Letter 342:111-21.) The Mangana is the monastery of St. George in the Manganaregion of Constantinople: see R. Janin, La geographie ecclesiastigue de l'ernpire byzantin.III, Constantinople, les eglises et lea rnonasteres, 2nd ed. (Paris, 1969), 70-76.

'' Ad 1, 86.5 The Greek is ambiguous. The words 7rept ou 7ro),6S 6 ),Lyoq may mean: a matter

[the situation in Thessalonica] which is much talked about; or, a man who is much talkedabout, that is, Cydones or Manuel.

12

4. To CydonesConstantinople

Thessalonica, spring-summer 1383

4

What a magnificent tragedy you have composed about the manifoldtribulations of that great man, I mean the son of Ariston,' for the tale trulydeserves everyone's admiration. The perils he experienced vastly surpassedall horrors we hear of, and his overcoming them so resolutely clearly bespokehis nobility. By the way you revealed the events in your letter, you practi-cally made us eye witnesses, rather than mere listeners.

Suidas2 arrived here to find that we were in need of money, but,instead of money, he only made us rich in words. But bringing an owl toAthens did not take care of our needs.3 For it is not possible, I believe, it isnot possible for anyone to rule over your fellow citizens if their views remainunchanged, unless he should first rain down gold on them as Zeus did forthe Rhodians in the myth. They hold such a great swarm of words in reservethat you would not be wrong to call them all Suidases. On the other hand,there is no doubt that they are almost all Iroses,4 and it is easy to countthose who do not go to bed hungry. Indeed, we need either the wealth ofCroesus or an eloquence above average to be able to persuade them to bearpoverty in good repute rather than to desire a blameworthy wealth. Theyhave to be convinced, moreover, that it is nobler and far less shameful tosuffer willingly the lot of slaves for the sake of their own freedom than,after having become slaves in heart, to try to gain the rights of free men.But it is impossible either to rain down gold or to chance upon the treasuresof Croesus.

Is the tablet full of all sorts of words, which need only an editor toarrange them? I know that it is. Now, since this is precisely the sort of taskyou can perform better than anyone else, it is clear that you are the oneneeded. Become another Daedalus by springing to our side to help. Notonly will we be grateful to you, but you will also make yourself happier.Now you are distressed for what I am enduring, although this is no help toeither of us. But, if you should come here, your advice will aid in over-coming our troubles, with God's help, and you will be freed from your owndistress. But if you try to make excuses, see that you do not employ yourrhetoric on us, that rhetoric we require you to employ with others on ourbehalf.

1 Plato. This letter was written in reply to Cydones' Letter 259, which describedthe state of the copy of Plato sent to him by Manuel. The book arrived "all soakedthrough, all torn, the outside in disarray, the inside shrunk, dark stains all over, and insuch a state that you would never have recognized it. If Homer had seen it, he wouldhave said what he said of Ajax: Plato perished when he drank salt water. What makes thetragedy even more sorrowful is that after receiving his freedom he had to run into piratesand share the lot of prisoners."

4

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30 opa BE µt' xp"a?1 'r pyTOpELa 7rp6s' &S 7rapovrouµevoS i1 ae 7Cpos axxous

67rep LCV L V.

4: 9: Aristophanes, Aves, 301; Zenobius, Prov. 3, 6; Gregorius Cypr., 2, 11; Paroern.fir., I, 59; II, 359. 12: Pindarus,Olymp. 7, 34 et 50; Libanius, epist. 348, 11; declamatio31, 200. 15: Hmnerus, Od., 18, 6, 25. 25: cf. Diogenem, Prov. II, 37; Paroem. gr.II, 23.

1441 5

2 More correctly Suds, the comprehensive Greek lexicon widely used in theByzantine era.

8 Similar to the English: Bring coals to Newcastle.4 Iros was the beggar in Homer's Odyssey, 18, 6, 26.

5. To Cydonesl

You said, as you know, and you said it very correctly: "For those whohave arrived at perfection nothing further can be added." Still, there arewise men who assert that nothing in life remains absolutely unchangeable.Granted that our friendship has reached perfection, and that you are rightin saying that nothing further can be added, is it not likely that this friend-ship will of necessity decline? Your annoyance at having your offspring,your writings, remain with me and your demand for their return shows, Ibelieve, that such a possibility exists. To defend your position by claimingthat it is foolish for a man whose experience of literature is limited to passhis time reading serious works would strike me as rather weak. And why not?After all, on many occasions you thought it worthwhile to place your writingsin my hands, even though I was younger and understandably less experi-enced in literature than now. The study of literature, moreover, is more advan-tageous for one who is not completely ignorant of writing than it would beeither for rustics or for those thoroughly practiced in it. A lamp to be of anyuse must be given to one who is still capable of seeing, but is not in thedirect sunlight.

But, feel toward us as you like, we shall preserve our pure love foryou. Although you may misunderstand us, your unwillingness to remainhidden will reveal your real disposition towards us.2 For you are not likethose others you know, whose voice sounds sweeter than honey because theycontinually indulge themselves or, you could say, overindulge themselves inthe figs of Lesbos.3

1 Apparently Cydones had asked Manuel to return some composition to him on thegrounds that he considered it poorly written. Manuel claims that this indicates a lesseningof his friendship, and he rejects an anticipated (?) argument of Cydones that a person withlittle literary knowledge would be wasting his time in reading such works. After all, herejoins, when he was much younger Cydones had let him read his writings, and he doeshave enough literary competence to profit from it now.

The general chronological order of Manuel's correspondence would place this letterin the period from 1383 to 1385. But Manuel (lines 2-3) cites an exact phrase from a letter(79:19-20) of Cydones written in 1371-1372. It is addressed: "To the emperor when he wasstill despot," therefore before 25 September 1373: see DSlger, Kaiserregesten, 3130, p. 60.An exact citation of this sort would be unlikely, although not impossible, some ten yearslater. One suspects that Manuel's letter was written within a year or so of Cydones' Letter79, but no certain conclusion can be reached.

4,515

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6: 2-3: Cydones, epist. 79, 19-20. 19: Homerus, Il., 1, 249.

B f. 55v-56 C f. 359 -360. 1 Tw e rii codd. 11 6-6 rrpoa rjx-gv yevea,3aL aol o6Uvar-,EL'f6C, H. OCVxyx is xc.l (te to aL) Taint q elvca C 11 12 A6yc.V &yvlarl C 11 17 X a-n C 11 19 yAU-XUTepOV C

2 The sense of this difficult phrase may be as follows: We will not be unmindful ofyour real disposition toward us for the reason that you misunderstood my position, butfelt you had to say something in reply. Or, since the main verbs are in the future tense,Manuel could be saying that, in the case of future disagreements, Cydones' real dispositionwill be clear because, even though he may misunderstand Manuel, he will not ignore himbut will continue to write to him.

3 This allusion is not clear. Perhaps it was some sort of private joke between Manueland Cydones.

16

6. To CabasilaslConstantinople

Thessalonica, 1383-1387

6

That you pour forth works of literature more copiously than thesprings do water, while we are the only ones whom you cut off from the flowof your writing even though we have been thirsting for it, no longer leavesany room for speculation or conjecture, but it clearly compels us to viewyour concern for the fatherland and for us as slight and fading away. Yet,you used to think it right and good to love both, and you confirmed this inmany ways. To show little concern for us, especially now, is simply to ignoreus, and to ignore us is certainly unjust. Perhaps this is exactly what youyourself would say, and you would not contest it. But being unjust is notlike you. Far from it.

It is true that you practice all manner of virtue; by your involvementyou have adorned the laws rather than having been adorned by them. Butwhat greatly accentuates this injustice is the fact that you have been afriend of ours for so long a time; and on top of everything else, there is thepresent situation, which would lead even an enemy to change his positionand be reconciled. For the state of affairs in the land which bore you andwhich now holds me,2 o Savior, has surpassed and overshadowed all tragedy.A heavier burden, though, and a greater cause of grief is the realization thatthe present evils are really a period of profound peace compared with thosewe expect to face very soon. This is the judgment we must form when werestrict our gaze to our own sin, for, as long as I have my wits about me,I would not say this when contemplating God's love for mankind, which Iam certain overcomes all sin. So it is that your beloved native land is in asorry state, and for our part we need some remedy to drive away the evilswe face or at least to give us some courage.

But you-for it is better to rescue a good friend by admonition thanto lose him and consider this but a slight loss-as though these events,unknown to you, were happening beyond the Cataracts or concerned somePaiones or Celts, you sit there unmoved. You relax, apparently sharing theattitude of others who, on observing the situation-I hope I am wrong inthis-will think that it is sufficient to gaze with awe upon the calamitieswhich have befallen us and upon those still threatening, and in this way allobligations are finished with. This would be most unworthy of an intelligentperson like yourself. For this was the way we used to look upon the in-credible events in the history books, since it was not possible to take anyfurther steps or to follow a better course of action. After all, how couldanyone ward off dangers which are no longer present? But we are alive, andyou still have the opportunity to help us, both by words and by certainactions. Will you not reason with yourself? Will you not honor what is just?

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Will you not make amends and compensate for your silence by sending usmany and lengthy letters? Or rather, does it not distress you that you havebeen holding your hands at your side and keeping your tongue still, or thatright now there is a pressing need for you, you who esteem justice, to setthem in motion day after day to come to our assistance? If, however, youare really convinced that you have forgotten yourself in wronging us bynot having kept up your former correspondence and having deprived us ofyour usual letters, then renounce the wrong you have done, and to thoseletters add three more, imitating Zachaeus, and to those three many more.3For it would indeed be far better, I believe, and more just in every way fora person to be ready seventy times seven, as Christ himself said, to makeamends and to come to the support of whomever he had wronged than simplyto pardon those who have erred and who denounce themselves.

If you do not agree with this, but view it differently, then state yourreasons, by God and by the Guardian of the City, the all-conquering Deme-trius, the giver of victory. But even though he now acts very slowly anddelays in presenting himself as the victor, I would never be foolish enoughto believe, as some people might, that he would ignore us to the end andallow the forces of evil to rush against us like rivers flowing upstream, asthough he were unable to stem the tide and turn back in flight the foe drunkwith violence. For he who has so often utterly destroyed the enemy, whoby prayer made Lyaeus weaker than an infant, and who by killing thevisible scorpion destroyed the mental one as well, who surely has the strengthto do all else with the aid and favor of God, and who remains absolutelyundefeated, such a one will hardly wish to be overcome by our offenses only.4It is for this that I am praying through him to God, either that I may obtainpardon, or at least that I alone may be punished. Still, in this regard it isbetter and more reasonable to believe that we shall obtain God's forgivenessand that we shall share in those good things which will greatly outweigh thedifficulties we face.

But you, my dearest friend, I know well that your reverence for thetruth will make you stop dealing in subtleties, and that you will not haveto make apologies. Rather, you will seek out some way to pay back withfull interest, aware that this alone will enable you to clear yourself completelyof my accusations.

' The references to Cabasilas' native city and to its patron, St. Demetrius, placethe composition of this letter in Thessalonica, and at a time when Manuel was in seriousdifficulties. These facts and its position in the manuscript make it almost certainthat the letter was written during the Turkish siege of Thessalonica, 1383-1387. Manuel'sexpectation that his troubles would grow worse suggests that it was written early in thesiege, perhaps 1383-1384. See Dennis, lllanuel in Thessalonica, 77 ff. It is not found in theCoislin manuscript.

f. 5

6

19

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6: 42: Luc., 19, S. 44: Math., 18, 22. 51: Euripides, Medea, 410; cf. Zenobium,Prov. 2, 56: Paroeej. gr. I, 47. 54-55: Auaiov . . . &no8eii;a5: Passio S. Demetrii aSymeone Metaphraste, Acta Sanctorum, Oct. IV (Bruxel. 1856), pp. 88, 91-93, 98-100;Mrvaia T06 6Xou ev(auzou, I, Sept. et Oct. (Roniae 1888), in festo S. Nestoris, 27 Oct., advesp., pp. 538, 541, 543; in festo S. hemetrii, 28 Oct., ad vesp., p. 522, ad matut., p. 536.55: vo yrl v - euvvexp6c;aq : Passio S. Dernetrii cit., p. 98; Menaion cit., pp. 538, 541, 518.

20 6,7,8

2 Thessalonica.3 Luke 19: S.4 According to the legend, Lyaeus was a favorite gladiator of the Emperor Maxi-

mian whom the Christian youth, Nestor, was to face in mortal combat. Demetrius prayed

over the youth, who then slew Lyaeus. It is also said that he killed a scorpion (or a snake)

in his prison cell, a symbol of the mental scorpion, error, pride, or sin: references in appa-

ratus to text.

7. To Cabasilasl

I do not think you ought to infer from my being out of touch with youfor such a long time that I have forgotten you. For I have always placedmore value on my association and constant companionship with you thanthose who are enslaved to gold put into hoarding it. To be sure, my con-centration on the multitude of tasks to be done, both at home and abroad,might perhaps have made me somewhat sluggish in keeping in contact. But,unless I had completely forgotten myself, I would never at all forget thatgood and virtuous man who loves me very much and whom in return Igreatly love. Well then, I shall put down a few words for his sake. Whoeverhas come to know you and realizes what type of person you are by nature,and whoever knows the sort of people I am usually genuinely fond of, willimmediately believe what I have just said.

By no means, though, should you, my good friend, ask pardon becauseof your own silence; either you thought you had a right to bring charges,but were unable to do so, or you had no right to bring any charges, since youwere at fault by being silent.

1 This letter may have been placed here simply because the addressee is the same asthat of the preceding letter and the contents are similar.

8. To Cyclones'

ConstantinopleThessalonica, spring 1385

I have heard many people praise the view about poverty expressed byTheognis, but now that it has met with your approval, how will anyoneever think that Theognis did not express it to perfection ?2 This is whatfirst convinced me to take every conceivable means to avoid poverty. I alsorecalled what happened long ago to Neokaisarites, who lost his position incharge of the salt works, a position of no importance, but still a position.3

21

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22 8

Moreover, I thought it necessary, according to the proverb, to sow

rocks and to cast seed haphazardly on the sand and to expect a crop of grain

as from rich earth. For the present situation forces us to this extreme.Accordingly, with good hope of success we placed our trust in that manyou know, one of those who prefer to speak falsehood rather than the truth,

even though I have often been cheated of my hopes while trusting in theright people .4 But may God grant that I do not fall short of my hopes, atleast this time. This is what we must all prophesy, or rather we should havefaith in those who have faith in Him who said: Whatever you ask, youwill receive, if you have faith. If I did not have faith that I shall attain mygoal, it is clear that I would not be spending so much on the embassy. Whenhe fails to fulfill nothing of what the Lord has promised, then the person towhom I have sent the embassy would with reason be regarded as the un-doubted vicar of the Lord.5

1 In his endeavors to defend Thessalonica against the Turks Manuel turned to thepope in the hope of obtaining military assistance: Dennis, Manuel in Tlaessalonica, 136-41.Early in 1385 Manuel designated his ambassadors, of whom the only one known by nameis Euthymius, perhaps the later patriarch to whom Manuel addressed Letters 39, 40, 51,55. About the end of the winter of 1385 Cydones wrote a long letter (302) to Manuel, whichbegins:

"You seem quite willing to listen to poets, since you paid close attention to whatTheognis had to say. For that race is generally very clever and does not express itself inwords that are altogether clear, but after hinting at many things in a few words, it isfinished, and a person pursuing the thought of the poet must not stop just at the words butmust penetrate beyond to his mind and realize that the spoken word refers to everythingto which it has a reasonable application and connection. Now, someone else who had heardthe views of Theognis on poverty would perhaps have turned to money making and cheaptaverns and would be persuaded to scatter seed over sea and rocks in hopes of obtainingmoney. You, however, regarded this sort of counsel as quite unworthy of a wise man. Asan emperor you listened to his views and by your own greatness of character you havedone honor to the poet. For you would think of advising a man to undertake even impos-sible tasks to obtain the greatest goals, not just ordinary ones. The greatest thing is freedomand not having to be subject to those inferior to oneself.... So it is, indeed, that you placeliving in freedom above all else, and in your earnest endeavors to preserve it for yourselfand your subjects, you govern and send orders, you call in allies, you face dangers now byland, now by sea, you send embassies, make expenditures, and try to omit none of thepossible means.... It is clear that, with God favorably disposed, you will not miss thegoal you aim at, nor will you be like those plowing the sea and sowing rocks.... I couldhave contributed a good deal to the present embassy if I had known about it when youwere getting it ready. For I would have written ahead to my friends in Rome to facilitatethe work of the ambassadors... . Nonetheless, I did not neglect persons of influence, butI made use of those sailing there to inform the director and the chorus about him [PopeUrban VI and his curia or cardinals] of the good things we know about you."

Cydones expressed his disappointment that he had not been informed or consultedabout the negotiations with Rome. To all this Manuel contented himself with this briefreply, and it is not clear why he failed to involve Cydones in the affair.

s Theognis, I, 175-76. "Poverty subdues a good man more than all else.. .. Toavoid it a man should cast himself into the abysmal sea or over a sheer precipice."

8

23

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8: 2: Theognis, I, 175-76. 6-7: Theognis, loc. cit. 8: Diogenes, Prov. 3, 71;Macarius, Prov. 7, 6; Michael Apost. Prov. 14, 20: Paroem. gr. II, 48, 202, 611. 15-16:Math. 21, 22; Marc. 11, 24, et alibi.

B f. 57-57v C f. 360v-361 signata ' 5 Neoxaiaapei-t codd. 1113 8obr 8k T& vuv C

8 Neokaisarites is found as a family name in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries:see D. I. Polemis, The Dovkai. A Contribution to Byzantine Prosopography (London,1968), 149-50. Philes speaks of the protoasecretis Theodore Neokaisarites: ManuelisPhilae carmina, ed. E. Miller (Paris, 1855-57), I, 444-46. Michael Neokaisarites ismentioned in 1274: George Pachymeres, De Michaele et Andronico Palaeologis libri X111,ed. I. Bekker (Bonn, 1835), I, 395. Another Michael held the post of grand adnou-miastes in 1318 and 1324: Guilland, Recherches, 1, 595. Gregory of Cyprus, Patriarch ofConstantinople (1283-1289), addressed many letters to the protoasecretis Manuel Neo-kaisarites: ed. S. Eustratiades, in a-rLx-l (h&poS, 1-5 (1908-1910). The samename occurs in Nicephorus Gregoras, Byzantina historic, eds. L. Schopen and I. Bekker(Bonn, 1829-55), 8, 3: I, 293. John Doukas Neokaisarites was a well-known copyist,whose dated manuscripts belong to the period 1334-1366: L. Politis, rzpt'coyp(pALoyp&pou'Iw&vvou Aouxa Toe NzoxamaapzLTOU, in Etc µvr, i v Dr. H. A&µzrpou (Athens,1935), 587-95; "Fine Schreiberschule im Kloster TE)v `08rywv," BZ, 51 (1958), 18-19;A. Guillou, Les archives de Saint-Jean-Prodrome cur is wont Menecee (Paris, 1955), 189.The Neokaisarites of this letter, though, and the incident alluded to are not otherwiseknown.

4 This may be a reference to the Turkish Emir Murad or to an influential personagein Constantinople.

5 Pope Urban VI.

24

9. To Tribolesi

MistraThessalonica, 1383-1387

9

We made a serious effort to have your letter read before as manypeople as you would wish, and you surely wished a large number to hear it,confident in your literary skill and expecting to be praised for it. And thisis just what happened. For the entire audience applauded and was full ofadmiration as the letter was read by its "grandfather."2 Nor was he able toconceal his own pleasure as the theater was shaken by applause and bypraise for the skilled craftsman whose teaching has led you to become sucha great rhetorician. But this made him blush so much that he was scarcelyable to continue. So it was that what you succeeded in producing struckeven your master himself, along with everyone else, with admiration andpleasure, and made him look particularly radiant. But while the others wereexpressing their wonderment, I seemed to be the only one who was notdoing so. Someone asked me how it could be possible that among the entiregroup I alone appeared unaffected, that is, uninspired and lacking in admi-ration. "I too am greatly impressed," I replied, "for I cannot help beingthoroughly amazed, not because a noble father brings forth noble children,"referring to you and your writings, "but because the rest of you marvel atthis as though you had unexpectedly come across something new." This iswhat I said, and I seemed to hit the mark, inasmuch as it brought the groupto admire the very man whom I wanted to be admired.

But tell me, by God, what in the world are those noble leaps in yourwriting where you thought it proper to "leap" while you were "sitting still."For you said, as you know: "I sit here with a radiant countenance bothleaping about and assuming a grave air." The last term then and the firstone, the gravity, I mean, and the radiance, we pass over in silence for yoursake. But how, remaining seated, you practice leaping about, and overwhat distances, this I would very much like to learn. If you could teach methis very new science, I will profess a great debt of gratitude to you. Forby making good use of this method, I mean those leaps of yours, I couldeffortlessly, while still seated, pass rapidly over town and country as I mightwish, even as far as that land of Pelops where you now dwell. For that landholds my dearest brother and friend and son.' Can you imagine how much Idesire to see it? You know how passionately I yearn to be able whenever Ishould wish to see him whom I regard as myself. If it were not possible to doit for gold, I would readily choose to purchase at the price of my own limbseither the harp of Orpheus or the arrow of Abaris.4 More than anything else

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9

6

269,10

I would choose never to be separated in body from him to whom I amunited in spirit night and day. But since, by God's good judgment, we havebeen apart for no short time in order to promote the common good of theRomans and not our own advantage, would anyone be surprised at mystatement, anyone who knows what love really is and who knows how manythings have united us and still compel us to love each other ?5

Do you really want to learn the reason for the comments we hurled atyou regarding the "leaping about"? In making those remarks it was myintention, I want you to know, to bring you to defend yourself and to sendmore splendid letters here. Now, when I say "more splendid," understandthat I am hoping for longer ones. For all your letters are sisters, and theyare all equally perfect. The longer a letter is, then, the more splendid it is.

' The vague chronological indications in this letter and its position in the collectionincline one to place it in the years 1383-1387, during Manuel's reign in Thessalonica,when Triboles served as an official of the Despot Theodore in Mistra: see p. Iiii.

2 In Byzantine literary circles the author of a composition was often called itsfather; in this case Manuel calls the teacher (perhaps loosely interpreted) of Triboles thegrandfather of the work. A few lines later he refers to him as his master, but his identityis not known and, in any event, Triboles' letter does not seem to have survived.

' Theodore I Palaeologus, despot in the Morea: see Dennis, Manuel in Thessa-lonica, 15.

s The harp or lyre of Orpheus enabled him to charm men, animals, and the elementsof nature. Abaris, a mythical servant of Apollo, was able to travel everywhere with thegolden arrow of the god.

6 Manuel and Theodore had been separated since 1382, the one in Thessalonica andthe other in the Morea, but had joined in an alliance against the Turks: Dennis, Manuelin Thessalonica, 43, 58, 114-28.

10. To CydonesConstantinople

Thessalonica, 1383-1387

Your letter arrived here bearing an indictment that what you hadpreviously written was nonsense, and, at the same time, accusing us ofcompiling these letters of yours into a book.' But of course you said this injest, since you must be well aware that you have not convinced us. "For I amnot ignorant of Phaedrus unless I have also forgotten myself."2 But it hasbeen your lot to suffer in fact what you claimed in jest to be suffering. Forit was destined, as it seems, my very good friend, that even in makingpleasantries you did not depart from the truth. Since all of your writingsare above reproach, this letter which accuses them of nonsense has itselfbeen judged by all of them as guilty of the very thing for which it came and

27

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9: 34: Libanius, epist. 143, 3.

B f. 57v-58v C f. 361-361v signata r)', mut. ad finem. 1 anep. C 11 23 xal 8h xai:reliqua desunt C

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28 10,11

denounced them. You should not, then, press the charge of nonsense against

your works, for by this expression you may be caught in the very trap you

are trying to escape. Neither should you feel free to make accusationsagainst us in a matter in which you owe so many payments. Let these pay-ments.be made by your willingness to fill up as rapidly as possible thatplace we have reserved in the volume for future letters.

1 While in Thessalonica Manuel had the letters received from Cydones copied intoa special volume, with blank spaces left for future letters: Dennis, Manuel in Thessalonica,96. The copying was entrusted to Acacius, whom Cydones regarded as an intelligent andreligious man: Letter 263:10-11. The present letter is in reply to Letter 326 of Cydones,

which reads in part as follows:"Apparently you feel I must be punished for my friendliness toward you, and so

you have compiled my foolish scribblings into a book. For apart from some fault of mine,I can see no other reason why you have condemned me to be made a laughing stock, notonly to my contemporaries, but also to future generations, who will read the words, orrather the mistakes, in it where one might find more solecisms than phrases.... A personmight think it even more laughable that you call upon me to write more of this sort ofthing, since you say you have prepared a place in the book for future letters."

2 Plato, Phaedrus, 228a.

11. To Cydones'

ConstantinopleThessalonica, fall, 1383

Being an accomplished speaker is clearly preferable to being wealthy;it provides something more pleasurable than all pleasure as well as a glorywhich is greater. But the opposite might well be true for those attemptingto make speeches without having thoroughly practiced the art of rhetoricfrom childhood. A person who wishes to deliver a faultless speech must alsoconsider first what will please his hearers and the topics which will make themfeel glorious and enviable. He must have natural ability in addition topractice; his desire must have the assistance of intelligence and, furthermore,of the proper occasion. Held back, therefore, by all these considerations, wethought it best to observe silence and to hold to it firmly. You know how longI have adhered to this decision, since you have not been receiving my custom-ary letters. But since the great love and the equally great good will whichI cherish toward your fellow citizens has completely overpowered me, Iwas unable to persevere in my resolve. For there was need of advice, and Ispoke about what I believed would best aid the city.

29

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10: 5: Plato, Phaedrua, 228a.

B f. 58v.

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30

11,12Of course, we are not hiding this "failure" of ours from you, and we

are showing you our composition. For if it is proper and prudent not tocommunicate something secret to those who are not one's friends, then it isquite improper and even dangerous to keep something secret from such afriend as you are to us. For our part, then, we reveal our "failure" to you and,in a certain sense, we denounce ourselves to you. But you will be indulgent,I am sure, for I suspect that frequently, dominated by love, you havetrampled on the precepts and laws which you yourself set down. Here thenis the work; surely you know to whom you may show it if you think it iswell composed and of such quality that it should not be hidden. Pluck thenthe sweet fruit for yourself, you who are the cause of it, for it was you whoprovided us with the seed, and it was by you that the plant was abundantlywatered. If, on the other hand, it seems a work fit to be cast into the fire, donot expect to incur any penalty from us, since you are already incurring it,inasmuch as you sowed the seed of literature in us, and irrigated and culti-vated it.

1 In late September or in October 1383 the commander of the Turkish forces closingin on Thessalonica delivered an ultimatum. Before an assembly of the citizens Manueldelivered a formal oration advising them on the course of action they should take: Dennis,Manuel in Thesselonica, 78-85. He then sent a copy to Cydones accompanied by the presentletter. The discourse is edited by B. Laourdas, '0 `Euµ(3ooXcortx6c np6q tio6q Oeaaa).o-vLxeeS' ro5 IIaaawadyou, in Maxe&ovix&, 3 (1955), 290-307. There is a detailedanalysis and summary in Dennis, Manuel in Thessalonica, 81-84; the letter is alsotranslated by Barker, Manuel II, 415-16.

On receiving this letter and the copy of the Discourse, Cydones wrote a rathereffusive reply (Letter 262), praising his former pupil on his rhetorical performance, inwhich he found "a certain echo of Demosthenes." After continuing in this vein and refusingany credit for himself, he ends with a prayer. "Savior, grant to the emperor the occasion tocompose and to deliver panegyrics instead of the counsel which he has just given. For himthere will be more ambition in his eloquence, for myself more pleasure in listening. For atthe moment my pleasure has been considerably lessened because I see that my fellowcitizens had need of exhortations when their own safety was at stake."

12. To Cydones'

ConstantinopleConstantinople, fall 1389-

spring 1390

Now that you have the staters in your hand, will you believe that youhave received them ? I feel sure you will. Be hopeful, therefore, about whatwe prophesied yesterday would follow upon the recovery of the emperor,who with God's help overcame an illness stronger than the skill of the doctors,

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32 12

and about the things which you yourself are hopeful about. He who gave

you no hope that you would receive even one hundred staters has nowunexpectedly poured out twice that amount, as Zeus once rained down gold

upon the Rhodians through a cloud. Now, do not tell us that it is easy for an

emperor to give a thousand staters and to give that amount frequently,when it is difficult for him to assert his power over the nation, which in away he has been serving for quite some time.2 For that is the way things areby the nature of the situation. But if the creator and ruler of the nature ofall things should only wish-it is to Him after all that the emperor looksand in whom he places his good hopes in trying to do all he can to benefitthe people-then at once everything would seem easy, even those matterswhich now appear impossible.

Well then, now that you can be encouraged by good hopes, my goodfriend, you would do right, all things considered, if, even though you haveobtained the provisions, you put off everyone inviting you to travel to aforeign land.3 You should cling to the fatherland no less firmly than theoctopus to the rocks. It must also be obvious to you that the emperor iswell disposed toward you; indeed you always placed this above everythingelse. And to prove it, he has of his own accord, though not completelyrecovered from his illness, provided you with this gift.

Listen to me, then, and, as a recompense for what I consider goodadvice, give us your own promise to follow this advice, and put your ownmind to rest by admitting that this is the only way you will be able, farfrom the waves of the sea, to bring order and joy to your fatherland and tosupport it by your counsels as it is battered by the tempest. For in time oftrouble one must be blind to reasonings, a certain wise man has declared,whom I have very often heard you praising, and of all the things he said,not the least have you praised this very phrase.

1 After being forced to leave Thessalonica in April 1387, Manuel first found refugeon Lesbos and then spent a short time on Tenedos and in Brusa. Probably in Septemberhe returned to Constantinople, but was soon exiled by John V to the island of Lemnos:see Dennis, lblanuel in Thessalonica, 151-58; Barker, lllanuel II, 59-66; R. J. Loenertz,"L'exil de Manuel II Paleologue Lemnos 1387-1389," OCP, 38 (1972), 116-40. He re-mained on Lemnos for about two years; none of his letters have survived from this period.Exactly when his exile ended is not clear, but it was certainly before April 1390 and prob-ably during the autumn of 1389: see Barker, Alan uel II, 67, esp. note 186. On 31 March1390 Manuel was in Constantinople to support his father in the conflict with John VII;it is likely that be had arrived in the city earlier. The illness of John V, Manuel's orationon his recovery and the exchange of correspondence with Cydones all imply that Manuelhad returned and been reconciled with his father before the uprising of John VII in March1390. The strange dream-allegory of Cydones (Letter 411) does not speak of a reconcilia-tion, but of a continued disagreement. After describing John's curious behavior, it statesthat Manuel "was in a tent outside the gates, since his father had not permitted him toenter," and that he did not have enough food for his own servants. Possibly he had re-turned from exile without John's permission, or this may refer to his earlier return in thesummer or autumn of 1387.

1233

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12: 7-8: Pindarus, Olyrnp. VII, 34 et 50; Libanius, epist. 348, 11; declamatio 31, 200.19: Macarius, Prov. 7, 21: Paroem. gr. II, 203. 26-27: locum non inveni.

B f. 59-59v. 1 'cw au'ri1 codd.

Although precise dates cannot be given, the chronology regarding this letter seemsto be as follows: illness of John V, Manuel returns to Constantinople from Lemnos, Cy.dones' Letter 410, recovery of John V, oration of Manuel on his recovery, Cydones' Letter83, Letter 82, Manuel's Letter 12, Cydones' Letter 424. It is possible that John V wasalready ill when Manuel arrived; in fact, his illness, as well as the rebellion of John VII,was probably the principal reason for his return. Cyclones (Letter 410) complained that aserious illness had prevented him from greeting Manuel on his return after a lengthyabsence, but he is consoled by the hope that Manuel will save the Empire. "All call uponhim [Manuel] as the sick call upon the physicians. They were troubled by his delay andcursed the winds which did not allow their pilot to come to them more swiftly. But now,on seeing him, they seem to have come to life again and feel that with you bore they willmore easily confront all dangers. Come then, and with God's help, fulfill the hopes of all,

34 12,13for you know that nothing is more honorable than enduring danger on behalf of one'sfatherland, particularly since it is not only on its behalf that you are about to take upweapons, but also on behalf of your father." Instead of the correct reading, rsaTpds, Cam-melli has navr64 in his edition: Demdtrius Cydones Corre8pondance (Paris, 1930), no. 22,

p. 51.Upon the recovery of John V, Manuel delivered a formal oration of thanksgiving

before the court: ed. J. F. Boissonade, Anecdota nova (Paris, 1844), 222-38. Cyclones, who

was present, then received a gift of money from the old Emperor (&pyupiov: Cydones,Letter 83:5; 200 aTwr:jpas according to Manuel). The next day Cydones wrote to thankJohn V for the unexpected present: Letter 83. In Letter 386, apparently written aboutthe same time, he thanked John V for a gift of 600 staters, but otherwise there is no con-nection with the present letter. At the same time Cyclones wrote to Manuel. After effusivepraise of his rhetorical ability, he remarked: "This was the sort offeast you gave us yester-day when you professed your gratitude to the Savior for the health of your father theemperor, which he has recovered after having almost tasted death." He then commentedon the generosity of John V and concluded with the remark that "yesterday's banquet wasgood in quite a number of ways" : Letter 82. It was on the same day that Manuel wrote thepresent letter to Cydones, as is clear from his reference to the prophecies made "yesterday,"the recovery of the Emperor and the gift of money.

2 Perhaps this is a veiled allusion to the Turks or to the rebellion of John VII.8 Despite Manuel's pleas, Cyclones did leave for Venice not long after this letter,

apparently early in 1390: see Cydones, Letter 435.

13. To the holy Despot the Porphyrogennitus, his Brothers

MistraConstantinople, 1390

This excellent man, Kananos, impelled by affection for you, cannotstand living in pleasure, although he could easily do so, while you are bearingweapons in the field. So that he might share in your labors and dangers hepays no heed, as you know, to his own land, his friends, his relatives; hepays no heed to the imperial favor and good will which made him an objectof envy. He has pushed aside public functions which used to be so effectivein providing heroic beginnings for lovers of wealth and seekers of glory. Hehas sailed over the Aegean and found you for whom he was longing in theland of Pelops. Even though he experienced no wandering, he arrived atIthaca as another Odysseus. So it is that you draw the whole man to your-self. You, I am certain, will not be unimpressed by all this, as you have madeclear by your having treated him so well. He seems to be acting correctly,though, in letting his own good qualities be forgotten, but everywhere he hasloudly proclaimed the benefits he has received from you, calling you a havenfor your friends and a model for your subjects, and boasting that you havenow caused your once fearsome enemies to tremble with fright. For he hasonly one concern: constantly to sing your praises.

12,1335

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36

13,14What more than anything else proves the vehemence of his devotion

to you is that when he saw you freed from your troubles, and then heardexactly the opposite about us, he knew that it would please you if he couldin some way manage to be of assistance to me, and so, having first obtainedpermission from you, he raced here. His love for you, however, did not per-mit him to adhere to his decision and to spend much time with us, althoughhe certainly was not unaware that to serve me and to serve you are the samething as far as you are concerned.

He comes to you, then, more enthusiastically than sailors arriving inharbor from the high seas. Because he wanted to sprout wings, but could not,he blames fortune for not having made him another Daedalus. When weasked whether he desired a letter requesting that he might enjoy your goodfavor as formerly, he replied that he needed no more assurance than yourown character. He would not accept a letter which might convey the im-pression that he was ignorant of the person whom, in fact, he knows verywell. I commended him on the love and hope he cherishes in your regard,and since I was unable to fulfill his desire for a pair of wings, the least I feltI should do was to give him a horse so that he could present himself as soonas possible to the one he loves. To you, though, I am not suggesting how youare to receive him in a manner commensurate with your goodness and withhis own eagerness to reach you. For in so doing I would seem to be ignorantof my brother, whose great goodness and kindness is manifest not only toKananos, but to a blind man as well.

1 Theodore I Palaeologus, despot of the Romans, governor of the Morea, 1382-1407.This letter seems to have been written in the fall of 1390. Presumably, Kananos had cometo help Manuel in suppressing the revolt of John VII and, when this was accomplished,had returned to the Morea.

14. To Cydonesl

ConstantinopleAsia Minor, summer 1391

Among my friends who possess some literary skill there are those whohave written to us two or three times, but have received scarcely one letterin reply. But you, whether you keep your hands at your side or write, youstill call upon us to write.

Regarding the first point, then, the reason is not that I hold my friendsin slight esteem or that I attach little importance to composing somethingwhich might please them. Never would I show so little concern for myfriends. The reason is that it is not easy for us to write even when we havethe time, for, as they say, it is only on our fingertips that we have had a

f. 8's'

13,1437

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3814

taste of eloquence, and we have not danced with rhetoricians in the gardensof the Muses, and what is more, as you may well imagine, we have so manythings to do, so many preoccupations and troubles. I have marched with theRomans from our own land to wage war with the Scythians in the land of theScythians2 and to command troops for our enemies. What Demostheneswould not be frustrated by this and find himself incapable of utterance?This then is my first point.

And the second must simply be attributed to your Sirens, whosesinging overpowers their hearers, not only because of the pleasure theyprovide, but also because they make them better men. Even when they donot sing, they cast an even greater spell on those who have experiencedtheir charms; for those wounded by love yearn all the more for their lovedones when they are absent. So it is that since I have not received yourusual letters, I greatly desire them, and in the midst of war and strife, as Iam about to mount my horse and make immediate trial of my weapons,which I have just put down, I do not hesitate to write to you, so that youmay have cause to answer.

But do you wish to learn exactly what circumstances we find ourselvesin? I feel sure you do, and I would have satisfied your curiosity if the presentsituation did not prevent us in every way. I think it is enough to say justthis: we exchange fear for fear, danger for danger, labor for labor, smallcompared to the more serious ones, I mean, those we now undergo in leaguewith the Persians3 compared to those we can expect from them if we do notfight along with them, just as the coins your companion Plato speaks of.4

1 In the fall or winter of 1390 Manuel was compelled to accompany the TurkishEmir Bajezid on campaign in Western Asia Minor. On hearing of his father's death on16 February 1391, he raced back to Constantinople, arriving before 8 March, and securedpossession of the throne for himself. Then on 8 June he left the capital to join Bajezid on along and difficult campaign in the heart of Asia Minor, from which he returned early inJanuary 1392. See Barker, Manuel II, 84-10:5. While on this campaign he wrote eightletters, of which this is the first, probably dating from the summer of 1391. It has alsobeen translated by Barker, Manuel II, 88-89.

1 In Byzantine usage "Scythian" is a loose designation, generally referring to thenomadic peoples of the South Russian steppes. At this time it was often used for theMongols or the Tatars: see Gy. Moravesik, Byzantinoturcica. Sprachreste der Tiirkvolkerin den Byzantinischen Quellen, II (Budapest, 1943) 282; idein, "Klassizismus in der byzan-tinischen Geschichtsschreibung," Polychronion. Festschrift F. Dolger znm 75. Geburtstag(Heidelberg, 1966), 366-77. But it is difficult to determine how precise Manuel intended tobe in employing the term. Possibly he is referring to non-Turkish peoples, or peoplesnot yet subject to the Ottomans, such as the quasi-independent emirates throughout AsiaMinor, some of which were vassals of the Mongols. In Letter 16 he is more explicit.

Turks.This is an obvious paraphrase, probably from memory, of a passage in the Phaedo

(69a): "This is not the right way to purchase virtue, by exchanging pleasures for pleasures,and pains for pains, and fear for fear, and greater for less, as if they were coins."

1439

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14: 8: of. Zenobium, Prov. 1, 61; Diogenem, Prov. 1, 29: Paroem gr. I, 24; II, 5.8-9: of. Platonem, Ion, 534a. 15: of. Homerum, Od., 12, 188. 28: Plato,Phaedo, 69a.

B f. 60-60v.

15. To Cabasilas15

Constantinople,Asia Minor, autumn 1391

A certain strange and unusual feeling came over me on reading throughyour letter. For you, because of your close friendship, have always attachedgreat importance to receiving letters from us, and now that you have notreceived any, you are understandably distressed. My own reaction to thiswas one of sorrow as well as of joy, both of which I seemed to feel at the sametime; both feelings mingled and came upon me, and I experienced neitherone by itself. First of all, I was distressed because you yourself were distressedand because this was occasioned by me, a friend to a friend. At the sametime, I was filled with joy because what distressed you, of all things, gaveproof of the greatness of your friendship, which of course was not previouslyunknown. The astonishment of the others when they saw me reading yourletter was something to see. They looked at one another, nudging, all thewhile glancing sideways at me; by their expression and every gesture theypointed out that I was both happy and distressed at the same time.

This, then, is what I meant by that certain unusual feeling which sostrangely came over me. Now, you say that you would like to learn myopinion of your letters; you would like an apology for my not having writtenfor such a long time; and you would like to learn about our present circum-stances, since we have been away from home so long and, as you can guess,facing one danger and difficulty after another. You insist on knowing all thedetails.

First of all then, I can give no higher opinion about your most recentletter to us than that which you know we have already given about yourprevious ones. I do not believe this one is in any way more striking than theothers, for it is like a sister to them. The reason for this is that they have allbeen brought forth by the same father; what is already perfect, moreover,cannot be improved on.

Secondly, I think it only right, even if you had not insisted, to explainwhy I have not written. Actually, I was intending to remain silent, primarilybecause it was beyond my ability to give you an exact account of eventshere, for Xenophon, the general of the ten thousand, even with his powerof narration and with sufficient time, would scarcely be able to do so. Further-more, we had nothing pleasant to talk about, only extremely distressingtopics. For the difficulties had not yet passed, and the time had not come torecount such matters as might give you reason to leap for joy with a cheerfulcountenance and to offer hymns of thanksgiving to God. Still, I do hope that

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you will be able to do this very soon, whenever with God's help we return

and give you your fill of our customary jesting; we shall complain of your

innate laziness, which always led you to aim at avoiding the judge's bench,

a position which many desired and sought after, but which, when the op-portunity presented itself, you could not bear to accept.'

We have found ourselves in circumstances we would not be in of ourown accord. It was this, o good friend, that kept my hand still and managed

to keep my tongue numb until now. I suppose it might have been better tocontinue in my silence, except that you in your letter do not permit me todo this and it would be wrong to hold what you wrote in disdain. Either,therefore, be pleased at this letter because it comes from us, or, if you shouldbe displeased because it bears worse tidings than you expected to hear, theneither blame yourself or admit your gratitude.

1 See p. xxxi.

16. To Cydones'

ConstantinopleAsia Minor, winter 1391

A great expanse of land has your letter traversed; after passing overmountains and fording rivers, it has finally found us here in a tiny, littleplain, encircled by a chain of precipitous mountains, as a poet would say, sothat it barely suffices as an encampment for the army. In appearance and inreality it is an extremely savage place. Apart from a little wood and somemurky water, it cannot provide us with anything. It has been deserted bythe inhabitants, who have fled to the clefts in the rocks, to the forests, and tothe mountain heights in an effort to escape a death from which there is noescape, a very cruel and inhuman death without any semblance of justice.For every mouth which is opened in answer is immediately closed by thesword. Nobody is spared, neither very young children nor defenseless women.For those whom old age or illness prevents from running away there is nohope of escaping that murderous blade. What is even worse, the very re-spectful title accorded to the more revered among the Persian priests, Maulana (rogue would be a better name),2 assures him of no better treatment fromhis own people than from the Triballians, the Mysoi, or the Illyrians.1 Theselatter, in fact, believe that they are inflicting punishment in return for whatthey Suffered in the past at the hands of this people,4 and with loud criesthat they are avenging Christ, they ceaselessly slaughter everyone they come

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upon. And they also-but I ought not to recount all this; you will probably

hear it from others. So much then for this slaughter.The small plain in which we are now staying certainly had some name

when it was fortunate enough to be inhabited and ruled by the Romans. But

now when I ask what it was, I might as well ask about the proverbial wings

of a wolf, since there is absolutely nobody to inform me. To be sure, you can

see many cities here, but they lack what constitutes the true splendor of acity and without which they could not really be termed cities, that is, humanbeings. Most of these cities now lie in ruins, a pitiable spectacle for the peoplewhose ancestors once possessed them. But not even the names have sur-vived, since they were destroyed so long ago. Actually, when I inquired afterthe names of these cities, and the people I asked would reply: "We destroyedthese cities, but time has erased their names," I was seized with sorrowalthough I bore it in silence, since I was still able to manage some self-control. But as you can imagine, when someone having no idea of the ancientname of the city would instead call it by some barbaric and strange-soundingname, I lamented loudly and was scarcely able to conceal my distress,although I really wanted to restrain myself.

Admittedly, I seem unable to inform you clearly in what part of theworld we find ourselves. For how can anyone spell out places which nolonger have a name? Therefore, we shall have to try the next best way, thatis, to take you as far as I can on an imaginary tour through the other placeswhose names have not been destroyed and in which we are spending sometime.

You have heard of the city of Pompey,5 beautiful, marvelous, exten-sive; rather, that is how it once was, for now you can barely make out itsruins. It is situated on the banks of a river which is crossed by a stonebridge, adorned with colonnades, marvelous for their size, their beauty andtheir skillful construction. Indeed, this city and these magnificent remainsoffer no less evidence why the Romans bestowed on its founder the surnameof "the Great" than the many victories which amply justified this title. Now,after leaving this city and then the city of Zeno behind us, with Sinope offto the left and the Halys on the other side, we have already been marchingfor many days, using the sun for our guide.6 For we must head directlytoward the rising sun if we are not to lose our way.

Are you interested in learning why the leader' of the army decided todo this? He believes that a certain satrap, by name Peisha,8 who rules overthe territory bordering on Sinope and Amnisus, as well as a few villages anda small number of men, should either be subdued or forced into an alliance.Then with Sinope too surrounded, he can either subject it to himself or elsecompel Isfendiyar,9 the ruler of Sinope, to accept and observe whatever

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oaths he might like him to swear. Finally, with all these trophies he willstrike terror into the ruler of Sebasteia together with the Scythians 1O If allthis proceeds according to his plans, then he will return home, they say, and,with the help of God, so shall we.

Obviously, it is not easy to bear all this, not to mention the scarcityof supplies, the severity of winter, and the sickness which has struck downmany of our men, and which, as you can understand, has greatly depressedme. I could also enumerate the other difficulties, which the rules of letterwriting exclude, as well as those which are likely to cause serious harm to ouraffairs at home, since we have already been absent for such a long time. It isunbearable, though, not to be able to see anything, to hear anything, to doanything during all this time here which could somehow contribute to theformation and betterment of our spirit. For this terribly oppressive timemakes no concession to us who regard it of prime importance to remainaloof from and to have absolutely nothing to do with what we are nowinvolved in or anything connected with it, for we were not educated for thissort of thing, nor accustomed to enjoy it, nor is it in our nature. But it is onthe present state of affairs that we must place the blame, not to mention theindividual who ought to be blamed."

The worst part of these terrible things which have managed to reduceus to this sad plight is that the illnesses and bad humors we daily experienceincrease and become more intense than before. Certainly, no intelligentperson will expect to be freed of these afflictions unless he first frees himselffrom those things the performance of which, while he was still healthy, ledhim to become ill.12 May God now deliver us from this terrible condition andenable us to enjoy good health once again. Indeed, everything considered, itis better to be optimistic, and accordingly, with these hopes in sight, to trywhatever might be of some help.

I know that I have exceeded the proper limits of a letter, but perhapsI have not exceeded your eagerness to learn about our present circumstances.While another person on reading this letter might believe he was listeningto Thersites giving a speech,13 you will say that it is laconic. But, goodfriend, do not pursue the unattainable by having me tell you about everyone of the difficulties we have experienced, or how many incidental problemsderive from them, which I must pass over in silence. Onto this sea your shipmust sail, since our own small bark cannot put out into the deep at all. Infact, this sea is so wide that my eyes would never gaze upon its furthershores, and I must be satisfied with sailing along the coast hoping to chanceupon a harbor before sunset and find some anchorage.'4 Owing to theseproblems, therefore, I have neither said everything nor held everythingback. At any rate, I believe I have done the right thing by fulfilling myobligation to you-for friends who cannot be together have an obligation

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4816

to take the effort to write to let each know how the other is doing-withoutstretching out a story which would only distress you.

This is just what I am doing as I bring this letter to a close. For al-ready I can all but make out the messengers inviting us to go off to theruler.15 I suppose he again wants to drink a few toasts before dinner and toforce us to fill ourselves with wine from his varied collection of golden bowlsand cups. He thinks that these will assuage the depression caused by whatwe have been writing about, while, even if I were in good spirits, they wouldonly fill me with sadness."

1 Because of its intrinsic interest and the surprising amount of information itcontains, this letter has been commented on and translated several times: J. Berger deXivrey, Mdmoire sur la vie et les ouvrages de l'empereur Manuel Paldologue, M6moires de1'Institut de France, Academic des Inscriptions et Belles-lettres, 19, pt. 2 (Paris, 1853),55-59; P. Charanis, "The Strife among the Palaeologi and the Ottoman Turks, 1370-1402,"Byzantion, 16, 1 (1942-43), 310-11; R. J. Loenertz, "Manuel Paltologue et Dgmhtrius Cy-dones. Remarques sur leurs correspondances," E0, 36 (1937), 281; Barker, Manuel II,90-93. It was written during the campaign of Bajezid against the rulers of Sinope andKastamouni in the north central area of Asia Minor (ancient Pontus) in the second halfof 1391. Although Manuel speaks of the severity of winter, this need not be taken literally,and since the rest of the campaign and subsequent letters have to be accounted for, thisletter could be dated to the fall, perhaps early winter, of 1391.

3Maula na (µauXwva;) derives from the Arabic, mauls na, our master or lord(Turkish, mevlena) and was a customary title of address to revered religious leaders. ADervish order in Asia Minor named after Jalal-al-din Rumi, known as mauls, n5,, wascalled the Maulauiyya (Turkish, Mevleviyye). The only point Manuel seems to be makinghere is that the Moslem religious leaders are not spared in the general slaughter and thatthey are just as brutally treated by their own people as they are by their Christian enemies.In other words, he is simply stressing the utter barbarity of the whole situation. See D. S.Margoliouth, "Mawlawiya," Encyclopaedia of Islam, III (London-Leiden, 1936), 418-19.The Mawlawis are discussed in detail and with abundant references by S. Vryonis, TheDecline of Medieval Hellenism in Asia Minor and the Process of Islamization from theEleventh through the Fifteenth Century (Los Angeles, 1971), 381-96.

3 The Triballians are the Serbs, the Mysoi the Bulgarians, and the Illyrians theAlbanians. Manuel uses these names to refer to the Balkan vassals of Bajezid, such as theSerbian Prince Stephen Lazarevib, who, like Manuel himself and John VII, had to ac-company the emir on his campaigns.

The Turks.Pompeiopolis (-riv IIoµmltou) was built in the western part of Pontic Paphla-

gonia on the river Amnias by Pompey the Great in 64-63 3.o. (modern Taakopru). Magno-polis on the river Lycus, which he also settled and named after himself, is too far to theeast: see A. H. 11. Jones, The Cities o/ the Eastern Roman Provinces (Oxford, 1937),159-60; D. Magic, Roman Rule. in Asia Minor (Princeton, 1950), 368-72; CostantinoPerfiroyenito, De themulibus, ed. A. Pertusi, ST, 160 (Vatican City, 1952), 7, 21, p. 72.

6 Zenopolis (-r ;v -rou has not been identified. The cities of this name inLycia and Cilicia are too far south to fit Manuel's description. It must have been to thecast of Pompciopolis, for the army was marching due east from there with Sinope (modernSinop) on the Black Sea to the north and the River Halys (modern Kizil Irmak) to thesouth.

1649

yp&l.L.Laaty epyov ExeLV Ta xa&' au'OUS breL8av µaUVWat-(LY) 4) & &VLaD'e1', TYV atL y7)aLV e'7CL'Cel'.VeLV.

"0 B xai 7roLwv &7)p..% Td yp&cpcLV. 47re'L xai "a-r µovovou rouqxaAaav'r 3a&7ro) 65 `r V &.pxOVTa &7tL6vaL. Lams yap cpLaovrla(aV

100 7Cpo7CLELV T&XLV && AsL xai, L& xcr o 6 7roXoU Tou oLVOU 4LyopYl"y t 8LOLxpa - pc v TS xai 4x7r(oµ&Tmv xpucWV 7raV'ro8oc tc v, TOU'roLC,

oi6µevoc T-;lv & wv eip7lxaµev &&uµEav, 8L' civ, ocv et xai eu&up,ouv, &vLoav 470,rlpo6L v.

16: 4: of. Homerum, Il., 15, 273, 619; 16, 35; Od., 9, 243; 10, 88; 13, 196. 24:Diogenes, Prov. 6, 4; Michael Apost., Prov. 10, 80: Paroem. gr. I, 270; II, 509; Libanius,epist. 515, 3; 1184, 11. 86: of. Homerum, Il., 2, 212-44. 87: Homerus, Il., 17, 75.

B f. 61v-63. 99 xaMvovvas B

7 The Turkish Emir Bajezid.8 Peisha is otherwise unknown, if indeed this be his name: see Moravcsik, Byzan-

tinoturcica, II, 250. Manuel's concern for exactness in foreign names was minimal, and thismay simply be a combination of the Turkish titles, bey and shah.

9 Isfendiyar (E7rrs-r&pr15) is the name of the dynasty which ruled Sinope and Kasta-mouni (Qastamouni, modern Kastamonu) ; the name of the ruler at this time was SuleimanII (1385-1392/93). Actually, it was not until the following year that Kastamouni andSinope were taken by Bajezid, who had Suleiman murdered within a year after 17 No-vember 1392: E. Zambaur, Manuel de gene'aiogie et de chronologie pour l'histoire de l'Islam(Hanover, 1927), 149; Charanis, op. cit., 311. Ducas (ed. Grecu, 19, 1, p. 123) also refersto the ruler of Sinope by the dynastic name, E7revTL&p. In April 1392 Bajezid was makingpreparations for a naval attack against Sinope in which Manuel was supposed to parti-cipate, although it seems that he did not actually do so: Thiriet, Rdgestes, 813, 820.

1u The ruler of Sevasteia (Sebasteia, modern Sivas) further inland to the east wasAhinad Qndi Burhunaddin Ghilzi, 1380-1398: Zambaur, op. cit., 156. The Scythiansgenerally refers to the Mongols or perhaps their vassals in Eastern Asia Minor.

11 Undoubtedly Bajezid, whose name is never mentioned by Manuel.12 11lanuel's illness has been caused by the rigors of the campaign, intensified by

his state of depression, but he expects his health to improve when it is over and he hasreturned home.

19 Homer, Iliad, 2, 212-44.16 illanuel is simply saying that a thorough account of his present circumstances

far exceeds his meager literary ability. Rather, it calls for the skill of a master such asCydones to sail safely out into such a vast sea of writing, whereas Manuel considers him-self a simple amateur who dares not leave the coast line; the best he can do is deal with thematter in a very sketchy fashion. For Manuel's use of this metaphor, see E. Trapp, "DerSprachgebrauch 31anuels II. in den Dialogen mit einem `Perser,"' JOBO, 16 (1967), 191.

15 Bajezid.16 To this letter Cydones wrote a lengthy reply (Letter 432), which reads in part as

follows:

5016

"I read through that letter of yours, as beautifully written as it was long, whichyou so well said might perhaps strike others as lengthy, but which we would look on aslaconic.... Your assumption was correct for, unlike others, I certainly did think that theletter was laconic.... I do not believe that your interest in writing was frustrated by thedrink and the wide, golden cups and all that nonsense about your drinking companions.... But now, my sadness at what you recounted has expelled most of the pleasure I gotfrom your letter. What could be more depressing for your friends than this long absenceof yours, not to call it servitude? ... Your situation is indeed a sea of misfortunes whichdoes not need, as you say, my ship, but rather the Muse of Homer filled to overflowing bythe storm tossed waves breaking about you. For there is the struggle against the burningsun and the piercing cold, the drinking from muddied wells and the illness stemming fromthis, seeing your companions in arms suffering similar afflictions, finding no way to alle-viate your discomforts, and all the rest which I shall not recall. Then too, it is not only thetongues of those returning here that tell of the suffering, but their very faces shout aloudthe illness.... But I myself had been convinced of this one thing, and I told everyonebefore hand that it would surely overpower you, and that is what you yourself mentionedas the most bitter and difficult of all, your living together with barbarians.... For you tohave to live with these people and to be forced to share their company, you a religious manfrom way back, holding fast to the virtues of religion, a lover, as well as a craftsman, ofHellenic writing, who from childhood have never let yourself grow used to hearing orsaying anything which did not tend toward virtue, this, I think, is a burden not even themythical Atlas could bear.... As you said, the most grievous thing for you was to sharethe company of men from whom you might not hear anything of benefit to your soul.But even more than that, for an emperor of the Romans to see cities, which had of oldbeen peopled by the Romans, now under the lordship of the barbarians, cities which havecast off the name given by their settlers and exchanged it for those ruins, who would notbe dejected in spirit and fill his eyes with tears? It was this, as you admitted, which trou-bled your mind as you viewed the venerable possessions of your forefathers subjected toindignities by these offsoourings."

In his Dialogue with a Moslem, Manuel recounts that after having spent the morn-ing (December 1391) hunting with Bajezid, he returned at noon to find his Moslemfriends eagerly waiting for him to continue their discussion. He remarked that it wasdifficult to carry on a calm dialogue. "How can I be calm when I am leading such a largearmy for so long a time now during winter in a foreign land, even though you might termit a friendly one? Added to this is the scarcity of provisions, and the terribly high priceone must pay for them overwhelms the mind, since we have already spent so much inwarfare away from home. For the men with me are strangers in customs, language, andfaith, and in a well organized city they are barely able to purchase the leftovers of whatis being sold in the marketplace. What are they likely to suffer, especially when they justabout have to light against your men if they want to snatch some little thing from thehands of the hucksters ? In addition to this, think of the folly, the arrogance of those whooccupy the highest rank before the satrap I Bajezid], their insatiable greed, their constantdemands, their brutality, their jealousy of one another, the anger each one feels towardsstrangers, their turning away to avoid having to give up anything or return home com-pletely naked. Above and beyond all this, should we not mention the daily hunting, the

51

16dissipation at meals and afterwards, the throngs of mimes, the flocks of flute players, thechoruses of singers, the tribes of dancers, the clang of cymbals, and the senseless laughterafter the strong wine? Is it possible for those who suffer through all this not to have theirminds dulled?" Dialogue 10, ed. E. Trapp, Manuel R. Palaiologos. Dialogs mit einem"Perser" (Vienna, 1966), 120-21.

52

17. To Pothos'17

Constantinople (?)Asia Minor, winter 1391

What you have been doing so consistently is without a doubt the action

of a friendly and well-disposed man. Your snowfall of letters has enabled

you to surpass many of those to whom we have personally written, yet thefact that you have not received a like amount has not caused you to bedistressed or even to insist on learning the reason. Since you were contentto yield to those to whom I did give the reason,2 you gave the clearest proofof your friendship, and you showed yourself an excellent judge. For it isclear that you are competent not only to pass judgment on the wrongswrought by men and to prevent them from continuing, but also to judgethe wrongs wrought by circumstances upon men. This led you to attributeour tardiness quite correctly to circumstances, and to understand that wewould never treat a friend with disdain.

There are not a few, however, including some who have not beenparticularly close friends of ours, who would immediately have denouncedus: "We have been slighted," they would have cried, "the emperor haswronged us; we are of no account; indeed he has forgotten us very quickly,although he made it known that he regarded us kindly when he was hereat home with us." This form of malice is frequent among us these days andcauses the greatest harm. Now, since we do not know the reasons to whichwe should impute the misfortunes confronting us, there is a compulsion tohate the innocent. But when matters reach this stage, it follows that thereare times when one should love even those who hate. And I do not thinkthat you have to read about how this scourge has destroyed cities and peoples,for this is more obvious than the proverbial common notions, and the factsthemselves bear witness to it.

If you receive just this one letter from us now, much later and shorterthan those sent to others, still, I think you should really value this one muchmore than those longer and more frequent ones. For the object of yourprayers, that you may soon see me return safely to you bringing as thereward of my labors and dangers the safety, as far as possible, of our father-land, this is already conveyed to you by this letter.

Its place in the collection and the allusion to Manuel's return and the safetyof the fatherland date this letter to the winter of 1391.

2 Potho did not have to hear the reason, as did the others.

1753

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17: 17-18: ef. Mantissam, Prov. 1, 77: Paroe)n. gr. II, 756. 20: Suidae lexicon,K 2551 (ed. Adler, 3, 200).

B f. 63-63v. 11 ou om. B

5418

18. To Constantine Asanes'

ConstantinopleAsia Minor, winter 1391

I know very well the kind of letter you love to receive, for it is thesame I myself would long for were I still at home. If it were you who wereabsent, I am certain that you would love to get the same kind of letter.People suffering from the same affliction need the very same remedy, thatis, lengthy letters full of lengthy reports. After all, when friends dwell farapart this is the only way to bring them together.

Now then, there are many topics which provide me with the begin-nings of a long letter, but those very topics which give me so much to writeabout do not allow me the opportunity to write. To the extent that theyfurnish material for writing, the tasks we are engaged in leave us with nofree time and engulf us in a veritable blizzard of problems. Listen to whatsounds like a riddle, but is nonetheless absolutely true. And I think thismight enable you to see clearly in your imagination all the other circum-stances in which we find ourselves. Not one enemy soldier has attacked thisarmy of ours. As a matter of fact, the enemy is nowhere in sight and has noteven made a sound from the woods. At least that much would be expectedof most hostile forces in their own country when they are in a very weakposition. Especially would this be expected of the Scythians, who behavelike dogs; when they are afraid, they turn tail and run away, but keep bark-ing in an effort to frighten their pursuers. So it is that now the once formi-dable Scythians tremble and allow their own land to be ravaged with im-punity.

But the scarcity of provisions has taken the place of any damage theenemy could inflict upon us. For many days now, a person searching forbarley might as well have searched for the proverbial wings of a wolf, and itwould have been easier for him to find a white Ethiopian than barley. Butnow there seems to be some available here and there. Anyone who has theluck to uncover some of this precious commodity immediately finds himselfprosperous and famous. Still, there is no grass around or anything greenwith which to feed a starving horse. For throughout this region the soil iswithout moisture and like sand. This has made a large number of our horseswaste away and become useless. One man was forced to sell some of his horsesto buy barley. Now when he learned that he would receive only five silvercoins for each horse, but would have to pay out forty-five coins if he shouldwish to fill just one horse with barley once, then the poor wretch came torealize that each day nine horses would go to furnish fodder for one horse,and he yelled louder than those who were being cut to pieces, and thusbroadcast to everyone what has never, I believe, happened within a cityunder siege, much less in an army besieging a city.

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5618,19

But you, I know very well, will be amused, and your soul will bestung by all this because we are forced to suffer the same trials as the others.

1 Its place in the collection and its contents date this letter to the winter of 1391.The Scythians may be the forces of the ruler of Sevasteia or perhaps those of Taherten,the emir of Erzincan and Erzerum, who was a vassal of Tamerlane. Possibly Bajezid'sarmy may have attacked their lands east of the Halys. This letter has also been trans-lated by Barker, Manuel II, 94-95.

19. To Cydones'

ConstantinopleAsia Minor, winter 1391

You are the sort of person who knows how to evaluate times and placesand, in general, how much pressure the so-called "circumstances" can exertin times of crisis. For our part, we find ourselves in arms and in constantexpectation of battle. Added to this is the terrible famine and cold, thefording of rivers, the crossing of mountains too barren to sustain even wildbeasts, and other hardships still worse, all of which call for a historian, nota letterwriter. These difficulties, however, are common to the whole army,but for us it is especially unbearable to have to fight along with those and onbehalf of those whose every increase in strength lessens our own strength.2

Now, if I had thought that you would feel wronged by my not havingwritten to you for such a long time, obviously I would have wronged you.No doubt about it. But if you have the qualifications I mentioned above,we are the ones who find ourselves in times in which only God can help.Still, you may be sure that, even if I could find the time to write, I wouldhold back my hand because I have nothing to write except what would prob-ably be better not to write about. Even now, we are just as much involvedand busy as before, but the possibility of having something pleasant towrite about has caused me to put all else aside and made me more eager towrite to you.

18,1957

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5819, 20

In fact, this is what I am doing now in a small tent and at night;instead of sleep, which restores strength to a weary body no less than food,I have chosen to write a letter. It is as though I were hiding, for those whocannot bear to see me devote my time to literary interests when I am homewould be far more vociferous in their criticism if they could see me doingthe same thing out here. While they really have themselves to blame forall the trials they have endured and are still enduring, they would turnthings upside down and place the blame on literary studies, in the beliefthat I, and, quite obviously, perhaps you too, are not free of guilt.

But I am returning to you safely and, with God's help, as soon aspossible, and I shall bring back to our land all those whom I led forth fromhome. They have experienced hardships on this campaign far greater thanany in the past, as is readily admitted by all the men who have grown grayin military service. You can understand how happy we are now that we haveall of a sudden been freed of these hardships. I suspect that if the Comedianwere still alive and could see that man, he might compose a play as he oncedid about Wealth.' Today he would portray Blind Fortune. In return forour dangers, labors, and constant expenditures, which that man thought-fully admits have weighed the scales very much in his favor against hisenemies, he promises to reward us lavishly. Yet, as long as I am of soundmind, I would consider it a lavish enough reward if he would not take awayany more of the possessions we still have. Assuredly, if he should see fit toimprove our situation in any way, this must clearly be ascribed to Godalone. May He who is good and holds all in his hands deliver us from thispresent evil and lead us back as swiftly as possible to the prosperity of ourancestors.

1 This letter indicates that Bajezid's campaign of winter 1391 was nearing its end.It is also translated by Barker, Manuel II, 95-96.

z The Turks.Aristophanes, Plutu.s; "that man" is Bajezid.

20. To Cydones'

ConstantinopleAsia Minor, winter 1391

I ani sure you must have wondered why you have not received ananswer for such a long time, and you have good reason to wonder, since inthe past I have frequently written to you first, and now I do not even reply

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to your letters. But I must explain the reason for my tardiness. For bydoing so I suspect that, while not putting an end to your wonderment, Ishall fill you with no ordinary happiness.

While we have been absent from the Great City,2 you have been acting

in your usual fashion. The first person you chanced upon who was cominghere-it was the servant of Asanes-you immediately handed a letter.3But, as the bearer of your letter was just arriving at Ankara, the once mar-velous city of Phrygia, we were off plundering the land of the Scythians,4for it seemed more advantageous to make our attack at once. After we hadcrossed the Halys, the woods and thickets about the fords became infestedwith bandits. Anyone, then, who followed our line of march to find us inthis hostile land soon found that the Halys had been changed into anotherSicilian strait. Since it was not safe to cross the Halys, your man realizedhe could not proceed any further, and so he proved himself completely freeof blame before his master, even though his master knew that seeing some-one from home was very important for many reasons, but particularlybecause of the pestilence which was taking such a terrible toll in our city,while I was among you.b Finally then, on our return, at a time when friend-ship obsessed us, we were handed your letter-and for the reasons I havejust mentioned it could not have happened otherwise.

So much, then, for an apology; it should also give you grounds forrejoicing, because the news you will hear about us is somewhat better, Ibelieve, than you may have expected. Of course, you may well imagine thatI would really like to tell you about both things, that is, our journey hereand our return journey, all of the hardships as well as the comforts, but myconstant involvement in all sorts of tasks prevents me. Yet I can tell youone thing: I am returning to you safely and quickly, if God permits. I trustthat you will prefer this one brief statement to a large number of letters.6

i This also dates from the winter 1391 and apparently refers to the same pillagingexpedition as does Letter 18.

2 Constantinople.

3 Probably Constantine Asanes, addressee of Letter 18; the servant is unknown.4 Certainly east of the Halys River (Kirzil Irmak), perhaps the mongol vassal

states of Sevasteia, Erzincan, and Erzerum.5 See notes to Letter 21.

6 While in Ankara Manuel engaged in a series of theological discussions witha Moslem teacher, Mouterizes, which he later compiled into lengthy book dedicatedto his brother Theodore: edited by Trapp, Manuel II. Palaiologos. Dialoge mit einem"Perser"; one dialogue has been edited with a French translation by T. Khoury, ManuelPaleologae. Entretiens avec un nc eeulnaan, 7e controverse (Paris, 1966); cf. E. Voordeckers,"Les entretiens avec un 'Perse' de 1'empereur Manuel II Paloologue," Byzantion, 36 (1966),311-17. In the preface Manuel briefly describes the circumstances. "At a time when itseemed advisable to wage war against Scythians in league with him who now employsthese very people against us, and who were won over to his service at that time as a resultof our toils and dangers, then it was that we had to spend a fairly long time in Ankara,

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that once prosperous city which now is not even rich in impiety. There I happened to bethe guest of a certain old man" : Trapp, op. cit., Prooemium, p. 5, 9-13. Manuel must havespent about a month, probably all of December, in Ankara, for dialogues with Mouteri-zes occupied at least twenty days, during which a severe snow storm occurred: ibid.,54*-61*. The final discussions took place just as Manuel was about to leave Ankara forConstantinople (end of December 1391), for he concludes Dialogue 24 with the remark:"Yesterday the satrap [Bajezid] himself told me that we will very quickly take the roadhomeward": ibid., p. 285, 14-15.

6221, 22

21. To Cydones

ConstantinopleAsia Minor, winter 1391-1392

I am certain that you could not have written your last letter without

tears in your eyes, and I want you to know, too, that when I came to read

it I felt exactly the same way.' I have the impression that, without yourrealizing it, the general misfortunes nearly dragged you away from theletter you were beginning to the composition of a tragedy, a reaction whichI myself am now on the verge of sharing. But since this attitude will notreally help, and can actually make matters worse, we must bid farewell touseless lamenting and, to quote you, turn to Him who has made this judgmentfrom heaven against us because of our many sins. Grant then, Savior, thatwe may return quickly and without delay to you so that good fortune mayhasten back to us.

1 This was written in reply to Letter 431 of Cydones in which he bewails the plightof the Empire and the pestilence in the capital. It was probably written not long afterLetter 20, while Manuel was still in Ankara; it seems to refer to the same plague in Con.stantinople. There is a notice of the plague for the year ending on 31 August 1391, andit may have continued through the fall: BX, nos. 27, 24, p. 46; Ducas (Bonn edition),p. 516, 9.

22. To Cydones'

ConstantinopleConstantinople, 1392-1396

I learned no more from your letter than what I had previously sus-pected. Your failure to visit us during the past several days made it clearthat you were not well. But the fact that you had to write to me before Icould send someone to find out how you were must be attributed to thepresent situation, which has given us so many things to do that we are notallowed to be our own masters.

Still, if you have not yet fully recovered from your illness, do nothesitate to write to us about your condition, and let us know if you needanything. But if you now enjoy good health, then forget about writing andwith the light of day present yourself to us, assuring us by action as well asby word that you are well.

1 The general sequence indicates that this letter was written after Manuel's returnto Constantinople, which took place during the first week of January 1392 at the latest.

21, 2263

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64 22, 23

The accounts of the colony of Pera list an expense on 7 January 1392 for the Podest4

visiting the Emperor in Constantinople on the vigil of the Epiphany (5 January): L. T.

Belgrano, "Prima eerie di documenti riguardanti Is, colonia di Pera," Atti dells societd Ligure

di 8toria patria, 13 (Genoa, 1884), 162. Since it is clear that Manuel and Cydones were in

the capital at the same time, the letter may be dated between 1392 and 1396, probably

closer to 1392.

23. To CydonesConstantinople

Constantinople, 1392-1396

On your behalf I myself read your wonderfully sweet letter to mymother the empress in which you spoke of her bitter destiny.' I was socompletely overcome that I could not put it down until I had imprintedevery word on my mind. What I was not unaware of before has now beenmore vividly impressed on me by your letter, and for this be assured that Iwas greatly pleased. Because everyone judged it to be a perfectly marvelousletter in which you virtually surpassed yourself, you succeeded in showingwhat you know very well, that your struggle consists in facing a truly greatstruggle.

1 After the death of her husband, John V, on 16 February 1391, the Empress He-lena continued taking an active part in the government, acting as regent while Manuelwas away in Asia Minor during the second half of 1391 and joining him in diplomaticnegotiations as late as July 1392: see Loenertz, Ddmdtrius Cydones Correspondance, II,444, 449; Thiriet, Rdgestes, 798, 820. Probably later in the same year she entered theconvent of Kyra Martha in Constantinople, taking the name of Hypomone: see p. xlv.Before doing so she distributed her possessions to the poor and left a special gift to Cy-dones. In a long letter Cydones thanked her for this gift and for her previous benefactions:Letter 222; French translation by Cammelli, Ddmdtrius Cydones Correspondance, no. 28,pp. 68-77. It was this letter which Manuel read to her; he then wrote the present letter toCydones. Parallel to the "sweet letter," one would expect to find "bitter letter," but thiswould not make much sense in the context, so that one probably has to understand aword such as fortune or destiny: -rill mxp&S [ruXrls]. The last line could be interpreted as:"You are pitted against a truly great adversary," that is, yourself, which would continuethe notion of "surpassing yourself." But it is not unlikely that Manuel is using the wordstruggle (&y&v) in the sense of his mother's struggle against ill fortune, or perhaps in thesense of her "having fought the good fight" (2 Tim. 4:7), and of the struggle or literaryeffort involved in Cydones' writing about it.

23

65

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24. To Frangopoulos'

24,25

1392-1396 (?)

When your letter was read, some people said it was laconic and somesaid it was not. Some simply concentrated on the compact manner in whichyour ideas were expressed, while others based their judgment on the factthat it enclosed great thoughts in very few words, in which they were closerto the rules of the art. At any rate, the ability to do this certainly demandsno little skill, and since we do not possess this, it would be better for ussimply to acknowledge it and be done. Now then, since the present timedoes not allow me to say more, I shall say only this : if what we all prophesyshould come about, then there will be no need to write. For why follow thesecond best course when the first is right at hand? Still, if you should preferto remain at home, we shall answer you at greater length when we find thetime.

' The position of this letter in the manuscript indicates that it belongs to the period,1392-1396, before the battle of Nicopolis in September 1396. Possibly Manuel is alludingto the Turkish siege of Constantinople, begun in 1394, which may have prevented Frango-poulos from entering the city. With the lifting of the siege, perhaps by the crusade led byKing Sigismund ("what we all prophesy"?), Frangopoulos will not have to write, but willbe able to converse with Manuel in person or, if he remains at home, Manuel himself willhave more time to write.

25. To Cyclones

1392-1396 (?)

For a long time I have greatly loved and admired that man with thegolden tongue' or, if you wish, a golden soul, because of his virtuous way oflife as well as his wisdom. I thought they had achieved the summit of per-fection and could not be improved on, but now I realize I was mistaken. ForI had such an exalted opinion of his qualities that when I compare the wayI formerly felt with the way I now feel, I cannot say that I either loved oradmired the man before.

This is what came over me on reading through now for the first time hiswork, To an Unbelieving Father.' This brought me so closely in touch withhim that I almost thought I saw the great man alive and heard him dis-coursing. At any rate, whether others, too, consider this treatise to be as

24, 25

24. Tc",,i (Dpayyo7ro5),w

67

X8,

Kai Aaxwvcx7')v r9v ETrLoro) V xai E4 ToLauTr)V &vayvwa,'&E%aavaav at 7rpoaELp*'xaaLV of pLe'v &70,6&7rL86VTEC, EGC, T] v Twv voy)µaTwv

7ruxv6Tr-ra, of 8' &7rb Toy pLEy&Anv EvvoLav 6v6paaLv 6ALyotq Eyx? kkalaL

5 TExVLx6TEpoV xpLVONTEC,. To' yo5V TavTa 6axSELV 7rOLELV o6xouv TM6),Y)4

&TExV6EaTL TexV7)q, ' S "tAv (J. N.ETExoU6LV IX,LL£LVOV &v et-I 7r&VTWG

&cpoaLwaapL6voLs &7raAAay5va.. 6.Ev &TE p la, o xaLpbs E7rvrpe7csL, o68e'v

7r?eov epw vuv 7 (ilC, EL pLEV 0 7r&vreq pLavreu6p:ESa yevotro 7rEpE£pyov Tb

f. 14V yp&rpcLv. I T6 y&p M 70,05 BEUTipou EV xepoiv OVTOS TOll 7tpdr ou EL

10 8' o'lxoL pLEVELV EAOLaOfE axoX c'1'.ao Aap4tevoL paxpoTepotq ae yp&pLpLaaw&46.24: 9: Diogenes, Prov. 2, 45: Paroem. gr. II, 24.

B f. 66.

25. Tip Ku86vp xe'

'Eyw' 'r v xpuaoUv T v yX)TTOLV, EL 8E pouAEL, xai S-16 7r&AaL

a(p68pa xaL TLAWv xal. v ' r TCOV Tp67rwV &pcTY q Ollx

aocpias, xai ELi TOUTOLS yeveaofaL wS Eic

5 "axaTOV &9LypLEVOLS, VUV EyV)V 7r .T7) L&VOc . xai yap ToaouTOV TauT'

Ylu Trap' & LOIL OaOV T& VUV To6S 7rp6akV 7rapapa&6V, oUx Ex(I) AeyELV

OTL 7rp.v 7FOL ECpLAOUV TOV &v pa 8L& %au.LMTOc jyov.

2Juvepr, 8e p,OL TOUTi EX TOU TOV 7rpOq &7CLaTOV 7raTepa 8LEAO'ELV VUV

;rpWTWS AOyOV EXeLVOU' OS OUT) (.L£ OAwS ELS EOLUTOV i jp'r aaTO, wS10 µovovou Boxezv Cvra, Te aUTOV Tbv µeycv 6p&V xai BLaXEyop.kVOU &xouELV.

et yOUV xai &.AAOLC, o 'roq o' A6yoc o 'ro 8oxe6 %aupLaa-OS, aUTOL av

6825, 26

admirable as I do, they themselves will know best. As for myself, while Iregard everything written by that man as golden and fit for heaven, still Ibelieve his other works are as inferior to this one as are the writings ofothers who have no very great passion for literature compared with hisworks. In my opinion, it requires no effort for anyone to arrive at this literaryjudgment. For if the man be regarded with so much admiration and respectbecause of his ability to persuade Christians and so bring the truth to light,should he not be regarded with all the more admiration and respect when,unassisted by the weight of Scripture, he manifests this same ability inaddressing himself to pagans ?3 I certainly believe everyone will agree withme. Still, if the reader should feel we have somehow exaggerated, then theauthor of this work will himself make excuses for us, since in his prologuehe very clearly demonstrated the great difficulty of the undertaking.

1 St. John Chrysostom. Its place in the collection would date this letter to 1392-96.8 "To an Unbelieving Father," IIp6q &7CLa rov varipa, comprises Book II of Chryso-

stom's Adversus oppugnatores vitae monasticae: PG, 47, cola. 331-48; D. Ruiz Bueno, Obrasde San Juan Cris6stomo, Tratados asciticos. Texto griego, versi6n espan"ola y notes (Madrid,1958), 404-444. The codex Vaticanus graecus 571, once possessed by Cydones, contains anencomium of Chrysostom written in Cyclones' own hand and a number of works of Chrysos-tom, this particular one being on fols. 37-52v: G. Mercati, Notizie di Procoro e DemetrioCidone, 157-58; see also Cyclones, Letter 406.

3 Hellenes, i.e., pagan Greeks.

26. To Cydones

ConstantinopleConstantinople, 1392-1396 (?)

You seem to be saying that your departed horse was not truly a goodone. But in truth the horse was a good one, and after his death he has givenyou proof of his nobility. At least, when he was alive he caused you grief,but departed, he has caused you to rejoice more than when he was alive. Hehas offended you by just one thing: by being good to you, he has proventhat you slandered him. For see now, this horse, even better and nobler thanthat other one, comes to you from us, and the one responsible for this isactually that dead one for whom you had no regard. From the dead horsecomes the living one. This is in line with Plato's resurrection, which seemeda lot of foolish nonsense then and now to all who hear it, but which hasalready found a brilliant advocate in that noble horse of yours.1

I Cf. Plato, Pheedo, 71e-72d.

25, 2669

EEBELev. EyW SE 7rorvTa p.EV r&vapGq Exe(vou xpua& TE ryoup.aL xat oupavc;w

7rpE7rovrc , roaou'rov p.ev'roL To& roU Too A6you EvBE v baov ExFLvwv ofETt pwv A6yoL, otS ou 7ruvu 7ro)A; 6 Tcov A6ywv pw5 EcTE. CSoxS p.oL 8E

15 (A.Y)BiV EpyOV EtvaE TLVa Ta.UT71VZ v allyxpLCrLV. Ef', yap TCpt 6Vaa&c 7rEW&SLV Xp66'r oCVOti q, xad TauT'n ' v &A9ELcV &yELV ELS yroqEEC, TOLT' &ep1.Kroc ,9'c Loc' OC, xod ¶LL1.jq 6 &vYjp, BTav 'rx TV T 'V 86vap.Lv7rp6c "E)aYpaS (ilv &7rb TCov Xoyk v Po7C1'1S, 7C oU

4aup.aaL6,)TEpoc Ta6T-n xacl 'CLp.LGWTEpoS; EyW p.EV o 6v nwre6w 7cm'vTas20 auvop.oAoyraeLV Ei.oL. Et' TL p.EVTOL TLCRV 67rEppoA

allT6C, 6 yp 4ca Tou'rov T6V A6yov 1')7re'p p.wV 7rapaLTYIaETa6, EpyWBeaTaTOV

Td EyxE(p 1.La etVaL AEyWV Ev 7rpooLpLLOL4 xod &7ro8ELxv1c cpavepws.

25: 8: S. Joannis Chrysostomi Ad. patrem in fidelem, seu Adversus oppugnatores vitaemonasticae, liber II: PG 47, 331-48.

B f. 66-66". 6 Ylu l8r1 corr. ex P 1113-14 Exe(vwv of ETipoav corr. ex exe(vwvTwv ETEpcov of P

26. TC,> KuBwvp xS

n p.EV T6V OEx6p.EVOV L7r7r0V 06 xaT& &AY,DELaV paEV]) xaAWV xaA6V'

6 E wv xaAds xai pa'r& TO TE9VOLvc a0LT%

-1v OLpETY1V E7rE8EE aTO,

rxLaTa psv ae Au7crlaac oEx6pevoc 8' EucppavaS paAAov r Wv. v5 TOUT6 act p6vov 7rpoc xpouaev, bTL aE TW Ell 7r0L'Ylaca auxolpOLVTYIV

U78EL(EV. E805 yap VV M TOU T6V L7ctov TOM' Trap' 'Y1pWV, OS

xai. (.l.EE"WV E7LEEVOU xcd xccAA'LWV Ea'c v, ExELVOS 84 OV OUx EiraLVELS

=TLOS. &7rb yap '700 TE9NEWT0C, 6 WV COL, xc v& T"V To3 fIA&TWvoC

cVc43LO.waw, r Arpos Ewa. 8ox0uaa xai cpAuap(a p.axpa ExTore xai ELq10 80p0 ToLS a'x060UaLV 0C7raoL, Tbv ycvvctoV ExELVOV t'7c7rov aot Aap.7rpbv

r81 auveyopov Eup-7xsv.

26: 8-9: cf. Platonem, Plw.edo, 7le-72d.

B f. 66". 1 -r.) au : cp codd. 11 8 Tout om. B

70

27. To Theodore Kaukadenosi

27

What you wrote was read before a small but not undistinguishedaudience. Its members were well versed in the art of speaking to the point,and their judgment counted for much among serious men of letters, Amongthem, one admired the arrangement of the words, another the beauty ofexpression, and they were struck by the conciseness of the ideas and by thefact that so many of them were nicely enclosed within the compass of a fewwords. Everyone had something different to applaud, and all joined in ap-plauding the whole work. I, too, found everything to be excellent, even thoughI sat in silence while the others stamped their feet and shouted with joy. Butwhat particularly pleased me about your writing, and what I believe is yourstrongest point, is the value you set on moderation. Your desire to obtainwhat you were requesting in your composition was exceedingly great, as isonly natural, yet at the same time you avoided all excess.

You have indeed succeeded in convincing us, and your hope has beenfulfilled. Now, our own hope will be fulfilled if you set yourself to supervisethe instruction of the two youths. I am certain you will regard this as equi-table and, at the same time, beneficial to them as well as to my daughter.This should not be a difficult task, I believe, if you set your mind to it.

1 In this letter Manuel says that he has been impressed by Kaukadenos' request andis appointing him to supervise the education of two young men and a girl. In his own letterKaukadenos showed his appreciation of moderation (µ&rpov) and, as their tutor (rsow(ppow-aarhS), can now teach them to value moderation. Manuel, it seems, is naming a tutor for hisown children; the use of the definite article (Totv,') to mean "my" is common enough inGreek, and the context seems to favor this interpretation. Who then are these childrenof Manuel? The letter's place in the collection would date it in the mid-1390s. Manuel'soldest son, John, was born on 18 December 1392 and the second, Theodore, sometimebetween 1394 and 1399: P. Schreiner, "Chronologische Untersuchungen zur Familie KaiserManuels II.," BZ, 63 (1970), 288-90 (less thorough is the discussion by Barker, Manuel II,474-78, 494-96). A son, Constantine, as well as two daughters, were born between 1393and 1398, but died before 1405. When Manuel left for Western Europe in 1399 they couldscarcely be called youths (veoav) unless he is using the term in a loose or playful sense. Ifthis letter were written after his return to Constantinople in 1403, the term would applymore exactly to his two oldest sons. Manuel had at least one illegitimate daughter, Zampia(Isabella), probably born in the 1370s, who married the Genoese Hilario Doria about1392: A. T. Papadopulos, Versuch einer Genealogie der Palaiologen (Munich, 1938), 70:of. Barker, Manuel II, 474.

2771

27. Tw Kauxo vc; xupc> OEoBc py

Ta elpip.&va cot e'v p,Lxpro [Av o6 cpa6acp a' ovveyv6aOrj .5,z,\

au' v) T ) /aav 8 ot xaL aeyELV iv allTlil ally iupcc xal WV EV XOyw

ToLS nepI X6youq 6v 6 t.ev T& LV, 6 8e To xa3J.oq5 TCov 6vop.&T(6v at& %m6N.aTo; dye, To6S 8' " Twv v 7Cuxv6T7)s

r c xai T6 =6,ra ov'r ToaauTa n&vu rot ppaxeaty 6v' ,LaatnEptxAEtea,'ar. xai &AXoS &XXo Tt exp6TEL xai n&vTES OCnav(' 6p5.E(toi 8E xai Tauza µEV &ptaT& yE n&vTa EcpatvETO ovx jTto aLW7c5VTL

xai xaS-%tevw 31 Tots &X?,or. nr)Mat a6 xai poi. w 8E µaXXov

10 'aO v xaL 6 I.IAL xpeZT'rov t v aWv, 6TL TO (.I.kpov ETE[qacS6neppa?6vTW5 yap e'pwv ou ypo'4as fTou TuyELv-7r c yap ou-7raaav6µ(6S &cc7t pEUyac.

Ilenetxocq rotvuv xai cants or. EEeprq 6nWs 8E xa'& T& T1Y,(.tETepaS TOUTO 8' Ea' L V To6v Veoty aauT6v ao ppoV6adv

15 E7rLa T'cocr . 8 8' 8ixatov ELnorS &v, F-6 of , xad OC(A.a ye a. vot ov x&xetvorc

-,e xai ' &uyaTp[- xai or X XEn6V ot(un E&v pouAo(J.evW or..

27: B f. 66v-67. 1 OeoSc p(p Tip KauxaSr)vi B 11 11 67<eppmXX6vtm5 B 1114 AA

a6Tav B

72

28, 29

28. To a Certain Foolish Person1

Your rhetorical efforts have been even more forceful than those ofThucydides,2 particularly when you wrote that noble and lengthy letter ofyours in which you omitted none of the usual examples, but not even youseemed to have any idea of what you were saying. How, then, can anyonego about putting together a systematic answer to your letter, when whatyou said followed no order and was full of contradictions. Surely, you areaware of this much, that none of it, as they say, was sound. But you reliedon your great wisdom, which has made you so important, although I do notknow where or how you have all of a sudden acquired it. You have comeforth, as you have done for so long, armed by falsehood to struggle to yourown detriment against the truth, that invincible athlete, to whom, I amcertain, you will very soon pay the penalty for your audacity or, if youprefer, for your foolishness or complete lack of sense.

I have therefore decided that it is superfluous for me to attack you inwords, for I should not want to be laughed at while fighting at the side ofthat noblest of athletes, the truth, in the struggle against falsehood. Com-pared with truth, falsehood is clearly no stronger than an infant, yet it isyour ally, fighting along at your side, in your never-ending battle. You alwaysemploy it as your model, your trainer and your teacher in preparing you forcombat. But then, you always provide the audience with a chance to jeer,inasmuch as you present yourself before all as a noble athlete.

1 There are no chronological indications in this letter, and it may be only a rhetoricalexercise. Still, as in the case of Letters 63-66, it may have had a basis in fact, althoughthe addressee and the circumstances are unknown.

2 In the rhetorical handbooks used by the Byzantines, Thucydides was cited as oneof the examples of 8ecv6rng, forcefulness or intensity, e.g., Dionysius of Halicarnassus,De coni.paratione verborum, 18; De Thucydide, 2, 53; Hermogenes, De ideis, 2, 0; Longinus,IIepi iSVous, 22-23.

29. To Cydones'

ConstantinopleConstantinople, 1394-1396

Since you were prevented by illness from visiting your close friend-Irefer to myself-you took the next best course by asking me to write to you,oblivious of all the obstacles to my doing this. Some of the people herecriticized you for choosing an inopportune moment, but I think they know

28, 29

28. TM Oau&pq

73

xrj

"Eot c 86' Wv xaL OOUxu8L8ou 8eLV6Tepov EpprjT6peuaa4, v vyevvafav xad Laxpav ExeLvrjv yp&4ac EnLa'cOX'jv ou8ev65 TWV eLS

cpeLa4tevo5, I.LajBe w 'ro au stabo L aura Taut' & v°uv a&ycLS.5 7r&S ouv paBLOV &AXov &(.LELp6j.1.Evov aou ToLq yp&j.L..c npo5 e"7rOq

6Te TOLELV etXe T& £Lp7jj4eva &aaa xocL &Xk, XoLC Ej.L&XeTO;

µa".aaov 8E Tart p,Ev ota&a 6q o6hv uyLES cpaaL. Tp 8e noXX aopLaTe&a.pprjxdc, c EEanLvYjs oux o18' onws xaL 6.ev nenaouTrjxas 80 jv xat

f. 15V v XLx6a8E I yeyEvajaaL, 7tp0'1jXaljc TW gSu'aeL xa,&OnXLa,&CLS W xat n6p-

10 pw&ev r5 &XYj&LOC frtL &Y,v7,roq *a'YjT?j xaT& aaUTOU

xaL BLxrjv av'rLxa (L&aa TIC, ¶6a4'YjS EvrtastC eu oz8a, e4 8e (306)'C& ye,

&voiaS rj b7rovOLas.

"Okv MI nepLepyov x&lLE ae a6yot4 vev6 i xa (LYjno rE xatyg),wza ocpaoLJIt &9arj r yevvaLO'r&Tw T &arj,&eLa 7rpoS Tav xa'ra r t.o 1

15 468ou4 auvc &L8aov. 8 vrjntou BLacp6peLv j,19e'v T'pj npo5 Trjv

&X Ot av naps&EacL yvwpLZ;eTaL, w a6 ye Tov n&v ra Xp6vov

aoL. &eL p,cv rou'rw xat na&a' xad aaeLnTn xo8L8(Xax&aw npos rok &ywvac Xpdµevoc, &eL 8E auptTTELV napEXwv To& 'rpov oiq yevva%oc &`'XYj )' &naaLV avapaivp.

28: 2: cf. Dionysium Halic., De comp. verb., 18; De Thucyd., 2, 53; et alibi. 7:Plato, Gorgias, 524e.

B f. 67.

29. Tip KuMvrj xV

EU jlEv TOV a6v e'pW(.l.Evov uno'r j v6aou PaEneLV ou a uyXwpo6(a.evoc,

Eµe 8 ).6yw, 67A -,6v BcU' cpov -aouv xaL napaxaaeisEMUTEaXULV, ari} V &T&VTwV aa(3cV T6V rOUTO np&TTELV eLpy6vrcv. Yjaav

5 <>' oL aou Twv 7rapeat x6Twv xaTEyvwaaV &xaLptav, jttxp& ELS67ES ot(aat

74

29, 30little about friendship. My own attitude is so vastly different from theirsthat, while I was not unaware of the greatness of your friendship before,now I have come to realize it all the more, and for this I am grateful to you.After all, unless you set the greatest store by your friendship, you wouldnever be eager for letters completely devoid of Hellenic elegance, relentlessas you are in your pursuit of them. Nonetheless, since I would like to obeyyou, and not disobey Solomon, who counsels that it is necessary to apportionthe proper time for everything,2 I am writing this to fulfill my obligation.For even something small is not a small favor when friends are concerned.

With God's help, I am about to march out to the aid of a certain smallfortress under siege. It is a little place indeed and really of little value to theenemy, but if it should be taken, it would make them feel happier and morerespectable. But take courage. For just as God has already sent their satrapaway empty-handed when he began his assault, so will he also do the samenow.3

1 The mention of the beleaguered fortress, otherwise unidentified, indicates thatthis letter was written after the Turks had begun their siege of Constantinople in 1394and, since Manuel and Cydones were both in the city, it must have been written beforethe latter's departure in the fall of 1396. It has also been translated by Barker, Manuel II,126-27.

' Eccles. 3:1-8, 17.' The satrap is the Turkish commander, perhaps Bajezid himself. It seems that the

last of Cydones' collected letters (Letter 450) was written in reply to this; it reads in fullas follows: "Most assuredly, your letter was that of a soldier, showing that the writerwas extremely busy and letting us know that we should not write at length. In fact, werealize that it would be burdensome to drag such a busy person away from his pressingtasks, and so we have made this letter quite brief, but what we would have included in it,we will now join to our prayers."

30. To Constantine Asanes1

ConstantinopleConstantinople, summer-fall 1396

On reading the letter, I realized immediately that although it wasaddressed to you, this was simply a stage effect and a mask. Everyone wholistened to it made the observation that it was really sent not to you, but tome. Aware then of my obligation to send an answer, I thought it best notonly to reply to the contents of the letter, but also to imitate the manner inwhich your friend sent it.2 So I am writing to you and passing over most ofthose points which someone else might answer in detail. For his letter wasfilled with reproaches and mocking insults, and, like those animals whichgive birth to large litters, by its very nature it provokes a man wishing to

29, 3075

<ptaeiv. eyc 8e, Toaov,rov &74X0 TauTOv exctvotc waTe xat7tptV aOU To cpLXTpov 5aov oux &yvo& , vuv p.aXXov yvwv xat x&pLV oZ3&am. To&TOU. et p. yap p.eya xact 7toX6 To5TO jv 7tap& aoL, oux &v 7roTeypaµp.&Twv rv r&vTY) x&pvroc O"vrco' &p.otpcov o

10 TOUTOL; xaT' tXvoc ETCOE.L£VOc. 70,YV aot Te rELa"WEL pouXbµevoc xatr ZoXo.L&vTL p.Y &7te&,I+eiv, k vep.ELV 8eiv rapa.Vei Toic 7tp&yp.aaL Touc

xacpouc, 60-7tep ELe'v &cpoacoup.evoc yp&(pW ou yap p.LxpoV etc X&peV xatTa pLxpav rot; TLXouacv.

"EEe:p.L 8E po"Y)&'Y)ao v, OEOU auvaLpop.evou, cppouptcp TLvt 7toXLopxou-

15 tk6V(p, p,Lxpcp p.EV xat p.Lxpa Toic 7zoXEp.toLc aUVo o r.v 8uva[1eV(P, et yex7ly-t ei>) TLEL?)v 3E Tou rmL xai &XX& Weyap TOV TOUTWV a0CTp&77jV xeVdV Oeac Vtxa TOUTW 7tpoakpaAXe,

rccO xdL VUV 3p&aeL.

29: 3: Diogenes, Prov. 2, 45: Paroem. gr. II, 24. 11-12: Eccl. 3, 1-8, 17.

B f. 67-67v. 11 &1 codd.

30. Up 'Aa&v7j xupw X'

T v &vayvouc eyvcwv E6,3,6c p.Ev e7rrypacpr To aov

E tXEV 5vop.cc, v 8e' Tou'O 3p5p.a xai aot pEV yap ou, ep,otf. 16 8' Oaj.o,ws I 75c TLc o 'zauTTjv &7rEq']VIXTO.

5 &pOLpaiav 3ELV 7rE4lf0(L yvouc, 3ELV pil 40'VOV ye Toic yp&pLµaaLV

&p.etYaa,&aL Ta ErEaTaXp,EVa, &XX& xat Tov Tpo7rov 4Lp.7jaaa9c: xa&' ov o

COL ereaTaAxe. yp&cpco 8" am. Ta rXEtm 7rapetc wv &XXOc aVEi7rev &µELp6.L voS &xpcpwc. of p.EV yap rporrXaxLapot xai Ta oxw' FLp.c cc

WV Eye4EV e7rLCTOXY) roAuTOxoLC, EOLxE (,WOLc, xai. yuae6 TOV

76

30

reply to compose an even lengthier answer. Yet I would be ashamed to reactin this way, which I never cease to censure. Now then, as I mentioned, I amleaving out most of the details and writing just enough to acquit myself ofmy obligation. Still, do not ascribe the conciseness of this response to lackof ability; attribute it rather to good will and to my desire not to rush intothose topics which others might readily do in venting their anger.

I say that if he looks upon foreign lands as a common fatherland, byhis changing over to those who dwell there3 and by manifesting the sameattitude toward what is sacred,4 then, inasmuch as he has separated himselffrom us, he must necessarily regard his own land as a foreign one. At least,if this reasoning is correct, clearly no one should have difficulty in deter-mining that it was not with weeping and mourning that he sang the Song ofthe Lord, but rather with great happiness .5 Whether this is praiseworthyor not is his affair. Still, not to grieve when it is proper to do so, I fear, isitself cause for grief.

But it certainly is amazing that he has been joining in worship witheveryone under the sun, even with the inhabitants of the islands beyondCadiz;6 either by some divine impulse they have all come together to praywith him, or else by a fortuitous and timely coincidence. Still, I really donot know why he thought he had to write to you about this or about howthey all sang hymns concerning the cross and the passion with great rev-erence, the extent of which is not unknown to us.7 Of course, I believe it isquite true that they all view him with high regard and are prepared to offerhim a prominent position among them. For they usually honor newcomerswho change over more than they might deserve. Since, as experience shows,most of those who change over do so for the sake of honors and gifts, it is byhonors and sometimes by gifts that they shrewdly attract them to preventthem from singing a recantation, like so many Stesichoroses.8 Certainly,such enticements do not last for long, for whatever is not done with sin-cerity does not endure.

But your friend speaks of the great silence, order, and reverence withwhich they perform their sacred rites, which are not at all inferior to our ownhymns and readings, and in some points may even be superior. He alsoexalts that truly wonderful and revered wise man and teacher as well as histhoughtful and intelligent disciples.9 Surely, his own actions are not incon-sistent with his words, and as for myself he has freed me from both sorrowand care. For if I thought he was living there in sadness deprived of the dearand sacred hymnody he had known from youth, then truly I too should besharing his sadness. And, as would be proper, I should never cease troublingthose upon whom the task of healing has been enjoined.10 But now, as itseems, he is at peace and will not trouble us anymore, which means a greatdeal to me. For one who wants to be kind to everyone would find it unbearablenot to be able to protect a friend who needs help.

'A13An7170 A13X3

57013 GU0 510(14) 5701.171 01 5md))o9 k13 Ab A01Udod) n0

1DX L 5(Qd3 d)OA 510 A70 0 `5m1AXJ .t 3A 13DAYXOA3

5-k 1 2no nm713d1 `A3x103 5m `3Q AnA 'Aids 170-1363 5YJi2 L) d3, Ski 70_'. 5io Cf,

50A37i9n1A &1&710n701L 3 X20 `A 5)713G 5m 13A n0'(X0 112 1X1X 5(') k'(T AoX731371

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78

30Undoubtedly, as I have just remarked, what he has been saying does

not conflict with his actions. But on the other hand, to liken some people todrunks and swine, to use other epithets, and to call them liars and imposters-I do not know what reasons he has to think they will bear such insultsmeekly-this does not strike me as right for a man seeking to pursue philo-sophy, especially since of all means of insulting he chooses a form of speakingwhich he pretends is prayer. Now, we are not unaware of the good will hesays he cherishes toward us, just as I am sure that he has not forgotten howhighly we have always regarded him. And, because of his respect for thetruth, I do not believe he would deny that his love is less than mine, or atleast not greater. So then, if he will listen to me, let him be persuaded by hisfriend the rhetorician who says that uttering insults, as he himself knowsbetter than I, is an accusation against those who do so, and not againstthose who are being insulted." Finally, let him prove himself a philosopherby his deeds and realize that one ought not shake the proverbial bean tree.12But, if he has given in to some involuntary impulse, then let him straightenout matters by good counsel and by his prayers to God, and not try toremedy evil by another evil.

1 The following letter was certainly written in the fall (probably October) of 1396,and this one seems to have been written shortly before that. The unnamed friend is mostprobably Manuel Calecas, a teacher of literature and rhetoric, a friend of ConstantineAsanes and of Cydones, highly regarded by the Emperor, who in the summer (perhapsfall) of 1396 had fled to the Genoese colony of Pera, where he was soon received into theRoman Church: see Loenertz, Calecas, 16-46. It seems that he resided in a Dominicanconvent in Pera, and a few years later he entered the order in Mytilene. As a disciple ofCydones (1391-1396) he would have become familiar with the writings of Aquinas, and hehimself translated some of his works into Greek: Loenertz, Calicas, 7-14.

Because of his anti-Palamite writings, Calecas was summoned to subscribe to theso-called Tome of Palamas, the statement of official orthodoxy promulgated in 1351.When promises and threats failed to get him to sign, he was actively persecuted, and toavoid this he fled to Pera. Probably in the summer of 1396 he wrote a long and bitter letterto Constantine Asanes, his friend and protector, with the expectation that it would bebrought to the Emperor's notice, as indeed it was. This first letter is not found in thecollection of letters preserved by Calecas, who possibly in a calmer moment thought itunworthy of himself, or who may have taken Manuel's criticism to heart. About the sametime he composed and sent to Manuel a more objective and rational Apology: ed. Loenertz,Calecas, 308-1S. On reading this, Manuel invited him to come and discuss the matter inConstantinople, an invitation which he politely declined: Calecas, Letter 14, ibid., 186-87.

2 That is, since your friend wrote to you the letter he really intended for me, so Iam writing to you the answer I really intend for hint.

3 Pera (Galata) or the Nest in general.4 The Byzantine Church.5 Ps. 136 (137):4: "How could we sing a song of the Lord in a foreign land ?"

Proverbial for the ends of the earth.Perhaps the Vexilla regis and b'tabat mater.

" Stesichoros, a poet of Himera in Sicily, was blinded for lampooning Helen ofTroy, but on writing an encomium of her, the recantation, his eyesight was restored.

30

79

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30: 20: Psalm. 136, 4. 24: cf. Miehaelem Apost., Prov. 16, 19: Paroem. gr. II,661; Karathanasis, Sprichworter, 82, p. 54. 34: Plato, Phaedrus, 243a-b; Suidaelexicon, E 1095 (ed. Adler, 4, 443); Paroem. gr. II, 210. 58: of. Demosthenem, InMidiam, 42, 45, 185. 61: Aristophanes, Lysistrata, 68; Libanius, epist. 80, 6; of.Karathanasis, Sprichworter, 214, p. 102. 66: of. Herodotum, 3, 53.

B f. 67v-68v. 1 Kwvarav'rtvc;.) 'rw 'Aa&.v-,q B 1125 auvc 6Seiacev oodd.

0 St. Thomas Aquinas and the Dominicans.10 The Byzantine bishops. On the use of Repmnela, &epanc6w, etc. in the sense of

spiritual healing, pastoral care, reconciliation, see G. Lampe, A Patristic Greek Lexicon(Oxford, 1961-68), s.v.

11 Cf. Demosthenes, In. Midia,n, 42, 45, 185.12 Proverbial expression similar to: Do not rock the boat.

80

31. To Cydones31

Northern Italy (Venice?)Constantinople, October 1396

No sooner had you put out to sea than the king arrived in port-'While his coming made us glad, his arriving in such circumstances deeplysaddened those who had been longing to see him. But, I suppose this wasdecreed by fate, just as was your sailing away on the same day in the middle

of winter, paying no heed to illness and old age and trying to outdo the birds

who frequently are already in flight before they know what they are doing.

I do not know what to think. Is this the doing of ill fortune or of God, whodisposes all for the best?

Certainly, our endeavors for the common good would have proceededfar better if you had been here to help-I am not saying this merely to bepleasant-with your linguistic ability, your understanding and everythingelse. And so, the fact that you were not here was an unkind and obviouslygrudging act of fate, because you alone missed seeing a good and noble man,a man who has tried to the best of his ability to rescue the Christians fromslavery, and a man whom you wanted to see probably more than anyoneelse. All this, I am afraid, will cause you the greatest distress and discourage-ment, and the reports of this disaster,2 which cannot be sufficiently lamented,will pierce you like arrows.

But when I consider myself, as well as any intelligent person, who maycomplain more than ever about the human condition and regret that wedid not give up our spirit with our first outcry when, before it was witnessed,this incredible event came to be known, now, on seeing what actually hap-pened, I am willing to change my views and look upon your sailing away,which I disapproved of at the time, as due to the protecting providence ofGod. For if we who are in good health find ourselves, on being struck by thisunexpected blow, no better off than if we were sick, if we feel half dead andkeep denouncing life itself, how would you feel if you had been present tosee and hear all this, you who have been struggling against old illnesses fromwhich you have never fully recovered ? For thoughtful men life is not worthliving after that thunderbolt, that deluge, which, although not engulfingthe whole world, was worse than the first one in that it bore away mennobler than those of that time. Then there was that savagery, that resound-ing and abominable din, those thunderclaps coming one upon the other, allso horrifying. Like a dense mass of clouds all these calamities gatheredtowards a single point of evil, not by the force of the wind and the impulseof increasing sin, but beyond all expectation, just as the sky was bright andclear, the sea appeared calm, and we thought we were sailing along with agood wind and just about inside the harbor-then this terrible disaster

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31

struck us with the utmost violence and tore up by the roots all the fairesthopes in the minds of men. To be in expectation of finding a release from theills that have so long oppressed our people, and of having those who havebeen enslaved for a long time now enslaving others and, to sum it up forthose who understand, of having the whole battle line on the point of gainingback the advantage, and then all of a sudden to see exactly the oppositehappen-what Hercules, what giants, would not be toppled by this? Whatsort of adamantine soul could manage to stand firm and not be thoroughlycast clown?

Yet God "will heal the one he has wounded." For it is better for us, whostill hold to our good hopes, to speak this way and to have faith. He who aloneis good-for one only, God, is good-will not be angry forever with those whohave gone astray, nor will he, I am confident, allow the rod of the impiousto strike the inheritance of the just, that of the faithful, without cessation.But together with those earthen vessels, those men who have nothingspiritual about them but are made of clay, pinned down to the flesh as theyare, intent on what is perishable and in their minds enslaved to earthlythings, that rod too will indeed be shattered by the rod of iron, which Davidhas prophetically forged,3 and which our God and Father has placed in thehands of his Son so that he may reduce the illusory glory of the foe to finedust and dirt, and may thus prepare a glory which is not meant for us. Forwe who are saddled with the heavy burden of sin and shame have no claimto glory; rather it belongs to the name of Him who before the world came intobeing possessed ineffable glory with the Father. Wherefore, rememberinghis mercies from of old, God will, I am certain, smash the teeth of thosewhose mouths, overflowing with blasphemy, are raised against heaven andwhose speech makes that of the pharisees seem moderate, and he will displayto all their tongues walking through the earth.

But now when I see the road of the impious smoothed for their pro-gress-I do not know why, although God certainly does-I am like the deafand no words of refutation come to my lips. Still, I know full well and amconvinced that there will certainly be a reckoning so that the impious willcome to realize they are but men, so that every mouth will be stopped, andthey too, as Paul says, will be answerable to God.4 If I may say somethingthat seems rather bold, he has a certain obligation, as it were, to refute thebelief, or what is really the folly, of the unbelievers, and show the foolishnessand falsehood of the teaching which Mohammed, the pupil and general ofSatan, gave as a sign of error to his initiates and disciples. To them heguaranteed and foretold, inasmuch as he is actually regarded as a prophetby those abandoned ones, that they would always be fully victorious overChristians. Indeed, by God's hidden judgment, this continually happens,and not only does it not bring them to give up their vain belief, even thoughthey have, as the saying goes, nothing sound to offer by way of defending

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their cult against attack, but it also impels to blasphemy many men moreunsound in their faith and unaware of the wealth of God's goodness, for-bearance, and magnanimity. You may observe that some of them willinglydeny the light and let themselves be nailed down to darkness, and evenquite unabashedly, alas, expose our cause to ridicule. For if that self-styledprophet should not be refuted, and God who keeps the bow taut shouldnever let fly the arrow, and he who bears the sword of which Paul speaksshould polish it without purpose,5 and the God-haters should continue torun their present victorious course until the time comes when, accordingto the same apostle,6 their worth will be made known by fire, then theymight be able to present some sort of defense at the judgment, although notaltogether a very good one, by alleging that they did not regard their teacheras a liar, but thought that he was helping them. If this is the sort of thingthey believe, they would not have come close to the truth in any way, butsince these people, being uneducated barbarians, follow falsehood wearingthe mask of truth-I believe this is true if you carry your thoughts all theway back to their forefather Ismael-their mouths will not be completelyshut at the time of judgment, which is what those servants with whom theLord will then speak must undergo. For a long time these people have beenacting wantonly, blaspheming and mocking what is holy in an unbearablemanner, and feasting on blood and massacres, and for this they have hardlyreceived any punishment, let alone an appropriate one. If no one shouldever punish them and in so doing refute that madman and anti-Christ,Mohammed, that imposter, not a prophet, then until the dawning of thatday without an evening, which will bring an end to repentance and whichwill manifest what is hidden, those people will have, I imagine, the elementsof an apology and a means of defending themselves in judgment, but nointelligent person would call it reasonable.

I believe I was right in remarking that God will heal the one he haswounded; he will bring forth his own brilliant bearers of victory, and hewill convince those who praise falsehood to change their tune, those men whoare amassing a hoard of evil for themselves in the day of anger and justjudgment. For so will He be fully victorious in the judgment, and in Hisevery word will He be justified. I am certain, then, that this will come aboutfor the reasons I have just given and for many others, which a thoughtfulman would have given at leisure. But then for us to write all this to a manas full of wisdom as yourself, for whom it suffices to give a more suggestion,is precluded by the rules of letter-writing, my many preoccupations, and myhaving to write this on the spur of the moment. And so it is not easy or timelyto embark on the sea of writing. Not only would I strongly maintain whatI have stated above, but I would also be willing to stake salvation itself,which means everything to Christians, instead of anything else of value,that God will necessarily do as I have said because He is just and good.

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86 31, 32

Whether He will do it sooner or later, He alone knows. For as the Savior

says, it is not for us to know the times and seasons ;7 our role is to pray that

we may see this.

1 After the defeat of the French and Hungarian Crusaders by the Turks at Nico-

polis on 25 September 1396, King Sigismund of Hungary fled down the Danube, and at

the mouth of the river was taken aboard Venetian galleys and conveyed to Constantinople,

all told, a journey of a few days at the most: see A. S. Atiya, The Crusade of Nicopolis(London, 1934), esp. 94; partial translation of this letter in Barker, Manuel II, 133-37, who

gives additional bibliographical data. Sigismund, then, must have arrived in the Byzantinecapital about the end of September or the beginning of October, and he remained there

until at least 11 November. For, on that date he wrote to the Grand Master of the Hospi-tallers, Philibert de Naillac, from Constantinople: letter published in 1896 by H. V.Sauerland and reprinted by Barker, Manuel II, 482-85, with translation and commentary;of. also 136 note 22. Cyclones had sailed from the city, never to return, shortly beforeSigismund's arrival, probably sometime during the last two weeks of September. Manuelgives the impression that the two ships passed each other outside the Golden Horn, butthis may be exaggerated. His expression, "in the middle of winter," need not be takenliterally; for a rhetorician this simply means that it was no longer summer, or he mayhave been using it metaphorically or in the sense of stormy seas. Despite Manuel's assertionthat he wrote this letter in a hurry, it is not likely that he composed it the very day ofSigismund's arrival, so that it can reasonably be dated to early October.

2 The battle of Nicopolis, 25 September 1396.S Ps. 2:9; David is called Oeon&rc p, ancestor of God, i.e., of Christ.4 Rom. 3: 19.5 Not St. Paul, but St. John in Apocalypse, 19, 15, 21.6 1 Cor. 3:13.7 Acts 1: 7.

32. To Manuel Raoul'

CyprusConstantinople, 1396-1397

I so enjoyed reading your letter that I was unable to conceal mypleasure from anyone, for it so fully overpowered me that my very expressionmade it obvious to those standing about and who reacted in the same way.They were beaming with joy and almost leaping about in their desire toapplaud and praise the rhetorician and his many splendid and lengthyletters. Their astonishment and joy kept them from going any further. Foryou appeared as a wonder-worker by making even Cyprus speak to us inAttic Greek.

Now, how can this make sense or be at all likely? For the most illus-trious king2 does not have any interest in our literary activities. And howcould he, when even the language hinders him in this regard? Rather, hiswork concerns arms and their care, practice and exercise. His pleasure isfound in various sorts of hunting, which night somehow barely brings to an

31, 3287

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81: 22: Plato, Phaedru8, 243a-b. 44: of. Mantissam, Prov. 2, 28: Paroem. gr.II, 763. 46: Luc. 18, 18; Matth. 19, 17; Marc. 10, 18. 47: Psalm. 124, 3. 49-51:II Tim. 2, 20; I Cor. 15, 47-48. 53-54: Psalm. 2, 9; Apoc. 2, 27; 12, 5; 19, 15. 54:Psalm. 113, 9. 58: Psalm. 72, 9. 59: Psalm. 57,7. 60-61: Psalm. 72, 9.65: Psalm. 9, 21. 66: Rom. 3, 19. 74: Plato, Gorgias, 524e. 81: non S. Paulussed S. loannes in Apoe. 19, 15, 21. 83: I Cor. 3, 13. 96-97: Rom 2, 16; I Cor. 3, 3, etalibi. 101: Plato, Phaedrus, 243a-b. 113-14: Act. 1, 7.

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8832

end and, while sending him home, does not even permit him to enjoy somelittle rest or to have some free time. Certainly, a man concerned about somany things as Homer says, "must not sleep the whole night through," 3 butrather by the advice and deeds expected of him must always see to thewell-being of his subjects as best he can, with the result that labors followupon labors, those of the night the day's. Then too, the circle of dear onesand the prosperity which you described to us when you were here do notallow a man to pass his time on trifles. And as for you, your foremost andstrongest obligation is to accompany and to follow your lord, and then, ifyou are to please him, to imitate him as best you can. For those upon whomhe bestows greater honor attach more importance to this, and even shouldthey fail constantly, he will more readily pardon them. For there are manycompelling reasons-it is not easy to list them all-to love, to watch over,and to hold in honor those whom one has, as it were, received by patrimonialinheritance. But by what means can a stranger avoid being hated and re-garded as a burden unless he should consistently and eagerly do what mightplease his lord?

Although this is the way things are, and you really must be concernedwith what we have mentioned and spread yourself among many tasks andneglect your literary interests, still you write letters superior to your previousones, demonstrating that a wise lover never forgets what once overpoweredhim. Is it surprising that those who should receive such letters from youshould be pleased and full of wonder? For those you have now been sendinggive evidence both of the force of your good character and of the good dis-position of the most illustrious king toward you. For, if you did not hold avery prominent position at his court and if he himself did not calm the wavesof distress arising from your being in a foreign land, then a single day wouldswiftly take away all your literary enjoyment. May your next letters bestill better so that by sending better ones here you might fill us with betterjoy.

1 This letter depicts a well-educated Byzantine who had emigrated to Cyprus,where he held an important position at the court, and who had visited Manuel in Con-stantinople. Its place in the collection, immediately after Letter 31 of October 1396 andbefore Letter 36, written before 1398, leads one to date it during the last two months of1390' or early in 1397. In 1398 Manuel Calecas wrote to an educated Byzantine emigr6,prominent at the court of Cyprus, with whom he had conversed sometime before autumn1390, apparently in Constantinople, almost certainly Manuel Raoul: Letter 46, ed. Loe-nertz, Calecas, 231-33; see also 77-78, 127-28. The picture given of King James of Cyprusin this letter is remarkably similar to other contemporary sketches, which stress hishospitality, his cordiality, and especially his love of hunting: see 0. Hill, A History ofCyprus, II (Cambridge, 1948), 445.

a James I de Lusignan, king of Cyprus, 1382-1398.Iliad, 2, 24, 61.

89

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32: 17: Homerus, Il., 2, 24, 61.

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90

33. To Demetrius Chrysolorasi33

Sel ymbria (?)Constantinople, 1397

On reading your fine letter, I was of course pleased to observe thestriking harmony in the choice of words and their composition, and at once,I longed to do some writing. Even though by study and hard work I mayhave once achieved some sort of competence in this, I have now been de-prived of almost all of it by the cruel and envious fate striving to overturneverything. But I certainly felt a strong desire to write something, as youmay imagine, for your voice was a real stimulus for me to do so, and itbrought me to forget completely the present situation, one which wouldtruly have incapacitated even Demosthenes and Thucydides for any literaryproduction. Thought about the work at hand, however, was almost draggingmy mind away and was strongly militating against composing a reply of thelength called for by your letter. A person who wished to answer it in detailwould surely be able-bear with me, o noble friend, since the truth speaksboldly-to refute it with ease and show it for what it is.

For your letter did not, I believe, originate from irrefutable positionsor premises already admitted, but inasmuch as it was based wholly on ele-gance alone and employed mere plausibility, a person would find no greatdifficulty in endeavoring to show that its complicated twistings were just aspider's web. Certainly, in this regard the blame would have to be placed,not on you, but on the substance of the matters for which you are compelledto plead as best you can. For I believe you are well aware that plausibility byitself does not merit much respect, and that it is usually extremely hazardousfor people to make it the basis of their actions. Suppose that, as in a play,plausibility should come on stage deceptively wearing the mask of truth; itmight somehow be able to deceive children for a while, since the plausibleis not completely unlike the truth, but in presenting itself before grownmen it simply provokes laughter. As I have said, then, it would require noeffort for people armed only with the proverbial common notions to tearapart the weavings of those trying their hand at rhetoric.

With reason, then, I mean to avoid launching the ship of my replyinto a sea of words, which would be the case if I really wanted to reply indetail to each point raised in your letter, for winter is here and with it atremendous blizzard of problems. Still, since I am torn in two by these con-siderations, I thought that I should take the middle road and that, sinceyou first wrote to us, I will not be discourteous by not writing you in return,but shall make my reply brief, and so be done with it. Therefore, I will makejust one remark: on the one hand, what you say is said very beautifully,but, on the other hand, you should have applied it to those whom it fits,

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9233

and in this way persuade these people too to distinguish between myself,inasmuch as I am a father, and the enemy, or, if you wish, to distinguishbetween those whom it is right to trust and those whom it is right to distrust.

But right now on seeing everything just the opposite, would I bewrong in lamenting bitterly rather than engaging in pleasantries? For if thehand of God will not dispel this darkness, all effort would be in vain, andthere would never be an end to this battle in the night. Let all of us, then,willingly run to Him who is able to accomplish this, for I am certain that ifwe do so, He will come from afar to meet us with great joy. But as long asthis present darkness prevails, there is nothing left but to weep, whichindeed we are doing. Still, we have not completely cast away our goodhopes, for we look forward to better things given freely from the Treasuryof Good.

1 The place of this letter in the collection inclines one to date it in 1397. The lastparagraph describes Manuel's desperation in a particularly critical situation, probably theintensification of the Turkish siege of Constantinople from the winter of 1396 through thespring of 1397: see Barker, Manuel II, 142-49. On 4 February 1397 the Venetian senateconsidered the possibility that Constantinople and Pera might already be in Turkish hands:Thiriet, Rdgestes, 925. About the same time, Bajezid tried to have Manuel replaced by JohnVII, who had actually aided him in besieging the city, and there seems to have been somesupport for John within the walls: Ducas, ed. Grecu, 14, 2-3, p. 83. In fact, the Venetiansenate on 7 April rejected Manuel's desperate offer to cede Constantinople itself to theSignoria and gave the Captain of the Gulf certain instructions in case, by the will of Baje-zid, John VII should have ascended the throne: Thiriet, Rdgestes, 932.

Quite possibly it is within this context that the present letter belongs. DemetriusChrysoloras had written a lengthy plea, the contents of which are not specified, whichManuel rejects on the grounds that, while beautifully composed, his arguments are notpersuasive, based as they are on mere plausibility. Chrysoloras had to resort to compli-cated but weak argumentation because the request he was forced to make was not solidlybased. Manuel then concludes that he should have addressed his arguments, not to him,but to those to whom they really applied, for he should realize that Manuel is a father, andhe should also realize the intentions of the enemy and should know whom to trust and whomto distrust. It seems, then, that what Manuel is really saying could be paraphrased asfollows: John VII has asked, or compelled you (Chrysoloras) to request that I agree thathe should succeed to the throne (either immediately or upon my death). But, although youphrased them very nicely, your arguments are not convincing, largely because of the verynature of the request. The reasons you gave for yielding the throne apply better to himthan to me. For I any a father with a son and heir (John VIII, born in 1392). Moreover, youshould be aware of the real intent of the enemy (Bajezid, who plans to use John in takingover the Empire for himself). In other words, you should know whom you should trustand whom you should distrust, that is, you should not trust Bajezid.

The association of Demetrius Chrysoloras with John Vii in Thessalonica from 1403to 1408 may have begun earlier in Selymbria, where John ruled during the 1390s, and itmay have been in sonic official capacity that he made the proposal on behalf of John. Onecan only speculate about the details of the proposed agreement. Was John to ascend thethrone in Constantinople immediately, or was he to succeed Manuel at his death and inturn be succeeded by Manuel's son, as they had agreed to do in 1393 and would again

3393

7raTkpa(; &wrc g 14 re Tov eX&pbv ayvoety, ei sE PouXEL, olC 7rLrre ctv7rpoa1 XeL, oC a7rLatELV

Nu' gE To6vocv r(ov &7raV 6pCVTa 7c6ou' StxaLOV 7VLxp6V GTEV&C eLV

&v'rL Tou ei Its Yap T6 axovoS T68e xetp BLaaxe&.aEL OeoS,40 p.&TaLoq 7raaa a7rou0'Y) xo L T6 'r j vux'ro(A.axtac T&Oo oLx 6Cv 7coTE cr otrJ.

O'EV E7r).'t 8UV&p.evov'roUTO 8paaaL P48CO)S ap&.(.L o v 7r&VTEC &S, EL Tollvo

µaxp6S'EV & t v'r aEL xatp(V 7r&VTWS, EU otsa. EO)C, 8' &vTouTL To ax6TOC, xpoc' j 066EV &XXO aoLTr6V Yi &xXp6ELV, 0 3 xa6 7ror05p,eV,

oU AV &Xt(6a 7ravTEAWC, &7roppttllavre Ta yap P0,TECO45 7rpoaaox6 (lLev 7rpoGxa 7rapa ro5 TWv &yACov 47iaaupou.

33: 14: of. Platonem, Theaet., 159c. 26: Suidae lexicon, K 2551 (ed. Adler, 3,200). 40: of. Thucydidem, 3, 22. 42: of. Luc. 15, 20.

B f. 71-72. 1 Kupw om. B J1 36 yp&(pETaL xal ours S et 81 (306),EL, [L1,91' oTq 7cL6Te6CLV (.O)WOT(; &7rLaTe6V 7rpoa-9 xe µL 7 )3o9. BLaLpeiv scr. mg. P ab ipso scriba, om. B

agree in 1403 ? See R. J. Loenertz, "Une erreur singulicre de Laonic Chalcocandyle,"REB, 15 (1957), 183-84 (= ByzFrGr, I, 383-92); Ruy Gonzalez de Clavijo, Embajadaa Taxnorldn, ed. F. L6pez-Lstrada (Madrid, 1943), 56. At the time he wrote this letterManuel had at least one son, John VIII, and was thus in a more advantageous position

than his nephew, John VII, apparently still childless: see G. Dennis, "An UnknownByzantine Emperor, Andronicus V Palaeologus (1400-1407?)," JOBG, 16 (1967), 175-87;N. Oikonomides, F,77µciwi.a ye& Tov 'Av6p6vLxo E' llaXoa6?.oyo (1390), in O7)aauplop.zrz, 5

(1968), 23-31. In any case, Manuel clearly rejected any agreement with John VII in thiscarefully worded composition which he wanted to preserve for posterity; undoubtedly hehad already rejected the proposal in less classical and less complicated language.

9434

34. To Balsamon the Protekdikos, later the Great Chartophylaxl

ConstantinopleConstantinople, 1397-1399

After some time your companion arrived with your letter, which evenbefore it came was expected to be a beautiful and splendid one, for excellentthings, it has been said, come from excellent people. Expectation of it,therefore, caused joy, but when it actually arrived it greatly exceeded ourexpectations and dimmed the joy that was in us, just as the sun hides thebrightness of the stars, so brilliantly did it shine. I will not speak of all theapplause which came from those inspired by the Muses, nor will I mentionhow Iagaris, acting in your stead and reading the letter, was so overjoyedthat he was unable to continue.2 For the rules of letter-writing do not permitme to stretch things out beyond measure. But one remark, I believe, willmake everything clear. There was a certain person in the audience who didnot know the source of the letter or its purpose. It struck him so forciblythat he was quite ready to believe it could not be a product of our presentliterary poverty, for he was reminded of some of the ancients, whose namesare preserved even after death by their writings.

But for a person of your ability to tell yourself to regard these recita-tions with trembling is to act somewhat as though one were to advise Timo-thy not to play the flute or Orpheus to hold his hands down at his sides,afraid that he might cause annoyance by playing the lyre.3 Do not, therefore,let yourself become a retiring sort of rhetorician, or allow timidity to over-come the strength of words, for the rhetorician limps along unless courageadorns his skill. Let Themistocles and his contemporaries convince you ofthis. Now, then, that you have shown your ability to speak, hasten to showyourself actually doing so. And in this way discard a view which is foolish,yet quite prevalent, namely, that those dancing in the gardens of the Musesare lacking in courage.

1 Michael Balsamon, a deacon of Hagia Sophia, held the position of protekdikos inthe patriarchal curia from the summer or fall of 1397 to May or June of 1400, when he wasnamed great chartophylax: see p. xxix. This letter, then, was written between the middleor end of 1397 and December 1399, when Manuel sailed for the West.

2 On Iagaris, see p. lvi.3 Timothy of Miletus (ca. 450-360 a.c.), famous poet and flutist, was supposedly

the favorite musician of Alexander the Great. The lyre of Orpheus was reputed to charmeven savage beasts.

3495

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&7r' ec Xwv. eu(ppmve (,Lev ouv xmi 7Cpoa3oxw(LEVa, cpOV VTm 8E µtxp&S T&S

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T('X Yp&(J.ELmT'a xmi &v&' 'TOU TmuTm YJYPm7r'ro , oV Toa6V3e

WS xmi 7reZaaL 7CLare6ew FLT vuv 7revimc r &)v X6yc v etvmt uckcc cpop&v,

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auv- pet.15 Eu 8E TocoUTOS 8)v etTa aeocurq) 7rmpaLVwv rpep.ELV T&S e7rL8ELE,ELS

m6XeZVTL 7roLEi4 15a7rcp av Et TLS 7CmpY)VEL TLµo&(P 117)

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fix? 05V OCTOXFI.6C, TLC, P ,rWp (pml'.vccBcc6 xmTm3Ox01) µ,78E 7rXE0VexTYla&Tw

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ELeTkxew 'roOS eV MoU6wV xopeliovraC x1'77r0LC,.

34: 3-4: Theognis, I, 35. 16: of. Suidae lexicon, T 620, (ed. Adler, 4, 556).21-22: of. Platonem, Ion, 534a.

B f. 72-72°. 1 'rw µey&arq Xap'ropu),ax: B 114 post ouv in ras. 7«S ote ... P 1110 postv in ras. S,j P 1111 post 5-rou in ras. aliquid illegibile, post 7reiaat in ras. 7naru... P

96

35. To Manuel Pothos135

1397-1398 (?)

You have rivalled the bees, whose wisdom and labor everyone praises,

at their own work. In a short time you have thoroughly searched out everyflower in the meadow of legends, you have nicely gathered together whatis useful for the present subject, and you have harmonized and arrangedthese things in a very orderly manner.2 I was, therefore, filled with admira-

tion, as you can imagine, when I read through the work, and, wishing topraise it, I felt it sufficient to remark that it was written by you. After all,

a person would show more regard for a painting of Apelles by announcingthat Apelles did it than by calling it beautiful and skillful, for there are manyother beautiful paintings, but only one Apelles is celebrated.s This deviceof mine, however, was unnecessary. For I found that the audience haddiscovered the father of the writing from the beauty of the words and therapidity of its rhythm.

Still, the fault I must find with your writing is not a small one; namely,I am unable to deal with it, for I am not really in a position to write aboutwhat you wrote about, and joining your work to my own would be full ofdanger. For you know the divine command which prohibits the conjoiningof something new to something old as inappropriate.4 But since from farback it seems almost to be my fate to be presented with the choice, not ofwhat is more beneficial, but of what is less harmful-this is clearly thefruit of sin-I am observing this ancient law of mine even in the presentcase. What the Savior has forbidden I believe has to be avoided, but then Imust accept the other danger. For those who have to pass through the Sici-lian strait may escape Charybdis, but there is no way in which they can alsoescape Scylla.

1 This letter contains no chronological indications, but its place in the collection

would locate it in 1397-1398.2 Legends: in Classical Greek X6yLa generally referred to the legends and myths of

antiquity, but among the Byzantines the word was often used for the "Sayings" of Scriptureand the Fathers, as in Letter 25. It is not clear which sense is intended here.

3 Apelles was the famous painter from Colophon and later Ephesus (fourth centurys.c.), best known for his Aphrodite of Cos and his portraits of Philip, Alexander the Great,and others.

4 Matt. 9:16; Mark 2:21; Luke 5:36.

35

f. 21V 35. Kupip Mavoo?X Tw II6&ca

97

AE

Fill 8e xai To VeXVrTwV Epyov E7ti aoppia TE xai Tw 7rovsiv7rap& 7r&vTwv 486µEVOV oSTw xaaws p.ev Xp'vcp f paxei 7rav E rjpE6vrjaoc

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trcV Etvat xai TEXvt d v 7roXAai p.ev yap xai aaaat xocAai, EtS 8e SpLVYjrat10 &AA& xai TOUTi 7rEpkkpyov v. eupov y&p aurouc e6prjx6TaS

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YEYPOt.L.L&Vwv 7rocT6pa.

'0 8e To6TOLS EXw WS 06 ap.txp6v ou8e yap EXw 7rwSaurotS ao(,Lat, 05-re YaP e[Ie YPa40Ct 7rEPt wv auroS a 971S 7r&vu

15 yLyV4LEVOV, xai To Toz( ep.o"tS auveipaL To aov x4v86vou pear6v.yap Tov 9eiov Xpr)ap.ov 8S &7rayopc6Et TYjv xatvou 7rp0'4 To a c povxotvwviav WS ou auj.Lpmtvouaav. &AA' e7ret p.ot aXeBov &a7rEp TLS xX7jpoS

avow&EV x&TEL6LV OUX alto rwv 690,ip.Owv To xpELTTOV &?X' &7ro Twv

PXOCPEpwV To -,To,) exa&yea;&aL-aµap'r oc 8e 7r&VTWq TOUTO xap7r6S-Tov

20 avw&ev p.OL v6jov x&7-,\L Tou 7rc po'vro4 Trjpwv, o p.ev 6 Ewrrjp a7rrjy6peuceyeuxT6ov etvat ro'v eTepov 8e xiVBuvov avc & op.at. otg yap&v&yxrj ToV ELxEAtxov 7rop,91[Lav BLapc vaL T ]V X&pu38LV YeLYOUatV 06x

Eat' 0"7r0S xai TYjv Ex6AAaV

85: 16-17: Matth. 9, 16; Marc. 2, 21; Luc. 5, 36.

B f. 72v. 7 post poua6p.evoS del. roiq P 1114 Ecp-js: corr. ex gepa7iS P

98

36. To Cydonesl36, 37

Northern ItalyConstantinople, 1397

Granted that I am already in your debt because I had once promisedto write to you, good friend, still, it was of my own volition that I wasinscribed in the list of your debtors. So, while it would be well for me tohasten to make payment, it would be proper for you not to insist so urgently.Take the case of a person who had loaned a genuine coin and received acounterfeit one in return; he would restrain himself and bear the incon-venience in silence, aware perhaps of the poverty of the debtor. You, how-ever, are patently almost violent in your insistence, not even willing toallow us the least delay in fulfilling what we had promised out of friendship.It seems that if you ever decided to marry, you would force your prospectivefather-in-law to search for a noose because he might have promised to giveyou more than he had, even if he had given you all he had. But I have com-pletely given up the idea of paying back, since I receive more letters fromyou than I send. I must not even try to pay you back, but I must pray to beable to see you. And then, perhaps, if I could use my tongue as a pen, Iwould pay you back, even with interest.

1 As is clear from the last few lines, Cydones was away, probably in Northern Italy,when he received this brief letter. From there he sailed to Crete, where he died in the winterof 1397-98: Loenertz, Caldcas, 56-67.

37. To Manuel Chrysoloras'

Northern ItalyParis, summer, 1400

I have frequently wanted to write to you, but my hand was held backbecause I had nothing to report which would have pleased you. For thejourney was difficult, and there was little to enjoy along the way. Then therewas the difference in language, which did not allow us to converse, as wehad wished, with really good men who were extremely anxious to show usfavor.

But now that we have arrived in France, my hand has begun to moveof its own accord and hastens to make clear to you by letters what wouldbetter be done by the tongue, if the people were present, and I could thussurpass the limits of a letter. My hand has begun to move all right, and hasstarted to write, but really, it would seem to attempt an unending task, if

36, 37

f. 22 36. Tw Kuad v7)

99

A5

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86:4: of. Libanium, epist. 790, 1; 1215, 3.

B f. 720-73.

37. Tep XpuaoAo pa xupca Mavow A

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AC'

10037, 38

it sought to enumerate every detail. For, first of all, many are the servicesprovided for us by the most illustrious king,2 and many, too, the things fromhis kinsmen, and not few in number those from his officials and from everyone.All of this certainly gives evidence of their nobility of soul, their friendshiptoward us, and a constant zeal for the faith.

But now I would like to sum it all up : unless the usual malice of evilfortune should oppose us, and some terrible and unexpected obstacle shouldoccur, we have good reason to hope that we shall return to the fatherlandsoon, which is what we know you are praying for and what our enemies arepraying against.

1 Leaving Constantinople in the charge of his nephew, John VII, Manuel sailed forthe West on 10 December 1399 and on 3 June 1400 was magnificently received by KingCharles VI of France at Charenton outside Paris. The basic work on Manuel's journey isstill A. A. Vasiliev, "Putesestvie vizantijakago imperatora Manuila Palaeologa po zapadnoiEvrope (1399-1403),"gurnal ministerstva narodnago prosve Reniia, N. S. 39 (1912), 41-78,260-304. A summary account with references is given by Barker, Manuel II, 165-99.Manuel was lodged in a palace on the site of the modern Louvre and, probably shortlyafter his arrival, wrote this letter to Manuel Chrysoloras in Northern Italy. This letter istranslated by Barker, Manuel II, 174-75; into French by Berger de Xivrey, Mcmoire,102-3; into Russian by Vasiliev, "Putesestvie Manuila," 70. The splendor of his receptionand the kindness shown to him by Western rulers deeply impressed Manuel and gave himgrounds for optimism in his quest for military aid. His first discussions with the Frenchking and his advisors must have been encouraging, for he expected to complete his missionand return home soon. In fact, they had agreed to support a force of 1200 men underBoucicaut's command for another year: Vasiliev, "Putesestvie Manuila," 70-71; Barker,Manuel II, 174.

2 Charles VI, king of France.

38. To Manuel Chrysolorasl

ItalyLondon, January-February 1401

I suspect that when you received my letter conveying the good news,you immediately got up and, full of suspense, looked for a second one follow-ing upon the first which would inform you that things were still going well,then again, a third letter much better than the second, and still anotherbetter than all of tlieni, and perhaps even longer and more frequent ones,the latest always containing something more. To expect the opposite,however, would actually not be unreasonable. After that first letter youcould have expected to see neither frequent nor lengthy letters, but myself,your correspondent: I would no longer encourage you by hope alone, butwould make you rejoice at the very sight of the object of our hope.

101

37, 38ExaaTx poUAOLTO. 7roa?a p.EV yap 'r& 7rap& Tou Aa(t7rpoT&TOU pry?S ELS

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87: B f. 73-73v. 1 MavoiAA r XpuaoXo pa B

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10238

But now that some time has gone by, and you have received a numberof letters from us discussing other matters but with no mention whatsoeverof an army and the other forms of aid in which rests the salvation of ourcity, I imagine that you have the proverb on your lips: "Our treasures haveturned to ashes." While this might possibly be applicable to your situation,my own reason for being silent was not that I had been deceived in myhopes, but that I considered what I wrote sufficient and that my silence wasa way of letting you know I had nothing new to say. This, then, was the realreason for my silence. Now what is the reason for the present letter? A largenumber of letters have come to us from all over bearing excellent and wonder-ful promises, but most important is the ruler with whom we are now staying,the king of Britain the Great,2 of a second civilized world, you might say,who abounds in so many good qualities and is adorned with all sorts of virtues.His reputation earns him the admiration of people who have not met him,while for those who have once seen him, he proves brilliantly that Fame isnot really a goddess, since she is unable to show the man to be as great asdoes actual experience.

This ruler, then, is most illustrious because of his position, most illus-trious, too, because of his intelligence; his might amazes everyone, and hisunderstanding wins him friends; he extends his hand to all and in every wayhe places himself at the service of those who need help. And now, in accordwith his nature, he has made himself a virtual haven for us in the midst of atwofold tempest, that of the season and that of fortune, and we have foundrefuge in the man himself and in his character. His conversation is quitecharming; he pleases us in every way; he honors us to the greatest extentand loves us no less. Although he has gone to extremes in all he has done forus, he seems almost to blush in the belief-in this he is alone-that he mighthave fallen considerably short of what he should have done. This is howmagnanimous the man is.

Now, if the rules of letter-writing require conciseness, let us say this.This man is good in what he begins, and he is also good in completing thecourse, becoming better each day, struggling at all times to outdo himselfin what concerns us. In the end he has given even greater proof of his nobil-ity by adding a crowning touch to our negotiations, worthy of his characterand of the negotiations themselves. For he is providing us with militaryassistance, with soldiers, archers, money, and ships to transport the armywhere it is needed.

' During his first sojourn in Paris Manuel continued diplomatic negotiations withother Western powers, including a personal visit to the king of England, Henry IV (1399-1413): see Vasiliev, "Putesestvie Manuila," 74-78; Barker, 11 anuel 11, 177-81, with atranslation of this letter. On Manuel's visit to England, see now D. M. Nicol, "A ByzantineEmperor in England, Manuel II's Visit to London in 1400-1401," University of Binningharn

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38, 39Historical Journal, 12 (1971), 204-25. He crossed the channel early in December and wasmagnificently received in London on 21 December, remaining there until the middle ofFebruary. Henry IV promised military assistance and provided some financial aid toManuel: Vasiliev, op. cit., 264-66; Barker, Manuel II, 180.

2 Henry IV, king of England.

39. To the Priest Euthymiusl

ConstantinopleParis, spring-summer 1401

While I have received many letters from you, which must have beencomposed in collaboration with the Muses, for they were truly beautiful bothin thought and in expression and written by one who knew how to show hisfriendship properly and who was able to offer useful advice, and while, asyou can imagine, I often wanted to reply in like manner, I was never ableto bring myself to take the necessary steps. The reason was not my inabilityto compose a suitable answer, although this might well be the case withthose who pride themselves on their skill in writing and who wish to avoidbeing put to the test. But as for me, I was consoled by the very fact thatcompetition is absolutely beyond my reach ;2 after all, I am certainly notdistressed at being unable to fly. It was not fear of defeat,3 then, which ledme to deprive you of what was your due. Should anyone want to knowwhat held me back, he will find that my explanation is quite reasonable. ForI have been constantly busied with such tasks as would blind the eye of thesoul, and I have had an incredible number of things to do, capable of dullingthe wits not only of someone such as myself, but even of a sharp writer,and besides, to cite Plato, a bird does not sing when it is sad.4

Now, as long as our negotiations were stalled at the stage of favorablepromises, and these from men who make them most readily, the awarenessthat your salvation depended upon deeds, not words, made me completelynumb, hand, tongue, and mind, although I wanted to intone the hymn ofvictory. Above all, I had been afraid that, quite unawares, I might be over-come by grief if I should try to sing a happier song to you. For any slightsuspicion could drag a soul trembling with fear for our nation more readilytoward the former than could excellent promises toward the latter. Butnow that your hopes have at last been realized; now that our negotiationsare moving along very smoothly in every respect; now that the militarycommanders have already begun work on those tasks which should makethen become in actuality what they are called; and now that nothing else

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39,40is needed except the coming of the day appointed for setting out on ourreturn journey to you-for a day had to be determined and also a place inwhich the troops of the Britons and the other allies should assemble-Iimmediately began to write. But since the problems urgently demandingattention do not allow me time to write at length, instead of the manypleasant bits of news I have to tell you, I will say just one thing. Not veryfar behind the present message of good news we ourselves expect to arrive.Then you will see, with the help of the Mother of God, an army following uscomposed of all sorts of troops, specially chosen and assembled from all over,an army capable of really accomplishing the purpose for which it comes and,to sum it up, I believe, an army vastly surpassing your hopes.

1 About the end of February 1401 Manuel returned to Paris and continued hisnegotiations with the Western rulers, including those of Portugal, Aragon, and Denmark,and with both the Roman and the Avignonese popes: see Barker, Manuel II, 181-90;this letter is translated on pp. 184-85. On his relations with Queen Margaret of Denmarkand the Roman Pope, Boniface IX, see G. Dennis, "Two Unknown Documents of ManuelII Palaeologus," TM, 3 (1968), 397-404. Through the spring and summer of 1401 he appar-ently continued to receive what he regarded as reliable assurances that the preparationsfor a military expedition to aid Constantinople were proceeding well, and his optimism isexpressed in this and the next three letters.

2 That is, competing with you in fine writing.8 Fear that my writing would be considered inferior to yours.It Phaedo, 85a.

40. To the Priest Euthymius'

ConstantinopleParis, spring-summer 1401

I know that, because of your loving disposition toward me, you areglad to hear news about me, for this also made the son of Laertes long for thesmoke of home.2 In my desire to delight you all the time, I have made youglad with the hopes for our people, and now I also make you glad with thiscomposition of mine. So that you may have a third motive for rejoicing, beinformed that I am in good bodily health, and perhaps my soul will sometimebe in the like good state as you continue to intercede on its behalf with theOne who died for the condemned.

1 On the date of this letter, see notes to Letter 39; it has also been translated byBarker, Manuel 11, 186.

2 Odysseus.

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41. To Demetrius Chrysoloras'

ConstantinopleParis, spring-summer 1401

You certainly must be, as they say, the fastest from the starting linein the race to find out the cause of my silence up to now, and you are alsocompetent to deliver an appropriate decision about it. Indeed, I believe notonly that you do not want to bring any charges against me, but that youare willing, if need be, to speak in my defense. The evidence is this: althoughyou have written to us frequently without receiving any sort of answer atall, you did not stop writing nor did you even think it necessary to ask thereason for our silence. This might be expected of a person who understood,before hearing anything about it from me, exactly what has been holdingback my tongue and my hand. Certainly, we cannot expect this of everyone;only of such men as yourself. For you are shrewd, you know us, you under-stand the times in which we live, you are by no means without experience ofthese particular western regions and, in a word, you are not ignorant ofthe circumstances of a case, which are discussed at length by legal experts.Now if this is the way things are, and our good Demetrius shows that hisnature is better than any skill, and the sagacity of Nestor proves superior tothe prophetic power of some Calchas,2 then Demetrius himself will quiteclearly understand the reason which has impelled me to write now, and itwould be superfluous to explain it to him. Nonetheless, it will be explained,and it will be gratifying to those who will listen, for they will be pleased bythe tidings it announces.

I am aware that your salvation requires deeds, not promises. Now,I have received the most wonderful promises, but I was very dubious abouttheir fulfillment, since this requires time in which many things could happen,and so I was informing you of conditions here in letters written by anotherhand.3 But just recently the negotiations we have been engaged in havebeen progressing according to our intention. For one thing, the ambassadorswho had been sent everywhere have accomplished what we were praying for.And here, to my joy, the commander has been announced: he is the NIarechal,4who was selected in preference to many candidates who are kinsmen of theking.- 'He is now hard at his task. All that remains to be done is to assemblein the designated place the forces being readied for us by several sovereignsand there to distribute the pay to the soldiers, a very easy matter when themoney is at hand, particularly when those about to receive their pay are soeager that they are willing to pay themselves, if only they should be providedwith a, just cause for taking up arms.

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For these reasons, then, my tongue and my hand, as though freedfrom the chains of doubt regarding our prospects, have immediately gottenmoving, as you can imagine, and they hasten to their appointed tasks. Andso, in an effort to make you happy and at the same time to discharge thedebt incurred by my former silence, I am sending the present letter, the prod-uct of an uneducated hand and of an even more uneducated tongue, but stillof one dear to you. Goodbye, now, and expect us soon, perhaps not verylong after this letter. And you will see that we are stronger than you hopedor, at any rate, not weaker, but well able to accomplish what we are comingfor, as long as He who is truly strong joins with us in our efforts and struggleson behalf of those for whom He himself died.

1 This letter was probably written in the spring or summer of 1401 when Manuelwas still optimistic about obtaining aid. The nomination of his old friend, MarechalBoucicaut, to head the expedition must have reassured him about the reality of the aidhe had been promised. Yet, for a number of reasons, not all of which are clear, the aid didnot materialize, and the troops did not assemble. In August 1401 King Martin of Aragonregretfully announced that the ships he had promised could not be readied in time; theEnglish troops were more urgently needed in Wales; most disappointing of all, in Sep-tember or October Boucicaut was named governor of Genoa, entering the city on 31October: see Barker, Manuel 11, 188-90; this is translated on 186-87. This letter, then,was certainly written before that date.

2In Constantinople Demetrius Chrysoloras held some post in the government ofJohn VII. Perhaps it was he who informed Manuel about his critics at home and theprophets who foretold doom, as Calchas in the Iliad (1, 69, 105).

8 Apparently letters written by secretaries or some other person in Manuel's en-tourage.

4 Jean le Meingre, dit Boucicaut, Marechal of France. Manuel simply transliterateshis title, so Demetrius would have no doubt.

8 Charles VI, king of France.

42. To Manuel Pothos'

ConstantinopleParis, 1401

The letter you wrote was certainly well suited for the purpose of stir-ring up one who is delaying, but this is like inviting a Lydian into a plain.2Cease, then, exhorting people to hurry and do what they are already doingand take hold of those tasks which will prove salutary to our affairs. But see,I have reacted just as you did by urging you on to what you have been doingall the time. Beyond this, what can I tell you that would add to my owneagerness to return ? If anything can possibly be added, do somethinggratifying to me and at the same time to yourself and to the city.' Play the

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41: 2: Zenobius, Prov. 2, 7: Paroem. gr. I, 33. 16: of. Homerum, Ii. 1, 69, 105.

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11242, 43

man. Outdo yourself in nobility, not only by doing your own work betterbut also by calling upon the more sluggish to do the same, so that our labormay bear fruit and-may this not happen-that you do not perish need-lessly while those coming to defend you are standing before your gates.

1 The tone of this letter is less enthusiastic than that of the preceding ones, and itmay have been written after Manuel had come to realize that Western promises of militaryaid were deceptive. Still, he does allude to an army coming to defend Constantinople, sothat it may reasonably be dated to 1401. It is also translated by Barker,Manuel II, 190-91.

2 That is, asking someone to do what he does naturally or is already doing.8 Constantinople.

43. To Demetrius Chrysolorasl

ThessalonicaConstantinople, 1403-1408

I hear that you have acquired a noble horse befitting a warrior. Now,did this happen just by chance or by a stroke of good luck? Indeed, I cannotimagine that you have deliberately chosen to become proficient in anotherbranch of learning, that which is called horsemanship, which you havealways regarded as a waste of time. Nor did you obtain the thing to fit yourlife style, for you are not interested in luxuries; in fact, you freely giveaway your own possessions in the expectation that this will give you a chancefor fame. But if you have thought it necessary to bid farewell to scienceand, now that you have had this stroke of good luck, to exchange the lifeof a philosopher for that of arms, spoils, and wars, shooting at wild beasts,raising dogs, and doing all those things which you once despised as continualstupidity, then hold on to that horse and inform us of your decision so thatwe, too, might supply you with a spear and all other military gear, withwhatever a proficient archer and an experienced hunter require and, inaddition, a second horse which would be far superior to the first one. For Ithink that just as it is proper for your close friends to furnish you withwhat is suitable for a bridegroom, should you be planning on marrying-and you surely will be planning to do so right away; it may even be thatthe present letter will reach you after you have gotten married-so it iswith what is suitable for a warrior.

But if, on the other hand, you remain in your station, and your seriousconcern continues to be with books and then with labors in the public in-terest, labors on behalf of friends, struggles on behalf of justice, and strenuousefforts to make the truth prevail universally, then how could that horsehelp you? For everything is within the walls; there you may walk about if

113

42, 43

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42:3: Libanius, epist. 617, 2; 1183, 1; 1426, 6; Paroem. gr. II, 509. 3-4: Plato,Phaedo, 61a.

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11443

you desire without hurting your feet, whether you wish to relax, play, takea breath of fresh air, or enjoy the beauty of the flowers; and so there is noneed for you to ride about on a noble horse. Then, too, the gardens justoutside the city, the fountains, and, in short, the surrounding area willsatisfy your needs. But the woods, the marshes, the mountains, and theplains, where a good horse might give proof of his speed, his strength, and hisother qualities, what sort of recreation would these be for you? "Nothingsacred," as they say, since these places are full of brambles, swamps, and oaks.

At any rate, either send us that horse, which is of no use to you, sothat we can put him to proper use, if you do not intend to wrong both meand him, or else admit that the horse is a poor one, and then you may justifyusing him for yourself, and nobody will blame you for making use of ananimal perfectly suited for you. Permit me, then, to include some humor inmy letter so that you might not think we have forgotten what you love somuch.

1 Manuel remained in Paris long after it must have been clear that he was not goingto receive any Western aid. He continued his negotiations with Venice and other Euro-pean powers, but he also found time to compose rhetorical and theological works: seep. xv; Barker, Manuel II, 191-99.

Even the news of the Turkish defeat and the capture of Bajezid by the Mongolsat Ankara on 28 July 1402 did not persuade Manuel to hasten back to Constantinople.Various dates have been given for his departure from Paris. The Chronicle of the Religiousof Saint Denys, which Vasiliev cites ("Putegestvie Manuila," 288), states that on 21 No-vember Manuel decided (decrevit) to leave Paris. Barker (Manuel II, 220) takes this as thedate of his actual departure. Thiriet (Rdgestes, 1083), apparently following Iorga, dates itto 14 November. In fact, Manuel was still in Paris on 23 November, for on that date inParis he signed an imperial letter to Queen Margaret of Denmark: Dennis, "Two UnknownDocuments of Manuel II," 401. On 7 December the Venetian senate informed the envoyof Suleyman celebi that they presumed he had already set out on his journey: ipse ration-abiliter debet else in via: Venice, Arohivio di Stato, Senato, Misti, 46, fol. 58v. On 29 De-cember the senate discussed Manuel's departure from France for Italy: recessum suum departibus Francie pro veniendo ad partes Italie: ibid., fol. 60. Thiriet (Regestes, 1088) takesthis to mean that the Emperor had arrived in Italy. But it was not until 22 January 1403that he was welcomed in Genoa: Giorgio Stella, Annales Genuenses, ed. L. A. Muratori,Rerum italicarum scriptores, XVII (Milan, 1730), 1196. Manuel continued his journey at aleisurely pace and finally arrived in Constantinople on 9 June 1403; the date is given byMacarius of Ankara, who made the journey with him: Loenertz, Calecas, 44 note 1.

By about the end of October the more pressing domestic and foreign problemsseem to have been settled, and the Empire enjoyed a period of relative calm; the sons ofBaj ezid conspired and fought among themselves, and John VII went off to rule in Thessa-lonica until his death in 1408. He was accompanied by Demetrius Chrysoloras, who servedas his chief minister, mesazon. This and the following few letters envision Demetrius inThessalonica and must belong to the period from autumn 1403 to autumn 1408.

43115

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44. To Demetrius Chrysoloras'

ThessalonicaConstantinople, 1403-1408

The multitude of tasks I have to do, by diverting me to still others,just about forces me to keep away from those things which are essential forsurvival. I have lost track of the time for meals and have little thought forfood, whatever might be served. I have shaken sleep from my eyes, andoften my bed receives me only at dawn, just when those sweeping the wholehouse and all the domestic servants have to get up out of bed and dutifullygo about their appointed tasks. These people are most annoying as theybuzz about the doors; then there is the shouting of the judges, plaintiffs, anddefendants, and all the other things which I need not mention, since I wouldbe speaking to one who knows what it is like. Moreover, the clamor of theattendants resounding throughout the house where I would like to sleepwould easily awaken Dardanus himself or even someone much sleepier thanhe.2

And then, there is our own Antiochos,3 the old man who loves sleep somuch that he falls asleep on horseback and who would give up everything forsleep. When the tumult at the door prevents him from snoring along in hisusual fashion, he curses the noise makers, puts on some kind of shepherd'scap, stuffs his fingers into his ears, and fits his head into the deepest corner,and only then gets some semblance of rest. Everything, then, is filled withturmoil, which the continual need for service makes it impossible to prevent.

I have tended to neglect the diet prescribed by the physicians; illthough I am, I have had to do things that would cause a healthy person tobecome ill. For it is impossible to excuse oneself from seeing the peopleoutside, the people within, and whoever is oppressed with some seriousproblem. But here stands a Latin, a Persian,4 a citizen, a foreigner, notleast of all a monk, each one demanding something different and shoutingthat he would be unjustly treated if his request is not granted immediately.So it is absurd to think of enjoyment, absurd to think of repose. The onlything I welcome is whatever offers some hope of respite from the discomfortsof the day.

Such are the things I must tend to, things full of difficulties. Whatadds to these difficulties is, I suppose, common to both of us, there and here.'I mean the lack of money which causes harm to each individual as well as tothe affairs of state, for I know that you too are seriously affected by it. MayGod soon free us from this problem and grant us the prosperity of ourancestors. How excessively busy I have been should also be clear from this:I have shaken off my eagerness for books and every literary activity, as wellas the gratification I derived from them, a gratification, as you well know,

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44highly profitable to men's souls. While I realize my loss and almost bemoanit, I cannot rectify the situation if I want to observe what is expected of myposition. For the present time does not allow any leisure, and my search forassistance does not suffer any delay. These problems have driven me so faraway from any literary endeavor that I am really unable to set my hand tothe composition before me, which I am sure you long to receives But,although unwillingly, you must bear not having it, just as I must bear nothaving completed it. It might seem strange, that I should have managed tocarry on the bulk of this sort of labor in a foreign land,? where we had tocleave the seas, ford rivers, fear the assaults of bandits, endure the hardshipsof a long journey, and many other things beside, while now that I am backhere at home in our native land, rid of all those difficulties and anxious tocomplete this bit of writing, I should be unable to find the time.

But since, anxious though I am to have our affairs in the best state,obstacles arise from all sides, I have concluded that I should entrust mydifficulties to God, who together with better fortune may grant us theopportunity of some leisure and eventually the possibility of being our ownmaster, which is what any intelligent person wants. For as things now stand,we are a slave to the cares oppressing us rather than master of our owndesires.

All this weighs heavily upon us. Nonetheless, it is consolation enoughfor me to keep in mind that perhaps the toil of the ruler will be of benefit tohis people. They have therefore become pleasant to me, these struggles byday; and these cares by night, which keep me from sleep and drive me tocarry out my duties, cause me joy no less than sorrow. For, as it seems,sorrow does not come by itself for those who want to mix their cup, just asyou "cannot find a life without sorrow among any" of those who appear to bemost blessed.8

This, then, is how things are. And the veritable blizzard of things tobe done might have made me think it would be easier to sprout wings thanto write a letter. But, on the other hand, just one letter of yours surpasseseven the charms of Orpheus; as soon as your letter appeared it immediatelydrew to itself the eye and the mind of those who were not unaware of itsauthor. These people requested that it should be opened at once and, whenthis was done and your letter read, those who have some literary competenceleapt with joy and applauded loudly. All their comments on it and theirnumerous praises I pass over in silence, since this is not the right time tostretch things out. But for me it was a real incentive which, against my will,roused me to write. Realize, then, by the receipt of this letter the compellingforce of your own writing. For I believe that it is no mean accomplishmentto get me to return to writing so very quickly when I had become so benumb-ed. And I felt the same as those who have had their share of some unpleas-antness or their fill of sorrow and cannot even recall a melody; from their

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lips, while others are singing with true musical skill, the tunes flow sponta-neously whether they will it or not; and even an old man jumps about asthough he had forgotten himself, while others are dancing in rhythmicharmony. In brief, if there is any power which of its very nature compelsimitation, for each person imitates what he admires, that power is infusedinto your letters, so that the story about that harp can no longer be called amyth by anyone who could see my own reaction now to your charms.9

For this feeling I am grateful to you. Truly I would have completelyforgotten whether I still had any literary ability unless you had stimulatedme by your frequent as well as beautiful letters. In fact, write to me stillmore often and please me both by letting me enjoy the refreshing flow ofyour words and by having them rouse me to what you consider to be better,for friendly advice is of no small assistance. And if you should not findsomeone to bear your letter here, then, as you generate compositions for us,keep these wonderful children at your side and send them when you can.May your offspring be good and more frequent. We will never be satiatedwith your writings, neither by having a great number of them nor by fre-quently having them read nor even by sharing them with persons unable tofathom their profound thoughts.

I realize I have stretched out this letter too much in my desire toplease you by the superabundance of your own favorite things, by whichI mean anything that comes from me. But you will feel that my letter isextremely succinct, for I am sure you are the most unsatiated of all myreaders. For this reason, I held my hand back, eager though I was to pleaseyou, for since I felt that your desire surpassed my own ability, in my despairI abstained from writing.

1 This letter gives the impression that Manuel had returned recently, so it couldbe dated early in the period from 1403 to 1408; it is partially translated in Barker,illanuel II, 403-5.

2 Dardanus was the legendary son of Zeus and Electra and the founder of Dardaniaor Troy. The classical myths do not depict him as particularly sleepy, but this allusion isprobably a typical bit of Byzantine etymology, that is, deriving the name Dardanus fromthe verb, 8ap3&vw, to sleep, and so making him the example of sleepiness par excellence.

8 On Antiochos, see p. lv.° Turk.5 Thessalonica and Constantinople.° This must be a literary or theological work which Manuel had begun and promised

to send to Chrysoloras.Western Europe, particularly France.Menander, fragment 341 (411).

° The harp or lyre of Orpheus was reputed to charm even savage beasts.

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ThessalonicaNear Thessalonica, 1404-1408, spring

They say that the white down blossomed on the chin of Erginus,thickened and grew into a snow white beard, so that there was no time inwhich he had the sort of beard proper to a young man, for the hairs grew andat the same time turned as white as the feathers of the swans.2 Before adoles-

cence you displayed the qualities of a rhetorician, and when you reached theage of those attending the lessons of a teacher, you were already capable ofgiving lessons yourself. While your contemporaries gave their attention toplaying, you behaved in a manner befitting grown up and wise men, andalone among the young men you escaped the mocking, the rod, the whip,and the piercing glance of the experienced schoolmaster.

When you became a teacher yourself and were called such by every-one, you did not dishonor the name, and the profession, venerable in itself,you made more honorable by your keen insights and your flow of words. Infact, from the starting line, that is, from the time of your youth, you werenumbered among men noted for their rhetorical ability, but you did not givethem cause for envy, for they prided themselves on your natural talent;that they called you their child and confirmed this by their actions made itapparent not only that they were not jealous but that they looked withfavor on your superiority to all others. As a result, honors came and invita-tions to the council, to the academies, to the courts themselves; these peoplewanted to listen to your opinions and to have all those of the highest rankmake way for you with pleasure. But you, the youngest, must have blushedat being seen in the first place among men of such an age. And frequentlyyou must have regretted being present at the assemblies of your learnedcolleagues, but the dignity could not be refused; you were not allowed anyleisure, and you had to undertake labors with sophists, with teachers, withlegal scholars, with philosophers, with rhetoricians, with those introducingthe poets to the souls of youth, and you had to persevere in strugglingalongside each of these, struggles full of sweat and toil, or else be regardedas a deserter. And so, compelled to be present at their assemblies and ledby them to the first place, you resisted and turned away with embarrassmentand loud protestation. But they would not permit this at all, and draggedyou on to the highest chair. As you endeavored to escape once again fromthe hands of those pushing you forward, you were just short of running therisk of suffering that for which you would readily have exchanged deathitself, for you resembled a man who had committed some horrible crime andwas trying to escape punishment. Now, both are evil, and it is not easy tojudge which of the two is worse.

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Realizing, indeed, that unjust blame was being inflicted on you, ablame for which you did not bear the remotest responsibility, you determined

to bear it meekly, preferring reality to appearance. In that way, you mightseem to have committed some accidental fault in the eyes of men who weredeceived about you. But acting as you did, you showed yourself a man oftruly noble character to those who knew you, and to your genuine exaltationof soul was joined a modesty in manner. For noble men the mere appearanceof being evil is more shameful than for evildoers to be such in reality. Butyou have always loved what is appropriate and despised what is improper,no matter how profitable it might be for you. Thus, you do everything atthe proper time, thus you were pursued by honors, and thus, out of respectfor your elders and friends whom you had as teachers and whom you addressedas fathers, you avoided being honored prematurely. For it would be terrible,you thought, terrible for you, who taught others to observe proper order,to be seen doing just the opposite, and for a boy who was being taught hislessons yesterday and the day before to be seated high above men withwhite hair, beards, and staffs. But still, you were not able to overcome theinsistence of so many people, and out of weariness you gave in; you werequite right in doing so, by the way, since it was not the best course to persistin refusing, nor did it seem at all proper in fleeing from fame to insult thosewho wanted to honor you. So, granting what was proper to them as well asto yourself, you did comply at last, although you gave the impression ofbeing in headlong flight.

Then, on returning home you did not give yourself up to luxury as youcould have, and you rejected the relaxation you could have indulged in.Instead, you toiled at those tasks which befitted a pupil of Hermes,3 and youcontinued living your life with Plato and Demosthenes, and briefly youconcentrated on those disciplines on which a good mind would pride itself.After having attained such a level of education as you might have prayedfor, you confidently employed your skill, and your worthy speech addedsplendor to our fatherland and its citizens. For you thought it neither goodnor holy to conceal your superior qualities in silence and to be regarded asungrateful toward your country and its children who so vehemently loveyou; rather, you have been fulfilling your obligation to it, both by beingwhat you are and by serving as a model for your contemporaries in theacquiring of what is truly good.

In addition, you had the most beautiful manner of planting the flowerof literature, as one might say, in the souls of youth with great gentleness bya concise method which you yourself had discovered after much toil. Further-more, you were involved in other matters you knew would benefit ourcountry, defending the laws whenever they were attacked, giving advicewhenever it was needed, and providing firm support to certain persons who

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45were oppressed by a swarm of unspeakably difficult problems. Somehowyou managed to hold together a mind unstrung by a multitude of preoccu-pations, and you provided strength to a spirit despairing in the protractedstruggle against terrible forces 4 And, in general, when everything was castdown or just about to fall, you did all you could to straighten it up, offeringgrounds for more excellent hopes, and in your own writings arguing thatevil is but transient, and that being unable, as Plato says,5 either to reach tothe heavens or to perish, it must wander about this mortal world; thatnobody is always above evil, and nobody is always and constantly tried byit. For its state, it seems, is never to be stationary or, you could say, neverwithout movement. Undoubtedly, then, the good is the exact opposite ofevil, and it is impossible for opposites to join together.

What is especially to your credit is that you were accomplishing allthis in the city,6 which could justly be termed the Mother of Rhetoricians,or rather, the fount of literature in fact and in appearance. Made fruitfulby the sagacity and seriousness of her inhabitants, she has always hadnumerous offspring of this sort. These men, knowing that their fathers,their fathers' fathers, and even their more remote ancestors were lovers ofliterature and glory, imitated their ways. They could not bear to think thatthey might be inferior to their forefathers, whose prayers, because of theirdescendents' inferiority, might come to naught. They believed it would bemost shameful if the praise bestowed on their own ancestors were measuredby the shoddiness of their sons, and that it would be a far worse evil for thesons to be less distinguished than their fathers than for an Olympic contenderto he defeated by the strength of his opponent. Indeed, these men, engrossedin learning the highest of noble subjects, expended their lives and theirsubstance in the pursuit of this, and steadfastly drinking of the bitter rootof education they then gathered in its fruits, delectable for their noblequalities. You, an ardent admirer of these, have surpassed those whom youadmired.

It is clear that you are another Erginus-the example is now be-coining more obvious-since you displayed the qualities of the elderly inyour youth. But that prodigy of your youth, while certainly extraordinary,is by no niean.s to be revered; everything inseparably connected with yournatural gifts is extremely enviable and a cause of wonderment. That prodigy,though, does not imply any virtue of body or soul, for it comes about of itsOwn accord, whereas what you have since achieved, the result of toil and

gives proof of a real man and bears witness to a soul brimming overwith virtue, always preferring better things to lesser, condemning ease andpraisin,c har,l work. That wonder, moreover, disappears with old age. Whowonl,l marvel at white hair on an old man? In your case, however, the wonderis no less now than before, for having arrived at such an advancedagr Vii have not passed your prime in literary composition. The letter youhug nr « sent to us makes this clear, charming as it is with the bloom of

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artistic beauty and its overwhelming power of persuasion.If this letter of yours had not been so full of your magic spells and of

such great compelling power, it would not have persuaded me to replyimmediately upon receiving it at a time when I was surrounded by so manythings to do and after I had convinced myself that there was another timefor writing, while the present called only for deeds. But now the voice of theteacher is a piercing goad, the beauty in his letter a magnet attracting theiron, the gracefulness flowing through it all an invitation to imitate it; itsforcefulness became an exacting tyrant commanding and compelling us towrite immediately, as you can imagine. At any rate, it permitted no delay,and, for many reasons, it was neither possible nor proper to disobey. I rose,then, from my chair, for at the moment your letter was read to me I wasseated there in the presence of a large number of people; I left more quicklythan usual, and as soon as I got inside I started writing.

You would have received this letter long before this if your own lettermore than anything else had not become a hindrance to my hand. Of course,I am well aware that the contradiction in this statement, taken as it stands,would be puzzling to anyone who heard it, for it surely seems like a riddleto say that your letter was at the same time an invitation and a sort of hin-drance. The truth of the matter is this : looking at your letter I seemed to belooking at you, its author, at the same time, and my mind formed an image ofyour character, and at the seeming vision of the one I love my hand under-standably became motionless, so that the vision was both an enchantmentand an obstacle. But the enchantment prevailed, and the obstacle did notprove to be absolute. Furthermore, you appeared to the eyes of my mindquietly with that pleasant smile of yours trying to guess from my expression,as has always been your wont, whether I wanted you to recite somethingfrom my favorite writings. They would be instructive, too, those writingscomposed by men who are distinguished in works of distinction, whosevirtuous ways keep their names alive to the present and will rightly keepthem alive forever, since virtue is immortal. Then you seemed to take holdof your accustomed method of instruction, and your speech was not devoidof pleasantry. I imagined that you were also doing this, asking a questionand skillfully discussing it with a great deal of charm and without a traceof arguing, then, when others were at a loss, again being there to offer asolution. This, indeed, was your habitual way of doing things, which becamemy usual fare.

These thoughts made me long to get together with this wise man and toconverse with him, grasp his hand and hold tightly to him until he shouldshare with me some of the ideas he has treasured up, which he might notshare with everyone. This was my quite understandable reaction to yourletter. For words are images of the soul; a passionate lover cannot look atthem without also desiring the prototype of his love. In fact, this is the mainpoint of my letter, that is, to write: write no longer, but, as they say, run

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here with all speed.' Now, at the very least, be assured that when you comehere to us after so many years you will look upon a face quite dear to you,and at the same time provide us with an equal pleasure. Of course, I amsaying this in assuming that you are not suffering from any bodily impedi-ment, and that no external obstacle should stand in your way; I shall notspeak of old age in case that term should offend you who, it is said, still giveevidence of vigorous health. Yet what could I possibly say that would not bepleasing to you? For to one who knows how to be a friend, even the jibe of afriend is pleasant. So now, with feet growing old run here as quickly as pos-sible. You will, for one thing, show yourself as a man ready to obey; foranother, as a real lover who knows just when to stay still and when to move,who avoids what is too hasty but also hates what is too slow, who knowswell what is the exact opposite of wickedness.

I think that if you yield to my request, you will not encounter anydifficulty. In fact, quite the contrary, as soon as you leave the citys and takethe road leading here, you will see how pleasant it is; whether you ride orstop and get off your horse and refresh yourself at the cool springs, and whenyou sleep under the shade of the leaves rustling above and whispering some-thing pleasant as they are blown by the breeze. Everyone would say thatthe most wonderful lot has fallen to you, and that as a result, the mostwonderful things have swiftly come together, those I have just describedand others far superior. For you will have left the city in peace; it is notlacking any necessities; it is not deprived of anything which a flourishingcity might enjoy; it already possesses great things and hopes for greater,and even these it regards as small compared to the still greater things hopedfor. For it has an excellent charioteer who knows how to drive a chariot anda pilot seated at the tiller at whose nod all obey, which more than anythingelse is needed to keep a ship afloat.9 Not only that, but the fact that theroad is clear of bandits is not a small thing; equally important now is thatthe season, or if you wish, the best of seasons, the queen, some wonderfulman might term it, is able to furnish things from her own storehouse. Rightnow she will present you with rivers so wild and swollen as to be navigable,so calm as to allow horses to ford them without having to swim, a road freeof swamps, clouds of dust, cold, burning heat, and slippery mud. For thisseason, being temperate, avoids those conditions which could cause distress.And what will you think, tell me, of the wide variety of flowers, beds of violets,lilies, rosebushes, and many others like these, gratifying one's sense of smellwith their own natural and inimitable fragrance? For whatever is notcontrived is clearly superior to something artificially prepared in imitationof it. Bear in mind, too, the pleasant grass, gleaming like emeralds, providingabundant nourishment for the flocks, a brilliant feast for the eyes and asoft bedding for weary bodies; the plain stretching into the distance, thenurse of herds of beasts which bound about, run, contend with one another

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as though they were doing everything deliberately in order to escort way-farers along in good spirits.

We could also mention the springs, the wells, the water bubbling upfrom the rocks, and the limpid, racing stream which seems deep as it reflectsthe vault of the clear sky. You can see some fish feeding in the pools of thestreams and at times leaping above the surface of the water to catch insects.How could you not long for such a feast? All of this gives great joy and plea-sure. Then too, whenever you call to mind some of the sweet-singing birds,swallows, nightingales, blackbirds, jays, and many others chirping on allsides, you will prick up your ears; you will call people in the country extreme-ly happy, and you will just about commiserate with those who stay athome in the spring. Indeed, spring, the source of all this, will furnish stillother pleasures for you; such as the trees standing tall, covered with leavesof green, a pleasing sight, and at the same time beating off the strong raysof the sun with their thick foliage. The manner in which the trees allow thesun to shine gently upon whomever its rays fall is beneficial in all respects,for they permit it to spread its warmth in moderation and prevent the discom-fort caused by excessive exposure. But your happiness certainly will not stophere for, in addition, the fruits which plants bring forth in spring will becomeyour fare, and edible herbs will present you with an unexpected repast.

People should not think, however, that we are writing a work in praiseof our teacher and a description of the lovely spring rather than a letter,for it was not my intention to do this; but out of love for the former and outof joy in the latter, I raced on and then found I could not quickly turnaround, since I was held back by love for both. So that we might not wandertoo far off the right path, therefore, I shall say only this much and be done.The queen of seasons will fill all your senses with discreet pleasure; she alonemust be blamed for what I have written; she must be deeply loved, and shemust be warmly thanked because of her many charms. She herself, in sum,will gratify you to the utmost on your journey here, and she will be yourgentle guide on your return home; she will safely return the joyful citizento the joyful city, where he will sing a hymn of thanks to the emperor.10 Forhe makes it resplendent both by his presence and by maintaining it in peacethrough his daily concern. He also causes it to flourish anew with the lawsand customs of the Romans by which the city had been ruled before it wassubjected to barbarian servitude like a body decrepit with age.11 This givesme a twofold cause for gladness: the city dear to me is prospering and theone effecting this prosperity is also most dear to me.

If indeed you should have Chrysoloras as a traveling companion-forI hear he intends to come here-a man who knows how to speak, how to besilent, how to act, how to relax, even how to be a bit playful, and all at the

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13445

proper time and with reason, Hercules, how happy you will be in his com-

pany!12 Everyone would say that good and favorable fortune has become

your lifelong companion. Indeed, this is what I previously alluded to, forwithout this good fortune everything would not go so smoothly for you.

I know I have stretched out this letter too long, and I would like toask pardon if there should be any criticism. Still, perhaps something notcompletely unreasonable was said, but it seems more fitting to entrust anydispute about this to you, and so I think I should stop now. Defend me, ifneed be, before all men, so that you do not have to be punished for ourfailings. For I believe you could rightly say, if this letter should be applauded,that you were the first to enjoy it; whereas if the opposite occurs and it ispoorly received, it is you they will laugh at, since more than anyone elseit was you who provided us with the seed of writing, and so either you didnot do a good job of sowing good seed, or you did not sow it where youshould have sown it or when you should have, or somehow or other you dida poor job of providing that seed. Let me also address myself to those whocriticize lengthy letters, who regard as sheer nonsense every excusing circum-stance which a person who has not written most laconically might putforth. I should have written frequently to the man who set me on the path ofwriting, but I have not done so at all; I was prevented, alas, by calamitieswhich befell all of us. But now the most ruinous fate has passed on, and wecan make our thoughts known to each other. As a form of compensation,therefore, one must send many letters to him who has received none at allfor so many years. It follows that by writing so many, when I could writeeven more numerous and more lengthy ones, I err on the side of conciseness;if this is the case, then those people would be in the wrong who would accusethe present letter of excessive length.

1 The reference to the Emperor in the city and its recovery from barbarian servi-tude (lines 219-25) make it certain that this letter was written while John VII ruled inThessalonica from 1403 to 1408. Since he settled there in the fall of 1403, the referencesto spring place it in 1404 at the earliest.

2 Erginus, one of the Argonauts, the son of Clymenus, was ridiculed by the womenof Lemnos because, although young, his hair was white, yet he won the foot race in fullarmor: Pindar, Olympian Odes, 4, 19-28; see also Scholia vetera in Pindari carmina, ed.A. B. Drachmann, I (Leipzig, 1953), 135-37. Libanius (Epist. 300, 3) compliments one ofhis correspondents: "not because what befell Erginus, the white hair in youth, also befellyou, but because you lived in an adult manner before you left childhood."

A student of oratory.Most probably this refers to the support given by Ivankos to Manuel during his

ill-fated reign in Thessalonica, 1382-1387.e Tlaeaetetus, 176 a.a Apparently Thessalonica, which had indeed produced a long line of literary men

and rhetoricians, including two of Manuel's teachers, Ivankos and Cydones.There is no record of Manuel's being away from Constantinople from mid-1403

to 1408, yet it is clear that this letter was written in the countryside not far from Thessa-

45135

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cLx6TWr OGTLVer p.71xour yp&4JaLVTO b t

45: 2: Pindarus, Otymp., 4, 19-28; Paroem. gr. II, 421; cf. Libanium, epist. 300, 3.14: Macarius, Prov. 2, 18: Paroem. gr. II, 145, et alibi. 76: Plato, Theaet., 176a.149-50: Michael Apost., Prov. 12, 63: Paroem. gr. II, 557. 154: Plato, Leges, 840b.

B f. 78-82v. 5-6 Clanep - xuxvcov: add. mg. pro 6anep -cols xuxvoLS vro rrrep6v, quod cartedamnare voluit, tamen non delevit, et scriba cod. 13 ambo exaravit 1141 rp67rcov: 9pYwv B II74 7relaea&aL codd. II 161 8ua6cXepkS B II 188 µaxp6v codd. II 197 post &TEpouc in rag.aliquid illegibile P 11 224 cp : r B 11 234 post xel del. nap' hµc;;v P

lonica; for he invites Ivankos to visit him for the afternoon and he hopes that DemetriusChrysoloras will be able to join them.

8 Thessalonica.8 John VII Palaeologus, emperor in Thessalonica, 1403-1408.18 John VII Palaeologus.11 Thessalonica was under Turkish rule from April 1387 to mid-summer 1402.12 Whether Demetrius Chrysoloras intended to visit Manuel privately or on official

business is not clear, but about 1407 he did travel to Constantinople on behalf of John VII:DSlger, Kaiserregesten, 3207, p. 77.

136

46, 47

46. To Demetrius Chrysoloras'

ThessalonicaConstantinople, 1403-1408

As I set out to praise you for your ethopoeia, I had a thought whichheld me back. It was this: I did not want it to look as though I were makingsuch praise apply to myself. As a lover, you admired the person whom youlove, myself, and for me to praise the literary ability of the one who employedthat ability to admire me would be to praise myself. Still, since it was lovethat carried you away, the composition was worked out in collaborationwith the Muses. I decided, then, that I should remark on the excellence ofyour writing in all brevity, and I say: they are your offspring. Let this betheir adornment; indeed, it is adornment enough for the sons of heroes tohear just this, namely, who they are. Others, though, will criticize you forbeing extravagant in your praises, which, if you listen to me, you shouldcurtail.

1 This letter, too, probably belongs to the period of Chrysoloras' service in Thessa-lonica, 1403-1408. The ethopoeia or character delineation composed by Chrysoloras cannotbe more precisely identified.

47. To Potames'

Constantinople, 1403-1408

I would have praised your writing-since I did marvel at its beautyand power-if I did not disbelieve what you wrote. For regarding thepraises bestowed on me with which your work was filled, I would rathertrust myself than you and all other men. Now, as it would be right for me todistrust myself if I should admire my own qualities, so it would also beright to trust myself, rather than all others, when I find fault with them.

If you will pay any heed to me, therefore, continue to write and gladdenus by the writing itself, for I would gladly listen to whatever you, a manadorned with wisdom and intelligence, might say. But spare the praises, aswe also counsel Chrysoloras, who knows the meaning of friendship.

1 The reference to Chrysoloras' praises of Manuel place this letter in the contextof Letters 46 and 48 and in the same period, 1403-1408.

46, 47

46. Tw Xpuaoawpa xupW AnltnTp'L(p

137

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46! B f. 82v. 1 A7)µ-nTpEq) 'r Xpuao),wpa 13

f. 304 47. Tw IIoT&µn

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47: B f. 82V.

13848

48. To Demetrius Chrysoloras'

ThessalonicaConstantinople, 1403-1408

Do not spend your old age making unjust accusations, especially whenit concerns someone very dear to you, for you never did this when you wereyoung, neither to an enemy nor to a friend, nor could you bear taking refugein silence when anyone else did this terrible thing. What has brought aboutsuch a change ? What has convinced you to distort your character or yourprinciples? Will you not confess your wrong? Will you not make amendsyourself? By God, be yourself the judge. If you are not proven to be a syco-phant, may I be declared one and be guilty of the very thing of which I amaccusing you.

Did I, who cherish your writing more than the miser his gold, order youto be silent? How can it be? Who would believe it? Who would say thiswhen he knew the truth? But if, in fact, you interpret our advice-whichI thought was good advice-not to overdo your praises of us as an order tobe silent, then you are mistaken. The mere elmination of this particularsubject does not make it impossible for a person who wishes to write lettersto find other subjects. Your excessive praises, which are those of a lover,will not move me to forget myself. For it is generally agreed that the testi-mony given by lovers in favor of their loved ones is inadmissible in court,and that the vote they cast does not count. Now, in my own affairs I wouldnot accept anyone as more trustworthy than myself, and so I would beashamed for both of us if you should marvel at me for things which oughtnot to be cause for marvel.

The sort of thing, therefore, which you have been accustomed to sayabout us, say no longer. For those things have vanished, along with thoseexcellent men and emperors whose names have not been buried by time,which consigns everything to oblivion-we would love to see even a slighttrace of their virtue. But continue to write and gladden us in two ways: bythe writing itself and by writing about such topics as will not make us blushor make you appear to be suffering from a lack of perception induced by alove charm.

1 Undoubtedly written about the same time, 1403-1408, as the two preceding letters,this might well have been written in reply to Chrysoloras' response, no longer extant, toManuel's Letter 46.

48

48. Tip Xpuaoawpa xupip A-%Lj- pEp

139

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48: B f. 82V-83. 1 A7p7)-rptcp 'r Xpuaoawpc B

140

49

49. To Manuel Chrysolorasl

Northern ItalyConstantinople, 1407-1408

The letter you wrote came from your soul. It suffices to say this ratherthan words of highest praise. If it be granted that you are a good man, whichno one will deny; that, as the saying goes: "Excellent things come fromexcellent men" ;2 and that the letter read was your child, how could it not benecessarily and completely good? As you know, a person intending to praisea painting could limit himself to remarking that it was done by Apelles.3 Andso, as I said, it is enough merely to state that the letter is yours and this willbring about praise of it.

Skaranos, now, has a good mind, and he has good experience in thosetasks he has been assigned to do.4 What remains is for him to be willing, sothat, if he should be, your kinsman and friend would then be the best amongthe ministers both of his fatherland and of his lord .5 At any rate, you knowthat such men find it smooth sailing here with us, and rightly so. But whatyou ask that we do for him involves two things, neither of which is easy,and he himself knows this better than anyone else, since he is our financialofficial and is well aware of our straits.' But for your sake one of the requests,and that the more important one, will be granted to him now, while the otherwill probably be granted later on, and the time in between should not causehim any harm since he possesses my good favor.

1 Although it contains no clear chronological data, its place in the collection wouldlocate this letter about 1407-1408.

2 Theognis, I, 35.S The famous painter of antiquity.4 On Skaranos, see p. lvii. Perhaps his assignment had to do with the estate of John

Lascaris Kalopheros (died 1392), of which he seems to have been the executor.6 Lord (Ssan6r, ) must here refer to Manuel himself, or possibly to the deceased

Kalopheros. It is certainly not a reference to the despot in the Morea, as suggested byBarker (Manuel 11, 277 note 133), who also translates the second part of this letter.

6 His office apparently was similar to that of treasurer, comptroller, or auditor ofthe court: see p. lviii. The two requests are unknown.

49141

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49: 4: Theognis, 1, 35.

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142

50. To Demetrius Chrysoloras50

ThessalonicaConstantinople, 1407-1408

"I am convinced that you must not have much to do, for otherwiseyou would not find so much leisure for writing letters,"1 especially for sendingso many almost at the same time, all of them quite outstanding, all quitelengthy, just as beautiful as they are long, not without your customaryplayfulness, and, what is most difficult of all, treating of a subject intrinsi-cally ignoble and not funny at all. For the bite of a miserable little insecthas become the theme of your letters, more in jest, I suspect, than in anger.2This sample of yours gives further evidence of your ability to speak withabundance, beauty, and power, and your momentary suffering resulted in asuperior product. As for myself, just as I shared with you the pain causedby the insolence of the beast, I rejoice with you right now, as you canimagine, at the praise you are receiving for your ability to speak in a mannerappropriate to any occasion whatever.

This is the way you are; whereas Fortune, raging more savagely thanthe wild beasts, and the evils both at home and abroad appear to you morebearable and to have become completely transformed and more auspicious,or at least to have somewhat abated and calmed down. The sure sign of thisis the very amount of writing, the arrangement of the words and an elegancenoticeable throughout your work, all of which is possible only with a certaindegree of leisure and tranquillity. But as for us, this letter by itself bearswitness to how busy we are, for in other circumstances I would never havedecided to steal the beginning of another letter simply to make it easier toconnect that beginning with what would follow as I went on.3 Actually, Idid not employ the word properly, for it is not stealing to make some use ofthe writings of the common teachers, but justified borrowing, nor can thoseworks be regarded as another's property which the author had given tobelong to everyone. Like a public well, those men offered themselves and theresults of their efforts to everyone, so that those drinking from it are notthieves, but fulfill the very purpose for which the well had been dug.

If I really hit the mark, however, in believing that you had withdrawnfrom practical occupations and that you were keeping aloof from theirturbulence when you sent those admirable letters, it would be clear that it isyou who are really worthy of admiration. What is completely good does notlose that quality for lack of obstacles on its way to becoming good. "If, onthe other hand, that is false, and you do have much to do, still you manageto do both."4 Look, again I have indulged in stealing something to which Iam entitled. But you, while carrying out your duties, keep writing as though

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you apportioned your time for this alone, and though you are serious inyour writing you are full of humor-how could it be otherwise-and habi-tually laugh in the face of troubles, which of course reveals the cheerful sideof your soul. If, then, in the face of so many obstacles you are able to continuewith ease to produce writings which another person could hardly do withsweat and much time, what would you be like if there were no longer anyobstacles? Take the case of Phidias, acknowledged as the greatest of theancient sculptors. Quite rightly he has always been admired for his skillwhenever he fashioned a statue or something else from good, workablematerial, but we would have more cause for amazement if he showed thesame skill with cheap and unyielding material. It follows that you are anotherCalchas, according to Homer, not, I believe, because of any prophetic gift,but because your writing is "by far the best."5 For if a biting little ape fur-nished you with material for letters of outstanding form and polished beauty,what in Heaven's name would you have accomplished if you had taken holdof serious material which of itself would provide a starting point for a letterwriter?

1 Libanius, Epist. 143. This letter also seems to have been written while Chryso.loras was in Thessalonica, probably about 1407-1408. Demetrius has been sending lettersto Manuel regularly from another city where life seems peaceful. The Emperor, however,complains of increasing problems at home and abroad, a reference perhaps to the deathof his brother Theodore in the Morea in 1407 and to the conflict between the Turkish princes.

2 The still unedited composition of Demetrius dealing with the bite of a flea is foundin two manuscripts, one in the Escorial and the other in Madrid. It is entitled: "Encomiumof a Flea by Demetrius Chrysoloras the Mesazon," you Xpuaae pa Too veaci ov-ToS 6)a-j6 iyx6 iiov. Inc. 'FUAAa w6v kaa an&vTwv aenv6Tepov: cod. Scorial. gr. 164(T. 111. 4), fols. 107-110v; cod. Matrit. gr. 19.193, fols. 89-104. The title indicates that hewrote it while mesazon in Thessalonica, 1403-1408.

' Manuel "stole" the beginning of this letter and another line further on directlyfrom Letter 143 of Libanius to Priscian, in which he praises him for being equally at homewith the Muses and with Justice.

4 Libanius, Epist. 143.'Homer, Iliad, 1, 69.

51. To the Priest Euthymius, later Patriarch of Constantinople'

ConstantinopleThe Morea (?),

summer-/all 1408

You have been my friend, one of the best, I am sure, and you willalways remain one. As for myself, nothing pleases me more than writing tomy friends, for what pleases them also pleases me. I know they are glad

60, 51145

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146

51whenever they happen to receive a letter from me, however insignificantit be. Even when there is nothing urgent to write about, I still feel compelledto do so. Certainly it is a gracious thing: by this one action we are able toplease both our friends and ourselves. For this reason, the amount of workto be done never held my hand back from writing. Our present concerns,however, are so much more numerous than in the past that I have beenunable to write to you for such a long time.

It seems that of old the land of Pelops2 was destined to look on itsinhabitants' fighting with one another as preferable to peace. And nobodyis so simple that in the absence of an occasion provided by his neighbor hecannot fabricate or invent one by himself. Everyone wishes to indulge hisnature by making use of arms. If only those people had made use of themwhere they should, things would have been much better for them.3 And,since I have a detailed knowledge of the entire situation, I regard nothingas more important than their being at peace with one another. These careshave kept me from meals and the proper amount of sleep, and I suppose Ihave very much neglected the necessities of life.

This is the reason why you have been deprived of my customaryletters. And you must bear it meekly; rather, you should be pleased if whathas hindered us from writing for your enjoyment should turn out to be awork pleasing to God, and also gratifying to ourselves. For I am gratifiedby the way in which the matter has been progressing, and I hope that it willbe completed in a manner which would be desired by any man who rejoicesat the prosperity of his fellow men. Be assured also that everything else isproceeding according to our intentions, and may it continue to do so, as wenow have reason to hope from what has already taken place.

1 Theodore I Palaeologus died in Mistra in the summer of 1407, and Manuel'ssecond son Theodore, only about ten years old, was designated to succeed him: see Barker,Manuel II, 272-77; D. A. Zakythinos, Le Despotat grec de Moree, I (Paris, 1932), 164-66.Both give partial translations of this letter, although Zakythinos (174) dates it to 1415.Manuel was gravely concerned about the situation in the Morea, and about a year later,probably late in the summer of 1408, made a brief visit to the region: see Barker, Manuel11, 275 note 132; Zakythinos (loc. cit.) does not even mention this visit. After the death ofJohn VII, 22 September 1408, Manuel sailed to Thessalonica, remaining there untilDecember. This letter, then, must have been written in the summer or autumn of 1408,probably before the death of John VII.

2 The Peloponnesus or Morea.3 That is, if they had fought against their real enemies, the Turks, rather than

against one another.

51147

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14852

52. To the Metropolitan of Thessalonica, Lord Gabriel'

ThessalonicaConstantinople,

1408-1410

They say that a peasant from the country once saw the imperial palaceand was so struck by its beauty that he came to loathe the hovel in which hewas living and set it afire. Of course, this is absolutely absurd; the reasonableway of acting for a man would be not to censure what is his own, should ithave some worth, just because what belongs to someone else is far superior.While marvelling at those splendid possessions, he should still be contentwith his own which are not of the same quality, just as a parent would nothate his own children for being less handsome than those of his neighbors.

Well then, my awareness that my own literary ability cannot comparewith those who are highly esteemed in this regard will not distress me ormake me decide to remain silent. To be sure, I would not inscribe my namein the list of those who enjoy a good reputation in the field of writing. For toquote Plato, the son of Ariston, "I am not ignorant of Phaedrus."2 So, Iwould never pay heed to others who want to seduce me into having too highan opinion of my abilities. Yet, it strikes me as very foolish to take the resultsof our toil which seem to be of some usefulness and completely blot them outsimply because they are not absolutely wonderful. What is more, if it shouldbe made a law, that because there are superior authors the inferior onesshould be silent, why then, there would not be one person among the presentgeneration, I believe, who would dare open his mouth in view of the clearpreeminence of the ancients. But this would be most unfortunate. It iscertainly a good thing that those who try their hand at writing should strivewith all their might to look to those who have become perfect in the artand take them as their models. But they must also recognize very clearlythat they are not attaining that level, and they should feel no shame at allin being surpassed by those men, nor should they find it unbearable thattheir own writings fall far short of those of Demosthenes, Thucydides, andpeople like these. For the achievements of the past have flown beyond thegrasp of the men of today. Surely, if you place the writings of the ancientsbeside our modern ones, you will be comparing "gold to bronze."3 For soinferior are our writings today that if it were obligatory either to write as didthose disciples of Hermes and the Muses or not to write at all, not one personnow living would produce a single word, since it is simply impossible to speakas those men could. But, if we should thus refrain from writing, the fruits ofour education will disappear to such an extent that we will not even be ableto understand clearly the dogmas which enable us to be truly orthodox.

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15052, 53

With all this in mind, my good friend, I continue to do some writing,not as much as I ought, but as much as the time permits, in order that Imight be an example to my subjects of the love of letters, so that as theymingle so much with barbarians they might not become completely bar-barized. From us, then, an offering from the fruit of our labors comes toyou .4 And if something worthwhile should be found in it, you may show itto the right people and not keep it to yourself. If, on the other hand, it shouldbe judged as quite worthless, "It will be remedied by the sponge," as Ari-stides said; and as I say, "Either hand it over to Hephaistus5 or let absolutelyno one look at it." But I do not want this to apply to the good Macarius, areally close friend and distinguished for virtue.6

1 This letter was written between summer 1397 and 1416/19, the period of Gabriel'spontificate in Thessalonica; its place in the collection inclines one to date it after Manuel'svisit to Thessalonica in autumn-winter 1408 and before autumn 1410. It has also beentranslated by Barker, Manuel II, 422-23. See R. J. H. Jenkins, "The Hellenistic Originsof Byzantine Literature," DOP, 17 (1963), 46.

8 Phaedrus, 228a.

8 Homer, Iliad, 6, 236.4 The composition of Manuel which accompanied this letter is most probably his

oration, "On Sin and Penance or About St. Mary of Egypt," which is found together withthis letter in cod. Vat. gr. 632; both are in the same hand, which differs from the others inthe manuscript. Inc. '0 a6yo5 o5roq 6 vie 6ola4 3;µiv. The oration is on fols.336-3500and the letter to Gabriel on fols. 350' 351v. The manuscript consists of works of Manuelselected from ten or eleven manuscripts and bound together. Fols. 336-351v are by onehand, distinct from the others, indicating a previous connection between the oration andthe letter: see R. Devreesse, Codices Vaticani graeci 604-866 (Vatican City, 1950), pp.41-42.

5 Burn it.5 This Macarius has not been identified. The spiritual father of Manuel was named

Macarius, but he was a monk of Xanthopoulos in Constantinople from about 1397 to1431: see Loenertz, Caldcas, 85.

53. To the Emperor of Trebizond'

TrebizondConstantinople, 1409-1410 (?)

When you requested this book it had not yet been completed, but wasstill being pieced together, and for this reason it did not come to you rightaway or even shortly thereafter as we had promised. It certainly ought notto have come half finished; but the delay was caused by the times, not us.Right now, though, it has been completed and has bravely crossed the seato you. May it correspond to your hopes, and may it prove of some usefulnessfor this life. This it may very well do if you concentrate solely on the thoughtscontained in the work and seek nothing further. But if you scrutinize the

52,53151

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15253, 54

arrangement of ideas or expect precision in the choice of words or, in general,any of those graceful, stylistic elements which an essay of this sort might beexpected to present, then it might, I fear, impress you as "empty bliss," andyou may proclaim : "Our treasures have turned to ashes."2 Yet do not wonderwhy I am sending this work of mine to you, if I have such an opinion of it;I do so because in my desire to please you, I have decided against whatmight have been the better choice.

1 Its place in the collection would date this letter to the years 1409-1410. Theemperor of Trebizond was Manuel III Comnenus, who ruled from 1390 to 1417: see W.Miller, Trebizond, the Last Greek Empire (London, 1926; new ed. by A. C. Bandy, Chicago,1969), 71-79. The work sent to him by Manuel is not specified, but it was lengthy enoughto be called a book ((3c(3XLov), perhaps a collection of essays or orations.

2 Common Byzantine proverb.

54. To the Priest Euthymiusl

ConstantinopleConstantinople, 1409

The present work is the child of both of us-it is yours and mine-notonly because "friends share their possessions," but also because it belongsalmost as much to you as it does to me.2 While I gave birth to it, you it waswho helped it grow by adding your ideas. Now if a being, once born, mustbe provided with nourishment if it is to survive, then its ownership is sharedboth by the one who has brought it into being and by the one who raises it.You may therefore do what seems best for it just as I would. At your dis-cretion add or remove whatever you wish.3

1 There is some confusion regarding the date of this letter. Euthymius was conse-crated as patriarch on 26 October 1410: V. Laurent, "Les dates du patriarchat d'EuthymeII de Constantinople," BZ, 54 (1962), 332. In the Paris manuscript the letter is addressedto the Patriarch Lord Euthyrnius, tcp icazpiapxp xupy, E d)i lu, which was copied intothe Barberinus graecus 219 (E63uµlc 'rw naTpc&px-r,), whereas the cod. Vat. gr. 1879 hassimply, To the Priest Lord Euthymius, -ry nanaxupc;r Eu,4uµly, which reading is followedin this edition. Vat. gr. 1879 contains a copy of the work sent along with this letter, theletter itself and the reply of Euthymius. This literary grouping seems to reflect the originaland more authentic state of these writings. The entire collection of Manuel's letters wasput together long after Euthyrnius had been named patriarch, in fact, after his death. Thisletter was then copied into the Paris manuscript independently of Manuel's compositionand Euthymius' letter, and either by mistake or by accident, or simply because the editor(Manuel probably) could not recall whether the original had been written before or afterEuthymius became patriarch, was addressed to him with this title. Furthermore, the follow-ing letter (55) appears to have been written in 1409; so the basic chronological arrange-ment of the letters would also place this one in 1409, and certainly before 26 October 1410.

53, 54 153

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xoLVOV TO XT) LO TW CpUaaVTL re xat TW rpoyd- 6(r re I EleaTL

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oCpnpeL xar' 7rav o Tt Po6Xet.

54: 3: Plato, Lysis, 207c; Suirlae lexicon, K 2550 (ed. Adler, 3, 200); Paroem.gr. I, 106, et alibi.

B f. 85v; cod. Vat. gr. 1879, f. 328-328v (= Va). 1 inscriptio ex Va: TW 7rarpL&p7.71 xvpii

E64&UIIICp P, EUi}uu[(,) TW nccTpL&pX11 B II ve' P 113-4 6a7rep eµOl Va 11 6 1SeaT4: EZ6V V IL

a The work which Manuel attributes as much to Euthymius as to himself is theErnperor's decision or clarification (aagilveLa) in a debate between Demetrius Chrysolorasand Antonio d'Ascoli on the question: If it is better to be than not to be, how could Christ

say of Judas that it would be better for him if he had not been born (Matthew 26:24) ?

Inc. TauTi oXe86v w 7rap6vTes. This still unpublished work is not listed by Berger deXivrey or by Petit. It is found together with the statement of Chrysoloras (inc.aoL ws sTretS To ov) and the reply of d'Ascoli (inc. "Iaws &Xprv (Le ao¢:;olaE'+c;i a(JL) in

cod. Vat. gr. 1879, fols. 322-28, along with the letters of Manuel and Euthymius. It exists

without these two letters in a richly bound manuscript of Grottaferrata, it gift of (51rdina0

Bessarion to the monastery, coil. Crypten. Z.S.I., fols. 82-89v; and in a manuscript of the

Collegio Greco in Rome, cod. 11, fols. 59-93v: see Loenertz, "Ecrits de Macaire hlaeri's et

de Manuel Paldologue," 193 (= ByzFrOr, I, 78-79); Barker, Dlanuel II, 5I9-20. 'l'hceu

15454, 55

works are listed in the cod. Vindobor. phil. gr. 98, but have long since disappeared from it:P. Lambeck and A. F. Kollar, Commentariorum de augustissima bibliotheca CaeeareaVindobonensi libri octo, VII (Vienna, 1781), 337-40. In the cod. Vat. Urbin. gr. 80 there havebeen inserted two pages (fols. 8-9v), not part of the original manuscript, which containthe decision of an emperor on the same question (inc. 'Eµol 8oxouaLv of rrepl ro5g,6vou ).6yovrec & ep6&repo4), followed by two letters concerning the decision. Thefirst begins:Hjnoµpas µiv au.rb5 hµiv rev aav a6yov, c",) paaraeu, ebcpp&v= re µ& v 5µou xal nL kiaoa(ioua6µevoc. The second is the same as that in the Vat. gr. 1879, which begins: T6v a6yov,ro5sov, &pLare (iaaLaeu. These pages are covered with poorly written corrections, appar-ently by Euthymius himself, and must be, as Mercati has pointed out, the first draftof Manuel's decision in the debate, a draft of Euthymius' reply and its final version:G. Mercati, Notizie di Procoro e Demetrio Cidone, 517 note 1.

8 The answer of Euthymius, addressed to My Lord the Emperor, is published infra(Appendix, p. 221) from the cod. Vat. gr. 1879. In it Euthymius disclaims any credit forthis valuable judgment of Manuel, which he praises for its power, its clarity, its charm,and the truths it contains. He knew it was the Emperor's legitimate offspring (yv c ov ylv-viwr , Manuel: bykvv)1aa Iyd), and he knew the nature of the one whohad brought it intobeing (puaty tou (p6aav ros, Manuel: cp6wa ... r jS puaavn). He marvelled at its brilliance.Finally, he cannot find anything to add or to remove, nor does he think anyone else willbe able to do so ij &p p6aews, Manuel: rrpoari&e4 xal &pa(pet).

55. To Manuel Chrysolorasl

Western EuropeConstantinople, 1409

I was, of course, pleased to receive your letter, for there is surelynothing of yours which is not pleasing to me. I opened it right away andread it-I had reason to expect it to contain such news as would lighten myterrible burdens. But on quickly reading through it I was distressed, as youcan imagine, and I declared everything in it to be but "empty bliss," and thisis what all of us have suspected for quite some time. It contained nothingat all of what we were hoping for. And even great promises would not havebeen enough. For now there is need of deeds which will bring help, and not ofwords and promises which have been the usual thing for so long. When aperson is at the critical point of his illness, and such is now our condition, heneeds medicines able to cure him and not excellent promises which alwaysinvolve putting things off.

But as to what you claim was said by the exalted ruler, whose veryposition enables him, or if you wish, whose rank demands that he bothmanifest concern and provide for all needs, this rather lessens than increasesour good hopes. For that explanation of yours, I mean that conditions therestill need to be arranged better, will not excuse him for having done nothingwhatsoever regarding what was needed. While it may be true that his ownwaves of trouble have not completely subsided, his present state is like anunbroken calm compared with the storms and tempest he previously endured.

54, 55

55. Tw XpuaoXWpa xupCo Mavour'ja ve'

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5 BELV&-TO T&xoq ouv BLeaDWV VL&,(hv TS, 7C&C oEL, xat <0Cev"v µaxapLav»

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(pap(L&xWV, a?,?" GU xpryTWV E7CayycXLWV, &vapoaas &E xewr%ts'vWV.

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7-,po:-6 0,7)v xai TpLxuµEav Ta vuv yaa7jv' auxv'. xai auTov,

15655

And, I think, he should at the very least have been willing to show in smalland quite easy ways that he had the intention of fending off the threateningenemies of our common faith when the time was right.2 A small contributionfrom him would certainly seem considerable to us, partly because our cir-cumstances have become altogether straitened, partly because people wouldsee it as a sign of better things to follow, and finally because it would injectan element of conjecture into the calculations of the enemy. For I suspectthat this would not be so much an encouragement for us as an arrow aimedat them. The fact that for such a long time no aid of any sort, not even latein the day, has come from anywhere to help us in our troubles leads the enemyto the utmost boldness against us; in like manner, opposite actions willbring about opposite results.

I could have drawn out this letter, but in writing to a man like you,it suffices to say just so much. I know well that you will give thought tothe means by which some succor might be sent to us from there at the righttime, for nothing, no matter how fine, is of any help when it comes too late.But if-may it not come about-we should be cheated of our hopes, at leastbring yourself back and give yourself to your fatherland and to the one wholoves you, I mean to myself; and this will surely be no small thing for us.

1 The two major problems involved in interpreting this letter are closely connected:its date and the identity of the exalted ruler (-riv dixpov &pxov ra). The preceding letter waswritten in 1409-1410 (before 26 October), and the following letter can be dated to the endof 1409 or early January 1410. Its position, then, would place this letter sometime in 1409.In this case the exalted ruler is most probably King Henry IV of England, for it wasprecisely in 1409 that Chrysoloras visited London as the Emperor's ambassador. He couldhave written this discouraging report while still in England or on his way from there toSpain. On his itinerary during 1407-1413, see Cammelli, Manuele Crisolora, 143-59; alsoBarker, Manuel II, 263-71, who translates this letter on pp. 266-67 and discusses itfurther on pp. 519-24.

Manuel gives an accurate assessment of Henry's circumstances at the time, for,while he was never without difficulties, he had overcome the major threats to his rule. Itis not clear why he uses the term "exalted," unless lie is simply being sarcastic. The term,ruler (&pgo v), is a general one employed by Manuel for Turkish emirs (Letter 16: 60, 99),for himself (44:55) and once, coincidentally, precisely for Henry IV (38:20).

If this letter is not in chronological order, it would have to be dated before 15 April1415, the date of Chrysoloras' death, and probably before 5 July 1413, the date of Mech-med's victory over Musa, which ended any immediate Turkish threat to Byzantium. Theother rulers whom Chrysoloras visited do not seem to fit the description in Manuel's letter.In 1408 Chrysoloras was in Paris, but it is not known whether he spoke with King CharlesVI, who in any case was quite insane by this time: Cammelli, Manuele Crisolora, 146.Chrysoloras was given a letter of accreditation by Manuel to King Martin I of Aragondated 23 October 1407, which was concerned only with relics, but he does not seem tohave arrived there until early in 1410, the year in which Martin died. The letter is pub-lished in A. Rubio i Lluch, Diplomatari ale l'Orient Cataliz (Barcelona, 1947), no. 694,pp. 716-18. Rubio i Lluch also refers to a document of 7 April 1407 attesting to Chryso-loras' presence in Catalonia, but this is difficult to reconcile with other extant data. Infact, a visit of Chrysoloras to Spain cannot be clearly proven: Cammelli, Manuele Criso-

55 157

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Tois 6vrau&oi ou8ev yap Twv c pafwv E wpov yev6µevov. el8 p. yEvoLTo, Ta Tcov EarEBwv piv ppo58a yEvovro, au 8' O am' aauTOv

f. 35 Cp&po v 8L8ou rpo5 Tj I raTpLBL xat Tw yLAo5vTL, etii ail A&yw- roU yexat Tout' p-Lv 06 r Lxp6v.

56: 5: Lucianus, Hermotinrus, 71; Navigium, 11.

B f. 85v-86v. 1 Mavou>1a Tw Xpuao)c pa B 11 v5 P 1132 post µiv add. eua.&elr) mg.,quod om. B

lora, 147. The other candidate put forth is Sigismund, King of Hungary, but Chrysolorasdid not visit him before 13 October 1414, and the negotiations were concerned withecclesiastical union and the coming Council of Constance: Cammelli, Manuele Crisolora,162-63; Barker, MM2anuel 11, 522-23. Finally, there is the pope. From about May of 1410until his death in 1415 Chrysoloras spent a good deal of time at the court of Pope JohnXXIII: Cammelli, Manuele Crisolora, 147-65. He carried on negotiations concerningunion of the churches and military aid against the Turks, but by August 1413 realized thatit was a complete waste of time: ibid., 145. Still, one has the impression that Manuel doesnot refer to a pope, particularly John XXIII, whose troubles were just beginning. It isinteresting, though, that Cydoncs applies the term, &pxwv, to Pope Urban V : Letter 39:15, 29. All things considered, it seems most likely that this letter was written in 1409 andthat the ruler in question was King Henry IV of England.

2 This is a clear reference to the conflict between the Turkish princes, Suleyuian,Musa, and Mechmed, which posed a direct threat to Byzantium from 1409 to July 1413:see Barker, Manuel II, 281-88.

158

56

56. To Manuel Chrysoloras

ItalyConstantinople, December

1409-January 1410

I am sending you the funeral oration on my brother, which I composedmore by weeping than by writing.' If the qualities of the departed were sogreat that his death would touch a heart of stone-when he left us he tookwith him the greatest of his possessions, himself and the support he provided-what do you think I suffered in composing this oration? Nor can I writethis brief note without tears. It is not possible for me or for others whoknew the man well to picture him in our memory without pouring forth afountain of tears. So excellent was he in every respect. After his departureto God, therefore, I laid down a rule for myself not to attempt any moreoratorical works. As a result, those compositions which I was formerlyobliged to undertake I left in a more or less half finished state. But I wasunable to observe this rule to the end. For my love for my brother was sogreat that it did not permit me to remain silent and to allow time to consignhis noble deeds to oblivion, but as it compelled us to give a eulogy and tolament over him, so it also forced us to recount his deeds in detail, and thisclearly means to praise him. For we consider it exactly the same thing togive a detailed account of the life of a good man and by that very fact toadorn him with praises directly. That praise, to be more precise, which theaccount of a person's deeds evokes is undoubtedly greater than the simplestatement that the man in question was brave, intelligent, and possessed ofall other virtues.

But this booklet comes to you not for mere display, as Apelles andLysippus showed their works to each other, but in the spirit in which othersbrought their works to them for correction, paintings to Apelles and statuesto Lysippus.2 And the bearer of this work is one whom you cherish above allothers, your nephew, who is also your son and brother by birth, training,and manners.3 He is an excellent man and whenever I give him a command,even by a mere nod, he longs for wings so that he might execute it with alldispatch. This is actually due to you, who yield to nobody among the highofficials in being well disposed toward me. You, therefore-it is your dutyto help me in every way-erase what is superfluous in the present composi-tion; do not shrink from making changes in it and additions of your own aswell; for I know that it stands in need of all these.4

1 Mention of the funeral oration on Theodore and the fact that the nephew ofC hrysoloras conveyed it and this letter to Italy enable one to establish the date with someprecision. Theodore I Palaeologus died in Mistra in 1407, probably in June: see Barker,31anuelII, 272 note 126. About a year later Manuel journeyed to the Morea and then to

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16056, 57

Thessalonica, returning to Constantinople early in 1409. Probably he did not complete the

funeral oration, epitaphios, until some time in 1409, for he speaks of it as of a work recently

finished. The bearer of the oration and of this letter, John Chrysoloras, arrived in Bologna

on 29 February 1410: Cammelli, Manuele Crisolora, 190-91. He must, then, have leftConstantinople, and this letter must have been written in December 1409 or perhaps earlyJanuary 1410. The lengthy funeral oration on Theodore, A6yoc 'Einr&cpio5, has beenedited by S. Lampros, Ilaaaroadyna xal IleaoTrovvriaiax&, 3 (Athens, 1926), 11-119;also in PG, 156, 181-308. A new edition by J. Chrysostomides is in preparation. Manuelhad apparently planned to deliver it on the second anniversary of his brother's death, but

was prevented from doing so by the Turkish civil wars. Instead, he had it read by themonk, Isidore, later metropolitan of Monemvasia: see references in Barker, Manuel II,525-27. A shorter version of this oration, apparently revised by Manuel himself, exists inthe cod. Scorial. gr. 14 (R-I-14), fols. 257-270.

8 The famous painter and sculptor of antiquity.8 John Chrysoloras, seep. lvi. Nephew, son, and brother is an expression of affection,

just as Manuel speaks of Theodore as his brother, friend, and son (Letter 9).4 The reply of Chrysoloras, still unedited, is discussed by C. G. Patrinelis, "An

Unknown Discourse of Chrysoloras addressed to Manuel II Palaeologus," ORBS, 13(1972), 497-502.

57. To the Metropolitan of Thessalonicaand the Protos of the Holy Mountain'

Thessalonica and Mount AthosConstantinople, 1411

People for whom there is no place in the imperial palace or easy accessto the rulers roam about seeking someone who will plead on their behalf forwhatever they might need. Not only that, but some of them will not converseeven with these intermediaries directly, since they do not deem themselvesworthy to do so. In fact, I have now come to feel this way myself. For I wasdistressed because of him who was in debt to us for very many good thingsand who, on the other hand, gave living proof of very many evils, whichturned things upside down, and as a result has, by divine Providence, metwith an end quite worthy of his ways.2 But you know the man from ex-perience, as well as the madness of that person toward everyone. Practicallyno hope was left for nie and since I myself did not dare to approach the Oneable to bring salvation, I fled instead to His Mother. And to her I sang a fewhynuis, for my conscience did not permit me to speak more boldly. We aresending these hymns to you so that you may convey them to her in a sincerespirit. For we thought it best to make use of mediators to the mediatrix, ofyou to the Mother of God, since it would not be right for us, defiled with somany evil passions, to plead directly with the Pure One.

But if you think it appropriate, arrange that on one day of the weekin each of the oratories these suppliant odes be sung until God should grant

56, 57

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16257

us full relief from these horrible dangers and, encouraged by what happens,we might from a joyful soul sing joyful hymns of thanksgiving. In a way,the present situation seems to resemble the plight of a person who has justbeen released from a fit of terrible suffering but is afraid that his oppressiveaffliction might return and finding the body still weak might in all likelihoodovercome it more easily.

1 The metropolitan of Thessalonica was Gabriel (1397-1416/19): see p. xlii. Theprotos of the Holy Mountain, Mount Athos, was probably Simon: see p. lv. The personwhose death Manuel laments is described in what appears to be a deliberately obscuresentence. To establish the chronology of this letter, then, it may be better to begin with thehymn the Emperor composed in honor of the Mother of God, which accompanied the letter.This is surely the canon (xavwv napaxX ,cLx6S) "To our most holy Lady, the Mother ofGod, for aid in the present circumstances." Inc. "Anaaa r&i;ic = 1 XwEa nia-r&v: ed.Legrand, Lettres, 94-102, from the cod. Paris. gr. 3041, fols.104-104v, but with the finaltwo stanzas inverted. It is also found in cod. Crypten. Z.S.I., fols. 72-74V; Collegio Greco,cod. 11, fols. 82-84; cod. Vindob. phil. gr. 252, fols. 60v-61 (incomplete); and was formerlyin cod. Vindob. phil. gr. 98. It is published in PG, 156, 107-110. See T. Stratmann, "LaTheotokos, premises des justifies," Irdnikon, 27 (1954), 122-41. In this lengthy hymnManuel calls upon Mary to save God's people from impending disaster and to grant victoryto her city. He asks her to drive away "the other hostile Khan (Xay&vov) who horriblythreatens your chosen people, as [you did] formerly to his father" (lines 6-10). The rest of thehymn deals with the terrible dangers the Byzantines face and their hopes that, despite theirsinfulness, they will be saved by the intercession of Mary. The reference to the Khan,certainly Musa Celebi, and to his father Bajezid, as well as to the hostile army outside thecity, clearly place this hymn, and consequently this letter, during Musa's siege of Con-stantinople in 1411-12. For details, see Barker, Manuel II, 281-88. The duration and theintensity of the siege are not known, but it probably began in the spring of 1411 and mayhave lasted through the summer of 1412. In fact, this entire sequence of events needsfurther study.

2 The person whose death distressed Manuel must have been Suleyman Qelebi,Musa's brother. To defend himself against Musa, he had entered into an alliance with theByzantine emperor, becoming more or less dependent on him. This may be what Manuelmeans by the one "in debt to us." Because of his support of Suleyman, however, Manuelwas drawn into the Turkish civil wars and earned the enmity of Musa. The end, "worthy ofhis ways," may be meant ironically, for Suleyman was captured and strangled by Musa on17 February 1411. Shortly afterward Musa laid siege to Constantinople, so that this letterwas probably written in the spring of 1411. Exactly how the metropolitan and the protosknew Suleyman "from experience" is not clear, but he had a reputation for being welldisposed toward Christians, and they may have had some personal dealings with him.The "madness of that person" (v? v bxelvou µav(av) may be an oblique reference to Musa;it could also be translated as "his [Suleyinan's] vehement love for all," since Manuel else-where employs the word in this sense.

57

163

µ&Twv 7rapax?okwmT &7r6 aaOCL xapca'r pious. c 5vuv 8oxeL 7rwS Ta 7rp&yµoc'r eo.x&vat roZ4 7rept68ou th' 8ewou To"u

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57: 8: Euripides, Medea, 410; of. Paroem. gr. I, 47.

B f. 87-87V mut. 1 v-n' P 1110 &nav-ras B jj 14 Toc&ro B li 24 nmJ.erv1voaT!ap P

164

58. To Giorgio Gattilusio on Thasos158

ThasosThasos, July-September 1414

Clearly you are presumptuous in what you are now doing, for if youknew anything about moderation or, if you will, if you knew yourself at all,you would not undertake things above your station. But then, the facts them-selves demonstrate that this particular evil becomes so intense in thoseafflicted by it that it is unnecessary for them to undergo any other punish-ment than that of living with this sort of illness. Your undertaking hasbecome as Scylla and Charybdis to you. If you remain within, you are lost,I believe, for you can see that the fortress, which you seized like a tyrant andnow occupy, is utterly weak and unable to withstand the siege weaponsoutside its gates as well as the continuous action of war. If on the otherhand circumstances should force you to come out, you will certainly besaved, but you will have to live in unending shame. The result is that you"set your mouth against the heavens, but your tongue walked through theearth,"2 and your boasting words have come to mean just the opposite ofwhat you intended.

i In the Paris manuscript no addressee is given for this letter, and in the Barberinicopy part of the page is torn off, so that it reads: ... Xioi e T(j ev 0&vca. This mayoriginally have read: I'aTEacoui;w, Gattilusio. The first name is not given, but Legrand inhis edition of this letter (p. 89) gives the addressee as: rewpytc) raTeaiouTi;p, vlxa aTu-p&vvec Ti 5q To Giorgio Gattilusio when he unlawfully seized power over Thasos. Sincethis is not found in the Paris. 3041 from which he copied the letters, one can only assumethat he derived it from one of the Avramiotis manuscripts then at his disposition and whichhave since been lost: see Introduction, p. xxv. It is on this assumption, then, that the Gatti-lusio on Thasos may be identified as Giorgio. This letter has also been translated by Barker,Manuel II, 299, with some comments.

The date of this letter is certain. According to the nearly contemporary testimonyof Mazaris, Manuel II sailed from Constantinople on 25 July 1414 with one large ship andfive triremes for the island of Thasos, then in a state of rebellion, and spent three monthsreducing the island to his authority: Journey Into Hades, 177. George Sphrantzes alsomentions Manuel's departure in July and his capture of Thasos in September, although hemistakenly gives the year as 1413: Georgios Sphrantzes, Memorii 1401-1477, ed. V. Grecu(Bucharest, 1966), 4, 1, p.4 (= PG, 156, col. 1026b). Manuel then sailed to Thessalonica andon 28 November 1414 informed King Ferdinand I of Aragon that his voyage to the Mores, hadbeen delayed because of the problems on Thasos. Vacavirnus circa recuperationern cuiusdarnnostre inside nominate Thassu, a quodam nostro ernulo occupate, quarn Deo dace recupera-viiuus et immediate nostram civitatern Salonicharn accessirnus: C. Marinescu, "Manuel IIPali,ologue et lee rois d'Aragon. Commentaire sur quatre lettres inedites en Latin, expddidespar in chancellerie byzantine," Academic Ronmaine, Bulletin de la section historique, 11(1924), 200-1; rep. S. Cirac Estoparian, La union, Manuel II Paleologo y sue recuerdosen Espa,ia (Barcelona, 1952), 69-70; see Dolger, Kaiserregesten, 3343, p. 100. From thetext it is clear that the letter was written during the siege of Thasos, that is, between theend of July and the end of September 1414.

58

165

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xa( aoL Ta x647rou pY1f.LaTa 7rp?S Tou'vawr'Lov &vv6cTpa7rrou.

58: 12: Psalm. 72, 9.

B f. 87v, inc. mut. 1 inscriptio (mut.) ex B, anep. P II t' P

Exactly how Gattilusio had got control of Thasos is not clear; perhaps he wasalready on the island as a Byzantine vassal of some sort. Mazaris asserts that the inhabi-tants had rebelled, whereas Manuel speaks of its being occupied by an enemy. At any rate,the Gattilusio family did acquire Thasos some years later, perhaps as early as 1420,certainly by 1434: W. Miller, "The Gattilusij of Lesbos," Essays on the Latin Orient (Cam-bridge, 1921), 330. Manuel's mention of siege engines (µrfXavoq) is confirmed by Mazaris(7re7:po(i6),6)v

This letter seems too rhetorical an exercise to have been composed during a siegein mid-summer. It is more likely that we have here an example of Manuel's polishing upfor the benefit of posterity what was probably a rather blunt note in plain, intelligiblemedieval Greek.

2 Psalm 72 (73):9.

166

59, 60

59. [To Giorgio Gattilusio ?]l[Thasos

Thasos, summer-fall 1414?]

This, too, is the fate of an emperor, Alexander is reported to have said,that when he confers benefits he hears himself spoken ill of.2 So then, wefind nothing new in what those people you mention did to us, but it is thesame old story. Let me add that the same goes for the harm done to ouraffairs, which has brought them down to this unfortunate state; this makesme grieve of course, for I love the common good and at the same time I lovethe wrongdoers themselves. That people of this sort are moved against uswe will bear without difficulty, you may be sure, as we recall this particularexpression of Alexander. If this man, so outstanding in his position of ruleand domination, so outstanding in his benefactions to all, abounding in somany virtues, assaulting and conquering so many peoples, was spoken ill ofby those he treated well, and yet bore this, how much more ought we tobear it meekly if those who should be ready even to give up the spirit on ourbehalf, afflicted as they are both by the evils of the day and by the arrows offortune, unjustly pour forth their anger against us, reacting in the same wayas those wild beasts who, on being hit by an arrow, rend asunder all that theyencounter, since they cannot easily do it to the person who has woundedthem.

1 Again no addressee is given in the Paris manuscript, although a later hand hasadded vii a' r , which is also found in the Barberini manuscript. Apparently for thisreason Legrand addressed this letter, too, to Giorgio Gattilusio. Perhaps it was writtenshortly after the preceding letter, but nothing more can be said about it with any cer-tainty.

2 Plutarch, Life of Alexander, 41, 1.

60. To Guarino the Italian'

VeniceConstantinople, summer 1417

This book, imperfect though it be, has been composed not with anyidea of ostentation, but out of vehement love for my brother.2 This it waswhich first set my hand to the task, as any reader can see from the intro-duction itself. Actually, it was not put together with the idea of curryingeverybody's favor and practically clamoring to be read; it was meant to bepresented first to him for whom it was really put together, and then to thebest of our friends. Now, since you are a man of good character as well as a

59, 60

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167

16860

good writer, not ignorant of friendship, and you are always kindly disposedtoward us-I am absolutely certain of this because of your actions and yourconversation when you were present here-we are sending this work to youin addition to the other things you requested. For it is incumbent, I think,on those who love to provide their lovers with more than they ask for, andto some degree share secrets with them.

In return for the favor I am doing you, read it and then show it tothose you know if you believe it could add to the author's reputation. Youcould also translate it into Latin or, if you will, into your own language.3But if it is the sort of work which should be done away with, something wedid not do, you do it in our stead; even in this way you will show yourkindness.

1 Guarino dei Guarini of Verona. The date of this letter is derived from one ofGuarino written in January 1418: Epistolario di Guarino Veronese, ed. R. Sabbadini(Venice, 1915-19), I, no. 94, pp. 172-74. Guarino tells his friend that a Venetian fleethas recently returned from the Morea bringing with it a letter from his former teacher,John Chrysoloras, who would have come to Italy had the Emperor not sent him to settlecertain problems in the Morea. It seems that the Emperor's son (actually both John VIIIand Theodore II) had attacked Patras and other towns, involving themselves in a warwith the archbishop of Patras, Stefano Zaccaria, and the prince of Achaia, CenturionsZaccaria, his brother. These events took place in the summer of 1417 and were discussedby the Venetian senate on July 19 and 25: Thiriet, Regestes, 1661, 1665-1667. Chrysoloras,then, was sent to the Mores and from there wrote to Guarino, apparently during the sum-mer or autumn of 1417. In his own letter, cited above, Guarino, after mentioning the letterfrom Chrysoloras, also acknowledges having received a letter from Manuel II, togetherwith a copy of the funeral oration for Theodore. This letter of Manuel, then, must havebeen written at about the same time, probably before October 1417: G. Mercati, "Lettersdi un Isidoro, Arcivescovo di Monembasia e non di Kiew," Bessarione, 20 (1916), 205.

2 Manuel's funeral oration on his brother Theodore, a copy of which he had previ-ously sent to Manuel Chrysoloras (see Letter 56), who may well have shown it to Guarino.

a There is no indication that Guarino ever undertook the formidable task of trans-lating it into Latin. In his letter to a friend, cited above, he expressed his great pleasure onreceiving this letter and the oration from Manuel, but said he would pass on the orationto Ambrogio Traversari in Florence. Ipse etiam imperator humanissimam quandam ad memisit epistulam et funebram pro eius /ratre orationem quam ipse con f ecit; oratio est persuaviscopiosa et miro contexta verborum et sententiarum ornatu.... ad fratrem Ambrosium nostrummittam. Among the other works Manuel sent to Guarino may have been his Praeceptaeducationis regiae, which is found in the cod. Vat. gr. 1619, fols. 188°-210v, with marginalnotes by one individual, almost certainly Guarino, the teacher of Francesco Barbari, towhom the manuscript later belonged: C. Gianelli, Codices Vaticani graeci 1485-1683(Vatican City, 1950), 287.

60169

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60: B f. 88. 1 E(i' P

170

61. To Demetrius Chrysolorasl61

ConstantinopleConstantinople, 1417

The hundred letters you recently sent to us brought much applause andmany words of praise from those who do not know your abilities.2 Somemarvelled at their number, some at the rapidity of movement in each, someat other properties, and everyone at their richness. But for me all the letterswere cause for wonder, both on account of what impressed the other peopleand for other reasons as well. To be sure, they were truly brilliant in allrespects. In one thing, however, we cannot praise you: when you could havesent ten thousand, you sent only a hundred. Someone else, not unaware ofyour facile pen, might even criticize you for laziness.

Owing to the numerous tasks which prevented me from answering yourletter right away, I did not intend to do so. But just now I have composedan oration to the Mother of God, which I am sending you in place of the replyI was planning to write.3 You will not, I am sure, take it ill and assume thatyour letters have been surpassed by this oration, for the preeminence of theImmaculate does not allow you to feel that way. Rather, on reading throughthe work, add to it if something necessary is missing, and remove whateveris superfluous.

1 This was written about 1417, for the E6yxptc of Chrysoloras, the source of his"Hundred Letters," was composed after Manuel's journey to the Mores, in 1415, since itrefers to the building of the wall across the Isthmus.

s The "Hundred Letters" of Chrysoloras is actually a collection of so-called laconicletters of about sixty to seventy words each, comprising one long letter. It was entitledEtq rbv a6roxp&ropa x6pav MavouilX rov Ilaaacoa6yov Or)µqrp(ou rou Xpuaoaup& 17rLa ro),atp' b p' U ra: To the Autocrator Lord Manuel Palaeologus 100 Letters of DemetriusChrysoloras on One Topic. Leontares had accused Chrysoloras of writing a tactless letterto the Emperor which made him angry. Chrysoloras then apologized, asked the Emperor'spardon, and praised him effusively in what is really a series of a hundred sentences, eachone beginning: &pmre (iaaiaeu. The majority of these is taken almost word for word froma composition of Chrysoloras entitled E6yxpLCLs 7raawwv &pX6vrcov xai vbou ro5 vuv auro-xp&ropos: A Comparison of Previous Rulers with the Present Autocrator, a descriptionof the ideal emperor replete with praise of Manuel: ed. Lampros, IIaaatoa6yeca xalIleaonovvrlaLax&, III, 222-45. On the "Hundred Letters" and its relationship with this work,see M. Treu, "Demetrios Chrysoloras and seine hundert Briefe," BZ, 20 (1911), 106-28.

3 The only extant oration to the Mother of God clearly attributed to Manuel ison the Dormition, composed after he had recovered from a serious illness: inc. 'U OeouMprep, xaaov y&p olµm xai µ&Aa X&ptev &7ro xpe(rvovbs ae npoa, yop(a. It is found inthe cod. Vat. yr. 1619, fols. 1-14; ed. M. Jugie, Ho?nelies mariales byzantines, P0, 16,543-66; a Latin translation only is given in PG, 156, cols. 91-108.

61171

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172

62. To Demetrius Cydones'62

Northern ItalyConstantinople, 1396

There comes to you the customary offering, some writing to the fatherof writing. This is our work which the dangers now threatening us havespurred us on and compelled us to write. More than any of my previouswritings I know that this discourse will bring you joy because it arrivesbringing with it persons engaging in dialogue with you, as you dwell in aforeign land, persons whose voice you loved to hear and whose sight youused to say was a real pleasure, and whose company you said you would notput second to wealth.2 I should hope that the present dialogue will make youglad not only because it does this, but also because it might surpass every-thing I have written up to now.

Now then, if it should attain the success I am aiming at, the credit isyours. For, as your comrade says: "He who supplied the seed is responsiblefor the crop."3 If, however, my prayers should not be answered, and youcome to think that, in addition to not having shown any improvement, Isimply do not have the mind for producing good writing, then I shall fallback on the argument that the times are difficult and things of that sort, andperhaps it will be a good excuse.4 But someone else might not unjustly placethe blame on the gardener who has out off the water. Obviously, I mean youwho have preferred a foreign land to your own; even that foreign land,which in its greed is now detaining you, urges you to help your own byevery means at your disposal. This proves very clearly that you do not loveas you should the land that bore you. Do not imagine that you are fulfillingyour obligations toward it by loudly lamenting its fate while you stay outof range of the arrows. In its time of crisis you must come and share thedangers and, as much as you can, aid it by deeds if you have any interestin proving yourself a soldier clear of indictment for desertion.5

1 In the Paris manuscript this is not found with the other letters, but is placedbefore the Dialogue on Marriage, which it accompanied. But in the Barberini manuscriptit is included as number 62 of the collected letters. There is also a copy in the Escorial,cod. Scorial. gr. 475 (`l'-IV-1) fols. 337V-338v, a miscellaneous codex from Cyprus.

Cydones left Constantinople for Venice in September 1396 and, after some time inNorthern Italy, he sailed for Crete, where he died in the winter of 1397-1398: Loenertz,C'alecas, 25, 55-57. The allusions in the Dialogue to the siege of Constantinople place itscomposition after 1394, and from the context it is clear that it was written before the deathof Manuel's mother, November-December 1396: see R. J. Loenertz, "Une erreur singulierede Laonic Chalcocandyle: Le pretendu second marriage de Jean V Paleologue," REB, 15(1957), 176-84; V. Laurent, "La date de la mort d'Helene Cantacuzene, femme de Jean V1'al6ologue: Une precision," REB, 14 (1956), 200-1. (This letter has been translated byBarker, Manuel II, 418.) The composition, then, of this, the last known letter of Manuelto his elderly friend, may reasonably be dated to the autumn or early winter of 1396.

62

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62: 11-12: Demosthenes, De corona, 159 (280). 20: of. Karathanasis, Sprich-w6rter, 176, p. 90. 23: Plato, Leges, 12, 943d; Demosthenes, In Midium, 547.

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17462, 63

2 This is Manuel's Dialogue on Marriage, Ot&aoyos oex6q i3 crept y&g.ou, which

remains unpublished. It is found in the Paris. gr. 3041, fols. 89-104, and the cod. Vindob.phil. gr. 98, fols. 112-125v. The persons whom Cydones will hear speaking to him in this

are Manuel himself and his mother, the former empress.s By ,Your comrade" in letters to Cydones Manuel usually means Plato, but this

citation is taken directly from Demosthenes, De corona, 159 (280).4 Manuel's customary disclaimer that his work might not be a literary masterpiece

apparently carried some conviction, for he himself later went over the composition, madeinnumerable corrections and finally ended up by crossing out the whole thing: see p. sai.

5 Manuel's reproaches that Cydones has deserted his fatherland in a time of dangerneed not be interpreted too literally. On considering the entire history of their friendship,it is difficult to conceive of its ending on such a sour note. While Manuel is clearly serious,it does not necessarily follow that he is angry or harsh.

FICTITIOUS LETTERS'

63. [To Macarius, former Bishop of Ankara]

Constantinople,1408-1409

Life today has made many men into slanderers who have invented agreat variety of wickedness, but I have the impression that they have beenled to this by some urgent pressure and threatening fear. I have actuallyheard some of them blaming fortune for having driven them to such anextreme that they look upon these shameful acts as something fine on whichthey pride themselves. At any rate, what you are now engaged in wouldhardly be undertaken even by a madman. Either, therefore, put a stop tothese activities or, at least, show some shame for what you are doing, sothat you will not be regarded with contempt, or will provide some peoplewith grounds for hoping that you will recover from your affliction. When aperson is not even ashamed of his vile deeds, there is really no reason tohope that he will reform.

1 This and the three following comprise a series of four letters to the same person onone subject and should be studied as a whole: see G. Dennis, "Four Unknown Letters ofManuel II Palaeologus," Byzantion, 36 (1966), 35-40; for a detailed study of this entirecontroversy, see V. Laurent, "Le trisepiscopat du patriarche Matthieu let (1397-1410).Un grand proces canonique A, Byzance an debut du XVe sir cle," REB, 30 (1972), 5-166.In the Paris manuscript these letters are incomplete, the first and part of the second beinglost. They are found on folios 1 and Iv (originally numbered as fol. xc), preceding the col-lected letters of Manuel, which begin on fol. 2. Although clearly in epistolary form, theyhad been regarded simply as a rhetorical composition or a florid preface to the collectedletters. However, they were copied into the Barberinus gr. 219, almost certainly duringManuel's lifetime, as part of the collection and numbered consecutively, 63 to 66, under the

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17663

heading: "Fictitious Letters," rov 06TO5 In6aroXcd 4E 6ao,94aews elp7)c von. Their positionand numbering in the Barberini manuscript, as well as their contents, make it clear thatthey were originally real letters, whether later revised or not. The title and the suppressionof the addressee's name mayhave been prompted by personal or political considerations.

Owing to the absence of proper names and precise details, the addressee and thecircumstances of these letters cannot be identified with certainty, but there exist goodreasons for believing they were written to Macarius, the former bishop of Ankara, in 1408-1409. These reasons derive largely from two texts, which had remained unpublished untilrecently: 1. An extremely confused canonical treatise written by Macarius shortly after hisdeposition in 1405, found in cods. Paris. gr. 1378 and 1379, excerpts of which have beenedited by Laurent, op. cit.; 2. The synodal tome of August 1409 which excommunicatedMacarius and his fellow conspirator Matthew, former bishop of Medeia, found in the cod.Vat. gr. 1858, fols. 28-42v, now edited in full by Laurent and here cited as Tome of 1409.From the hand and the watermark, this must be a contemporary copy of the Tome; asixteenth century copy exists in cod. Vat. gr. 1152, fols. 185-203.

After returning from Western Europe with the Emperor on 9 June 1403, Macariuswas compelled to assist, or so he claims, at the restoration of Matthew to the patriarchate:G. Dennis, "The Deposition and Restoration of Patriarch Matthew I, 1402-1403," ByzF,2 (1967), 100-6. But within the year both he and Matthew of Medeia resumed theirverbal and written attacks against the Patriarch, claiming that they had been forced bythe Emperor to sign the document of his reinstatement, and they demanded that a synodbe held to judge the Patriarch: Tome of 1409, ed. Laurent," Tria6piscopat," p. 130. Despitethe efforts of the other hierarchs to dissuade them, they continued attacking the Patriarch,Macarius, in particular, compiling his accusations in pamphlet form. Finally, probably insummer 1405, the Emperor addressed a decree (horismos) to him which reads in part:"What I have previously suspected about you I now see written down in your booklet. Forin a way you are saying nothing less than: `Give me leave to quarrel, insult and anathe-matize, and if I win out, I shall have achieved what I want, if not, I shall do penance andso atone for this.' Now, this is not right or praiseworthy, but what is it, since you areanxious to bring it forth and to say what you have to say in a synod 7 If your victory, then,consists in the deposition of the people you accuse, then the same must necessarily beapplied to you if you end up defeated.... What I am decreeing is simple: go off to thesynod and there prove what you wish.... Do not trouble me any longer.... I cannotsuffer any more annoyance of this sort, and I also have many other things to do." G.Dennis, "Official Documents of Manuel II Palaeologus," Byzantion, 41 (1971), 54, no. 20;Laurent, "Trisepiscopat," 114-15. Manuel then explained to the Patriarch that he haddelayed convoking a synod in the hope that Macarius might reform, but since he had not,the synod should meet and judge him: Dennis, op. cit., 55, no. 21; Laurent, "Trisepis-copat," 113-14. Macarius and Matthew of Medeia were then deposed by the synod inSeptember 1405: Laurent, "Trisepiscopat," 122-25. For three years then, according tothe Tome of 1409, they pretended to live as monks, but secretly they continued theircampaign against the Patriarch, calling him a heretic, not a priest, a prince-bishop, aparricide, a tyrant, a Simon Magus, a Judas, and so forth. One particularly calumniousletter of Macarius fell into the hands of the Emperor, who kept it to himself, since theywere still officially silent, and he did not wish to embarrass them. They continued theirslanderous writings, including attacks on the Emperor himself. Soon they more openlyaccused the Patriarch of heresy and requested that another synod be convened to judgehim. According to the Tome, the Emperor went out of his way to treat them kindly,especially Macarius, but to no avail. Finally, in the summer of 1409 he convoked the synodthey had been requesting, which in August excommunicated and exiled them.

It is in this context that these four letters seem to belong. In the last of the series(66) Manuel declares that he is finished with the affair; and about this time he convokedthe synod. Was this the synod of 1405 or that of 1409 ? The decree cited above refers to

63177

the synod of 1405. However, before 1405 there is no mention of their directing their attacksalso against the Emperor, whereas the Tome makes it very clear that they did so in 1408-1409, and it is these attacks on himself that Manuel deals with in Letters 64 and 65:Laurent, "Trisepiscopat," 127, 131-33, 139, 143. In Letter 64 he speaks of a particularlyabusive letter, which must surely be the same as that mentioned in the Tome. Manuel alsoalludes to the serious difficulties the Empire was facing at the time, which would betterapply to the period of the Turkish civil wars about 1409 than the relative calm of 1405.Finally, a decree of Manuel convoking the synod of 1409 appears closely related to Letter66, in which connection it is discussed in more detail.

These four letters convey the impression of having been written rather closely toone another and could, therefore, be dated from about summer 1408 to summer 1409, ormore probably, during the first half of 1409, Letter 66 being written very shortly beforethe synod of August 1409.

17864

64. [To Macarius, former Bishop of Ankara]

Constantinople, spring 1409

By claiming to be good and honorable you lied twice, for you are reallybase and wicked. Your audacity has no limits; since you believe that makingjests is a sign of nobility, you felt terrible unless you directed your attackagainst us as well. In your impudence, you try to outdo yourself in slanderand attempt to ascribe to us something that is altogether your own, bututterly alien to us. Such has been your concern for speaking the truth.

What is more, you looked upon the present wretched time as a God-given opportunity, you have been puffed up with conceit, and you havefallen so far from propriety that you think it is not right for you to spareeven one single person. Because, moreover, you regard the general worseningsituation as an opportunity for plunder and enrichment, you dance for joy,when you should be weeping. And, in fact, what is happening to you deservestears: since you have no perception at all of the evils in which you are impli-cated, you yourself bring grief to those who have some consideration fortheir fellow men. In a word, you believe that your good, your very goodfortune has come to dwell with you just because better men are now beingtried by worse fortune. And so you have drawn out your discordant notesendlessly; you have no idea of what you are and of how great an evil ablasphemous tongue is to its owner. But the most shameful thing of all isthat you are endeavoring to attribute to us that which everyone attributesto you in good measure. Having cast away shame like a curse, you are actingrecklessly. After all that, pompous and overbearing creature, do you notblush? How could you, considering that you take pride in such things?

I would have reason to be ashamed, however, were I to reply in detailto this unintelligible nonsense, which one might call the ravings of a Ther-sites.' It is really beneath me to let loose my tongue upon you, who are soobviously out of your mind. At any rate, that brief jest of ours may havealready aided in bringing you to your senses, if such a thing is at all possible.Certainly what had to be said has not been passed over in silence. You,whose effrontery surpasses all evil, did not succeed in avoiding a fate youdeserved. While some grieved over you, others laughed, but everyone joinedin jeering at you when your letter was read,2 and they marvelled at yourspirit so finely and beautifully polished-you wanted a large number toattend the performance, and for your sake so it turned out, those presentbeing men of. letters-they bestowed the appropriate honor on you andplaited a crown for you, a perfect fit for a head which has never, even now,accomplished anything at all deserving honor except to give speechesdetrimental to itself. In this marvelous manner the contest was concludedand brought about universal insults as your fitting reward.

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1 Homer, Iliad, 2, 212-44.2 This may well be that particularly calumnious letter of Macarius, which, according

to the Tome o l 1409, fell into the hands of the Emperor. In his decree convoking the synod

(see Letter 66), Manuel states that he had kept that letter to himself in the hope thatMacarius and Matthew might reform. But since they did not, the implication is that hewill now make it public. Apparently he did so to the great discredit of Macarius. Thisabusive letter was also brought before the synod. "Therefore, that abusive letter of theirsagainst the patriarch, in which they also attacked the holy emperor, was read, and itmust be regarded as either slander or nonsense. When it had been read, the entire assemblycensured them for foolishness and for so much falsehood." Laurent, "Trisepiscopat," 139,lines 437-40. Manuel's letter does not seem to refer to this synodal reading, but to a previ-ous one, perhaps shortly before the synod met, sometime then in late spring or earlysummer 1409.

65. [To Macarius, former Bishop of Ankara]'

Constantinople, June-July 1409

What is persuading you to act shamelessly in such an unrestrained andobvious manner? Why in the world are you trying to prove that what hasbecome as much a part of your soul as the skin is of the flesh really belongsto others? What is the source of this superior ability and knowledge of yoursby dint of which your mere wish is sufficient to make anything come about?Perhaps you believe this, but you will never convince anyone else, despiteyour oaths and strong assertions that this is within your power, not even ifyou provided yourself with "ten tongues,"2 not even if you fully transformedyourself into a tongue and, more exactly, a loud voice. You do not possesssuch powers of persuasion, nor are you so clever a sophist as to convinceanyone to change an opinion which has been firmly established by the factsthemselves.

Now is there anyone at all who is unaware that you are attempting tograft on us what in fact is implanted in you, namely, engaging in all sortsof plunder and seeking to profit by every means? Indeed, this is how youhave changed from an Iros into a Kallias and suddenly become anotherpompous Chremylus;3 you have grown rich while others weep, and you allbut make their tears into a hearty laugh for yourself. You know full wellthat their misfortunes have made your wallet bulging, an object of envy,a thing once empty, but now chock full. Now that you have become pros-perous without having done any work, are you more thrifty with your own or,to be more precise, with other people's possessions? Not at all, for when aperson gains something without having made an effort, he will never reallyfight to hold on to it. As a result, in your desire to appear generous you haverun aground on the reef of prodigality and so effortlessly and nicely squan-dered the goods of the poor that your manner of living is probably more

181

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182 65, 66

luxurious than that of the Roman general-Lucuilus, I think, was his name .4

This is living in sybaritic luxury, surrounded by obscenities uttered byparasites, mimes, and dancers. So much for buffoonery, assuming that the

person being insulted should be capable of it.This is your way of life, this is your existence, and it takes precedence

over all other things which honorable people look upon as leading to distinc-

tion. You, who have adopted wickedness as your lifelong companion, are

never satiated. This encourages you to act even more shamelessly and, as is

to be expected, in your intoxication to go on to open insolence. What bridlecould prevent a man to whom such wickedness is second nature from plung-

ing still lower, especially when the times seem to be cooperating with himand permit him to think of doing anything he wishes without restraint?Carry on your business, then, just as a madman, without any regard for thecircumstances, and from all quarters you will heap up praises for yourclever accomplishments. But we, at least, shall sigh bitterly over you and ifyou should ever regain your sanity, as we wish-which is not impossible-we shall gladly see you, always observing what is proper for ourselves and forthis our position.5

1 Probably written shortly after the preceding, this letter implies that Macariuswas not without sympathizers in his attacks against the Patriarch and the Emperor.Macarius and Matthew, in fact, had requested four archons in particular, presumablyfriendly to them, to be present at the synod, but their names are not given. "They hadasked for only four of the archons by name to be present at the inquiry, but now insteadof four there are twenty, including those whom they had named": Tome of 1409, Laurent,"Trisepiscopat," 133 lines 229-31. One thinks of the faction, to which these two apparentlybelonged, which had favored John VII against Manuel.

2 Homer, Iliad, 2, 489.3 Iros, the beggar in the Odyssey (18, 6, 25), and Kallias, the spendthrift in Aris-

tophanes, The Birds (285), are contrasted in Libanius, Epist. 143, 4; Chremylus is acharacter unexpectedly become rich in Aristophanes, Wealth (336).

s Plutarch, Life of Lucullus, 39-41.s Macarius and his companions had asked to speak openly to the Emperor: Laurent,

"Trisepiscopat," 131. At the end of this letter Manuel grants their request and invites them,or Macarius at least, to visit him personally.

66. [To Macarius, former Bishop of Ankara]

ConstantinopleConstantinople, July 1409

For replying to your previous letters with a few words in an effort toinstill better sense in you, I have no cause to praise myself, for how wouldanyone teach a crab to walk a straight line ?1 And now, it seems to me that

183

65,66

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65: 7: Homerus, Il., 2, 489. 13: Libanius, epist. 143, 4; of. Homerum, Od., 18,6, 25; Aristophanem, Aves, 285; Suidae lexicon, K 215 (ed. Adler, 3, 17). 13-14: of.Aristophanem, Plutus, 336. 22: Plutarchus, Vita Luculli, 39-41.

Fons P, B f. 89--90.

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18466

this jest would be applicable to me if, not content with my first three letters,I should send you a fourth one in addition, containing an admonition andsome biting words, a medicine of sorts for sensible souls. True, certain of yourcompanions and friends were begging me to do this very thing, employingevery device to induce me against my will. Still, I do not think they willovercome my justifiable reluctance, for it is not proper to give in whenevera person demands something unattainable and superfluous. And in the pastyou yourself showed that the requests made by those people were of thiskind, for every attempt to bring you to your senses had only made you worseinstead of better. As a result, I am now finished with the matter, which is theright thing to do and something which I should perhaps have done long ago.As for you, continue making your silly noises, as long as we have the chanceto listen to the cicadas of summer.2

1 Aristophanes, Peace, 1083. In this letter Manuel says that he will not waste histime by writing another letter to Macarius, since the three he did write have accomplishednothing, that is, they did not bring Macarius to reform. Actually this is a fourth-andfinal-letter to the former bishop. Macarius and his friends had been urging the Emperorto convoke a synod in which they could voice their charges against the Patriarch; Manuelof course was unalterably opposed to this. Continued discussion of the subject, he came torealize, served no purpose and was only making things worse. In this letter Manuel bringsthe discussion to a close and states that he has finished with the matter. The way was nowopen for a synod in which Macarius and Matthew would be the accused, not the accusers.His official decree convoking the synod reads in part as follows: "Although before now Ihave had many things to say about your pouring forth insults against the patriarch andmyself, and I have had reason to bring you to trial to give an account of these actions,nonetheless, I have passed over these matters. Seeing I appeared not to see, and hearingI pretended not to hear, since my intention was really to win you over, and out of kindnessand gentleness to bring both of you back to peace and to remedy evil by good. Now,therefore, as long as it was all a matter of insults, such was our intention, and I kept thatabusive letter quietly by myself awaiting a change in you. But since you now assert thatheresy has snuck into the Church of Christ and that the patriarch is a heretic, from whichyou imply that I myself, the bishops, and every Christian share in his heresy, either becausethey concelebrate with him or because they receive the holy gifts and the blessing from him,indeed, a synod will be assembled whether you want it or not. For both of you, eitherpersonally or in writing, for almost a year have been requesting the convocation of asynod to busy itself again and again with the same questions. But, the synod will be con-vened for this reason, to give you a chance to speak on those matters about which you makeinsults and to explain what is the heresy which has sneaked into the church. And, if youshould not be able to substantiate all the insults you spew forth against the church andthe patriarch, you will definitely be subject to the. penalties set down in the revered laws."Dennis, "Official Documents of Manuel Palacologus," 57, no. 25; Laurent, "Trisepiscopat,"132-33.

In August 1400 the synod did assemble and condemned the two former bishopsto confinement in a monastery or to exile, according to the Emperor's decision.

2 That is, do whatever you want, I plan on enjoying the summer.

66

185

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186

67

67. Epistolary Discourse to Cabasilasl

ConstantinopleLesbos, summer 1387

It is the height of summer, and at this time we have been compelledto make our sojourn on Lesbos; everybody knows how stifling is the heat ofsummer there, even people who might happen to be quite unfamiliar withthe island. And in the little place where we are now residing we do not evenhave a roof above us, but must make do with tents. For one thing, since thewhole island is rocky, this place too is rocky; for another, it has no coveringof trees. It is quite barren and exposed to the sun as soon as it rises, aroundnoontime, and until it finally sets. As you can imagine, this makes it anunbearable and oppressive place. There is one remedy which Lesbos doeshave for this affliction, just as Egypt has the Nile, that is, the northerly windsof summer, although lately they have not been blowing here as they usuallydo.2 And I am afraid someone in a vision might realize that the climate inyour city would be healthier if it alone were to enjoy all these winds, andsome contraption might be built for this purpose around the Mangana andthe Arkla; thus even in the matter of the winds you will be better off than weare .3 For us, though, there is no word, no concern, no notice from you-perhaps for some good reason. Yet here we are warring against this stiflingheat outside which we can feel beating right down on us, while within is theadded struggle we must engage in with our own stifling thoughts, which havecontended against our good hopes and give no sign of an end to our troubles.For it seems that I have been destined to live with continuous war, withevery kind of war. When I had to dwell in the Great City I warred, as every-one knows, against those attempting to take it by war, and never failed in asingle one of my duties. Then, in your native city I kept on fighting againstthe enemies of the faith.4 But those on whose behalf I chose to face deatheach day and night ought to have responded in like manner or, at the veryleast, been grateful because of the dangers I underwent for them; suchshould have been their intention and purpose. But these same people werefighting along with the enemy, not so much because they neither thoughtnor did anything noble or sound, but because they gave themselves toweaving subtle intrigues against us who were "tyrannizing" over them-indeed this was their constant accusation-and were not allowing them tobetray their own freedom in a vile manner.5 But I have said enough aboutthese distressing topics. Why must I waste time on such problems here bymyself, especially when I ain addressing you, a wise and perceptive man?But so you can turn your attention to one of the ways in which God providessome consolation for us, I ani going to tell you about it now. For it is by nomeans a good thing, nor is it pious and pleasing to God, for a person to

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67

reveal the terrible effects of divine chastisement and then to pass over insilence those things which afford him consolation.

"But," some people who consider it a great and admirable achievementnever to have indulged in literature will remark, "Why should a writerspend his time on pleasantries when he is fighting against problems whichmerit a tragedy ?" And they will want to indict me for "inopportunity," toput it mildly, because I so much as mentioned the matter of literature. Wemust, therefore, first speak to them and show them that if there does exista time in which it is necessary for a man to indulge in some sort of pleasantry,that time is none other than that which constrains him to live in adversity,the very time which brings tears to those splendid fellows who hold theopposite view. But before dealing with them, you must excuse me if I makea brief digression to avoid leaving your reasoning in utter confusion. For Iam aware that you might begin to wonder at the fact that we have startedour account of a tragedy with a pleasantry, that business about the winds.Perhaps you will think that we are mixing together what cannot be mixed.But we would have wronged a genuine friend, I suspect, if we had composedthis in a different way. If we were to observe the laws of friendship, it wasour duty to inform you of the fortune it is now our lot to share; but, sinceafter hearing about it, your wounded soul could have done no more thanlament bitterly-for I had no joyful news to offer you-I thought thatmixing some pleasantry into the narrative might not be out of place. For itwould surely be out of place and quite puzzling if I had first wounded you bytales of misfortunes thicker than blizzards, and then, being able to apply amedicine to the wound, had decided not to apply it. But what we have saidwill not, I think, strike you as mere pleasantry, for there is something seriousmixed in with it. To put it another way, it is something serious which in-cludes a bit of pleasantry. In a way the introduction of some lightness intomy discourse is first of all a means of upbraiding you-although it werebetter to be silent about such things-and then a device for telling you thatI have not been drowned, as might be expected of one whom adversity hastossed into the midst of the tempestuous sea. For such was the verdict ofGod, who knows how to arrange everything for our benefit. Even though Inever learned to swim, I am floating on the surface, and am writing this sothat you may not become frantic or be dragged under yourself.

This much we have told you to defend ourselves, as it were, for havingmixed pleasantry with tragedy. But now our discourse returns to those whoeasily find fault with anything and everything. When people who are seriousabout being able to write wish to indulge in a lighter vein, I would not saythey are simply making jests, for this would not be true. But I would cer-tainly assert that those who come forward with pronouncements of this sort

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67are annoyed and angry for no other reason than that not all of us want toemulate their ignorance, not to call it irrationality. I suppose that sinceignoble pursuits are clearly exposed to be such when placed side by side withthe more excellent, it is like a hangman's noose to them for anyone to appearto pursue something worthwhile. But let them tell-and I would be happyto ask them-whether it is their judgment that pleasantry must once and forall be censured, or that there is a certain time for lightness and that it shouldnot be excluded from all those matters for which the most wise Solomonapportions a time.6 But I do not suppose we need a spoken answer from them,for they are answering by their deeds, in which they show themselves moreplayful than serious.

We must now examine what is the proper time for pleasantry, whetherit be when things are going well or at a time when things are going poorly. Iimagine that most people will say: "A time when things are going well." Butfor myself, although it may sound paradoxical, I think the right time is whenthings are going poorly. Why is this? I say that whenever life flows alongsmoothly for a man, then he either has many things to do and is compelledto work away, or else he finds himself freed from work and able to enjoy agreat deal of leisure and free time. Now if he has to work, he must displaya seriousness commensurate with the tasks and would have no room at allfor playfulness. If, on the other hand, he is not burdened with any reallytoilsome occupations since Providence has willed to favor him so that hesails along with a good wind and finishes his voyage without trouble, such aperson needs a sort of adamantine and vigilant soul to avoid relaxing thediscipline of his mind and thereby riveting himself to pleasures. If this isthe way things are, how can a person impelled by many motives to luxuriousliving engage in pleasantries and yet not relax his discipline? And how, if hedoes this, can he avoid giving himself up fully to luxury ? The savage beast,luxury, should not be provided with more fodder, the relaxation that comesfrom pleasantry. At any rate, this is not what a prudent man would do,unless the charioteer is supposed to spur on the undisciplined horse down asteep hillside, when he should really restrain and rein him in.

So then, when a person has received the highest gifts from God andcontinues in prosperity, lie must at that time put away playfulness, whetherhe be at leisure or not. On the other hand, when a person happens to fall onhard times, involving difficulties of all kinds, then indeed, and only then,is the time for him to appear as an athlete anointed with the right amountof playfulness as though with oil. But it should be more than sufficient forme to say this to the enemies of letters. How, in the name of God and oftruth itself, or for what earthly reason is literary endeavor to be equated withpleasantries? There is, to be sure, a certain amount of pleasure and, as itwere, a certain delight in writing, so they say, just as there is in pleasantry;

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for whatever a person enjoys is his delight, no matter what it is. It surelyfollows that if pleasantry is enjoyable, so is writing. It would not be off themark to refer to a writer as a man who makes pleasantries. Without realizingit, you are falling into a logical trap yourselves, even though you are tryingto catch us in one. What is pleasant is not always blameworthy, for youwould not reproach a person who has chosen to live a life of continence bysaying: "But he surely derives pleasure from what distresses him." On theother hand, to involve oneself in difficulties deliberately, but to no goodpurpose, is not worthy of praise. For would you, my good fellow, think itright to praise a person who would condemn himself to the very worst andabominable troubles? To condemn oneself to things of this sort would beunlawful. But let these people, my dear friend, walk along their own sweetway and not hesitate to exalt absurdity. And this is as it should be; for itbehooves those who have "nothing sound" to them to exalt things whichhave "nothing holy" to them, inasmuch as the two are related. But it is hightime for us to be finished as soon as possible with these wonderful gentlemen,something which we should perhaps have done sooner.

Now, I am about to fulfill my previous promise to you. What do Imean by this? I mean to inform you of the consolation by which God hasseen good to assuage our profound grief, thus manifesting His great love formen. Just imagine how great a love for men He shows, when He does notabandon in this time of trial those whom He wished to chastise, but inmany ways remembers, cares for, and comforts them. But I suspect you willbe pleased to hear about that consolation, for you have certainly beenwaiting for it, and that for a long time. We have managed to keep you insuspense by writing in such a discursive manner instead of telling you whatit was right at the beginning. You, however, who are always providing manypeople with rich and variegated fare at the table of literature, you are tofeast sumptuously today as an honored guest. For look, it is I who give thebanquet for you, setting before you something more prized and desiredthan any feast, something by which, along with many other things, Godblunts the barbs of tribulation. This it is which He provides, not so much asa splendid consolation, but as a clear proof that He does "not rebuke us in Hisanger or chasten us in His wrath," and that He might show that we are not"bastards but true sons."' Now have a look at the consolation itself. I shallattempt to describe it to you in words, even though my words cannot do itjustice, for my constant obligations, my concerns, and the specter of illfortune are such as not only to rob my mind of whatever I have appropriatedfrom literature with much love and labor, but to sap the strength even of arhetorician. The consolation, finally, is as follows. There is an oak right nearthe place in which we have pitched our tent. Reaching to a great height, thisoak is thick with foliage, and we pluck its shade with much more pleasurethan if it were weighed down with the most delicious fruits. Under the oak

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are a spring and fountains, full flowing streams, clear, sweet, and cool, inwhich you can see fish swimming about, some of which you can catch andpull out with a hook and, if you are dextrous, often enough with your hands.And nests have been built in the tree by various song birds who, while thenestlings chirp in the tree, fly about singing and gladden us with their songs.

See God's goodness toward us. Jonas sinned but a little, whereas forus life itself, so to speak, is a continuous sin. His chastisement was bothsevere and unusual; ours, too, is not a light or a simple one, but comparedwith that of Jonas it is quite bearable. The consolation for such an elderlyman, frail and weakened by time, by life and its tribulations, was a plant.8As for the consolation which we ourselves have received, while with God'said we are in sound bodily health, we have not attained the same age as thisold man-for we are just entering upon middle age9-as for that consolation,we have described it to you. The plant favored Jonas with its shade onlylong enough to make him grieve when it withered away. But God continuesto preserve our consolation for us. The sinner of that day was a prophet;his sin pardonable, his chastisement hard, the consolation slight, and thetime it lasted very brief. But in our case neither our station nor our sin norour chastisement nor our consolation nor its duration are equal to those ofthe prophet. We behold, then, the good God chastising us and we possessHim consoling us, and at the same time granting us the favor of thankingHim, both for the chastisement and for the consolation, and for the veryact of professing our gratitude for everything. But, what is most surprisingand most abundantly manifests His goodness toward our race is that ofHis own will He places Himself in the position of owing us eternal rewards,if only we present Him with the offering of our gratitude, even though it isfrom Him that we receive "every good endowment and every perfect gift."10For He it is who is at work in us "both to will and to work for his good plea-sure," as Paul says,11 and grants us everything which we bring to Him,though as our lord He had no need of this. Although He is the creditor, Heacts on behalf of the debtors and pays back their loan with great interest.Who does not know that He alone does away with the interest? For Godrejoices more in always giving us the best of His gifts than we ever do inreceiving them from Him. If I must say something that resembles a riddle,but which is nonetheless true, between God and ourselves giving and re-ceiving have exchanged their places. For God is in want of nothing; He isgood, the creator; He holds all in his hands; He it is who provides everyonewith good things, and He never stands in need of anything. So receivingfrom us He only seems to receive, but in truth He gives us the Kingdom ofHeaven. When in appearance we give to God in turn both the other things

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by which men serve Him and also, as you know, that most loving andappropriate gift of our very selves, it turns out that by giving we are actu-ally receiving unending life and the lifegiving crowns. For God, then, re-ceiving is the same as giving, whereas for man to give something to Godmust, I think, be regarded as the same as receiving. But now our discoursemust go back to the tree and a certain question discussed there.

I was sitting as usual near the fountain, and many of my companionswho have been granted the privilege sat by me. Several of them proposeda number of questions, so that quite a discussion ensued, free from the eviltricks of quarreling and extremely peaceful, not without its share of seculartopics, but concentrating more on religious subjects than on others. Finally,one of the group said: "What do you here say it is that, more than anythingelse, seems able to add to a man's misfortunes, strangling and suffocatingthe person who has experienced them, closing the gates of consolation andmaking comforting words sound so empty to the afflicted ?" The others weresilent for a long time, pondering the problem by themselves, I guess. Then theone who had proposed the question spoke again. "Well, I suppose I shouldgive my opinion, and one of two things will surely happen: either we shallresolve the question for you, or we shall merely end the silence. I claim, infact, that a person might find many things of such a nature as to add to hismisfortunes, just as a strong wind rushing down on a still smoldering fire,to all appearances just about out, will cause it to blaze up high. But what Ithink is absolutely the worst of all is for a man to undergo protracted sufferingfor something in which he knows of no evil deed on his part." When he hadsaid this, another person remarked, "Not having anyone to offer consolationmakes the misfortunes more grievous for the sufferer." According to another,it was never being able to hope for an end to the evils oppressing him, whilestill another believed it was not being able to look at any precedent for hismisfortunes. Others gave still other opinions. For it would be easy to makemany comments of this sort. Now, two of the griefs under discussion seemedmore intense than the others and most apt to make the sufferer's sorrowsoverflow like a river, submerging him and sweeping him along: first, for aperson afflicted by misfortune not to be conscious of having done anythingdeserving of it, and second, for a person not to be aware of any precedentfor his suffering. After these two griefs had won out, the two who had pro-posed them looked at me and with a cheerful expression and a quiet smilesaid, "We would be happy to hear your opinion on the question, but if youshould not have one or, having one, should not wish to explain it, then atleast be the judge of our opinions. We must acquiesce in whatever decisionyou wish to make, for surely it will not be disputed. For everyone knowsthat you are by far the best judge of such matters, since inasmuch as fromchildhood to the present you have struggled with wretched times and diffi-culties. So you must let yourself be persuaded to put an end to this discus-sion and this problem of ours."

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When I heard this, I immediately thought of you and said, "If only acertain person were here with us," supplying your name, "who is able todecide not only on matters of this sort, but also on those much loftier andmore difficult ones. Nonetheless, I yield and will not hesitate to tell youwhatever I think or know from experience, regarding what you have alreadysaid as well as the opinion which I hold about this particular question. Wemust not, however, accept whatever I might say as authoritative, but theman whom I have just mentioned must hear all this, and we must acquiescein whatever he might decide. Everything therefore which all of you havementioned, and perhaps many other things besides, would be likely toaggravate the suffering of a man in the grip of some calamity, but what I amgoing to disclose to you right now strikes me as more despotic than anythingyou have said. Let us now address ourselves to what you have been saying.

"Indeed, not being conscious of having committed any evil could byitself console a person and steel his mind to endure suffering. For in additionto bearing the waves of misfortune, one after the other, from without, asuffering man who knows he has done evil is also bereft of his own internaltranquility, and thus the seas mercilessly break over him from all sides.The worst horror is that if he is still only under suspicion, he is afraid andtrembles and each day, so to speak, is pricked by his conscience; but if he hasbeen exposed and faced with the proof of his wrongdoing, he is full of shameand without any hope at all. Now, the person who suffers but is not con-scious of any evil does indeed suffer, albeit unjustly, but in no way at alldoes he share any of those other things we have mentioned with the mancontinuously pricked by his conscience."

"This is true," someone said, "but the man free of wrongdoing wouldnot prepare himself to experience distress, while the man who knows he is notinnocent of having done evil is likely to do so. Indeed, in this respect it mustbe assumed that a guiltless person is far less able to bear distress and afflic-tions than the guilty one. For the nature of these afflictions is such that if theyfind the person they are about to attack is well prepared, they can do verylittle, but if they attack him unexpectedly, they may overthrow even a manrespected for nobility of character."

"I agree, my dear companion, that when evils fall upon a man unexpec-tedly they are able to cause great affliction, but little when expected. But itwould be quite puerile of me to grant that this occurs because a person isconscious of wrongdoing, especially since you yourself do not appear to beconvinced by your own argument. For you seem to be trying to mislead us,and to wish perhaps to display by this device your great ability in debating.A good man has resources permitting him to suspect the onset of troubles;the ignoble man and the wicked have opportunities for Hoping that theywill not be noticed and that for their failings nothing will be exacted of them

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and they will not undergo the punishment they deserve. Now, leaving outthe prophets, apostles, and, in short, all the saints who partook of everyvirtue to the greatest extent and bore up under just about every trial, thegood man is able to look to the Savior. Since He has the fullness of thegodhead dwelling in Him bodily, by nature He neither says nor does any-thing which is not clearly most noble, loving, and beneficial; and yet He washated by many and slandered, and a people He had treated so well-oh,what ingratitude or what most wicked requital-condemned Him to deathon the cross; nor was even this enough for them, but they also mocked Himand heaped all sorts of injuries on Him.

"How then can anyone of sound mind, even the most guiltless of men,not expect evils if he acknowledges Christ as his model and example and,as the leader of Christ's apostles said, should follow in his footsteps ?12 Buta wicked man who is conscious of his wickedness could point to a multitudeof other wicked men who have escaped from the hands both of their victimsand of the judges. How many murderers, as we know only too well, andothers engaged in every form of wickedness have paid no penalty at all, buthave died peacefully, to all appearances at least, and in advanced old age?Readiness, then, to confront hardships with courage does not come from theconsciousness of guilt; rather, I believe it comes from superiority of mindand sound judgment, which surely those people possess who are drawntoward a blameless way of life. If, therefore, the guiltless are vastly superiorin knowledge to the more wicked; if, furthermore, it is those who are superiorin knowledge who are ready and prepared for the struggle against hard-ships; then those not conscious of any wrongdoing are better able to preparethemselves for the struggle against troubles. It further follows that thoseconscious of having done evil grieve more than the guiltless whenever di-sasters set upon them, even when the onslaught of tribulations and thestruggle against them come to them as unexpectedly as it does to the good.Apart from this, we are well aware of the valiant exploits of people consciousof having done evil, such as fitting the noose and jumping off a cliff and theother means which men employ to become suicides. One of these was Judas,the first and chief of them, although not chronologically. But if you want totell me that you have heard of, or perhaps known, a man who appeared tobe living blamelessly, but who having been falsely charged with theft ormurder, slit his own throat because he could not endure slander, I wouldreply in effect that this person who, as you said, appeared to be a good manwas not such in reality. It is not possible, it is not possible for a person whocommits suicide not to have been filled with all sorts of other passions. Forthe suicide would be quite prepared to pay no heed to the laws of God, and hedoes not seem to place any value on his own good reputation. Indeed, thatperson slit his own throat not because he was being slandered, but becausehis mind was blinded by a swarm of passions. Those who wish to be free of

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passions must be granted the virtue of endurance; if it is not given to these,it would surely not be given to those pursuing ease and preferring what ispleasant to what is good. Enough of this.

"The other argument, now, that having to do with not being able topoint to a precedent, strikes me as more grievous than the previous one. Asfar as I can see, though, there is not a single thing which a person could notadduce as a precedent, if he should so desire. Granted, you have sufferedsomething which nobody else has suffered. Do you therefore think that noone else has suffered some terrible affliction which nobody else has suffered ?"

"I can think of quite a number," he said."Then, there are others who somehow share with you in patiently

enduring what nobody else has endured. So you have, whether you wish itor not, a precedent to look to, no matter what terrible thing afflicts you.Indeed, I would be able to make many points in answer to your questions,but since what I have said seems to be enough, I will pass them over so asnot to stretch things out to no purpose.

"What remains for me is to pay my debt to you, that is, to express myown opinion here before you. Our guides of truth and teachers decree thatmen endowed with reason should never be distressed, except when theyperceive that they have given in to sin. When a person who has faced life'stroubles, whatever they may be, gives way to sorrow, these guides are asfar from praising him as they are close to reproaching him with the utmostseverity. They make it clear that the more serious the troubles, the greatershould be the joy and exultation; while a man who has not experiencedtribulation at all and for whom things flow along smoothly is pitiable anddeserving of tears. If, therefore, our discussion were concerned with definingwhat it is that should constitute the only reason for grief for those pursuingthe path of truth, what it is that makes tribulations more painful to men ofcharacter, it would be easy to dispose of these matters right away by havingrecourse to the saints, who explicitly teach about them and proclaim them ina resounding voice. But, since our discussion today has turned out to beabout transitory things and seems quite empty of more divine concepts,our discourse will follow your,, and will proceed along the same path. I say,therefore, that when a person is quite clearly treated despitefully by some manwho,13 to all appearances, would not choose to offend unjustly, and when theoffended party burns with great love for the offender and prefers him tohimself, and for that reason is unwilling though able to brush off the affronts,since it would be impossible to cleanse the offender of his offense, even if theone who has been oii'ended wished to wash them off-when this happens tosomeone, why must he live, if he conies to look upon being free of theseaffronts as worse than bearing the affronts about with hint, and upon deathas a far better fate than wandering about after being affronted?"

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These words, o best of friends, were judged by the audience to havebeen most elegant indeed, and to adhere strictly to the truth, but unlessthey obtain your approval as well, I will not trust in that of the others.14

1 The date and the circumstances of this letter are certain. It was first edited, witha brief commentary, by R. J. Loenertz, "Manuel Pal6ologue, 6pitre h Cabasilas," MaxeSo-vixa, 4 (1956), 35-46; of. Dennis, Manuel in Thessalonica, 151-58. Since autumn 1383Manuel had led the defense of Thessalonica against the Turks, but the inhabitants of thecity, unwilling to bear the rigors of the siege or the "tyranny" of Manuel, had turnedagainst him, as he makes clear in this letter, which is confirmed by other sources: see Letter4; Dennis, Manuel in Thessalonica, 85-88. Manuel realized he would be forced to leaveThessalonica and, after considering several possibilities, made plans to sail to Lesbos,which was ruled by his cousin, Francesco II Gattilusio, to whom Cydones had writtenrecommending the fugitives. Finally, in April 1387 Manuel and his followers set sail forLesbos, and Thessalonica capitulated to the Turks.

Although granted permission by the ruler of Lesbos to spend some time on theisland, two months at least, he was not allowed to take up residence within the walls ofMytilene, possibly because of the large number in his entourage or because Gattilusio didnot wish to irritate the Turkish Emir Murad. Not long after their arrival, one of Manuel'scompanions, Rhadenos, sent a brief note to Cydones in Constantinople. To this he repliedwith a lengthy letter, part of which reads: "Your letter contained nothing at all aboutwhat you know I am interested in learning. But you raced through all those things asthough they were newsworthy, and as though everyone had not been talking about themon the street corners for some time, I mean your informing us about the sad fate of Thessa.lonica and of your arrival on Lesbos, where you have found refuge.... How could I beignorant of your sailing to Lesbos and of the kindness shown to you by the inhabitants?For it was I who wrote to persuade them to let you stay there.... Indeed, it was I whowrote to the lord of the island commending you very highly, and I persuaded him to showyou kindness and hospitality." Letter 350:40-53. How long Manuel remained on Lesbosis uncertain, but his expression, "the height of summer," makes one think of July at least.From Lesbos later in the summer or in the fall he went to Tenedos, Brusa, briefly toConstantinople, and then to exile on Lemnos until late 1389 or 1390: Dennis, Manvel inThessalonica, 157-58.

In the manuscripts this letter is entitled: Discourse in Epistolary Form, 'E,navo-acltaio5, which would indicate a didactic or literary essay with the epistolary form as asimple convention, and Manuel did not include it among his collected letters. But onreading through it, and despite its length and occasionally didactic character, it doesseem to be a personal letter and should form part of the collection.

2 Manuel's encampment must have been on the coast of the island, which is, as heremarks, rocky and mountainous, although there are fertile valleys in the interior. Theisland is exposed to the force of the cold winds coming down from the Dardanelles: seeBurchner, "Lesbos," RE, 12 (Stuttgart, 1925), 2107-2133.

3 The Mangana was the quarter in Constantinople in which was located the arsenal,containing the machines of war which gave it its name. Situated in the easternmost sectionof the city on the slopes between the ancient acropolis and the sea walls, it was a wellpopulated, bustling section with several important buildings and monuments, such as animperial palace and the monastery of St. George: R. Janin, Constantinople Byzantine.Developpernent vrbain et repertoire topographigi-e (Paris, 1964), 295-99. Arcla is the namegiven to a tiny island in the Bosporus just off Scutari (i.Yskudar), on which Manuel Com-nenus had built a small fortress, whence its name (Latin, arcula, diminutive of arx).Between this and the Tower of the Mangana (Demirkapi) a chain was supposed to havebeen fixed to bar the entrance to the Bosporus. The Mangana and the Arcla, then, beingright on the Bosporus, would receive the full force of the winds from the North: ibid., 491.

67

205

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67: 2: of. Aphthonium, Progymnasmata, 21. 10: of. Herodotum, 6, 140; 7, 168-39: Plato, Leges, 929e; Aristophanes, Nubes, 1482. 47: Libanius, epist. 10, 1325.74: Eccl. 3, 1-8. 81-82: of. Platonem, Bespub., 492c. 116: Plato, Gorgias, 524e;Paroem. gr. I, 140, 288; Suidae lexicon, 0 798 (ed. Adler, 3, 577). 134: Psalm. 6, 2; 37, 2.135: Hebr. 12, 8. 154-58: Jonas, 4, 6-10. 169-70: Jac. 1, 17. 171: Phil. 2, 13-268: Col. 2, 9. 273: Mat. 27, 29; Marc. 15, 20; Luc. 23, 11. 276: I Pet. 2, 21.

B f. 24-29V. 12 M&yxava codd. 1121 4-g8eru6norc: µq3bvor B 11 283 aLTLar. B 11 292 ye:Te B

d First in Constantinople against Andronicus IV and his allies in 1376 and 1379--1381; then in Thessalonica, Cabasilas' fatherland, against the Turks from 1382 to 1387.

s Dennis, Manuel in Thessalonica, 85-88, 151.e Fcclesiastes 3:1-8.7 Psalms 6:2, 37:2; Hebrews 12:8.s Apparently the castor oil plant; see Jonas 4:6-10.9 Manuel was thirty-seven years old on 27 June 1387.to James 1:17.11 Philippians 2:13.12 1 Peter 2:21.13 John V Palaeologus: see Dennis, Manuel in Thessalonica, 151-58.1' Cabasilas apparently held on to this letter for some time before showing it to

Cydones who, on reading it, wrote to Manuel: Letter 380 (translated by Cammelli, Deme-trius Cyclones Correspondance, no. 21, pp. 48-50). After praising his ability to combineserious writing with pleasantries, Cydones continues. "I have now come to realize this nlorvclearly on reading through your discourse, as beautiful as it was long, and which oughtto have been given to me sooner, for I would have had more time to relish the pleasureit provided. But the excellent Cabasilas was able to enjoy it before me, to whom it shouldrightly have been given earlier. Although in other respects he is a just man, he thoughtlittle of depriving me of something which was rightly mine."

206

68

68. To the most holy Hieromonks and SpiritualFathers, [David and Damian]'

Thessalonica (Mount Athos?)Constantinople (?), 1416

I know that this fruit of my labors comes to you much later than youhad expected. The reason is that it ripened so late, inasmuch as the seasondid not provide it with air of the right temperature. So it has remainedunripe for a long time, but now that it has just shaken off what was prevent-ing its coming to maturity, it arrives to fulfill its promise. No sooner had itripened than it sped to you as if on wings, for it would have been of no useto you had it become overripe. But I do not think it should be surprisingthat the book was not completed sooner; the surprising thing is that it hasbeen finished at all, even after such a long time. For, as by agreement,many troubles of all sorts set upon us and left us absolutely no free time. Itwould take too long to relate each one; nonetheless I ought not to pass overall of them, for I know you are anxious to hear news about me. I should,therefore, give you a reasonable explanation of some of the things thathappened at that time.

Well then, we had scarcely set sail, when right away we ran intotroubles that gave us reason to believe that our voyage would continue inlike manner. And this is just what happened, even though, owing to God'sfavorable judgment, it ended up favorably for us in other respects. For thatrough, outbound voyage was terribly long and stormy, and there was noend of thunderclaps echoing in our ears, an ill-omened sound, and bolts oflightning incessantly flashing in our eyes, along with raging rainstorms andoccasional snowstorms. When all of these join together at once, they pene-trate to the depths of men's souls and make their hearts tremble and fillthen with alarm and confusion, as those who have experienced these thingsknow very well. Frequently enough, also, the winds blew upon us from allsides. They dashed upon the slips with tremendous fury, if we may so de-scribe it, changing directions each moment, and threatened us with a horribleshipwreck in the middle of the sea. Huge waves formed and crested abovethe decks of the ships, a fearsome sight if you could bear to look at them,but even more fearsome to hear for they filled our ears with a savage din asthey crashed one after the other against the ships. In fact, the storm threat-ened, almost as though it could speak, to sink the vessels with all hands.To sum it tip, the sailing was just the thin; to Lear out our best hopes bythe roots. There was no relief from any of these horrors, and I was stilltrembling, as you can imagine, when I stepped ashore in port.

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This, then, is how our expedition began. What happened after thelanding? Well, there is that one thing which is enough to confuse andconfound the mind and the reasonings of any ruler on earth, a pressingneed for as much money as possible, for when money is missing, "nothingthat is needed can be done," as the rhetorician says.2 But of this we havelittle, and what we have will not burden the hand of him who carries it off.What can we say about what followed? There were veritable blizzards oftasks to be done for the common good. Above all, there was that task whichmost people thought was absolutely futile, the fortification of the Isthmus sothat, with the aid of God's grace, we might favor all those dwelling thereinwith freedom from fear. In comparison with these tasks, what mighty swellof troubles would not be but a glassy calm?

These matters and others like them, and the worst of our problems,the stubbornness and ingratitude of certain men, kept us from relaxing atall, for I had to devote all my attention to the pressing tasks at hand. Howcould I, hemmed in by so many and such great problems, easily turn mythoughts to something else? Added to all this was one other thing, a verybitter one and quite capable of preventing the mind-even, I think youcould say, that of Demosthenes or Plato-from doing any writing: plottingand deceit on the part of those who owed me the greatest debt of gratitude.The great variety of machinations they fabricated against us defies all de-scription. This is how they fittingly repaid me for their deliverance fromdanger-for they were on the very brink of disaster and ran the risk ofhaving their cities laid waste at the first onslaught of the enemy-and forthose blessings they were able to enjoy in abundance.

For they could now till the fields without fear, reclaim woodlands andsow where trees had once stood, and look with pleasure upon the billowingcrops and with still greater pleasure reap them, attend to plants that hadbeen neglected, replant the vineyard that had been left dry and plant newcrops besides, and feast their eyes, as well as a friend, on the fruits of allthese and luxuriate to satiety. What is more, they were able to sell theirsurplus at a high price if they wished. Even better, or by no means worse,they were able to fatten herds of cattle and flocks of sheep and their otherlivestock. For since they no longer lived in fear of barbarian incursions,nothing hindered them from making use even of the outlying borders, culti-vating them as they wanted, be it in the plains or in formerly inaccessibleplaces. Summing it up, I really believe that they and those from whom theyderived their income were able to engage in all kinds of labor beyond what,even in their dreams, they would have expected.

No longer were these people forced to seek some cave or fortress toshut themselves in at night, or precipitous places accessible only to wild goats

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or some thicket deep enough to hide them and keep them from becomingthe prey of their enemies. Now they believed that they had no need to seekfor such places and that they no longer had to be as frightened as werethose whose minds had been deranged by terrors and whose souls had neverbeen at peace. For once the ancient walls had been raised up, it would besheer madness to endure long and pointless periods of distress once again, tolive in trembling when they could do so without fear, to be frightened by therustling and the shadows of the leaves, and in the dead of night to quit theplaces where they were and to seek safety in some deep holes and lairs ofwild animals, which is what they had grown accustomed to doing. Now,they certainly could, very much so, live in a manner just the opposite ofthat in which they had been accustomed to live when their fears were attheir height, and in compensation for their previous distress could enjoythe fruits of a good life. So sudden was the turn which everything took forthe better, so free from fear were they now, that they who had been morecowardly than hares did not hesitate to light huge fires and to lie downbeside the springs and snore away, having welcomed, as a poet might say,"sweet sleep to their gentle eyes,"3 whether in the fields or on the hills oranywhere.

This, then, was the lot of those ungrateful people. To tell the truth,though, not all of them were ungrateful, nor is it right that the wickednessof some men should harm the guiltless. I shall therefore speak in defense ofthose whose discontent was well founded, but this does not mean an indis-criminate defense of everybody, since not all were the same in their attitudesand their actions; they differed vastly from one another. So, as the sayinggoes, in order to avoid "having all things become mixed up,"4 I should defendas vigorously as possible those I have mentioned, but waste not one word ofdefense on behalf of the worse faction, since none can be found, no matterhow much we would like to. Now, I think some distinctions should be madethat will clarify the differences among these people. Whether they be officialsor those wearing the habit of consecrated men, natives or foreigners, theyfall into three categories. First of all, those who are superior in characterand wisdom-and these may be counted very quickly-strongly approvedthe idea of not leaving themselves constantly exposed as easy spoils andprey to the hands and mouths of their enemies; they eagerly desired toexchange obvious and familiar dangers for those which might not come atall or would pass away. All the swarms of Illyrians5 thought and said thesame, inasmuch as they suffered more serious damage from the enemy, forthey did not dwell in cities but were accustomed to spend their lives in thefields and in tents. Once they had freely made their decision, therefore, allthose men who were of sound judgment immediately set to work as, indeed,every one of them ought to have done, and they did not spare their feet,their hands or their entire body as night and day, to put it briefly, they

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brought in whatever was needed to raise up the walls. Obviously, there is no

need to speak in defense of men such as these. How could I, for they reallydeserve to be rewarded?

But then, there was another category, people yielding in rank to noone among the highest, but certainly inferior in their judgment, who neitherintended nor did anything at all befitting their station and reputation oflong standing, and who in their madness left no stone unturned in theirefforts to destroy our undertaking. Although these were few in number,they managed to spread their contagion to a large number of the moreunsophisticated, not to say more stupid.

While they were priding themselves on their success, they only im-pressed me as choking on their bile and losing their wits in the midday sun.For everyone knows that they preferred the least to the greatest and theworst to the best, namely the freedom to plunder and to commit outrageson the most valued possessions of free men. And if only this terrible thing wereall that was going on! But now other things, just as wicked, are happening.For these people think nothing of slaying their brother for no reason whatso-ever except that he might have something which their Excellencies mightdesire for themselves. For they seemed to think it a matter of no consequenceat all that they had become partners, both in the reckless crime and, in someway, in the sad remorse and constant dread of him who in the beginning hadinvented murder, that of his innocent brother.6 Why were they so out oftheir minds? I will explain. From longstanding malice and their unwillingnessto refrain from their accustomed wanton violence, they dashed headlonginto stupidity without realizing it. This is understandable. For most naturalphenomena are generally subject to change, especially when they attaintheir highest point, as the Physician says while philosophizing about goodhealth.' "The inability of anything human to attain stability or to remain inthe same state or, for that matter, to make progress whenever it actuallyreaches the absolute, makes being in top condition treacherous." Surely, thewise man spoke very well and soundly on this point. For if there actuallydoes come a point in our lives at which no further progress can be madeand if at this point it is impossible to stay still, then we have to move back-ward or, at times, change to the opposite.

Perhaps some would like a still clearer explanation of the reasons forsuch folly and for the apparent blindness of these people who deemed them-selves sharper than Themistocles in discerning what was beneficial.8 Every-thing can be attributed to one cause, their desire not to be within those walls,those on the Isthmus, I mean. For this was a veritable noose around theirnecks, inasmuch as it completely prevented them from continuing to per-petrate their former outrages and from manifesting their loyalty to thedespot,9 not by deeds, but by the mere claim to be well disposed towardhim. It forced them into the position of having to confirm by their actions

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that they were, in fact, what they only professed to be. The wall, of course,would tilt the scale in favor of the despot and enable him to compel them to

act according to their profession. Understandably, they were not very fond

of their chastener. For a person who does not wish to be virtuous naturallyhates whoever will not permit him to be evil. Then too, whoever compelsanother to act virtuously, against his natural disposition, would fill himwith joy by departing this life. As a result, those people did not recognizetheir real enemies who, like wolves, were pursuing them with gaping mouths,1°

nor did they listen to very persuasive and helpful counsels that cited examplesfrom the past, by which we gauge the future. They were unwilling to heedany of these arguments and to change for the better the views they had heldfor a long time; thus they practically called down on themselves their owndestruction, as though they simply hated their own prosperity. For anyonewho willingly does anything that inescapably leads to evil consequences isdoing just about the same as hating his own prosperity. Surely not eventheir parents would intercede on behalf of such men. As for these, then, whofrom foolishness turned to malice, unless it were better to phrase it the otherway around, God did not allow their views to prevail, but by bringing lowtheir vain presumption and pride in their shameful deeds, He made them abit wiser and caused their admirers to retract. All this was as it should havebeen. But now may He show His mercy toward them. And I am certainthat He will, since in imposing judgment on them He tempered it withkindness.

Finally now, something should be said about the remaining category,for whom some words of excuse seem to be in order. Certainly, I do not thinkit is right to be hard on this group, which for a long time was having seriousmisgivings, and indeed with reason. For I myself was not without uncer-tainty and was not firmly confident about the outcome of our activities. Imust therefore speak on behalf of this group of men, who, while depressed,and not without reason, by the apparent futility of the construction and,owing to many factors, the uncertainty of its completion, nonetheless followedus and cooperated with all their might. By so doing I shall fulfill my originalpurpose. Perhaps some people will regard this as a sort of digression, but onlooking more closely they will see that it might be the best way of dealingwith our subject, apologizing for my tardiness. What seems to be a turningoff our path here does not strike me as that at all. Speaking in defense ofothers also does not detract from the subject at hand. Rather, the defensewill also prove to be my own excuse, just as if we were writing these wordswith this purpose alone in mind. Very much the same thing happens topeople burning incense, for they are the first to enjoy its fragrant odor. Infact, the anxiety of those men at that time and in those circumstancessurely seems pardonable, since what we were then undertaking, to allappearances without divine favor, involved so many difficulties as to con-found any good expectations, and there was every reason to believe that

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anyone putting his hand to this task would swiftly suffer evil consequences.

For the arduous nature of the task, or maybe you could say its magnitude,or perhaps both, required no less than the hand of the Creator, so terriblydifficult and fearsome a thing was it to undertake. But the task had to bedone quickly, and how quickly I will explain.

One particular sentiment inspired these men, and the same resolvespread itself among all, that since the right decision had been made and theconstruction had somehow begun, all that remained was to continue in ri-valry with the ever flowing springs and never to let up in their work. Theyequated deliberate slowness with not wanting to breathe. For that hostilebeast,u even though he gave the appearance of agreeing to the project, didnot really do so in his soul and in his actions. Neither he nor his satraps, boththose on our borders and those about him, seemed able to endure the sightof what they had not expected. They believed we were likely to need a con-siderable amount of time if we were going to complete any of the building.In expecting to fool us, consequently, they have fooled themselves byfeigning indulgence. But when they saw the walls going up spontaneously,as it were, and not as slowly as they had expected, just limping along andan easy prize for them to take whenever they merely wished, then, no matterhow much they wanted, they could not conceal their anger, or if you prefer,their wild madness or fury or whatever else worse than these can be named.They spewed forth the poison buried in their souls and claimed they had beendeceived and were unable to endure this injury which had been compoundedby shame.

This, I believe, should be a reasonable apology on behalf of those whohad th it reasonable misgivings about the undertaking, and also on behalfof ourselves for not having discharged our obligation to you more swiftly, asyou had hoped. For we needed a period of leisure to finish what we wished,but the tasks to be done left no room at all for such leisure. If you think wehave been acquitted of the accusations, I will quote your verdict whenanyone brings up the charge of tardiness against us, and right away, I amsure, I shall be free of any reproach.

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1 During his sojourn in Thessalonica from October 1414 to March 1415, Manuel wasvisited by a number of monks from Mount Athos, who took advantage of the Emperor'sproximity to expedite various matters for their monasteries. Among these may havebeen the two hieromonks, David and Damian, with whom Manuel entered into closefriendship. They had seen him composing a religious work, a sort of meditation along thelines of a general confession after recovering from a serious illness, and had requested acopy of the work when it should be completed. The Emperor promised to comply withtheir request, but it was about a year before he was able to do so. The present letter ex-plains the reasons for the long delay. It has been edited and commented on by R. J.Loenertz, "Epitre de Manuel II Paloologue aux moines David et Damien 1416," SillogeBizantina in onore di Silvio Giuseppe Mercati = SBN, 9 (1957), 294-304; also cf. Barker,Manuel II, 301-20, for an English translation and commentary. The religious work inquestion is found in the cod. Crypten. Z.S.I., fols. 11V 65v, accompanied by a preface in epis-tolary form, fols. 1-10v, which is also found, without the religious work, in cod. Vat. gr.1107, fols. 315-325. The Grottaferrata manuscript gives the names of both monks, Davidand Damian: see Loenertz, op. cit., 297, and his "lilerits de Macaire Macros et de ManuelPal6ologue," 190-93 (= ByzFrGr, I, 75-79). A fifteenth-century copy of the Grotta-ferrata manuscript is in the Collegio Greco in Rome, cod. 11.

After a stormy voyage from Thessalonica, Manuel arrived at the port of Kenchreaion the Saronic Gulf, about four or five kilometers south of Isthmia on the eastern side ofthe Isthmus of Corinth on Good Friday, 29 March 1415: R. J. Loenertz, "La chroniquebreve moreote de 1423," in ST, 232 (1964), no. 25, p. 407; further details on pp. 429-32;Barker, Manuel II, loc. cit., and his article, "On the Chronology of the Activities of ManuelII Palaeologus in the Peloponnesus in 1415," BZ, 55 (1962), 39-55, which includes trans-lations of excerpts from the sources. On 8 April Manuel began work on a project he hadlong intended to undertake, the restoration of the Hexamilion, the defensive wall acrossthe Isthmus dating from the time of Justinian. As this letter makes clear, he was anxiousto complete the work before the Turks could realize what had happened. In fact, it wascompleted in twenty-five days according to Mazaris: Journey Into Hades, 177-78. Resent-ful of the financial exactions of the Emperor and fearful for their own freedom of action,a number of the local Greek nobles rebelled. Manuel, of course, does not give their names,but Mazaris identifies two of their leaders as Krokondylis and Eleavourkos. Manueldefeated the bulk of the rebel army on 15 July and then spent the next few months inreducing their fortresses. Several of the leaders were taken captive and later imprisonedin Constantinople. It was not until March 1416 that the Emperor returned to the capital.Probably soon after his return, he wrote this letter to the monks David and Damian.Rather than give an account of his activities in the Morea, he wrote down his reflectionson the situation and his analysis of the attitudes of his adversaries.

2 Demosthenes, Olynthiacs, 1, 20 (15).9 Cf. Odyssey, 5, 492; 13, 80.1 Anaxagoras, cited by Plato, Phaedo, 72c.5 Albanians.6 Cain and Abel: Genesis 4:8.

Hippocrates, Aphorisms, 1, 3.s Cf. Aristophanes, Knights, 884; Paroem. gr. 1, 373,

Theodore II Palm ologus, the son of Manuel II.'o The Turks.11 Sultan lMeohmod I.

APPENDIX

APPENDIX 221

I.

Letter of the Priest Euthymius to Manuel II Palaeologusl

Cod. Vat. gr. 1879, fols. 328v-329

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1 See note 1 to Letter 54.

II.

Letter of Nicholas Cabasilas to an Emperor2

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2 Ed. P. Enepekides, "Der Briefwechsel des Mystikers Nikolaos Kabasilas," BZ, 46(1963), 44-45, no. 18. See p. xxxiii.

222 APPENDIX

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To an Emperor

We are hoping that even this road you are taking will result in greatbenefits for the city, just as what always profits the common good is due toyour labors. But fulfill these hopes of ours, since the valor of the emperorhas also caused us to experience good things. It is with this valor that youalways come, as is natural, to be of help in the common tasks. May God,therefore, bring the present situation to an excellent end. But for us, if youshall come here, you will be everything to us, and you shall not miss anyonewho knows how to be of service or to cause pleasure. If, however, you stillhave to spend a little more time there, why then, one would have to makeuse of letters. If indeed you had some leisure, and I were missing a hand, itwould be the business of your hand, not just of your voice, to write them, sothat they might cause happiness from both sides. Now, however, since Ibelieve that events do not permit this, merely command, and Boullotes willbear the burden, even if it has to wear down his shoulder. But, if he has changedover to the customs of the Persians and wears boots and loose trousers and theother things which turn a man into a savage, and as a military expert helooks down on using one's hands to write, then, at the least, remember tosend an unwritten message so that those coining from there might bring someword to us from you.

Comments. It is clear that the addressee of this letter is an emperorwho is absent, apparently on some military undertaking, since the writerhopes that his valor and labors, as in the past, will benefit the city (Constan-tinople, one presumnes) and the common good. The phrase, "even this roadyou are taking," implies that there is something unusual, or perhaps un-pleasant, about his present journey. This way of describing it, the writer'ssuspicion that the emperor will not be free to return for some time, and themention of the Turks (Persians) in a context which is not hostile, but impliessome familiarity, or even friendship, with them, incline one to conclude that

APPENDIX 223

the emperor in question is off someplace together with the Turks on some busi-ness over which he has no control, but is subject to "events," perhaps a delicateway of saying he must obey the Turks. The reference to his valor and laborsand to Boullotes' military expertise indicates that the business is of a militarynature. All of this is certainly applicable to the situation of Manuel II oncampaign in Anatolia with the Turkish Emir Bajezid in 1390-1391, duringwhich he wrote his own Letter 15 to Cabasilas. However, since other imperialcorrespondents of Cabasilas, John VI Cantacuzenus and John V Palaeologus,also found themselves at times in similar circumstances, one cannot definitelyassert that this letter was sent to Manuel II. This could only be clearlyestablished if Boullotes were to be more precisely identified. The sources donot mention anyone of this name in connection with either John VI orJohn V, but in treating of late Byzantine history an argument ex silentio isextremely hazardous. The person in question, though, may well be DemetriusBoullotes, an important official of Manuel II, listed as a domestic of theemperor (o'tYCGog) in 1401-1404. In June 1401 he testified before the patriarchalsynod regarding the inheritance of his wife's cousin, Irene Apokauchissa, anda month later regarding the possession of an icon of the Virgin, a case whichalso involved the emperor.3 On 29 September 1404 he was sent by Manuel ona very important mission to the Turkish prince, Suleyman Qelebi, to MountAthos, and to John VII in Thessalonica to settle affairs in that region whichhad recently been returned to Byzantine rule .4 About 1414 Mazaris recallshaving accompanied "the most wretched Boulotes" on missions for theemperor.5 Both the mission of 1404 and the remarks of Cabasilas imply thathe was a prominent official, a trusted friend of the emperor, and had somefamiliarity with Turkish customs and institutions.e

3 111M, II, no. 509, p. 655; no. 513, p. 658. There are slight variations in the spellingof his name. He is not listed among the domestics of the emperor present at the synod ofAugust 1409 in Constantinople.

4 A. Vatopedinos, BaatXtx 8twr y Wpbs BouXe v kepi `Ayiou "Opouc,in Pp7)y6ptos 6 HcO.o xs, 2 (1918) 449-52; cf. Dolger, Kaiserregesten, 3301, pp. 90-91.

Journey Into Hades, 147.Manuel Tarchanciotes Boullotes, a friend, perhaps a pupil, of John Chortasmenos,

was probably too young to be the Boullotes of this letter; see Hunger, Chortasmenos,82-83, for information on him and other members of this family. A Demetrius Boulotesfrom Thessalonicaa, is mentioned in an astronomical manuscript, cod. Vindob. phil. gr. 115,fol. 2, but the writing is barely legible and the context is not clear.

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ajoun aqp 'snuaznoviuso [aaopoaip ] oji '8 aalpri

'091 '3

xIarjiaav 999

APPENDIX 227

xoct To"LS xaxotS ast xaxa xat ToZS Ea&TTOUat npoaTt-Maa naVrjyupty µ%V xax& V E dyarE, xat 8 XMIL To"uTO xaxc Xuxev... .

NLELS 8E Twv TE xotvwv a6yc v x&pLV Wv nenat8E6p9'a TES TE xp7ja' c90"LocS v Eu0`us Ex naLBwV n&vTWV npOEaTrja&(ceO'a, aoU TE 8i1 xat Twv

10 ' - apsTi5S ayaap.&Twv p.&aa ye EpwTtx6q ExovTES xato14 &v TOUTO 87lao5v

Letter 12. To [Demetrius] Cyclones, 1373 (1385?)

(f. 128) Tca KuMvp Lp'

f. 126v ... ToZv yap paata6oty ES &xpov 67rt (LEy(aTW xocxw Twv `Pwµa(wvavTtxaV91aTap6voty navTa %op6pou xat ?jv ttear&, xatxuxewvoS xat xa68wvoS, xat `PcOp.a(wv T& BEty&, T71S

5 eµpua(OU aT&a .o S &XIV paoy?S x(Xt 05TE Tt po6aeuµauytEs unep Twv xotv&v v 05-re npaEts &v&aoyoc npbc d v Twv aetvwva7Uoa6p7)aty, &aa' 'xaa-roS ExaT6poty Toiv paata&oty Ta np6q(3ouaeu6µEVOt xai T& yE acpLaty auTotS aiaxp&v TL th v xat naoUTOV aaEay

f. 127 npoL;EAaoVTa, T& Twv `Pw(aa(wv ES To"uTO T6)(jq auvijaaaav. i ... ouxou"v10 LC&S tav wS &L; 67rapZil r'v npoT6pav pta(av e'xelvrjv, 8rj TW xp6vcp

xex(.tr)xutocv, avaveouv poua6E,LEVOt, npco ro. xai ' v apxi?v Tou yp&cpstyTrMO

Letter 13. To the Emperor

(f. 127) Tw BocatXd Ly'

Kp&T a,re BaaLXe5. E6 Ve'v ou 7rovijpws & xstT6 (,Lot Tb alil(La, &aa'wS au't S Epoua4LTnv, Pa6V TE 8' a6y(O XMIL np6S TYjv nope(av EuxLvY)TOV,(lr)8Ev Pex?4aaf rjaauvov Eu&uS 'd'v Wpbs r6 Bo &vTtov cp6pouaav, xai

5 8Lx6(..gv Ta1JTYjq (Janep TLS Ao&. S ELS nES(oV, rb TOU a6 you yeELTELV, 7rpoxaao6p.EVOs, To5TO (.tIv Not T ap xpuap xcpa), xat WONT'E(a.Ot aspaap.La T'v 6yaXop,6vIv LOU npoax6vrjaty &=8660) yvrja(wS, HatTbv epycoXE6ovT& [Lot Tp (I)U) 7r60&ov &Tronarjp() ). ToUTO y&p j.LOL T6

aiav xat EnepaaTOV, xai 8 vuxTaS SaaS xai rjµ6;,aS xaT& vo5v10 &VEXLTTw' ¶0 0 8' 'va xat nept Twv Eµwv xat T-jc otxtaS a6v yE

OEw r& 8e'ovTa pouaeua&j evoq Ta 3EXTLw xai a 7C0tE.V EtxbS

Tots 6p ' c Tcept T(av 6E6wro v pEpouXeu LEVOtS. euxTbv ouv rjv &v 6µoL,&EL6TawC paatasu, Sit' yE 8 TM' xaa' (J&S (.LET' Euxarjp(aS EX )P L xat8a4La&S ELnEZV rY paaTCilvrjS. .. .

BIBLIOGRAPHY

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(Bonn, 1828-32)Clavijo, Buy Gonzalez de Clavijo, Embajada a Tamorlan, ed. F. L6pez Estrada (Madrid,

1943)Corpus Paroemiographorum Graecorum, eds. E. L. a Leutsch and F. G. Schneidewin, 2 vols.

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nepotis historic b yzantina, ed. I. Bekker (Bonn, 1834)Enepekides, P., "Der Briefwechsel des Mystikers Nikolaos Kabasilas," BZ, 46 (1963),18-46Gregoras, Nicephori Gregorae Byzantine historia, eds. L. Schopen and I. Bekker, 3 vols.

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Lampros, S., lIaXamoa6yeLa xal lleaozcovvjataxci, 4 vols. (Athens, 1912-30)Lacurdas, B., '0 «Euµ(3ouaeurtx6c 7rp6q ro65 Oeaaa>,ovExnt s rou Mavouila IIc)atoa6you,

in Maxe3ovtx&, 3 (1955), 290-307Legrand, E., Lettres de l'empereur Manuel Paleologue (Paris, 1893)Loenertz, R. J., "Chronicon breve de Graecorum imperatoribus ab anno 1341 ad annum

1453 e codice Vaticano graeco 162," 28 (1958), 204-15"La chronique breve Mor6ote de 1423," Melanges Eugene Tisserant, II (= ST, 232)

(Vatican City, 1964), 399-439Correspondance de Manuel Calicas, ST, 152 (Vatican City, 1950)Ddmdtrius Cydonis Correspondence, 2 vols., ST, 186, 208 (Vatican City, 1956,

1960)"Epitre de Manuel II Paleologue aux moines David et Dauiien 1416," Sillogebizantina in onore di Silvio Giuseppe Mercati (= SBN, 9 [1957]), 294-304

"Manuel Paleologue, bpitre a Cabasilas," Maxc3ovax&, 4 (1956), 35-46Mazaris, Ot&aoyoc vexptx6S. 'Eirn6-jjcLa M&i;apt iv "Mk), ed. J. F. Boissonade, Anecdote

graeca, III (Paris, 1831), 112-86; also with German trans. by A. Ellisen, Analekiender ndttel- and neu-griechischen Litcratur, IV (Leipzig, 1860), 187-314; new ed.with English trans. and comm. under the direction of L. G. Westerink (ArethusaMonographs, V [Buffalo, 1975])

Miklosich, F., and Miiller, J., Acta et diplomata graeca medii aevi sacra et profana, 6 vols.(Vienna, 1860-90)

Sabbadini, R., L'epistolario di Guarino Veronese, 3 vols. (Venice, 1915-19)Sphrantzes, Georgios Sphrantzes ill emorii, 1401-1477, ed. V. Grecu (Bucharest, 1966)

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Syropoulos, sur le concile de Florence, ed. V. Laurent (Paris, 1971)Trapp, E., Manuel II. Palaiologos. Dialoge mit einem "Perser," Wiener Byzantinische

Studien, II (Vienna, 1968)

2. Monographs and Articles

Barker, J. W., Manuel II Palaeologus (1391-1425). A Study in Late Byzantine Statesman.ship (New Brunswick, N. J., 1969)

"On the Chronology of the Activities of Manuel II Palaeologus in the Peloponnesusin 1415," BZ, 55 (1962), 39-55.

Beck, H.-G., Kirche and theologische Literatur im byzantinischen Reich (Munich, 1959)Berger de Xivrey, J., "Memoirs sur la vie et les ouvrages de 1'empereur Manuel Paleolo-

gue," MdmAclnscr, 19, 2 (Paris, 1853), 1-120Bohlig, G., Untersuchungen zum rhetorischen Sprachgebrauch der Byzantiner, Berliner

Byzantinische Arbeiten, II (Berlin, 1956)Cammelli, G., I dotti byzantini e le origini dell'umanesimo. I. Manuele Crisolore (Florence,

1941)Charanis, P., "The Strife Among the Palaeologi and the Ottoman Turks, 1370-1402,"

Byzantion, 16 (1942-43), 286-315Darrouzes, J., Recherches sur les'Ocppp(xLz de l'dglise byzantine (Paris, 1970)Dennis, G., "The Byzantine-Turkish Treaty of 1403," OOP, 33 (1967), 72-88

"The Deposition and Restoration of Patriarch Matthew I, 1402-1403," ByzF, 2(1967), 100-6

"Four Unknown Letters of Manuel II Palaeologus," Byzantion, 36 (1966), 35-40"Official Documents of Manuel II Palaeologus," Byzantion, 41 (1971), 45-58The Reign of Manuel II Palaeologus in Thessalonica, 1382-1387 (= OCA, 159)

(Rome, 1960)"Two Unknown Documents of Manuel II Palaeologus," TM, 3 (1968), 397-404

Dolger, F., Aus den Schatzkammern des heiligen Bergen (Munich 1948)"Der Klassizismus der Byzantiner, seine Ursachen and seine Folgen," GeistigeArbeit, 5 (1938), 3-5; rep. in IIAPAEIIOPA, 30 Aufsdtze zur Geschichte, Kulturand Sprache des byzantinischen Reiches (Ettal, 1961), 38-45

and Wirth, P., Regesten der Kaiserurkunden des ostromischen Reiches von 565-1453.V, Regesten von 1341-1453 (Munich, 1965)

Eszer, A. K., Das abenteuerliche Leben des Johannes Laskaris Ifalopheros, Schriften zurGeistesgeschichte des ostlichen Europa, III (Wiesbaden, 1969)

Fassoulakis S., The Byzantine Family of Raoul-Ral(l)es (Athens, 1973)Guilland, R., Recherches sur les institutions byzantines, 2 vols. (Amsterdam, 1967)Halecki, 0., Un enapereur de Byzance b, Rome (Warsaw, 1930)Hunger, H., "On the Imitation (MEµr)aiS) of Antiquity in Byzantine Literature," DOP,

23-24 (1969-70), 17-38Reich der neven Mitts (Graz, 1965)

-- "Das Testament des Patriarchen Matthaios I. (1.397-1410)," BZ, 51 (1958), 288-309Janin, R., Constantinople byzantine. Ddveloppeinent urbain et ripertoire topographique

(Paris, 1964)La giographie dccldsiastique de l'empire byzantin. III, Constantinople, lea eglises et

les rnonasteres, 2nd ed. (Paris, 1969)Jenkins, R. J. H., "The Hellenistic Origins of Byzantine Literature," LOP, 17 (1963),

39-52Karathanasis, D., Sprichworter and sprichworterliche Redensarten in den rhetorischenSchri f ten

des Michael Psellos, des Eustathitus and des Michael Choniates, sowie in anderen

rhetorischen Quellen des XII. Jahrhunderts (Munich, 1936)

230 BIBLIOGRAPHY

Karlsson, G., Icldologie et cdrdmonial dans l'dpistolographie byzantine (Uppsala, 1959)Krumbacher, K., Geschichte der byzantinischen Literatur (Munich, 1897; rep. 2 vols.,

New York, 1958)Laourdas, B., `O Ta(3paia Oeaaaaovlxric, in'A,rjv&, 56 (1952), 199-214Laurent, V., "La date de la mort d'He15ne Cantacuzhne, femme de Jean V Paleologue:

Une precision," REB, 14 (1956), 200-1"Les dates du patriarchat d'Euthyme II de Constantinople," BZ, 54 (1961), 329-32"Le mhtropolite de Thessalonique Gabriel et Is couvent de la N60C Movi,`EX.tlvtxa,

13 (1954), 241-55"Le trisbpiscopat du patriarche Matthieu Ier (1397-1410). Un grand proces canoni-

que a Byzance au debut du XVe siecle," REB, 30 (1972), 5-166Lemerle, P., Philippes et la Macddoine orientale (Paris, 1945)Loenertz, R. J., Byzantine 2 vols. (Rome, 1970-72)

"Chronologie de Nicolas Cabasilas, 1345-1354," OCP, 21 (1955), 205-31; rep.ByzFrGr, I, 303-28

"Demetrius Cydonc s. 1. De is naissance >i, l'ann6e 1373," OCP, 36 (1970), 47-72;"Demetrius Cydones. 2. De 1373 it 1375," ibid., 37 (1971), 5-39

"Ecrits de Macaire Macrr s at de Manuel Paleologue dans les mss. Vat. gr. 1107 etCrypten. 161," OOP, 15 (1949), 185-93; rep. ByzFrGr, I, 71-79

"L'exil de Manuel II Paleologue A. Lemnos, 1387-1389," OCP, 38 (1972), 116-40"Manuel Palhologue at Demetrius Cydones. Remarques sur leurs correspondances,"

E0, 36 (1937), 271-87; 37 (1938), 107-24Les recueils de Lettres de Ddmdtrius Cydones, ST, 131 (Vatican City, 1947)

Mercati, G., Notizie de Procoro e Demetrio Cidone, Manuele Caleca e Teodoro Meliteniota edaltri appunti per la scoria delta teologia a delta letteratura bizantina del secolo XI V,ST, 56 (Vatican City, 1931)

Moravcsik, G., Byzantinoturcica, 2 vols. (Berlin, 1958)Nicol, D. M., "A Byzantine Emperor in England. Manuel II's Visit to London in 1400-

1401," University of Birmingham Historical Journal, 12 (1971), 204-25The Byzantine Family of Kantakouzenos (Cantacuzenus) ca. 1100-1460, DOS,

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1969)Papadopulos, A. T., Versuch einer Genealogie der Palaiologen, 1259-1453 (Munich, 1938;

rep. Amsterdam, 1962)Petit, L., "Manuel II Palhologue," DTC, IX, 2 (Paris, 1927), 1925-32Schreiner, P., "Chronologische Untersuchungen zur Familie Kaiser Manuels II.," BE, 63

(1970), 285-99"Hochzeit and Kronung Kaiser Manuels II. im Jahre 1392," BE, 60 (1967), 70-85Studien zu den Bpayia Xpovuui (Munich, 1967)

Sevbenko, I., "Nicholas Cabasilas' 'Anti-Zealot' Discourse: A Reinterpretation," DOP,11 (1957), 79-171

"Nicolaus Cabasilas' Correspondence and the Treatment of Late Byzantine LiteraryTexts," BE, 47 (1954), 49-59

Thiriet, F., Rdgestes des deliberations du sent de Venice concernant la Romanie, 2 vols.(Paris-The Hagtte, 1958-59)

Thomson, I., "Manuel Chrysoloras and the Early Italian Penaissance," ORBS, 7 (1966),63-82

'Ibntadalces, N., Bui;av TWi E^,taro),oypz pie. Eiaayooyil, xellteva, xaT&Xoyoc E7mLeT0),oyp0'LCPWv(Athens, 1955)

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Wirth, P., Untersuchungen zur byzantinischen Rhetorik des 12. Jahrhunderts (Munich, 1960)Zakythinos, D. A., Le Despotat grec de la Morde, 2 vols. (Paris, 1932; Athens, 1953)

INDICES

I: PROPER NAMES

"ApapLq (myth.) 9.34.<"Ape?> (bibl.) 68.132."Aytos "Opos, Mount Athos 67.2."Ayxupa 20.11; 63.2.

4.9.AiyoCw4, Aegean Sea 13.8.AiyunToc 67.10.Atk&toi, Ethiopian 18.23.'AX& av3pos, Alexander the Great

59.2, 8."AauS, Halys River 16.50; 20.13,

15, 17.'Atuvaoc 16.56.'AvTio;tos, imperial official 44.13.

ancient painter 35.8, 10;49.6; 56.22, 24.

'ApLaTetBrs 52.39.<'ApiaTo pavrc> 19.32.'ApLQTwv, father of Plato 4.2;

52.13."ApxXa, island in Bosporus 67.13.'AaavrS, KwvaTavrZvoS 18.1; 20.9,

<15>; 30.1.

see n yLa5i c c>BaAaaµwv, protekdikos 34.1.<13ouatx&>, Marshal Boucicaut

41.25.13peTav'm tey&Ar, Great Britain

38.20.Bpe-ravot, English 39.28.

Pappir;A, metropolitan of Thessa-lonica 52.1; <57.1>.

P&8eupo, Cadiz 30.24.PaAaTta, France 37.7.Tapivoc, Guarino of Verona 60.1.

Pe6pytoc>, GiorgioGatelusio 58.1; 59.1?

AatBocXos (myth.) 4.25; 13.25.Daµcavo, monk 68.1.Dap6avoS (myth.) 44.10.<Aotut8> (bibl.) 31.52.DauL8, monk 68.1.

St. Demetrius 6.48.see Ku86vrS, XpuaoAw-

paS14.10; <30.58>; 33.8;

45.58; 52.23; <62.12>; 68.<41>,53.

`EX v , empress Helena, mother ofManuel <1.1>; <23.2>; 62.<6>,app.

"EAArvEq, pagans 1.24; 25.18.`EAarvixos, classical Greek 29.9.<`Evptxos), King Henry IV of Eng-

land 38.20-42; 55.12-22?'Epyivos (myth.) 45.2, 97.`Epµi7S (myth.) 45.57; 52.28;

64.31.

PROPER NAMES 233

Eu, tuoq, priest, patriarch 39.1;40.1; 51.1; 54.1.

ZaxXeLos (bibl.) 6.42.Ze6S (myth.) 4.12; 12.7.

city of Zeno 16.49.

`Hpax?djS (myth.) 31.41; 45.229."Hcpata-ros (myth.) 52.39.

O&ao5 58.1.O" 34.20; 68.146.Oe6yvLs 8.2.<Oe68wpoc IIa&aLoA6yoc>, Despot

Theodore I 9.30; 13.1; 56.2-21;60.3.

<OE68wpos IIaAaco),6yoc>, DespotTheodore II 68.150, 153.

Oe68wpoq, see Kauxa8rjv6s.Oe6S passim.Oepat'rrjc (Iliad) 17.86; 64.22.< zacrLOovLxeLC> 4.11; 11.13;

67.23-29.OeaaaAovixrj <3.19>; <6.6, 22, 48>;

11.16; <43.25>; <44.29>; <45.61,69, 83, 162, 168, 169, 219-23>;52.1; 57.1; <67.22>.

Oouxu82rjq 28.2; 33.8; 52.23.<Owp.ac>, Thomas Aquinas 30.40.

'I&yapLS, courtier 34.8.<'I&xwpoc>, King James of Cyprus

32.11-36.'I(3&yxo5, rhetorician 45.1.

13.10.'IAAuproi, Albanians 16.17; 68.107.'1o68ocq (bibl.) 67.295.<'I7r7oxp&1rrjS> 68.137.TIpos (Odyssey) 4.15; 65.13.

Isthmus of Corinth 68.45,148.

'Ic (bibl.) 31.89.'Iaoxp&'njc 3.33.'ItiaXeS 60.1.<'Iw&vvrjr, Emperor

John VI 1.20.<'Iw&vvrjS IIaXoc oX6yoc>, Emperor

John V 12.4, 13, 20; 13.6;67.335.

<'Iw&vvrjc>, Emperor John VII33.35; 45.172-74, 219-25.

<'Iw&vvrjs Xpuao'a-roj.Los>, St. JohnChrysostom 25.2-22.

'Iwvas (bibl.) 67.151-63.

Ka(3&&0,a4, <NLx6Aoco4> 6.1; 7.1;15.1; 67.1.

<Kaiv> (bibl.) 68.132.<KaX6xoS, MavourjX>, 30.7 ss.Ka?AtaS (Iliad) 65.13.K0,Xa4 (Iliad) 41.15; 50.42.Kavocv6S, official 13.2, 35.<K&poAoc>, King Charles VI of France

37.11; 41.27.Ka-rocpp&x'raL, Cataracts of the Nile

6.25.Kauxa3rjv6S, Oe68wpos, imperial offi-

cial 27.1.KeXTeS 6.26.

Kpoi6os, legendary king 4.16, 21.Ku86v7jS, <Orjµ'j-rpLo;>, 3.1; 4.1;

5.1; 8.1; 10.1; 11.1; 12.1; 14.1;16.1; 19.1; 20.1; 21.1; 22.1;23.1; 25.1; 26.1; 29.1; 31.1;36.1; 62.1.

Ku7rpo(; 32.9.Kwv61r0Cv'rLvo67coALC, <13.5>; <19.28>;

<20.8, 20); 51.2; <67.12, 19>.Kwv6-rav,ivor,, see'Aa&v-%.

Aasp-rrjS (Odyssey) 40.3.Aa'rlvo 44.23; 60.16.Ae6(3Lx6S 5.20.

234 INDICES

Akapo4 67.2, 9.AovxouAos, Roman general 65.22.AuaioS, gladiator 6.54.AuBoc, Lydian 42.3.A6=rno4, ancient sculptor 56.22,

24.

M&yyava, monastery in Constanti-nople 3.20; 67.12.

Mocx&ptos, monk (?) 52.40.<Max&pioc), metropolitan of Ankara

63.1; 64.1; 65.1; 66.1.Koµvr;v6c>, Manuel Kom-

nenos, emperor of Trebizond53.1.

MocvourA, see IIollos, `PaouA, Xpu-aroAwpas.

<Mapia), Virgin Mary 39.32;57.13, 16; 61.12, 15.

<Mexep.e&r), Sultan Meehmet I 68.202.Mot5c i (myth.) 4.9; 34.23; 39.2;

44.72; 46.6; 52.28.MuaoE, Bulgarians 16.17.Mw&µe&, Muhammed 31.70, 85,

95.

NetXos, Nile River 67.10.NeoxaiaapE-rjS, unidentified 8.5.N6a-rwp (Iliad) 41.15.

evop i 15.27.

'O8uate6q 13.9; <40.3>."Op.rjpos 32.16; 50.43.'Opcpeus (myth.) 9.34; 34.17;

44.62.<Oupp&voq), Pope Urban VI 8.18.

SultanBajazid 16.54,62, 75, 99; 19.32, 35; 29.17;33.36.

IIaEoves 6.26.Hcc Xos, apostle 31.66, 81, 83;

67.172.Ha 5S, Turkish ruler 16.55.IIEA4: Tou IIeAonoc, Peloponnesus

9.29; 13.8; 51.11; 68 passim.Il&paoc, Turk 14.27; 16.15; 44.23.<II&rpos), apostle 67.277.IIA&'rwv 3.2, <18, 24); <4.2>;

14.28; 26.8; 39.14; 45.58, 76;52.13; 68.54.

ll?oi.roS (Aristophanes) 19.33.H6 os, correspondent of Manuel

17.1.Ho os, MavoujA, correspondent of

Manuel 35.1; 42.1.os, Pompey 16.46; city of

16.42.IloaetUov (myth.) 3.42.Ho,r4r;s, correspondent of Manuel

47.1.

`PaouA, Mavou'A, official in Cyprus32.1.

'P6 LoL, Rhodians 4.12; 12.8.`PwµaZot, Byzantines 9.37; 14.10;

16.23; 45.221; ancient Romans16.46; 65.22.

EaT&v 31.70.EepaaTeia 16.60.Eey7;vsq (myth.) 14.14.<E6y:aEw5vToc>, King Sigismund of

Hungary 31.2-15.EtxeXcxo nop& 6o 20.15; 35.22.<EEµwv), protos of Mount Athos

57.2.Ewt 16.50, 56, 58, 60.Exa.p&vos, imperial

official 49.7-17.ExUAIaa 14.10; 17.61; 18.17, 19;

20.12.ExOAAa 35.23; 58.6.

TERMS and VOCABULARY

EoXojzwv (bibl.) 29.11; 67.74.Eoutaocq, dictionary 4.8, 14.<EouAsit,t&vrjc>, Turkish emir

57.8-11.E-xev-r&pr)s, Turkish ruler 16.59.ETnatXopoc (myth.) 30.34.

ancient musician 34.16.<Toipxot> 6.52; 12.9?; 14.12, 27;

16.15, 18; 19.9; 29.15; 31.38, 47,62, 65, 68, 82; 37.19; 55,20;67.22; 68.59, 77, 105, 108, 157,204, 213.

53.1.TpLpocXAot, Serbians 16.17.Tpt(36X7)4, official in Morea 9.1.T6X-q, fortune personified 19.33.

cai8pos (Plato) 10.5; 52.12.(DetBtaS, ancient sculptor 50.38.

235

I payy6rcouAos, correspondent ofManuel 24.1.

Phrygia 20.11.

X&pu(3& 35.22; 58.7.Xpep.uAos (Aristophanes) 65.13.XptaTtavot 25.16; 31.14, <47>, 72,

111.XptaT6S <6.15>; 6.44; <8.15, 18,

19>; 16.19; <21.9>; 31. <53, 56>,72, <91, 114>; <35.20>; <40.7>;

<41.41>; <57.12>; 67.<267-73>,

275.

XpuaoXe pas, 33.1; 41.1,14; 43.1; 44.1; 45.226; 46.1;47.11; 48.1; 50.1; 61.1.

<XpuaoAcop&c, 'Iw&vw c> 56.25-32.XpuaoAwpas, 37.1; 38.1;

49.1; 55.1; 56.1.

II: TERMS and VOCABULARY

&(3kTo 6 (3toS 3.19.&ytoS, saint 67.266, 330; (of em-

press) 1.1; (of despot) 13.1.aywv, commander (Bajazid) 16.54.&BeAcpi (of letters) 9.13; 15.22.&BeApt8o5S (nephew of Manuel Chry-

soloras) 56.25.&8aAp6s 68.128; (Theodore, brother

of Manuel) 9.30; 13.1, 34; 56.2,13; 60.3; (Abel, brother of Cain)68.132.

At,to4 Aeux65 (proverb) 18.23.

&x(Xr'r µi 16.87.axpo5 apXo.wv (King Henry IV) 55.12.

foreign land 44.42.&AAo,rpta, foreign land 30.16, 18;

32.36; 62.17.&A(;: &pXv) Twv &Acwv, supervision of

the salt works 8.6.

&pocl,st; (Moslems) 31.88.&µapTia Lapp.; 6.19, 21; 31.32,

55; 67.151, 160, 322.&V.70, 6v 68.63.&Iq 4p 2.12.&.Luv6µevot 44.9.&v&yvo LS, (Latin) liturgical reading

30.38.&v&yupov xtvsZv 30.61.&v*'p (Chrysostom) 25.7, 17; (for-

mer emperors) 48.21; (JohnChrysoloras) 56.27; (Kananos)13.10; (Plato) 3.2; 4.2, 5; (KingSigismund) 31.13; (Theodore Pa-laeologus) 56.8; (Western Euro-peans) 37.5.

&v,paxes of raaupot 38.14; 53.12.&v,pwnoc (servant of Asanes) 20.16;

(Suleyman) 57.10.

236 INDICES

&vTExpLa,roc (Muhammed) 31.95 . ygvoc (Byzantines) 12.13; 31.37;

avw zroTapwv 6.51; 19.24; U.S.a7rLaroc (Moslem) 31.68; (pagan)

39.22; 40.4; 44.54; (human race)67.167.

2 16 45 98e 44 14 74 10725 8. . pwv . ; . ,y . , ; ;

15.17. (Jonas) 67.156; (Plato) 3.18.aTro?as (of Albanians) 68.108. yXcdi ES 4.9.&7r6a-roxoq 67.265. ypmyP, indictment 10.2; 62.23;&t paapLBoc 41.2. yp&cpsLv y. 67.39.& o h 45 147r ypalL . .

&pyuprov, coin 18.30. Wvroq 4.18.&pp.a 2.app.; 45.172. 3EazroLVa (empress) 1.1; 23.2.&pX6.LcvoL, subjects 32.18.&pxwv 68.39; (King Henry IV)

38.20; 55.12; (Manuel II) 44.55;(Turks) 16.60, 99.

ocaEpELs 31.47, 62, 65.&aTu (Thessalonica) 45.162.&TTLxti;w 32.9.auToµoAsty 30.17.auT6µoaoq 30.31.auT6xELp, suicide 67.293, 301.

p&ppapoc 16.34; 31.88; 52.35;

68.69.pappapouv 52.35.paaLXELa, palace 52.2; 57.3.focaLXEUS (John V) 12.4, 9, 13, 20;

(John VI) 1.20; (John VII) 45.219; (ManuelII) 17.13; 62.app.;(of Trebizond) 53.1; (predecessors)2.app.; 48.21.

(3aaLXEUELv 4.10.paaLALx6S 13.6; 59.2.paaiXLaaa Twv spring 45.176,

215.

3.faiov 10.3, 13; 43.18; 44.33;53.2; 56.22; 60.2; 68.10.

poux6),La 68.67.pouXEu-c"piov 45.20.

P&6ELpa: of U-Ep -r& P. vY1couc

oixoua. 30.24.

8eo-n&,rj,; (Christ) 8.19; (Asanes)20.18; (King of Cyprus) 32.20,27; (despot Theodore I) 13.1;(Theodore II) 68.150, 153; (Ma-nuel II or Kalopheros) 49.11.

8EuT6pa olxouµ vr;, Great Britain38.21.

Sr&tcpoc 76,o54 16.39; 24.9; 29.3.Sr; uoupy6S, God 1.28; 12.12; 67.

180.8L&xovoc, civil servant 49.11.3L&XEx-roc (Latin?) 31.11; 32.12;

37.4.&ck?,oyoc (nept y&p.ou) 62.9.Fi L8&axaao; 28.18; 45.7, 8, 12, 26,

47, 115, 209; (church fathers) 67.321; (Thomas Aquinas) 30.40;xoLvoi S. (classical authors) 50.22.

44.9.&x&,ov-ES 44.9.Uyl.La, decision 13.20; 43.11; theo-

logical doctrine 52.31.,36pu 43.12.Sou):oc 4.19, 20; 31.91.FpEravev 2.13.Spur 67.140, 142, 144, 147.Suv&rs-r;;, Western ruler 41.29.

4$vos 17.18; 59.11; (Byzantinesor Turks) 12.9; (Turks) 16.18;(Jews) 07.271.

EXEU`JEpia 4.20.?,Eb9&Epos 4.21.

TERMS and VOCABULARY

9t;w,4ev A6yo!, secular topics 67.193.67riuToAt i ocios 67.1.97n, 4ytoS, funeral oration 56.2.EntTpo7ros TOU EwTi1Poc (pope) 8.17.&aa'A& &n' ea8? & v 34.3; 49.4.eankpic [t6p7], Western Europe

41.12.6TatpoS (Demosthenes) 62.12; (Pla-

to) 14.28; (unidentified) 34.2.VgGtaL, north winds 67.10.eux-rr pmv, chapel 57.20.

Ta 3.41.

&Uaepely, be orthodox 52.32.£x5p65 6.14, 54; 13.13; 18.16;

48.3; 67.102; (Turks) 14.12;31.54; 33.36; 55.20, 24; 67.22,26; 68.59, 77, 105, 108, 157.

vjS onoLta 46.2.J'XipaTOS 16.4.ilvtoxoc 67.96; (JohnVII) 45.172.i1po sc 13.7; 46.9.

,rr (of an imperfect composition)11.16, 20.

UccTpov 9.7; 27.2; 28.19.-r6 (the Byzantine Church)

30.17.,'c,[& Twp, mother of God 39.32;

57.16; 61.12.,'eov.6aci.c (Turks) 31.82.peoncTwp (David) 31.52.9epocncta, pastoral care: ci T& Till

9'. Ecpe%TaL 8pav (bishops) 30.45.,4p 50.10, 14; (Sultan Mechmet)

68.202.&i;pa 32.13; 43.12; 45.94, 194.4rptiov 19.5; 43.9; 45.188; 50.7;

59.16; 67.93; 68.84.po'voq Tou xptvcr,v 15.34.

,uywrr p (of Manuel) 27.16.

237

iaTp6s 1.20; 12.5; 44.20; 611. (Hip-pocrates) 68.137.

kspe6S (-r& v flEpa& v) (Moslem reli-gious leader) 16.15.

iepop.ovax6S 68.1.innix' p.&ir;ns 43.4.iirnoS 2.app.; 13.31; 14.20; 18.

26-28, 30-33; 26.2, 6, 10; 43.2,11, 13, 24, 28; 45.163, 178; 67.95.

ia'opta 6.30.taTOpix6S 19.7.taX&3c Aeapixat 5.20.iX05s 45.193; 67.145.iwvi& 45.182.

x&&e8pa 45.32, 120.xapxtvos 66.4.xevil p axapta 53.11; 55.5.x7lnoi Mouawv 14.9; 34.23.xtTTa 45.197.xoLva np&ypLW , common weal

43.14; 44.30.xoiv& T& r &v ptawv 54.3.

Evvoiai 17.19; 33.26.xoLvoi 8i8&ax00,oi (classical authors)

50.22.67.154, 158.

xopupazo; (St. Peter) 67.277.

x&rrupoc 45.197.xp&-roc (of empress) 1.24.xpaTCilv (God) 12.12; (ruler) 57.4xpclhcd 18.22, 29, 31.xpivwvi& 45.182.

17.7; 48.7.xupLoc, 6 (God) 30.20; (Christ) 31.91.

xuwv 18.17; 43.10.xwµ.x64, 6 (Aristophanes) 19.32.

Aaµnp6Ta,OS (king of Cyprus)

32.11, 35; (king of England)38.26; (king of France) 37.11.

238 INDICES

Aec7ro'r&xrrjs 45.29.Aec7ro,atou ypacp 62.23.Xsc'roupyta, public service 13.6.

20.14; 44.43; 45.174.13.13, 24; 16.93; 31.2, 34;

38.29; 68.35.A6ycoc 35.4; (scripture) 25.18.AoycaTr q, financial official 49.13.

Aoc65 20.19.Auxoc 68.157; Auxou 7rrep& (prov-

erb) 16.24; 18.22.

.Cayvj'rc5 45.116.V.oc y c i (Dominicans) 30.41.tavta 57.11; 68.80, 211.l.avcxk, vehement 3.28; 13.16;

45.63.piapcax&AxoS, marshal 41.25.t.auXe vas (title of Moslem religious

leader) 16.15.µ&xacpa 16.14.preys j 7r6A.S (Constantinople)

67.19.(.6yac xap'rocpuAaE 34.1.p.eat'res, intermediary (Virgin Mary)

57.16.E.c'J8ev lep6v 67.116.µgaiv 6yci4 31.74.Wrl'r4 (of Christ) 57.13; (of Manuel)

1.1; 23.2.Ec7'I)p PrJT6pwv (Thessalonica) 45.83.(.6'qTpo7roAA r 57.1.rZavr;, siege engine 58.9.

µcp W, flea 50.44.iov 6S 3.7; 44.24.

1.1.ouarGov 45.20.µ61oS 3.43; 4.13.p.ue,aywy6S (Muhammed) 31.85.tLua pea, liturgical rites 30.38.

vaucycov 68.28.vauc 3.41; 16.90; 33.29; 38.42;

45.174; 68.27, 29, 32.

vko5, youth 27.14; 45.9, 28, 67, 99,30.24; (Lesbos) 67.4, 6.

v6.uoi 14.23; 36.5.voµoS, law 6.11; 45.26, 69, 221;

(of God) 67.302; (of letter writ-ing) 11.22; 16.67; 31.107; 34.9;38.36; (norm, rule of life) 2.25;35.20; 52.9; 56.10, 13; 67.48.

voaety o xacp6s 3.31.voarJj 16.77; 31.26; 55.10; 57.19.voaos 2.11, 15; 12.5; 16.65, 80;

22.8; 29.2; 31.5; 44.21.vuxTo axta 33.40.

kvos 32.26; 44.24; 68.102.tcpoq 16.11.

6 8uvc s or, ac c v (Christ) 57.12.68r;y6; 'vas &Arfle(as (religious teach-

er) 67.320.otxerjS 20.9.oixtaxov 52.3.olxos 44.7, 11.oixouµevr 31.28; 38.21.olvos 16.100.oitAoc 13.3; 14.20; 19.4; 32.12;

41.32; 43.9; 51.14.67rXt'tr 38.41.opvcs 45.197; 67.147.is oS 45.62; 67.34; 68.1.ou6Ev iepov 43.28.o68EV uytk 28.7; 67.116.

7r4aoS: avu Lvouv 'r& 7r&&r; (passionof Christ, Stabat mater?) 30.28.

7tac8eta (education, training) 1.13;45.60, 94, 138; 52.31; (chastise-ment) 67.35, 123, 161, 162, 165.

nocZ8eS .7@v is pwv, physicians 1.19.7rat8eumq 16.70; 67.151.

TERMS and VOCABULARY

nat&&, pleasantry, humor 2.6; 43.33; 45.138; 50.5; 67.41-106.

na6Cw, engage in pleasantries, jest2.2, 11; 10.4, 6, 7; 33.39; 43.23;45.228; 50.34; 67.37, 65, 76, 91,103, 107.

7c&-Ls (Christ) 31.53; nai8es (writ-ings) 5.7; 9.15; 44.86; 54.2.

naMwp8iav 48ew, retract 30.34;31.22, 101; 68.169.

nav&4w os (Virgin Mary) 61.15.7cav' oupybs: xetp n. (of God) 68.194.naa&C, priest 39.1; 40.1; 51.1; 54.1.n&nno4 (teacher of rhetoric) 9.6.nm-r!p 45.91; (author) 9.16; 15.23;

(teacher) 45.47; (God) 31.53, 57;(John VI) 1.20; (Manuel II) 33.36; (treatise of Chrysostom) 25.8;a6ywv n. (Cydones) 62.2; 7cveup,a--rLxoS n. 68.1.

na,rpLapxr;S 51.2; 54.app.na-rp(S (Byzantine Empire) 12.18,

26; 17.25; 19.28; 37.18; 49.11;55.33; 62.17; (Constantinople) 13.5; 44.45; (Thessalonica) 3.19; 6.6,22; 45.61, 69; 67.22; t.xovv'(foreign lands) 30.16.

ne8tov 16.3, 22; 42.3; 43.26; 45.187;68.71.

neaayoc 3.19; 13.23; 31.2; 44.42;53.6; 67.58; 68.28; n. X6ywv16.90, 91; 31.108; 33.28.

n&Tpac 6neipew 8.8.7rryai &evvao. 68.200.rLcT (Christian) 31.76; 37.15;

55.20; 67.22; (Moslem) 31.68, 74.rrw"oL (Christians) 31.48.na&vr; 7zstpav (nzipav) 13.9; 16.53.noip.v:a 68.67.noAep.toq 1.18; 18.14, 21; 19.35;

20.15; 29.15; 37.19; 43.12; n.D'1p (sultan Mechmet I) 68.202.

n6azp,oS 14.19; 19.4; 43.9; 45.225;

58.10; 67.19, 20.

239

noALopxeiv 18.35; 29.14.7co XL; 9.29; 16.25-27, 30, 34;

17.18; 18.35; (Ankara) 20.11;(Constantinople) 20.8,20; 37.13;42.8; 67.12, 19; (Thessalonica)6.48; 11.15; 43.25; 45.83, 168,169, 219, 222; (inMorea) 68.59;(Pompeiopolis) 16.46, 49.

noakT-% 44.24; (of Thessalonica)4.11; 11.13; 46.61, 219.

noaunouS 12.19.nop,&µ6S (EaxsXt.x6S) 20.16; 35.22.noppupoyevv oc (Despot Theodore I)

13.1.noTcN.6s 6.51; 16.2, 44; 18.6;

44.43; 45.177; 67.213.nveu(I.aTGxoC, na-njp 68.1.nba 18.25.npsa(3eia 8.17, 18.npea(3E6S 41.24.7rpoyovoi (ancestors of Byzantines)

19.41; 44.32; 45.90.npbvoLCX (divine) 67.87; (imperial)

13.5.upon&-rwp (of Moslems, Ismael)

31.89.npopr 67.265; (Jonas) 67.160,

163; (Muhammed) 31.71, 79.npe'rb xoc 34.1.npcc oc (of Mount Athos) 57.2.npwTOae(3aaT6S 2.1.

pg, king (of Cyprus) 32.11, 35;(of England) 38.20; (of France)37.11; 41.27; (of Hungary) 31.2.

pr;Topela 4.30.p7)Twp 9.8; 14.8; 32.6; 34.18, 19;

45.6, 27, 83; 67.140; 6 p. (De-mosthenes) 30.58; 68.41.

po8wvL& 45.182.

aaTp&nrS (Turkish leader) 16.55;29.17; 68.205.

240 INDICES

axacpoy 16.90.axr1v1 33.22; 67.5, 141; 68.109.

amvE&OV 19.19.

axopnEOV 6.55.aocpk 3.5; 25.4; 28.7; 31.106;

35.2; 47.9; Toy x6cr ou 3.8.aopLaT'4 (teacher of rhetoric) 9.7,

10; 45.26, 143; (Thomas Aquinas)30.40.

onoyyL& iaaeraL 52.38.aTOLTdjp 12.2, 6, 9.a-raup6s 67.272; avup,vouv Tov a.

(Vexilla regis ?) 30.28.a,rpaTnyetty 14.11; 67.25; (of Mu-

hammed) 31.70.aTpa'r y6S 15.27; 39.25; 41.25;

65.22.arpaTL& 16.5, 55; 18.14, 35; 19.8;

38.12, 42; 39.32.a,rp ct c rr;S 41.30; 43.2, 17; 62.23.auxocpavTrjc 26.5; 48.7; 63.3.auµµaxEa 38.41.auµµaxoL 39.28.auvtijyopoc, advocate 26.11.auvr&rjs (Manuel Kalekas) 30.7.aX p.a 15.12; 45.25; 67.162;

68.118; (imperial dignity) 1.19(21?); 2.app.; 44.37; 65.36;(royal) 38.26; 56.12; (monastic)1.21 (?); (of a judge) 15.35; a.Twv iepwµdvwv (clergy) 68.102.

E&r p (Christ) 6.15; 8.18; 21.9;31.114; 35.20; 67.267.

awppoVLaT-ijc (teacher) 27.14; (chas-tiser) 68.154.

68.44.Teixoc (wall across Isthmus of Cor-

inth) 68.80, 113, 147, 208.4AOS: of dv T&?rL, officials, nobles37.13; 68.101.

T&TTL 66.14.

T6xos (A6ywv), writing 6.2; 10.13;33.8; 44.87; 45.85; 46.8; 49.4;62.10, 14; 68.53.

38.41.Tpayq c 4.3; 6.16; 67.38, 45, 63.

u3pL r.v 30.59; 45.53; 65.24; 67.336, 337, 339, 342; 68.126.

6(ipLS 30.52; 50.11; 64.35; 65.28;67.338, 339, 341.

ui65 (Theodore I) 9.31.uµvoc 15.31; 30.<27>, 38.upvgBic 30.43

papLanLoc 31.59.pOAav,'fpwnia 6.20.ytXoaopEa 30.53.cpLA6aopoc (-wc) 3.14, 17; 30.60;

43.8; 45.27.y0 ro roL, dear ones (of Empress He-

lena) 1.11, 28; (of king of Cyprus)32.19.

cppoupLOV 29.14; 58.8; 68.74.cpuAa (rr6Aecc) (St. Demetrius) 6.48.pwv>7 AarEvwv, Latin language

60.16.

XapLc &AAX;vLdj 29.9.XapTop6Ax , FLeyxq 34.1.Xeiµwv 2.17; 3.18; 16.65; 31.4;

33.29; 38.30; 68.20.XeLp: of uno X. (imperial subjects)

52.34.yeAL3c v 45.197.XprjpLaTa, money 4.8, 9, 16; 38.41;

41.31; 44.29; 68.40.xpuaea XaAxe'oLs 52.26.

XpuaLOV 7.4; 9.34.XPua6c 4.12, 21; 12.8; 16.101;

25.2, 12; 48.10.

(P) Kupiou 30.20.

CITATIONS 241

CITATIONS

BIBLE Actus Apostolorum1.7: 31.113-14

Genesis4.8: 68.132 Ad Romanos

Psalmi

2.16: 31.96-97

3.19: 31.66

2.9: 31.53-54 1 ad Corinthios2: 67.134-6 .

96-973 3: 3121: 31.659

. .

.

3 13: 31 832: 67.13437

. ..

2510: 177: 31.5957

...

15.47-48: 31.49-5172.9: 31.58, 60-61; 58.12113.9: 31.54 Ad Colossenses

3: 31 47124 ..2.9: 67.268

136.4: 30.20

Ad PhilippensesEcclesiastes 2.13: 67.171

3.1-8, 17: 29.11-12; 67.74 4.4: 1.26

Jonas4.6-10: 67.154-58

1 ad Thessalonicenses5.18: 1.26

Matthaeus9.16: 35.1.6-1718.22: 6.4419.17: 31.4621.22: 8.15-1627.29: 67.273

Marcus2.21: 35.16-17

10.18: 31.46

11.24: 8.15-1615.20: 67.273

Lucas5.36: 35.16-17

15.20: 33.42

18.18: 31.4619.8: 6.4223.11: 67.273

2 ad Timotheum2.20: 31.49-51

Ad Hebraeos12.8: 67.135

1 Petri2.21: 67.276

Epistola Jacobi1.17: 67.169-70

Apocalypsis2.27; 12.5; 19.15: 31.53-54, 81

OTHER

Aesopus336 (ed. Chambery): 66.14

242

Anaxagorasfragm. 1: 68.97

INDICES

AphthoniusProgymnasmata, 4: 3.15--16;

44.58-59;68.40-41

Progymnasmata, 21: 66.14; 67.2

AristeidesXLVII ad Capitonem, 2, 419:52.38-39

AristophanesAves 285: 65.13

301: 4.9Equites 884: 68.146Lysistrata 68: 30.61Nubes 1482: 67.39Pax 1083: 66.4Plutus 87-91: 19.32-34

336: 65.13-14

969: 3.29

AristotelesMetaph. 8, 6, 5-10 (1045A):

39.25

CydonesEp. 79, 19-20: 5.2-3

DemosthenesDe corona 159 (280): 11.25;

62.11-12De /alsa legatione 245: 3.15-16In Midiurn 42, 45, 185: 30.58

547: 62.23Olynth. 1, 20 (15) : 68.40-41

Dionysius Halic.De comp. verb. 18; De Thucyd.

2, 53: 28.2

EuripidesMedea 410: 6.51; 19.24; 57.8Phoenix, fragm. 812, 7-9:

3.15-16

Herodotus3, 53: 30.664, 36: 15.336, 140; 7, 168: 67.10

HesiodusOpera 582: 66.4

763-64: 38.24

HippocratesAphorismi 1, 3: 68.138-40

HomerusIliad 1, 69, 105: 41.15; 50.43-44

1, 249: 5.19

2, 24, 61: 32.172, 212-44: 16.86; 64.222, 489: 65.76, 236: 52.2615, 273, 619: 16.416.35: 16.417, 75: 16.87

Odyssey 1, 58-59: 40.35, 492: 68.909, 243: 16.410, 88: 16.412, 188: 14.1513, 80: 68.9013, 196: 16.418, 6, 25: 4.15; 65.13

IsocratesAd Dernonicum 1, 86: 3.33

CITATIONS 243

Joannes ChrysostomusAd patrem infidelem: 25.8

PlatoConvivium 219a: 52.26Gorgias 524e: 28.7; 31.74;

67.116Ion 534a: 14 22-238-9; 34Libanius . .

154Leges 840b: 45Declam. 31, 200: 4.12; 12.7- .

83967929Ep. 10: 67.47

e: .

94 62 23d80 6: 6130

.3 :, .

Lysis 207c: 54.3143 1: 2-350,

143 2:.

50 31Phaedo 61a: 42.3-4

,

4 3

.

15 33969a: 14.28

:1 3, .34; . 71e-72d: 26 8-9143 4: 1365

., .

72c: 68 97300 3: 245

., .

85a: 39.14-1511:348 4.12; 12.7-8, Phaedrus 228a: 10.5; 52.12

515 3: 16 24, .243a-b: 30.34; 31.22

617 2: 42 3,

, .

101;790 1: 436, .

68.169-701183 1: 42 3, . 81-82Respub 492c: 671184 11: 2416

. .

, .Theaet. 159e: 33.14

1215 3: 436, .176a: 45.76

1325: 67.47

4 41 00, 7: .316

1426 6: 42.3, Plutarchus1:Vita Alexandri 41 59.2-3

Sententiae 3: 40-4168,

. Vita Luculli 39-41: 65.22

LucianusHermotimus 71; Navigium 11:

53.11-12; 55.5

Menaion, Oct. 27-28: 6.54-55

Menanderfragm. 341 (411) : 44.58-59

PindarusOlymp. 4, 19-28: 45.2

7, 34, 50: 4.12; 12.7-8

Polybius1, 82, 7: 19.3

ProverbiaCorp. Paroemiogr. Gr.1. 24: 14.8

32: 38.14; 53.1233: 41.247: 6.51; 19.24; 57.859: 4.9

106: 54.3140: 67.116270: 16.24; 18.22348: 18.23373: 68.146

244INDICES

II. 5: 14.8Symeon Metaphrastes

23: 254 Passio S. Demetrii (Acta SS.,

24:.

24.9; 29.3 Oct. IV, 88-100) : 6.54-55

48: 8.8140: 43.28 Theocritus145: 45.14 Scholia 12, 2: 3.26

156: 13.35

202: 8.8 Theognis203: 12.19 I, 35: 34.3-4; 49.4210: 30.24 I, 175-76: 8.2, 6-7359: 4.9

421: 45.2 Thucydides509: 16.24; 42.3 3.22: 33.40557: 45.149-50

611: 8.8 Xenophon661: 30.24 Memorab. A, 2, 16: 1.2-8756: 17.17-18

763: 31.44

Sprichworter, KarathanasisUnidentified :

82: 30.24

176: 62.20

214: 30.61

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(3Louv 7rp0'xrcrw. Twv cpLAou.LevwvXWpLS: 1.9-10

iv Tw TETap&X OC!. To6q A0yLgt0u'&v&yxr; 12.26-27

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IV: INCIPITS

A'pEaLV :rung.: && 1

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'Eµo. 31 7-A, oC 7rpayp,xTWv 44

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cps otalora xoci AEav 5`Hyo5µaE as 38

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rily &vocyvou

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16 as xoc ana PocXf3E8oc 41Oepouc axµil xal pctS 67Kul Aaxwvcxily T]lv 24

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to aoyoq ouroq natS aFLpo r&poLS 54 luxop&vra; p,ev noXaous o 3 oS 63'0 pLawv ExeLS 3 Ta eipj c&va roc iv ccxpw 27to xpjarbs ouroal Kavav6 13 &vayvousyvwv 30Ola oto n47ov v &vi)p 4 T'jv enLaro?,hj Set&pLevoc t,4v 55013a (ipoca repov rwv 6µer4pwv 68 Tily xaaily encaroaily &vayvouc 33Ma & c az eucppo,tvcL 40 Tily nepi neviav W'rsZaav 8018a wS e,'fa' ataaaS 20OlS iv paaLaeioLs oux earl 57

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65

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53Ou 8siv as vop.E,ecv 7

O63ev n?4ov papa Toy yp&p jtxroS 22

Tw p.ev ouv 'Epyivy pocc v 45'aa1 rcva rwv e'v &ypots 52'SZv p,ev au ye e'pgS 18

V: CHRONOLOGY

1371-1373? 5 1391, fall 15

1365-June 1383 1 1391, winter 161718 19201373-1390 2 21

1382-1383, winter 3 1392-1396 22 231383, springy summer 4 1392-1396? 24 25 26 27 281383, fall 11 1394-1396 29

1385, spring 8 1396, summer-fall 30

1383-1387 6 7 9 10 1396, October 31

1387, summer 67 1396, fall 62

1389, fall-1390, April 12 1396-1397 32

1390, fall 13 1397 33

1391, summer 14 1397-1399 3435 {?)

246 INDICES

1397-1398 36

1400, summer 371401, January-February 381401, spring-summer 39 40 411401 42

1403-1408 4344 45 46 4748

1407-1408 49 50

1408, summer-fall 51

1408-1410? 52 53

1408, summer-1409, summer 631409, spring-summer 64

1409, summer 651409, July 661409 551409-1410 541409, December-1410, January 561411 571414, summer 581414, summer-fall? 591416 681417, summer 601417 61

VI: GENERAL

(References are to page numbers)

Acacius, 28 note 1Acciajuoli, Bartolomea, liii- Nerio, liiiAchaia, 168 note 1Acindynus, xxviiiadelphaton, xxxi note 24, xxxviiiadnoumiastes, 23 note 3Adrianople, xlii note 73Aegean, 10 note 2, 34Akapniou, monastery, xliiiAlbanians (Illyrians), xix, liii, 42, 48

note 3, 210Alexander the Great, 94 note 3, 96

note 3, 166Alexandria, lixAlexis, lx (see also lagoup, Apocaucus)Alexius Comnenus, emperor of Trebi-

zond, xlviiiAmnisus, 44Anatolia (see Asia Minor)Anconitanus, Petrus, xxvAndiocho, Angelo, Iv note 112Andrew (see Asanes)Andronicus IV Palaeologus, emperor,

xiii-xv, xxxix, xlv, xlix, 1, Iii, liii,205 note 4

Andronicus Palaeologus, despot, xvi

Andronicus (see Asanes, lagaris)Anemas Tower, xiv, IiiAngelos, liAnkara, xv, xvii. liv, 60, 62 note 1,

114 note 1Anna Philanthropena, empress of

Trebizond, xlviiiAnne of Savoy, empress, xxxii, liAntiochos, lv, 116Antiochos, Demetrius, lv note 112Antony, patriarch, xxviii, liiiAphthonius of Antioch, xviiiApocaucus, Alexis, xxxiiApollonius Dyscolus, xviiiAquinas, Thomas, xxxv, xxxviii, 76,

78 note 1archon, xxxv note 39, lvi note 118,

lx note 126, 156 note 1, 182 note 1Aristophanes, 58Arkla, island in Bosporos, 186, 204

note 3Asanes, Andrew, xxiii, xxiv- Andronicus, xxvii- Constantine, xxvii, xxviii, 54, 60,

74, 78 note 1- Isaac, xxvii- John, xxvii

GENERAL

- Manuel Raoul, xxviiAscoli, Antonio d', 153 note 2Asia Minor, xv, xxi, 6 note 1, 36, 38

note 1, 40, 42, 48 note 1, 49 note 10,52-58, 62

Athenodoros, 1, 225Athens, 12Athos, Mount, xxiv, xxxviii, xl, xlvi

xlix, liv, lv, 10 note 1, 160, 162note 1, 206, 218 note 1

Aurispa, Giovanni, lvii

Babylon, lixBaghdad, lix note 125Bajezid, Turkish emir, xv-xvii, xxiii,

xxxiv, xlviii, 38 note 1, 46-50, 58,74 note 3, 92 note 1, 114 note 1,162 note 1, 223

Balsamon, Demetrius, xxix- Manuel, xxix, lvi- Michael, xxix, xxx, lvi, 94Barbari, Francesco, 168 note 3Barlaam, xxviiiBerroia, xxxviiiBessarion, cardinal, 153 note 2Bologna, xxxvi, lviBoniface IX, pope, 106 note 1Boucicaut, Jean le Meingre, marshal,

xv, 108, 110 note 1Boullotes, xxxiv, 222, 223Bosporos, 204 note 3Branas, lx note 126Brescia, lviii note 124Britons, 106Brusa, xiv, 32 note 1, 204 note 1Bryennios, Joseph, xxxi, xli note 63,

li, lviiBryennius, 1, 226Bulgarians (Mysoi), xxvii, 42, 48

note 3Burgundy, xliv

Cabasilas, Neil, xxx, xxxv, xxxvii- Nicholas Chamaetos, xiii, xiv,

247

xxiii, xxx-xxxiv, xxxviii, xlvi, 16,20, 40, 186-204, 205 note 14, 221

Cadiz, 76Cairo, lix note 125Calecas, Manuel, xxviii, xxxvi, xxxix,

Iii, liii, lvii, 74-78, 88 note 1Camaldolese, lviiCantacuzena (see Helena, Theodora)Cantacuzenus, Theodore, 1, 226Cantacuzenus (see John, Manuel,

Matthew)Catalonia, 156 note 1Cataracts (of Nile), 16Celts, 16Chalcedon, xliiiChamaetos (see Cabasilas)Charles VI, king of France, 100, 108,

156 note 1chartophylax, xxix, lvi, 94Chilandari, monastery, xl note 60Chora, monastery, xliiiChortasmenos, John, xxix, xxxiv-

xxxviChoumnos, Macarius, xlii, xliiiChrysoberges, Maximos, lviichrysobull, livChrysoloras, Demetrius, xxxiv, xxxv,

1, li, 90, 92, 108, 112, 116, 132,135-38, 142, 153 note 2, 170, 226

- John, xxxvi, xliv, Ivi, 158, 160note 1, 168 note 1

- Manuel, xxxiv-xxxvii, xxxix,xliv, xlv, lvi-lviii, 98,100,140,154-58, 168 note 2

Chrysopolis, lix note 125Chrysostom, St. John, 66, 68Comnenus (see Manuel III, Alexius)Constance, xxxvii, xliv, 157 note 2Constantine XI Palaeologus, em-

peror, lvi note 115Constantine (see Asanes, Ivankos)Constantinople, passimCorinth, Isthmus of, xvi, 208, 212,

216, 218 note 1

248 INDICES

Crete, xxxix, lvii, 98 note 1, 172 note 1Cydones, Demetrius, xiii, xix, xxvi,

xxviii, xxxii, xxxv-xl, xlv, xlvii,1-liii, lvii, 4 note 1, 6, 10-14, 20,22 note 1, 26-36, 42, 49 note 16,56, 58, 62-68, 72, 78-80, 86 note 1,98, 157 note 1, 172, 204 note 1,205 note 12, 227

- Prochoros, xxxviiiCyprus, li, Iii, lvii, 86, 88 note 1, 172

note 1

Damian, monk, xl, 206, 218 note 1David, monk, xl, 206, 218 note 1Demetrius, St., 18, 20 note 4Demetrius (see Antiochos, Balsamon,

Chrysoloras, Cydones, Frangopou-los, Skaranos)

Demosthenes, xviii, 30 note 1, 38, 90,124, 148, 172 note 3, 208

Denis the Areopagite, xxxviDionysiou, monastery, xlii note 73domestic, xxxi, xxxv, lviDominicans, xxxviii, 76, 78 note 1Doria, Hilario, 70 note 1- Manfredina, lviDragag (see Helena)

ecclesiarch, xxix, xl note 60Egypt, lvi note 115, 186Eleavourkos, 218 note 1Erzerum, 56 note 1, 60 note 4Erzincan, 56 note 1, 60 note 4Esphigmenou, monastery, xl note 60Eugene 1V, pope, lvi note 115Europe (Western), xxxiv, xxxv, xliv,

liv, lv, 118, 154Euthvmius, patriarch, xl-xli, xliii,

xlvi note 84, 22 note 1, 104, 106,144, 152, 154, 221

exarch of the Great Church, xxixnote 11

Ferdinand I, king of Aragon, 164note 1

Ferrara, xlvFlorence, xxix, xxxvi, xlv, lvi, lviiFrance, xv, xxxiv, lv, 86 note 1, 98,

114 note 1Francesco II Gattilusio, ruler, xliv,

204 note 1Frangopoulos, xli, xlii, 66Frangopoulos, Demetrius, xlii note 73- George, xlii note 73- John, xli, xlii- Leo, xlii note 72- Manuel, x1i, xlii- Nicholas, xlii note 72

Gabriel, bishop of Thessalonica, xlii,xliii, lv, 148, 160, 162 note 1

Galata, xiv, xlv, Iii, lix, IxGattilusio, Giorgio, xvi, xliv, lx, 164,

166 (see also Francesco)Gemistos, 1, 225general, xliiGenoa (Genoese), xiv, xlix, 1, Iii, lvi,

110 note 1, 114 note 1George (see Frangopoulos, Gattilusio,

Plethon, Scholarios, Skaranos)George, St., monastery, xxxi, xxxviii,

11 note 3Glabas (see Isidore)Golden Gate, lix note 125Goudeles, xlviiGreat Britain, lv, 102Grevenon, x1iGuarini, Guarino dei, xxxvi, xxxvii,

xliv, xlv, lvi, lvii, 166

Halys, river, 44, 56 note 1, 60Helena Cantacuzena, empress, xii.i,

xxvii, xxxviii, xlv, lii, 2, 4 notes 1and 3, 64, 172, 174 note 2

Helena Dragas, empress, xvHenry IV, king of England, 102, 104

note 1, 154, 156 note 1Hermogenes of Tarsus, xviiiHerodian, xviii

GENERAL

higoumenos, xl note 60Hippocrates, 212Holobolos, xxviii, lvHomer, xviii, 50 note 16, 88, 144Hospitallers, Knights, xv, 86 note 1Hungary, xiii, xv, lvi, 86 note 1, 156

note 1Hypomone (religious name of Helena

Cantacuzena)

Iagaris, lvi, 94Iagaris, Andronicus, lvi note 115- Manuel Palaeologus, lvi note 115- Mark Palacologus, lv iIagoup, Alexis, xiii note 3, xvii, xxiii,

xxivIberia, lvi note 115Illyrians (see Albanians)Innocent VII, pope, xxxviIrene Asanina, empress, xxviiIrene Palaeologina, queen of Bul-

garia, xxviiIsaac (see Asanes)Isfendiyar, Turkish ruler, 4.1, 49

note 9Isidore, bishop of i lonenivasia, 160

note 1Isidore Glabas, bishop of Thessalo-

nica, xliii, x1vi, xlix, 220Isocrates, 8Italy, xv, xxxvi, xxxvii, xxxix, xliv,

xlv, lvi, 80, (18, 100, 111 note 1,140, 158, 168 note 1, 1i'_'

Ivankos, Constant xiii, xlvi,1v,122Iviron, xlix

James I de Lusilinan. kin, of Cyprus,li, 80, 5

Jean le 3leingre (So, liouci(eant)Joasaph (religious Hams' of luhn

Cantacuzenus)John V Palaeologus, xiii,

xiv, x 11, xx111, xxvii, xxviii,xxxiii, xxxiv, xxxviii, xxxix, xlv-

249

liii, 10 note 1, 11 note 3, 30, 32, 38note 1, 64 note 1, 202, 223

John VI Cantacuzenus, emperor,xxx, xxxi, xxxiii, xxxvii, xiii note73, xlv, xlix, 1, li, lviii note 121,2, 4 notes 1 and 3, 223

John VII Palaeologus, emperor, xv,xvi, xxxiv, xxxv, xlviii, liv, 32note 1, 34 note 2, 36 note 1, 48note 3, 92 note 1, 130-34, 146note 1, 223

John VIII Palaeologus, emperor,xvi, xvii, xxxvii, xiii, lvi, 70 note 1,92 note 1, 168 note 1

John XXIII, pope, 156 note 1John III Asen, king of Bulgaria,

xxviiJohn Calecas, patriarch, xxxiiJohn, xlvi, lx (see also Asanes,

Chortasmenos, Chrysoloras, Fran-gopoulos, Kalopheros, Kananos,Pothos)

Joseph (see Bryennios)Justinian, emperor, xvi

Kakoalexios, lvKallistos, patriarch, livKalopheros, John Laskaris, xxxvi,

xiii note 70, lvii, lviii, 140 note 4Kananos, lvii, 34, 36Kananos, John, lvii- Laskaris, lviiKarycs, monastery, xl note 60Kastamouni, 48 note 1, 49 note 9Katadokeinos (Katablatas), xlviKaukadenos, Doukas, xlviii note 87- Theodore, xlvii, xlriii, 70Kenchreai, xvi, 218 note 1Khairaddin Pasha, 1Krokondylis, 218 note 1Kyra Martha (see Martha)

Langosco, Bartholomew de, lviii, lixLaskaris (see Kalopheros, Kananos)

250 INDICES

Latin, 116, 168Lavra, monastery, xxxi, xxxviii, xlvi

note 84Lemnos, xiv, xxxix, xlvi note 84,

6 note 1, 32 note 1, 204 note 1Leontares, 170 note 2Lesbos, xiv, xxxix, xliv, 14, 32 note 1,

78 note 1, 186, 204 note 1Libanius, 134 note 2, 144 note 3Lombardy, xxxviLomello, lviii note 124London, xv, xxxvi, 100, 104 note 1,

156 note 1Louvre, xviiLucullus, 182Lugano, xxxviiLusignan (see James)Lyaeus, 18

Macarius, bishop of Ankara, xxxv,xli, xliii, liii, liv, 114 note 1, 174-84

Macarius, 150 (see also Choumnos)Macedonia, xivMamas, St., monastery, xxxiMangana, xxxi, xxxviii, xxxix, 8, 11

note 3, 186, 204 note 3Manuel II Palaeologus, emperor,

passimManuel III Comnenus, emperor of

Trebizond, xlviii, 150Manuel Cantacuzenus, despot, xxxi,

xxxviii, IiiManuel (see Asanes, Balsamon, Cale-

cas, Cantacuzenus, Chrysoloras,Frangopoulos, Iagaris, Pothos,Raoul, Tyris)

Margaret, queen of Denmark, 106note 1, 114 note 1

Mark (see Iagaris, Pothos)Martha, Kyra, monastery, xlv, 64

note 1Martin V, pope, lviMartin I, king of Aragon, 106 note 1,

110 note 1, 156 note 1

Matthew Cantacuzenus, emperor,xxxi, xxxviii

Matthew, bishop of Cyzicus andpatriarch, xvi, xxix, xli, xliii, xlvinote 84, liv, 176 note 1, 184 note 1

Matthew, bishop of Medeia, xxxv,xli, xliii, liii, liv, 176 note 1, 182note 1, 184 note 1

Matthew (religious name of Manuel IIPalaeologus)

Maula na, Turkish title, 42, 48 note 1Mazaris, xxviii, xlviii, xlix, lv, lviii,

lx, 164 note 1, 218 note 1Mechmed, Turkish emir, xvi, 156

note 1, 157 note 2, 216Menitze, monastery, x1 note 60mesazon, xxxviii, x1ii, xlvii, xlviii,

114 note 1Messalianism, xxxiMichael VIII Palaeologus, emperor,

xxviiMichael Palaeologus, despot, lii note

102Michael (see Balsamon)Mistra, xli, x1ii, liii, lvi note 115, 4,

26 note 1, 34, 146 note 1, 158 note 1Mohammed, 82, 84Mongols, xv, 38 note 2, 49 note 10,

114 note 1Morea, xv, xvi, xli, x1ii, li, lii, liv,

lvi, lvii, lix note 125, 24, 26 note 5,34, 140 note 5, 144, 146, 158 note 1,164 note 1, 168 note 1, 170 note 1

Moslem, xiii, xvii, lix note 125, 50note 16, 60 note 6

Mouskaranos, lix, lxMouterizes, xiii, 60 note 6Murad I, Turkish emir, xiv, xxxiv, 1,

23 note 4, 204 note 1Murad II, Turkish emir, xvi, xlii, lviMusa, Turkish emir, xvi, 156 note 1,

157 note 2, 162 note 1Mysoi (see Bulgarians)Mytilene (see Lesbos)

Naillac, Philibert de, 86 note 1Navarrese, liiiNegroponte, Iv note 112Neil (see Cabasilas)Neokaisarites, 20, 23 note 3Nestor, St., 20 note 4New Monastery, xliiiNicaea, xlii note 73Nicholas (see Cabasilas, Frangopou-

los)Nicopolis, xv, 66 note 1, 86 note 1Nile, river, 186Nilus, patriarch, xxviiiNiphon, bishop of Rhaidestos, lviiiNiphon, monk, xxxi

Padua, xxxvi, xlivPaiones, 16Palaeologus (see Andronicus, Con-

stantine, John, Manuel, Michael,Theodore, Thomas)

Palamism (Palamite), xxviii, xxxii,xxxviii, xli, Iiii, lvii, 78 note 1

Pantanassa, monastery, xliipapias, grand, xxxi note 23Paris, xv, xvii, xxii, xxxvi, 98, 104,

106, 110, 114 note 1, 156 note 1Patras, xli, 168 note 1Paul, St., 82, 84, 196Paul, St., monastery, IvPavia, xxxvi, lviii note 124Pediasimus, Theodore, xxx note 20Peisha, Turkish ruler, 44Peloponnesus (see Morea)Pera, xxxviii, 64 note 1, 78 note 1Persian (Turk), xix, 38, 42, 116, 222Peter, St., 200Pharmakes, xxxiPhilotheos Kokkinos, patriarch,

xxxiii, xxxviiiPhrygia, 60Piacenza, lviii note 124pinkernis, liPisa, xxxvi

Plato, xviii, 6, 8-12, 38, 68, 104, 124,125, 148, 172 note 3, 208

Plethon, George Gemistos, xxxiiiPompey, 44, 48 note 5Pontus, 48 note 1Portugal, 106 note 1Potamios (Potaines), Theodore,

xxxiv, xlviii-1, li, 136, 224Pothos, xlix li, 52, 224, 225Pothos, John, li- Manuel, 1, li, 96, 110- Mark, liProchoros (see Cyclones)prostagma, xlvii, xlviii, Iiiprotekdikos, xxix, 94protoasecretis, 23 note 3protonotary, xxixprotos of Mount Athos, xl note 60,

xlvi, Iv, 160protosebastos, 4, 6 note 1protostrator, xli, x1ii, lviprotosynkellos, x1iprotovestiarites, lvi

Raoul, Asanes, lx note 126- Manuel, li, lii, 86, 88Raoul the Ant (Myrmix), lix, lxRhadenos, 204 note 1Roman, 26, 38, 44, 50 note 16, 132,

182Romanos, St., gate, IvRome, xiii, xiv, xxxvii, xxxix, xli,

xlii note 70, Ivii, 22 note 1Russia, 38 note 2

sakellarios, xxixSalutati, Coluccio, xxxviSaudji, Turkish prince, xivScarperia, Jacopo Angeli da, xxxviScholarios, George, xxxScythians, xix, 38, 46, 49 note 10, 54,

56 note 1, 60Selymbria, xxxiv, 90, 92 note 1senate, xxxv

252 INDICES

Serbians (Triballoi), xv, xix, 42, 48note 3

Serres, xv, xlii note 70Sevasteia, 46, 49 note 10, 56 note 1,

60 note 4Sigismund, king of Hungary, xxxvii,

lvi, 66 note 1, 80, 86 note 1, 156note 1

Simon, abbot, xlvi, lv, 160, 162note 1

Sinope, 44, 48 note 1, 49 note 9Skaranos, Demetrius, lvii-lx, 140- George, lviii note 121skevophylax, xxixSophianos, lixSpain, xxxvi, 156 note 1Sphrautzes, George, 164 note 1Stephen Lazarevi6, Serbian prince,

48 note 3Stoudios, monastery, xli, xliiistratopedarch, x1ii, lviSuidas, 12Suleiman, Turkish ruler, 49 note 9Suleyman celebi, Turkish emir, xvi,

114 note 1, 157 note 2, 160, 162note 2

Syropoulos, John, xxix

taboullarios, xxix note 11Taherten, Turkish einir, 56 note 1Tamerlane ('Tinnlr), khan, xvii, xxiii,

xlvlll, 56 note 1Tatars, 38 note 2Tenedos, 32 note 1, 204 note 1Thasos, xvi, xxxvii, xliv, lix, lx,

164, 166'l'henlistocles, 94, 212Theodora Cantacuzena, empress of

Trelizond, xlvlllTheodore I Palaeologus, despot, xiv,

xvi, xviii, xli, x1ii, x1v, lii, liii,Ivii, 10 note 1, 24, 26 notes 1, 3,

and 5, 34, 60 note 6, 144 note 1,146 note 1, 158, 166

Theodore II Palaeologus, despot, xvi,xlii,146 note 1, 168 note 1, 212, 214

Theodore (see Cantacuzenus, Kauka-denos, Pediasimus, Potamios)

Theodoret (religious name of Theo-dore I Palaeologus)

Theognis, 20, 22 notes 1 and 2Thessalonica, passimThessaly, liiiThomas Palaeologus, despot, xliiThomas (see Aquinas)Thucydides, six, 72, 90, 148Traversari, Ambrogio, lvii,168 note 3treasurer, lviii, 140 note 6Trebizond, xlviii, lvi note 115, 150Triballians (see Serbians)Triboles, liii, 24, 26 notes 1 and 2Turks, passimTyris, Manuel lagaris Doukas, lvi

note 11.5

universal teacher, xxixUrban V, pope, 157 note 1Urban VI, pope, xl, Ii, 22, 23 note 5

Venice (Venetian), xiii-xv, xxviii,xxxv, xxxvi, xxxix, xli, xliv, xlv,1, lvii, lviii, 34 note 3, 80, 86 note 1,92 note 1, 114 note 1, 168 note 1,172 note 1

Vercelli, lviii note 124Verona, xxxvi, xliv, xlv, lvi, 168 note 1

Wales, 110 note 1

Xanthopoulos, monastery, 150 note 6Xenophon, xviii, 40

Zaccaria, Centurione, 168 note 1- Stefano, 168 note 1Zampia, daughter of Manuel II, 70

note 1Zane, Paolo, xlivZealots, xxxiiZeno, 44