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THE KING AND HIS YOGI: PRITHVI - - / - -N&~~YANSAH,BHAGAVANTANArd

A l\11) THE UNIFICATION OF NEPAL IN THE EIGHTEENTH CENT1JR Y*

VERONIQL.JE BOUJLLIER

Until the end of the eighteenth century, the present Nepal was a mosaic of small warring kingcoms. These were divided into three groups : the K.has located in the we:;tem pan of Nepal, the Newars in the three king­doms of the K.athmanc;u Valley and the K.irants to the east The Khas' kingdoms were <livided· in two confederations: the Baisi, the "twenty­two", which were further west, and the Caubisi, the "twemy-four", more central. Among these small western kingdoms whose history is only poorly known. that of Gor}cha would emerge and come to domi­nate the whole country in a few decades. Through the political genius and the tenacity of its leader, king Pri thvi Narayru:t Sah (1723-1775), who wished to conquer and·unify all these kingdoms into a powerful state, the modem Nepal came into being.

If Prithvi Narayan ' s historical and political vision makes him dif­ferent from the other petty kings, his power is based upon the same ideological foundations, the Indian view of kingship.! Pri thvi Nariiy~ is a Hindu king, rcsp~tful of the Brahmins ' amhoriLy and subject to the gods' will.

To place his kingdom under some god's patronage and to portray himself as this god ' s instrument, is a common way for a king to legi t­imate his power. In m~1ny legends concerning the foundation of the

I wouid like to acknowlcd~" my d~bt tO Gunther Unbescheid who was the firs t to study Lhe K:inphaui~ in :-.:~p :,; and whose work introduced me to the figure of Bhagavamanath. I tl,snk siso Prof. J.P. :-.'ecisen ior his very helpful comments and David White whose kind advice hdF, me/imf r· .. vc !.he English style of this an.icle.

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4 11-IE KING AND HIS YCXJI

small western Nepalese kingdoms, this divine protection is secured through the medium of holy persons. Nl!.th Siddhas or Yogis, whose rr.agical exploits give the lOng conquering power or steadfastness. The Gorkha kingdom is no exception, the king placing himself under the protection of the eponymous sain t Gorak:hnath, Siva' s avatar a,-;d founder of the Gorakhnathi or Kanphaf<i Yogi sect, around the eieventh century. So it is written in the Gorkha Vamscivalr (The chronicle of Gorkha) that Prithvi Nruay~ succeeds in his enterprise through the favourofGorakhnath (V. Bouillier 1986: 133-36).

Beyond this fust mythic level, in which the king's power is legit­imated through divine patronage, we will also discuss here a second level, this time based in re::1.lity. This involves a "true" Yogi, an his tor­ical person, a member of the Saivite Kanpha!.ii Yogf sect and as such a religious heir of Gomkhnath, who actively participated in Prithvi NMiya.J:J 'S conquests. Now, this Yogi, named Bhagavantanath, is the subject of a number of marvellous stories which follo·.·: the norms of Nath hagiography. His acts and their consequences ar~ described in his biography (in the Yogi Vum.SZNali) in the same way a~; are the deeds o~ the thaumaturges, protecting heroes of the western Himalayan king­doms. This account is not only an a posteriori legenda:isation; the con­temporary documents themselves (the more reliable objective sources:2

donations, royal correspondence3) indicate a gradual identification of Bhagavantanath with the former illustrious Siddhas, which is tanta­mount to deification.

This is not a naive, artless process : the king, by glorifying and worshipping the Yogi, places himself in the position of someone blessed, protected by the gods. This is a twofold process of mutual le­gitimation : the king contribu tes to establish the Yogi's reputation and to support his aut.hority through gifts of honours or land grants and the Yo~I makes himself the direct tool of the gods' favour, thus render­ing the king legitimate.

Also through t.his process the king contributes :o :_he expansion of the process of Hinduisation. The land grants are made here on territories of non-Hinduised local tribes. To foster Hinduisation is :1lso to promote t.he Hindu concept of kingship and t.hus to establish the ·Jltimate power

of Nepal's ruler.

GENDER, CASTE MIJ) POWER IN SOUTH ASiA 5

Tiffi HISTORICAL SITIJATION

What was the Nepalese political situation when Bhagavantanath appears on the scene? In 1763, it is already possible to appreciate the complex political strategy of Prithvi Narti.yai) even if he has acquired nothing def­inite yet. Gorkha is still one among many western Nepal kingdoms,

_but certainly the most ambitious. Prithvi Nruaya.J:J is t.hen 41 years old, and has been crowned king

of Gorkha twenty years earlier. His patient undertaking of conquest is slowly progressing and his main purpose is to dominate the Kathmandu Valle;. This appears clearly in his autobiography, the Dibya upadesh (for instance, the episode of his contemplation of the three cities of t.he Valley from t.he height of Chandragiri hill. Stiller 1968: 39) and in his strat~gy of encircling and blockading the Valley by taking up t.he sur­rounding fortresses, passes and he ights. Victory would be gained through a combination of extema! military pressure and tactics based upon the dissensions existing between the three kingdoms. Thus he uses bot.h war and diplomacy. In the beginning, the expansion of his conquest into t.he eastern pan of Nr:pal is just a consequence of t.he ne­cessity to blockade the eastern acc•~ss to the Valley (Stiller, 1968 and 1973, D.R. Regmi, 1975)

On the western side, against the Caubisi kingdoms, Prithvi Naraya.J:J' s strategy is defensivf!. The Caubisi are threatening for three reasons : they can suppon the Malia kings of the Valley; they can group together and attack Gorkha and Prithvi Nruaya.J:J; and lastly, t.hey can exploit the situation by continuing to fight among themselves, each in an effort to expand his own territory.

Thus Prit.hvi Nfuaya.J:J needs to permanently protect his rear by at­tacking or through the use of various stratagems : alliances quickly de­nounced, compromises, gifts, intrigues (as the Caubisi were constantly fighting among t.hemselves, it v-22 easy to stir up one group against another). This subtle and Machiavellian policy is only possible if one is aware of t.he nature of these states, their inclinations, their eamities and their alliances, the personali ty o f their leaders and Lhe support t.hey have from !..heir people. In his letters Prit.hvi Namya!) is constantly so­liciting this sort of information; Gorkha has a very efficient network of spies all over Nepal, as well as a very efficient postal network. We sec how precious someone like Bhagav::mtanath can be for Prithvi Nard.ya!)'s strategy, as an informer and also as a secret negotiator.

From 1744 to 1754, Prithvi Nar:iya!) conducts his policy of encir­cling the Valley without mili~y prohlc:ms from the Caubisi. He neu-

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6 lliE KING AND HIS YOGI

tralises them by treatie; (a treaty with Lamjung, his most bitter enemy concluded at the same time as a series of intrigues to stir up Kaski, who has sometimes been his ally, against this same Lamjung). Thus, in 1754 he has blockaded all the entrances to the Valley on the western side and occupies all the strategic points on the eastern side. He himself lives in Nuwakot, a fortress to the north-west of the Valley.

In 1755, however, the Caubisi unite and attack Prithvi Nli.rliyal)'s anny on the Chepe Khola (between Gorkha and Lamjung). He counter­attacks and is victorious. The Caubisi having been disorganised, will pose no serious threat for the next nine years. Prithvi Narnyal) is free to implement his project_of invading the Valley. But he suffers his first defeat before the small town of Kirtipur in 1757; his general and minis­ter Kalu Pande is killed, and, as he says later to Bhagavantanath, "it was a great suffering for me". The victory of 1762 against the nawab of Bengal, allied to the king of Macicwanpur, gives to his ambition a new impetus.

Thus, in 1763, when Bhagavantanath appears on the scene, Prithvi Nartiyai_l is on the verge of conquering the Valley, and his only obstacle is Kirtipur. Moreover, he can still be threatened by a coalition of the Caubisi, who are becoming more and more concerned about the ambitions of Gorkha. In fact, they form an alliance against Gorkha in 1764, but arc defeated by the brother of Prithvi NarnyaJ:! (D.R. Regmi, chaps. IV-Y).

During these .years of Prithvi Narnyal)'s slow progress lOwards success, we have no precise information regarding Bhagavantanath. He does not intervene in the first part of the king's struggles. But after their first meeting, their rise to supremacy will develop in a parallel fashion : in the short span of ten years Prithvi NarnyaJ:! will become king not only of the Valley, his initial goal, but also of Lf)e greater part of Nepal. And Bhagavantanath will be acknowledged as the ultimate au­thority within his sect, and the king's spiritual counselior.

BHAGAVAN1ANATHINSALLYAN

Bhagavantanath appears on the scene in 1763 (1820 Vikram Samvat), in the independent kingdom of Sallyan, in south-west Nepal. Too dis­tant at this time to be threatened by the advance of the Gorkha army, this small kingdom is no~ pan of the Caubis i confederacy, but its king, KI:sna Sah is aware of Prithvi Nadya~ 's designs.

GENDER, CASTE AND POWER IN SOUTH ASIA 7

Before his arrival in Sallyan, we do not know precisely where or how Bhagavantaniith was living. According to the Yogi Vamsiivalr, he was the son of a Himalayan king of Kedarkhanda (Kumaon-Garhwal); this, however, is probably a legendary accretion invented as a means LO

adapting the life of the Siddha LO the norms of the Nath folklore.4 He is later known to have travelled, as Yogis usually do, through­

out the western part of Nepal which he learned to know quite well. In this period, because of the political division between the petty king­doms, ascetics possessed special privileges; they could easily cross bor­ders and be welcomed as holy pilgrims in all these Hindu states and were thus the best observers of the pol itical and social scene. As the Yogi Vamsiiva/i says: "They see everything of the sufferings and hap­piness of the people and of the king". And Bhagavantanath is mentioned as someone who cares about political situation and rightful adminis tra­tion : he criticises the kingdom he is passing through, and, as we shail see, his first wurds to the king of Sallyan are very severe.

THE LEGEND AS WRIITEN IN THE YOGI VAMSAV ALI

The story of t!1e arrival of Bhagavantanath at the court of the king of Sallyan foiiows the norms of Nath hagiography. The ascetic is seated in meditation under a tree. He wears all the Yogic emblems and thus bears the appearance of Siva (Sivamp) _: the earrings, the thread (worn by Yogis around the neck) with the m:id, a small whistle made of hom or bone, the loin-cloth and the tiger skin. But th is ascetic is more than an ordinary Yogi, he is a Siddha and he makes himself known by display­ing one of the eight siddhis, i.e., the traditional powers acquired by those who have attained such a high spiritual state ,that they are no longer subject to the laws of nature. The siddhi Bhagavantanath uses is ubiquity: he is at the same time under his tree and in a river, as proved by his wet hair.

The king, who is first suspicious, as is the case in all stories of this type, changes his mind and asks for forgiveness. The narrative then continues with a moral discourse on the duties of the king. This is a statement concerning the brahmanic model of the righteous king, and thus constitutes an a priori justification of B hagavamanath 's auitude. If the Siddha helps ?rithvi NfuayaJ:l, it is, as we shall see, because this king is- presented here as a model king. TI1is episode ends with an unex­pected conclusion: after a presentation consonant with the Nath literary standards, the story abruptly returns to the historical register. "Give me

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l THE KING AND HIS YOOI

protection against the king of Gorkha", says KI;~t:~a Sah, the king of Sallyan. And so it is u'1at the future attitudes and acts of Bhagavantanath are presented such that they may be seen as a consequence of the promise he makes to K~~Da Sah : "I will act in such a way that you

may stand firm". The te~t of the Vamsavalf is as follows (pp. 85-89, my translation):

During the time when Prithvi Naraya.t) was king of Gorkha and ~~~a Sah king of Sallyan , in 1820 VS, Bhagavr.ntanath went through all the western part of the country up lO Dang (sava lakh jhar khal'}(la),s through all the mountains , hills, forests, and villages. Wearing eanings like those of Siva, the thread with the nad, a loin­cloth as his only garment, si tting in yogic posture on a tiger 's skin, this yogi watched the customs in every place; thus, as he was listen­ing, s~eing, understanding, he· saw tyranny and injustice. Siddha Bhagc:vantanath caine to Sallyan and sat under a lakhuri tree near the king' :; palace (at a place slightly to L1e east of the actual gauda of­fice); r1e kindled his fire and practised yoga over the period of a few days. ·The courtiers of l<r$DII Sah told him that they had seen a Yogi whose hair was wet and dripping with water; the king summoned him and asked: "I heard that water was dripping from your matted hair; is it sweat, or what kind of water is it ? Tell us the truth!" Bhagavantanath answers: "The king's order came. But the duty of a king is not only to enjoy the luxury of the palace; he should rather look to the people's sufferings, make justice reign and halt injustice. In your kingdom, two young girls who came to bathe at BhairavT Ghat (Bheri), wanted to cross the river in a boat, to play sairyiilu or bhailo.6 The boat overtumed and was swept away in the Bheri . Thus siii.:.:: I fished L1em out, t..l-J is is water and not sweat". The king fell si lent and the Yogi went back to his posture near his fire. The king sent soldiers to BhairavT Ghat, to ask what happened. They were told that tY/O young shepherdesses wanted to cross the river by boat, that in the middle their boat overtumed and that they were rescued by a Yogi wearing earrings and very long matted hair.7 Later on the king K.t}Dli Sah went to the dhuni (fire-place) of Bhagavantanath and, grectin(_); him, asked him from whence he had come: "I have been dis­respectful to you, forgive me. You renounced your family, your house, the pleasures and delights, you covered yourself with ashes and fc:u:d happiness, you maintain a yogic posture next to your fire, you tx:have generously towards those who are living in delusion, re­garding them with compassion and protecting them. You, Siddha

GENDER, CASTE AND POWER IN SOlJfH ASIA 9

gum, who have broken all the bonds, be benevolent with me, save this kingdom from the very active king of Gorkha". "0 king, for that, your should behave as a partner (sajhlz), not as a chief (malfk) but as a gardener (malt) lOwards your people. You stay only in your palace and live in luxury, and you make the people suffer. Treat the people as your son and I will act in such a way that you may stand as firm as a stone". The king of Sallyan listened and seeing in his heart the true form of the Siddha, he worshipped him. And he im­proved the state of the kingdom.

BHAGAVANTANATHINGORKHA

How will Bhagavantanath be able to guarantee th is stabili ty to the king of Sallyan? It is possible to understand the relationship between hithvi Naraya.t) and Bhagavantanath as a consequence of this engage:nent. Bhagavantanath will enter in to contact with the Gorkha king in order to fulfi l his promise and to ensure Sall yan's protection. And in fa:.:t, in spite of the political and mil itary turmoil that reigned at the end of the eighteenth century, due to the wars of conquest of Prithvi Na..~ya;1 and his successors, t.f-te kingdom of Sallyan remained peaceful and all i~d to Gorkha.

But even as he remains faith ful to Sallyan, Bhagavantanath be­comes Prithvi Nat.iya.t)'s auxiliary. But their relations, however, gradu­ally change. We shall see how his status comes to be raised. Firs t used by Prithvi Naraya.t) as a spy, thef! as a diplomat, he would, through the demonstration of his magical abilities as a Yogi, be promoted to reli­gious and political leadership, and acknowledged by Prithvi N:irayru:t as his spiritual mentor. The letters exchanged between himself and ?rithvi Nartiy~ bear witness to this evolution.

Leaving Sallyan Bhagavantanath arrives in Gorkha, havin g tr:lv­elled "from village to v illage, from door to door, begging and not ing the pleasures and pains of everyone, including the kings" (Yogi V,c:n., 86). Gorkha, as indicated by its name, is dedicated to Gorakhnat.h whose patronage insured success and victory for Prithvi Naray~; the C<Jve where the Siddha is believed lO have stayed in meditation is pan of t~~e royal palace. Bhagavantanath, arriving in Gorkha, goes to this sacred place, which is worshipped by the Kanpha!J Yogis.

Prithvi Nfu:lyJD, hearing of the arrival from the west o f a Yogi re­sembling Siv:J, went immediately to the Gora.khdhuni and greeted the

10 THE KING AJ'\fD illS YOGI

Yogi, seeing in him the exact image of Gorakhnath himself. He told him all his troubles: the death of Siva Ram Basnyet in the battle of Saga, the death of his minis ter Kalu Pande in Kirtipur, of his brother, Prat.ap Sah, who lost one eye, the problems with the Baisi and Caubisi kings in the east and the west, his intention to attack the three towns as well as Kirtipur in Nepal (i.e., Valley of Kathmandu). The king told everything. BhagavantaniHh answered "As a king, you take care of the welfare of the population.8 Your wish will be fulfilled. I will myself do everything possible for you". (Yogr Vamsavatr: 86, my translation). ·

. The ·oue knowledge Bhagavantanath had of the western kingdoms, as well as his reputation and the respect shown to him, were quickly perceived by the shrewd Prithvi Namy~. The king of Gorkha saw im ­mediately the advantage of making an ally of this ascetic, who was able to safely cmss all borders and b~ welcomed and respected in several inimical states. He had al ready written in 1755: "It is always good to

· se.nd men who will serve both the purpose, talk with concerned authori­ties and also secretly gather informations likely to be of help for our purpose" (D.R. Regmi 1975 : 134).

Bhagavantanath begins to collaborate actively with Prithvi NamyaJ:! in such a way that he is able to keep t.l-Je promises he had made to the two kings. He joins them together and guarantees the furure of the Sallyan king by arranging the marriage of the crown prince of Sallyan, Ranabhim Sah, with the daughter of Prithvi Namyru~, Vilas Kuman, and himself escorts the young prince to Nuwakot for the cere­mony.

Vilas Kuman receives as her dowry the kingdom of Dang. This is a curious gift since it could not be concretised until much later for in 1763 the Gorkha 's army is still very far from conquering this western pan of Nepal. This marriage establishes a strong bond betwc;.:r: Sallyan and Gorkha, one which would prove to be of great help to the succes­sors of Prithvi NfuayaJ:! in their western campaign (cf. the numerous le t­·ters between the kings of both states : Narharinath, IPS 400-402).

THE CONQUEST OF KIRTIPUR

Bhagavantanath stays in Nuwakot with Prithvi Namy:u:J. then proceeds with him to the Valley for the third attack on Kirtipur:

GENDER. CASTE A.";U POW'cR IN SOlJrH ASIA 11

Then he went with the king and the army in conquest of Kirtipur; taking the western road, they arrived at the confluence of the Bagmati and the Vi~~JUmati. Stopping at Kalmocan ghat, Siddha Bhagavantanath meditated. In Kirtipur, people honour Bagh Bhairav; 10 the compassion of the god had ensured the defeat of Gorkha. The guru found a way: he asked for a partridge, which was brought by the order of the king; he then meditated upon Bhairav and gave the partridge to the king: "Take it, king, and looking at the roof of Bhairav's temple of Kirtipur, iet the partridge fly off'. But the partridge could HOt perch on the roof. The time was not favourable. Agai11 Bhagavantanath meditated ali the nigh t upon Bhairav and the next morning, he again gave a partridge to the. king who let it fly; the bird went to perch on the roof of Bhairav's temple. Seeing that Bhagavantanath told the king to attack Kirtipur and to be sure of victory. Prithvi NarJy~ did so and conquered Kirtipur (Yogi Vamsava/i: 87).

AlLIJough "serious" historians do not men•ion the part pbyed by Bhagavantanath in the conquest of Kirtipur-pr\Jbably judging this oc­cult infl uence to be irra tional, and th-us non-historicaJ11-it is a f:ict that Prithvi NamyaJ:! recognises his services and amply rewards him. He shows his gratitude in accordance with the traqitional relation-ship be­tween the k ing and a Brahmin, and also in a way more appmpriate to Lhe existing power relationships, treating Bhagavantanath as a worldly leader, like himself.

As a king to a Brahmin or a renouncer, Prithvi NarJy~ gives Bhagavantanath a bhe(i , a religious·gift of sava lii.kh rupees.l 2 He then makes Bhagavantanath the chief of all the Yogis: joglharuko ma~1{iah. 1 3 This office gives Bhagavantanath the righ t to levy a specia:J tax on cer­tain castes or ethnic groups of low status and the right to keep some ju­diciary revenues for himself. The following is the text of the edict of Pri thvi Nard.y~, issued in I 827 V S ( I 760):

We give the man{1a1iil over the Yogis in all o:: r country to Bhaga­vantanath. As for the majhis, kumals, danuwars, darais, tharus, pa­haris, kusaharis, tham is , hayus, sunuwars, cepangs, jolah:is, kusulyas and kuma! newars,l4 let every house of these jats give one ana each, and offer food morning and evening. As for the Yogis, the fines for illici t sexual relations, other fines, and properties of the yogis who died childless, 15 which are subject to the mahaman9t:Jli,

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12 THE KING AND HIS YOOI

these fall to the ma!Jfbli. That which is subject to the dwiire, 16 falls to the dware. Take what you are entitled to (Narharinath, IPS 459).

These privileges ensures Bhagavantanath's absolute superiority and_leadership over the Yogis of his order.l 7 But here were are still within the religious context, in which the specificity of the yogi is recognised. Prithvi Narayal) goes further in integrating Bhagavantanath into his network of political alliances. It is his wish that he become a vassal king. He offers him, as he would to a victorious king, the tro­phies of the defeated king of Kirtipur: his ba;1ner, sceptre, fly-swatter and drum, his male and female slaves, his daughter, the princess Jamuna and finally his throne (cJ. the letters of Rana Uddip, IPS 454,

3..!"1d Bir S&-nser, IPS 466). Bhagavantaniith refuSes the throne: "I don't need a throne. That

which you wish to give to me, give it to the princess Vilas Kumarf' (Yogi Vainsavali: 87). He goes back to Sal!y·1n with the gifts he has received. The trophies will be left in Ral)agau, \he first monastery build by Bhagavantanath, where they remain to this day. As for the princess- curious gift for an ascetic-we do r,ot know what happened

to her.

.. MONASTIC FOUNDATION IN SALLY AN

Henceforth Bhagavantani:ith will remain in Sallyan. Nevertheless his links with Prithvi Narayal) are definitely established; theirs will be are­lationship of mutual trust and loyalty. With Kr~I)a Sah of Sallyan, his relationship is also well established. The king is deeply grateful to Bhagavantanath for the "stability"of his kingdom, in accordance with the promise made by the Siddha. And in exchange, he makes land grants for the two monasteries built during B hagavantanath' s lifetime in

Ranagau (Sal1yan) and Srigau (Dang). The first indication of his gratitude that is recorded dates to 1690

Saka (1768). In a dharmapatra, Krsna Sah promises his eternal protec­tion to Bhagavantanath in the following terms: "If we or our descen­d:mts ever cause trouble to Bhagavantanath, v.•e or our descendants commit a sin, and our dharma will be lost, our li::eage will become ex­tinct, and no child will ever be born again (Narharinath. IPS 458).18

Later on, in 1702 Sa.ka (1780), after the don:.~tion by Kr~I)a Sah of a piece of land in Kha.rka.kot, their engagement is reciprocal : "the de­scendants of the king have no right to expropri:.lte, the descendants of

GENDER, CASTE A. "ill P8WER IN SOlJffi ASIA 13

Bhagavantanath Gosaijyu have no right to sell" (Narharinath, IPS 459). Kharkak:ot is another name for Srigai.i, 19 where the king gave land to Bhagavantanath to show his gratitude. This is mentioned on a copper plate in Srigai.i : "the king was married and Dang was conquered and given as a dowry.20 The king was satisfied and gave to BhagavantanatJ1 a village in Dang, located to the west of Bageswari, north of the Babai, and to the south of Bimmarga forest. This land received the name of Srigau. Bhagavantanath remained there until his death" (Narharinath, IPS 414).

THELETI'ERS: BHAGAVAl'ITANATH AS A POLITICAL GURU

With Prithvi NarayaJ! the relationships are more personal and imply a real cooperation berween tJ;e two men, with two styles of action in pur­suit of a single goal. Bhagavamanath offers Prithvi NarayaJ! political advice based upon his knowledg~ of the country, as well as his benedic­tion (asirbad) which has proved effective in Kirtipur. The king recipro­cates with donations and marks of respect.

The few extant letters (out of what was cerw.inly a greater corre­spondence) of Prithvi Nard.yal) to Bhagavantanath (published by Narharinath) show clearly this collaboration and give us information on the strategy followed by. the king.

As we have already .seen, Prithvi Narayal) concentrates his efforts on conquering the Kathmandu Valley. This conquest is achieved in 1768. But he does not stop there, rather continues his conquest further east, especially towards Terai, trying at the same time to ensure his safety from the west by alternately using alliances and attacks.

The first two letters, und~~ed. but considering the events described, probably from 1820-1821 VS (1773- 1774) , provide us with precise in­formation on these operations, and show the depth of Bhaga-v3Jltanath 's association with this military conq~est.

The first, published in fragments in Regmi: 23 1-32 to 236, pro­vide details on the attacks of the Caubisi .21 In the same letter or an­other one (Regmi : 237), one rer~ds that, in the east, the army pro­gresses towards Arun river, "killing about a thousand enemies, of whom 400 were drowned". Another letter informs Bhagavantanath of the fact that the eastern "frontier was pushed to the river Arun with nearly 1,500 casualties on the sid~ "Jf the enemies" (Regmi: 237). A third letter, d:1ted form 1831 VS (1 77-! , a few months prior to the death of Prithvi N5.rJyan), has been publ ished in its entirety in the Yogi

14 THE KING AND HIS YOOI

Vamsiivalf: 83. The beginning of the letter is in accordance with the traditional position of a guru : Prithvi Namyat:l meditates upon the tran­sience of life, he mourns over a dead grandchild and asks Bhagavanta.nath for his benediction, hoping to have other grandchildren (here we find the traditional role of t.fJe Yogi as granting children, cf. Bouillicr 1988).

He then gives news from the battlefieid, as would a soldier to ~is chief : "you gave the order (hukum-a respectful word used for any statement, wish or advice given by the king or somebody of similar sta­tus22J to become reconciled with Jumla and Jajarkot". Emissaries are ready to leave for Jumla, "but by which road? If we make them cross the Caubisi territories, these will s top them and take the gifts. It is bet­ter to go through Rudrabhot". In the ~st, Prith·•i Na..-aya.I) adva;1ced as fa r as Sikkim. This too he rresems as an order coming from Bhagavantanath: "you gave the order[ .. . ] everything is done [ . . . ], the

border has been established at Krn.kai nadi, in the hills. at Timor nadi". He goes on in his leuer with the 'description of his rather harsh treat­ment of the defeated people, w hich does not seem to disturb Bhagavantanath in spite of his pr·~occupation, as stated in his hagiog­raphy, with the welfare of the people: "it was not possible to behead the people as they fled to Sikkirn . We killed 85 in the jungle!" Regarding Sikkim, Prithvi Nartiyru:t is clear: "We are trying to make friends again with Sikkim. If this fails , we will be obliged to fight."

He continues with a description of his diplomatic efforts. He sends

Bhagavantanath a list of his messengers to Sikkim, Bihar, Calcutta, Lhasa and the Nawab. As for the. Caubisi, the essential , for the mo­ment, is that they be neutralised: "With Lamjung we try to nego tiate. Bise.Svar Upadhyaya and Siva Ghirnire have been instructed to do so." The same holds for Kaski, and Prithvi Nartiyan concludes with lucidity : "they will try their utmost to attack us but they won ' t succeed and they will destroy themselves". This lette r is dated from the 6 Badau, two months after the previous letter, which h:1d announced the crussing of the Arun river, and four months before Prithvi Nanyai;'s de:1th (Magh 183l,January 1775).

THE FORMULA'?. OF RESPECT

An examination of the terms used in Prithvi NarJyan's ietters shows us the growing esteem and respect he showed for his guru. In the firs t of the letters here discussed, the letter of 1827 regarding the nwl}fialiii,

GENDER, CASTE AND POWER IN SOUTH ASIA 15

Prithvi Namyru:t addresses Bhagavantanath in these terms : "gosaijl sri Bhagavantanath", with the traditional praise (prasasti) of the king corn­ing fi rs t.

After 1830 VS, the name and the praise of Bhagavantanath are written before those of Priuwi Nartiyai). The Yogi is styled six times as Sri (the honorific formula of benedic tion . The actual king is styled five times as Sri) and receives many laudatory epithets (Dhungel : 77).

In the last le u er, from 1831, Bhagavantanath received Sri seven times (in comparison with four times for Prithvi Namyru:t) anti his pra ise is more or less the following : "Great Lord, the greates~ of the itinerants ones, the lord of all kingdoms, the all virtuous king of a ll the kings, the lord of. all the lords, the always v ictorious, may he be rightly praised." In his letter, as we have seen, Prithv i NiimyUif employs the word huku-m order, for the advice given by his guru and uses a very re­spectful formula: "at your feet", aphno pavamaha, to address himself to him ("the other de. tails, you had them at your feet") and- he· concludes: "what can I say, as you are omniscient".

· The reputatiO!l of Bhagavantanath and the real impact of his juris­dictiqn over all Yo~rs within the Gorkha territory, <U"e such that an in­scription in Dolakha (eastern Nepal) from 1831 VS, concerning a dona­tion made by a family of Kusle (the Newar Yogi caste) , begins wi th a

praise of Bhagavamanath, in a sense placing the donation under his protection. The name of Prithvi Namy~ appears only at the bottom of the inscription (V ajracarya and Srestha : 119).

Even the nawab recognises the merits of Bhagavantanath by grant­ing him a land allotment of three villages in Bahraich, calling him "phakir guru auliya"! 23(Yogi Vam., 87).

Up to his death in 1843 VS (1786), or more accurately his e n­trance "alive in samridhi" (Yog i Vam., 88), Bhagavantanath continues in his work as the leader of an ascetic com muni ty and as a spiri tual au­thority, bui lding temples and rest-houses, giving shelter to wandering ascetics, guiding and teaching the people around him . The year after his

death, his successor Bhuvane.Svarnath has an impressive temple built on

the grave-samadhi-of his guru in Srigau. Its s tyle is strongly influ­enced by the north Indian Mughal style, and the custom of establishing the grave of a saint a.s the centre of a cult and of a monastic institution may have sufi par-dl:eb.

The subsequent history of the monastery is stiii deeply involved in the pol itical and power situation. But following a situation of har­mony first based upon a personal relationship of mutual legitim:1tion , a number of conflicts soon appe3r. Many documents record disputes be-

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16 THE KING AND HIS YOGI

tween the head of the monastery and the king or his administra tors re­garding land surveys, land taxes or exemptions, inheritances and even moral issues. While the temple of Bhagavantanath remains a place of worship down to the present day, the monastery has disappeared. And Bhagavantanath has become a legendary figure.

CONCLUSION

Through an exemplary person like Bhagavantanath, we may perceive a type of relationship between political and spiritual power which appears to follow the characteristic model of the relation between king and

Yogi. · We know that, according to the brahmanic orthodoxy, the secular

supremacy of the king is subordinate to the spiritual authority of the brahmin. Responsib!~ for the proper performance of the rites, and thus for the order of th·~ world, the brahmin advises the king and helps him to make his subject.s respect their dharma . But Bhagavantanath is not this type of guru ; his mode of operation is on a different level. Here the Yog! , as in the. case of the foundation myths of western Nepalese kingdoms (Bouilli,:r 1989), collaborates with the king, and shares, in his own way, in thi:~ king 's miiitary conquestS. We see Bhagavantanath using the prestige proper to a holy man, the magical powers gained through his practice of Har.ha Yoga, and his strategic knowledge, in support of, or eveu as a means to inciting, the conquestS of Prithvi Nardya.J:J . He represents the spiritual element in the quest for power, and is thus a guru whose field is artha. He does not follow the dharma of the brahmin or the Sannyasi renouncer, but acts in accordance with the aim of artlw, of power and and worldly success.

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NOTES

On the Hindu concept of kingship, s~. among others and de­spite some contested assertions, L. Dumont, "La conception de Ia royaute clans l'Inde ancicnne" in Homo hierarchicus, and J .C. Heestcrman 1985. On the question of the reliability of tlte c\ata available to the ethnohistori~m (official records, as wdl as oral history), see for instance B. Cohn 1968.

GENi;EP.., C A~'TE ;\ND PQ\V[j"( u~ SOUTH ASIA 17

3. The letters from Prithvi NlirJ.y£D:~tO Bhagavantanath as wcli :J'>

the inscriptions and donation records of the monastery founded by Bhagavantanath , have been published in the huge volume entitled "Collection of Treaties and Documents" edited by the Nepalese historian Narharinath Yogi. It is also he who pub­lished the YogT Vamsiiva!T, a collection of genealogies and in­scriptions coliected from different Yogis of Nepal, and includ­ing a short biography of Bhagavantanath written in 1955 by one of his successors at the head the monastery. Even if the vamsiivalrs are less "objective", I quite agree with u'le conclu­sions made by Nicholas B. Dirks upor. the ethnohistorical value and interest of the local vamsiiva!Ts: if we know that "the eventS that are recounted about origins and the past are those that arc considered necessary to establish the present and that are desired to represent the record of the past" (1982: 658), we may gain insight into "indigenous conceptions of time", into "what a historical 'moment' was and how these momentS wer~ classified, interpreted and represented by the real subjectS of our history" (666).

.:~ Most of the heroes of the Nath epics are kings, queens or pri nces. Pre-eminent Siddhas, known for their miraculous deeds, are usually also portrayed as being pre-eminent in their ordinary social life, but this pre-eminence is most operative on the k~atriya , and fighting-side (as opposed to the brahmin side, proper to the Sannyasi) , which throws some light on the true nature of the Yogi (Bouillier 1989).

5. The Inner Terai valley of Dang-Deokhuri, south of Sallyan, is often called in old inscriptions "the region of the 125,000 bushes". Sava lakh : one lakh and a quarter is an image of quantity.

6. To play bhailo refers to the customs by which young girls go from door to door singing and begging for fruits or cakes, on the night of Divali or Lak?ml puja.

7. One finds quite a similar episode (:1lso translated by Unbescheid 1980: 28-29) in 1he pareli, or life story of the "incJmating god" Lama in the o racular religion of the region of Jum la, in western Nepal, as reported by J.G. Campbell (1978: 333-34). This reminds us of the western origin of Bhagavantanath.

8. To confirm or to echo Bhagavantanath's opinion, we add uce these statementS found in Pri thvi Narayru:~'s autobiography:

• ll

18 THE KING AND HTS YOGI

"Let the king sec· that great justice is done. Let there be no in­justice in our country" (Stiller 1968: 44).

9. lk is following the recommendations of the Arthasastra (l, 11-12) where the king is advised to employ spies disguised in ascetic garb and trained to perform magic tricks. To employ a real ascetic as a spy sounds still better.

10. Bhairav, the dark aspect of Siva, is, together with Gorakhnath, the main deity worshipped by the YogTs. As in Kirtipur his priests arc the Newar YogTs, Bhagavantanath's feats of persua­sion also constitutes a victory of the Indo-Nepalese YogTs against their Newar counterparts.

11. We still do not know clearly how the conquest of Kirtipur was effected. Father Stiller, in his commentary on u'le D ibya upadesh, gives us the different opinions of the Nepalese histo­rians and concludes : "it is clear ... that (1) there were some sort of negotiations before the surrender of Kirtipur was ef­fected; (2) the Gorkhalis did not actually conquer the city, but the city opened its gates to them; (3) the basic difference be­tween the accounts lies in the nature of the negotiations that took place" (S tiller 1968: 35). \Vc can look at the part played by Bhagav:.ntanath in the context of these negotiations; his in­tervention may have persuaded the people of Kirtipur that they had lost the:r god's protection and that it was best to surrender.

12. This mean.:; a large sum of money but surely not exactly 125,000 rupees, a sum quite out of proportion with the mone­tary standards at that time.

13. From maf}f}t.zl, circle, circumference, lrtaf}~li has, according to Turner: 1965: 489, two meanings: one is "assembly, meeting" and is used in this sense among the Bairagi ascetics studied by R. Burghart 1976; the other is "a powerful and influential man" and is related to the ma!J{jalika or ma!Jcbie.Svara, district govern-ors under the Khas administration (Adhika..ry 1988), the district being called ma!J{jala. The maf}(bliii reported in the text of the donation refers probably to the function of maf}~ii.

14. This is an interesting list regarding the geographical and socio­logical position of the Yogis. It includes mainly people accus­tomed to an iiinera.i1t existence: fishi ng tribes like the Majhis, the Danuwi.irs, the Darals, etc., slash and bum agriculturists like the Thfuus, or people travelling for commercial purposes like the Kun1al potters. Most of them (except the Thamis and the Sunwars) live in south-western Nepal , a region also inhab-

GE."iDER CAS'TE AND P'0WER IN SOlJfH ASIA 19

ited by the sedentary Jvala.has who are Muslim weavers. The Kusulya arc mainly in the Kathmandu Valley but, as Newar Yogis, followers of Gorakhn1Hh, their support of the Kanpha!iis is quite normal.

15. khat chit cia!'}~ kuf}c)a maryo apuJiili : as for the succession of people dying childless, maryo apuJali, see J.Feza.s 1986.

16. "A revenue collection official in Sallyan ... and elsewhere" (M.C. Regmi 1971 : 226).

17. Similar privileges were granted to other religious leaders; in the case of the Vaisnavite ascetics, they were accorded to the Sri Mahant of the Matihani monastery (Burghart 1984). For

. the Sufi Fakirs, this charge was c.alled phakirana (Gaborieau 1977: 33-40).

18. See qther examples of curses as provision against any en­croachment made on land grants in Burghart ("Royal Gifts of Lafld to the Gods"). The same article gives detailed information and an accurate analysis of the different sortS of religious en­dowments made by the king in the Nepalese context.

l9. As expiained in the Yogi Vamsiivali 86 : "do not sell what ~?J:la s·oo gave in Kha.rkakot Srigaii in the jungle".

20. Dang was only conquered and given to Sallyan in 1786 (following D.R. Regmi 1971: 325). Was the part of Dang val­ley where Srig:!u is !oc:J.ted already annexed by Sailyan in 1780, or was it merely an uninhabited jungle? We have very few documents on the history of this Dang kingdom.

21. "Parbat invaded Katyang but his 40 men were killed , 32 of Kaski [this time allied to Gorkha] were also killed. Parbat and Lamjung were acting jointly, and Parbat's men are still in Lamjung." "Kaski lost its ruler along with 7 others in the fight at Munggya. Lamjung suffered a loss of 67 Jives. From our side, a Chautara a'ld some companies are missing from the battlefield where they had gone to help Kaski" (Regmi 1971: 231-32: IPS 6). Gorkha was being reinforced and the m ler was to start his operations in Raginas on Marga 4 (18 November) probably of 1773 (Regmi 1971 : 236) .

22. The word hukum is of Arabic origin and was employed for the God's commands. It was legalised in Mughal administration, a:1d, later, borrowed by the Nepalis (information from Marc Gaborieau). We :l.re here, perh:Jps, closer to the original sense, such Lh:n Bhagavant.1natll 's advice might h:J.ve been considered as an order coming from some god.

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23. These epithets lend Bhagavantanath the high Muslim status of phakir, i.e. , a Sufi saint, or auliyii (plural of wali), a Muslim saint.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

ADHIKARY, S.M., 1988. The Khasa Kingdom. A Transhimalayan Empire of the Middle Age, Delhi, Nirala Publications.

BOUil..LIER, V ., 1986. " La caste sectaire des KanphaJii Jogi dans le royaume du Nepal: l'exemple de Gorkha", B.E.F.E.O., LXXV : 125-76.

---,---1989. "Pretres du pouvoir: les Yogi et la fonction royale", in V. BOUILLIER and G. TOFFIN, La pretrise en Himalaya: Pouvoirs et Autorite, Puru~i:rtha, 12: 193-213.

BURGHART, R., 1976." Bairagi mandals", Contributions to Nepalese Studies, III, 1:63-104 .. '

----1984 a. "Regional Circles and the Central Overseer of the Vaishnavite Sects in the Kingdom of Nepal", in K. BALLHATCHET and D. TAYLOR eds., Changing South Asia : Religion and Society, Hong Kong, Asian Research Service: 165-79.

----1984 b. "Royal Gifts of Land to the Gods in Nepal", inS. PRICE and D. CAN"NADINE eds., Pomp and Power: Royal Rituals in Pre-industrial Societies, Cambridge University Press.

CAMPBELL, J.G., 1978. "Consultations with Himalayan Gods: A Study of Oracular Religion and Alternative Values in Hindu Jumla", Ph.D. thesis, Columbia University.

COHN, B., 1968. "Ethnohistory", International Encyclopedia of Social Sciences, 6 : 440-48 .

DHUNGEL, R., 2043 V.S. "Siddha Bhagavantaniith", in G.R. BHA IT ARAI, Jijnii.<ii, Kathmandu, Mahakalsthan.

DIRKS, N.B., 1982. "The Pasts of a Palaiyakarar: the Ethnohistory of a South Indian Little King", Journal of Asian Studies, XLI (4) : 655-83.

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LAND, ed., Recenr Research on Nepal, Miinchen, Weltforum Verlag: 159-85.

GENDER. CASTE AND POWER IN SOUTH ASIA 21

GABORIEAU, M., 1977. Minorites Musulmanes dans le Royaume Hindou du Nepal, Nan terre, Laboratoire d'Ethnologie.

HAMILTON, F., 1971. An Account of the Kingdom of Nepal, Delhi, Manjusri Publishing House, Bibliotheca Himalayica (1st ed. 1819).

HEESTERMA.i"'l", J.C., 1985. The inner Conflict of Tradition. Essays in Indian Ritual, Kingship and Society, Chicago and London, University of Chicago Press.

KIRKPATRICK, Colonel, 1975. An Account of the Kingdom of Nepal, Delhi, Asian Publication Service (reprint of 1st. ed., 1811).

MANANDHAR, Triratna, 1986. "Raja Ranabhima Shah of Salyan", Regmi research series, 18, 7: 102-109 and Contribution to Nepaiese Studies, 11, 2 (1984).

Meci Dekhi Mahakali, 2031 V.S., Kathmancu, His Majesty's Government, 4 vol.

NARHARINATH YOGI, 2022 . V.S., It i has Prakasnui Sand.hi.patrasaingraha, Varanasi, Kalpana Pn:·ss.

----n.d., Yogi Vam.Uzvali, Kasi, Gorak~ Gnnthmala 87. REGMI, D.R., 1975. Modern Nepal, Calcutta, K.L. Mukhopadhyay. REGMI, M.C., 1971. A Study in Nepali Economic History, 1768-

1846, Delhi, Manjusri Publishing House. -----1979. "The Rajya of Sallyan", in Readings in Nepali

Economic History, Varanasi, Kishorvidhya Niketan: 62-66. STILLER, L.F., 1968. Prithwinarayan Shah in the Light of Dibya

Upadesh, Ranchi, Catholic Press. ----1973. The Rise of the House of Gorkha, The Patna Jesuit

Society. TURNER R., 1965. Dictionary of Nepali Language, London,

Routledge & Kegan Paul. l.JNBESCHEID, G., 1980. Kanphalii. Untersuchungen zu Kult , Mytho­

logie und Geschichte Sivaitischer Tantriker in Nepal , Wiesbaden, Franz Steiner Verlag.

V AJRACARYA. D.V. and SRESTHA, T.B., 2037 V.S. Sah Kiilpa Abhilekh, Kathmandu, Tribhuvan Visviddhalaya.