The International Baccalaureate in its Fifth Decade: Cosmopolitan Ideals, Neoliberal Reality
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Transcript of The International Baccalaureate in its Fifth Decade: Cosmopolitan Ideals, Neoliberal Reality
Matthew Newton 613063 EDUC90420
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Matthew Newton
613063
The International Baccalaureate in its Fifth Decade:
Cosmopolitan Ideals, Neoliberal Reality
The University of Melbourne
Melbourne Graduate School of Education
Master of Teaching (Secondary)
EDUC90420 Research Project
June 2014
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ABSTRACT
This study investigated the tensions between the cosmopolitan ideals of the
International Baccalaureate (IB) and a contemporary global educational environment
that is increasingly influenced by neoliberalism. Employing a methodological approach
informed by critical discourse analysis and policy analysis, the study sought to identify
conceptual and practical issues facing the IB, by means of a critical review of research
and scholarly literature and an analysis of IB publicity, review and planning documents
and the IB Learner Profile.
A review of literature was conducted, with a focus on delineating key issues for the IB
arising from debates around cosmopolitanism and the question of the influence of
neoliberalism on international education. Consideration was also given to studies of IB
implementation. After identification of relevant conceptual issues for analysis, the study
considered these in relation to the IB, through an analysis of select IB documents
produced over the last five years. A methodological approach was employed that drew
primarily on critical discourse analysis but was also informed by policy analysis.
This study concluded that a number of significant challenges remain for the IB. These
include the diversity of environments in which the IB is implemented, possible dangers
of bias towards Western ideas and approaches in teaching, tension between the IB’s
status as an elite product and its goals of reaching as many students as possible, and
challenges involved in recent IB initiatives, such as its new Career-Related Certificate.
Finally, the study presented a number of recommendations for IB policy and further
research.
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I would like to thank my parents and my wife, Sarah, for their invaluable support in
preparing this thesis. I would also particularly like to thank my supervisor Dr Katie
Wright for a great many helpful comments and suggestions.
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CONTENTS
GLOSSARY .....................................................................................................................5
INTRODUCTION AND BACKGROUND ...................................................................7
LITERATURE REVIEW ...............................................................................................9
Cosmopolitanism ................................................................................................ 10
An underlying theoretical foundation for international education ..................... 11
Neoliberalism ..................................................................................................... 13
Neoliberalism as a problem in education ........................................................... 14
Related issues in the higher education sector ..................................................... 17
Cosmopolitanism, Neoliberalism and Citizenship: Broader and linking issues . 18
IB policies and implementation .......................................................................... 20
Broader issues in international education ........................................................... 23
Conclusion .......................................................................................................... 24
RESEARCH DESIGN..................................................................................................25
Significance ........................................................................................................ 25
Methodology ....................................................................................................... 26
Sources and Method ........................................................................................... 28
a) Documents analysed ................................................................................. 28
b) Rationale for document selection ............................................................. 28
Assumptions ....................................................................................................... 29
RESULTS AND DISCUSSION ....................................................................................31
Annual Review documents ................................................................................. 31
The prominence of business discourse ............................................................... 32
New initiatives .................................................................................................... 33
The IB Learner Profile: Cosmopolitanism par excellence? ............................... 35
The IB’s Mission Statement: A mission for whom? .......................................... 36
Can ‘new imperialism’ be avoided? ................................................................... 38
Varied contexts and the hidden curriculum ........................................................ 39
RECOMMENDATIONS ..............................................................................................42
Methodological concerns .................................................................................... 44
CONCLUSIONS ............................................................................................................45
REFERENCES ..............................................................................................................47
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GLOSSARY
International Baccalaureate (IB)
The IB is a collection of related educational programmes administered by the
organisation of the same name that has become arguably the most prominent
educational programme in the contemporary international education arena (International
Baccalaureate, 2014c, 2014h).
IB Career-Related Certificate (IBCC)
One of the IB’s newest initiatives, the IBCC aims to provide a flexible means for
students aged 16-19 to acquire career-related skills (International Baccalaureate, 2014g).
IB Diploma Programme (IBDP)
The IB’s flagship programme, its Diploma Programme, is available to students from
ages 16-19 and includes six subjects in addition to a core composed of Theory of
Knowledge, the Extended Essay and Creativity, Action and Service elements
(International Baccalaureate, 2014b).
IB Learner Profile (IBLP)
The Learner Profile is a set of ideal characteristics that the IB programmes to aims to
foster in students, including such qualities as open-mindedness, reflectivity and care
(International Baccalaureate, 2014d).
Cosmopolitanism
Cosmopolitanism is a political ideal which has at its core a notion of working towards a
single, global community in which all human beings can potentially participate.
(Benhabib, 2004; Benhabib & Post, 2006; Brock & Brighouse, 2005).
Neoliberalism
Neoliberalism is a highly influential lens for understanding the contemporary political
and social paradigm. To its proponents, neoliberalism is a means of harnessing the
power of markets for social and economic progress, while to its critics neoliberal
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policies serve to channel wealth towards an unaccountable elite, dilute democratic
safeguards, and create ripe conditions for economic exploitation (Fairclough, 2000a;
Harvey, 2005; Mudge, 2008).
Discourse
A discourse can be defined as “a particular way of talking about and understanding the
world (or an aspect of the world)” (Jørgensen & Phillips, 2002, p. 2). A key feature of
notions of discourse employed by scholars in recent decades has been an emphasis on
how knowledge can be produced through language (A. Lee & Petersen, 2011) and how
aspects of social life can be represented in different ways through different discourses
(Fairclough, 2005).
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INTRODUCTION AND BACKGROUND
The International Baccalaureate (IB), a collection of related educational programmes
administered by the organisation of the same name, has become arguably the most
prominent educational programme in the contemporary international education arena.
Founded in 1968, the IB has been remarkably successful in recent decades in attracting
new students to its expanding programmes and moving into new markets, building on
its prestige as the most well-known set of international qualifications for school students
(Drake, 2004; I. Hill, 2002; Walker, 2011). Though it began with a pre-university
Diploma Programme only, the IB now provides four programmes as part of its mission
to “develop inquiring, knowledgeable and caring young people who help to create a
better and more peaceful world through intercultural understanding and respect”
(International Baccalaureate, 2014h). These are its Primary Years Programme (aimed at
students aged 3-11), its Middle Years Programme (for those aged 11-16), the flagship
Diploma Programme (DP) (for those aged 16-19) and the Career-Related Certificate, a
new initiative targeted at those of DP age.
In November 2010, the IB adopted its Strategic Plan for the period 2011-2014
(International Baccalaureate, 2010). This plan outlined the IB’s guiding values of
quality, international-mindedness, pedagogical leadership and partnerships and
participation. It states that the IB will “work with and involve as many people as
possible in our work” (International Baccalaureate, 2010, p. 2), a challenging goal for
an organisation with a well-deserved reputation for delivering an elite product (Bunnell,
2011; Tarc, 2009).
The aim of this study was to investigate the extent to which the International
Baccalaureate has been able to maintain its founding ideals in the contemporary context
of global education. To explore this, the research proceeded by means of a critical
literature review of research on IB impact, together with an analysis of IB programme
documents, employing a combination of critical discourse analysis and policy analysis
methodologies. The study utilised a conceptual framework informed by debates about
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neoliberalism and cosmopolitanism in order to delineate both conceptual and practical
tensions in the IB’s operation in recent years.
The central research question this study sought to address was:
To what extent has the IB been able to preserve its cosmopolitan ideals in a
global education environment increasingly influenced by neoliberalism?
The central research question suggested a number of sub-questions, which were also
investigated:
a) In what ways, and to what extent, is cosmopolitanism embedded in the IB’s
publicity, review and planning documents and in the IB Learner Profile?
b) To what extent is the notion of a neoliberal environment within international
education coherent and applicable to the International Baccalaureate?
c) What does the available evidence suggest, in light of the cosmopolitan-
neoliberal tensions referred to above, about prospects for preservation of the
IB’s cosmopolitan ideals in the current educational environment?
The study considered these questions over a timeframe of the past five years, in order to
ensure a workable period of focus for a project of this length, and to respond to the
balance of literature on this topic.
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LITERATURE REVIEW
The international education movement as a whole has been the subject of a number of
monographs and historical overviews (Bunnell, 2006, 2008; Fox, 1985; Hayden, 2006,
2011; I. Hill, 2007a; Saavedra, 2014; Tarc, 2009). The first international schools were
founded in Europe in the inter-war period (Hayden, 2006) but it was not until the 1960s
that the movement began to experience significant and rapid growth, due to the need
for schools to serve the families of diplomats and businesspeople in the post-war era.
While the IB has never been totally synonymous with international education and a
number of competitor programmes exist, it has gradually acquired the status of being
the most prestigious and widely recognised international education programme (I. Hill,
2012a; Mathews & Hill, 2005). From the outset, significant debate took place over the
values and goals to be pursued in the IB’s initiatives and the most important underlying
issues shall be examined here.
This literature review aims to provide an appropriate context for undertaking the
research goals outlined in the previous chapter. In particular, it surveys issues relating to
cosmopolitanism and its role in international education, neoliberalism and its
applicability to international education and the IB, the development and implementation
of IB policies, and broader issues relevant to contemporary international education. A
number of findings emerge from the review. Cosmopolitanism can, it is argued, provide
an attractive and substantial foundation for international education and the IB’s
programmes in particular, although the literature makes clear a range of possible
concerns inherent in attempts to apply this perspective to education in practice.
Neoliberalism is found to be a highly significant and multifaceted phenomenon with
diverse manifestations, including in both secondary and higher education, and the
international education arena. A range of issues and challenges with regard to IB
policies and their implementation emerge from a review of the literature, and broader
issues concerning areas such as cultural challenges in international education and
pedagogy are also highlighted.
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Cosmopolitanism
Cosmopolitanism is a political ideal which has at its core a notion of working towards a
single, global community in which all human beings can potentially participate (Appiah,
2010; Benhabib, 2004; Brock & Brighouse, 2005). A range of arguments have been put
forward to support the value of a cosmopolitan worldview. Authors advocating such a
position may draw upon, for example, suggestions that the interconnectedness of the
world’s problems requires global understanding (Hanvey, 1975). Other theorists submit
that true understanding of ourselves requires knowing others (Nussbaum, 1994) or that
we have a moral duty to seek to understand others and their cultures (Appiah, 2010).
Alternatively, some writers suggest that mere national citizenship is too narrow and that
global citizenship should also be explored (McMahon, 2011; Nussbaum, 1994), while
others propose that in order to arrive at a more peaceful world a strengthening of global-
level institutions is required (Archibugi, 2008; Tännsjö, 2006). A general imperative
behind cosmopolitanism is Nussbaum’s (1994, p. 156) call to “recognize humanity
wherever it occurs, and give its fundamental ingredients, reason and moral
capacity, our first allegiance and respect”. In other words, it is broadly argued that
our common humanity can transcend differences between races and cultures – an
idealistic plea that had considerable appeal for the founders of the IB in the 1960s
(I. Hill, 2002).
The development of understandings that rise above national boundaries is closely allied
with the values of international education in general. Cosmopolitanism has been a key
driver of the development of international education and the IB’s programmes in
particular (Gellar, 2002; Roberts, 2009b; Tarc, 2009). According to Ian Hill, former
Deputy Director General, of the IB, “the concept of ‘world citizenship’ is fundamental
to international education” (I. Hill, 2007a, p. 28). Several other possible justifications
exist for the development of international education, however. Walter Parker (Parker,
2008) argues that nationalism can in fact, paradoxically, play a key role in driving
trends towards increasingly international-focussed education. He suggests that
neoliberalism, as a driver of educational policy, plays a key role in the desire for
students to be successful in a ‘globalised world economy’. This also fosters nationalist
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aspirations for a strong local economy as part of the broader global economy. Parker’s
analysis highlights the value of students learning additional languages to nationalistic
interests. He cites the example of the United States and its need for more speakers of
languages critical for national security, as seen in George W Bush’s “National Security
Language Initiative” (Parker, 2008). On the other hand, writers such as Bunnell point
out international education may not necessarily produce national benefits. He suggests
that programmes like the International Baccalaureate, as a “facilitator of economic
supremacy, operating within a global unregulated system of education… might be seen
as undermining the national interest and therefore not worthy of public funding” (2011,
p. 169).
An underlying theoretical foundation for international education
A fundamental challenge facing cosmopolitans is essentially an epistemological one,
which raises a number of questions: how are we to know what the ‘others’—with whom
cosmopolitanism challenges us to engage—really want? How are we to avoid
projecting our own values onto others? If we are to follow Nussbaum’s call to
“recognize moral obligations to the rest of the world that are real, and that otherwise
would go unrecognized” (1994, p. 159), how are we to do this? How can we avoid
assuming that what we feel morally obliged to do is actually what is desired and helpful?
Some writers such as Katharyne Mitchell (2003) argue that ‘multiculturalism’ as
presented to the world by Western societies as an example of tolerance, openness and
acceptance of difference, plays a particular role in narratives in service of the liberal
state. She suggests that “the concept of multicultural citizenship serves as an example of
the tolerant and munificent liberal state” and that “multiculturalism aids in the
exportation of liberalism, and hence capitalism, abroad” (2003, p. 391). This argument
is of crucial significance for the debate over values in international education.
A number of writers, however, argue that ‘universal values’ are meaningful and that a
reconciliation between Western and non-Western conceptions can be realised. For
Charles Gellar (2002), true international-mindedness must involve integrating non-
Western perspectives, including in, for example the IB’s signature Theory of
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Knowledge courses. He also suggests that the arts, music and drama provide vehicles
for addressing those values that apply across cultures. Offering another perspective on
this issue, Paul Tarc (2013) presents a conception of ‘cosmopolitan literacy’ that
specifically addresses issues of the conflict between (perhaps hegemonic) Western
conceptions of knowledge and other possible conceptions. He argues that the aim of
education for cosmopolitanism should be “fostering a set of epistemic virtues that press
the learner to understand cultures as dynamic and relationally produced under specific
historical tendencies, geospatial relations and geometries of power” (2013, p. 104). If,
for example, IB Theory of Knowledge courses could achieve this aim, this might go
some way to mitigating the potential of international education as a means of promoting
hegemony of Western liberal conceptions of citizenship.
For Fazal Rizvi, cosmopolitan learning requires both criticality and reflexivity (2009, pp.
265-267). If these two elements are embedded in learning about other cultures and
values, the danger of the values being inculcated in students being merely superficial,
materialistic and lacking in nuance can be lessened. An important question for
investigation, then, is whether teaching methods and school and government policies are
facilitating such critical and rich learning. This is a difficult issue to examine. However
some important research has been done in this area. Don Weenink, for example,
investigated the perception of parents of children in Dutch international streams, finding
that parents in most cases viewed the opportunity for their children to receive a
cosmopolitan education “as a form of cultural and social capital” rather than curiosity
about other cultures (2008, p. 1089). Shedding light on a related issue, Lai et al. (2014)
found that parents’ expectations posed a challenge to IB Diploma Programme teachers
in a Hong Kong context. They suggest that a localised approach is needed, and that
assumptions about how international-mindedness might best be taught in; for example,
a Western context would not necessarily apply in an Asian one.
It is also vital to acknowledge that issues raised by cosmopolitan conceptions of
citizenship in educational policy are also linked in many ways to those suggested by the
controversial phenomenon of neoliberalism, that is, the dominance of global market
capitalism. Tristan Bunnell suggests that there has long been a “fundamental dilemma”
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facing international education, namely between its goal of facilitating global peace and
universal values and its role as a provider of “branded” products to an “elite group of
candidates” and as a “facilitator of economic supremacy” (2011, pp. 168-169). Richard
Bates suggests that the world is now seeing “a detachment of education from its local
and national roots and the transformation of its historical purpose in consolidating
national identity and citizenship” (2011, p. 13). Neoliberalism is thus a prominent
discursive focus in analysing educational trends, and it is to that phenomenon that this
review will now turn.
Neoliberalism
Neoliberalism is a highly influential lens for understanding the contemporary political
and social paradigm. It is a much-contested term that is interpreted in radically different
ways by different writers. To its proponents, neoliberalism is a means of harnessing the
power of markets for social and economic progress (Friedman, 2009), while to its critics
neoliberal policies serve to channel wealth towards an unaccountable elite, dilute
democratic safeguards, and create ripe conditions for economic exploitation (Fairclough,
2000b; Giroux, 2002; Harvey, 2005; Mudge, 2008; Rizvi & Engel, 2009). Importantly,
debates about neoliberalism challenge the notion that the unrestricted flow of capital can
be naively assumed to be of universal benefit (D. Hill, 2010; Radice, 2013).
Neoliberalism is intimately connected to the equally complex and contested
phenomenon of globalisation (Lipman & Monkman, 2009). It is frequently seen by
those critical of globalisation as an ideologically related project. Rizvi and Engel, for
example, characterise globalisation in this sense as ‘hegemonic’ (2009, p. 529). Brown
and Lauder suggest that the exponential growth of international schools in recent
decades has occurred to cater to an increasingly internationally mobile global elite; thus
the burgeoning international schools movement should, they argue, be situated “within
the context of economic and cultural globalisation” (2011, p. 39).
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Neoliberalism as a problem in education
Neoliberalism is not a static phenomenon without a temporal context. Rather, its critics
argue that it has gradually flowered over a period of several decades (Harvey, 2005).
For a writer such as Radice, neoliberalism has its historical origin in “the threats posed
to the post-war US-led global capitalist order in the period from 1961 to 1975. This
includes challenges from labour within the advanced industrial economy, from those
disadvantaged by race or gender within post-war national settlements, from the Soviet
threat to world hegemony, and from postcolonial challenges in the Third World” (2013,
p. 411). Later in its development, the influence of neoliberalism began to be felt in the
educational sector. Lundahl, for example, writes of a ‘neoliberal turn’ in Sweden in the
1990s that had a major impact on education (2007). Lundahl suggests that neoliberalism
has been central to a range of educational ‘reforms’, including greater support to
independent schools, greater openness to more diverse actors founding schools,
privatisation of certain school services, and greater connections with industry. Harriet
Marshall identifies a strong neoliberal emphasis in British educational policy in the
2000s, with overwhelming priority in government educational policy documents being
given to “equipping employers and their employees with the skills needed for a global
economy” (2011, p. 185). All these changes can be seen as clear examples of the
introduction of more extensive markets into education and the framing of business
practices as examples to be followed more widely. Michael Apple’s analysis of
neoliberal projects and their particular implications in schools is instructive in
understanding such developments (2001). He highlights the particular role of a rhetoric
of educational ‘crisis’ to which neoliberal market-based reforms are held to be the only
real answer (Apple, 2001, p. 409).
In a related line of analysis, Rizvi and Engel emphasise the role of intergovernmental
organisations in potentially undermining educational equality. They suggest that goals
of organisations such as the EU to become “the most competitive and dynamic
knowledge-based economy in the world” and of the OECD to link lifelong learning to
“preparing people for the world of work and a life of self-capitalization” betray a
significant neoliberal slant (2009, p. 533). Jennifer Chan argues that there is a need to
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search for “ways of knowing and doing” beyond the “World Bank or World Trade
Organization ways” (2009, p. 554). The IB and its programmes could be ideal means for
engaging in such a search, and for promoting critical reflection on ‘ways of knowing’
that do not so easily reinforce the hegemony of neoliberal institutions. The question of
whether this can and is occurring will be explored to below.
In their characterisation of neoliberalism, Lipman and Monkman identify a trio of
different processes associated with liberalising global flows of capital, labour and
information, namely a) economic processes, b) political processes, and c) cultural
processes (2009, p. 256). It will be useful to consider the literature on each in turn and
possible connections to international education.
One example of economic processes associated with neoliberalism that is frequently
cited by authors in the field is that of creeping domination of business processes and
characteristics in social institutions that were previously quite unlike businesses
(Cambridge, 2002; Sklair, 2001). Writers such as Charles Gellar argue that the “culture
of perpetual economic growth needs to be questioned” (2002, p. 33). Jennifer Chan
suggests that the global neoliberal paradigm is “undemocratic, inequitable, imperialist
and unsustainable” and that the WTO-led capitalist order leads to slow, or even negative,
growth for large numbers of people worldwide and obstructs progress in obtaining
better healthcare for those in developing countries suffering from HIV/AIDS (2009, pp.
557-558). Joel Spring (2004) links many World Bank educational policies in developing
countries to a neoliberal agenda of privatisation and disregard for the local education
priorities of many countries in an a manner he sees as reminiscent of earlier Western
colonialism. He points, for example, to loans to the Dominican Republic to support
public-private collaborations in early childhood services and what he argues is a
disregard for indigenous cultures’ educational practices in Peru. It is important also to
note that the World Bank is the largest external financer of education in the world
(Spring, 2004); thus World Bank initiatives such as EdInvest which “facilitates
investment in the educational market” are of considerable impact in terms of furthering
a global neoliberal educational agenda (Spring, 2004, p. 65).
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In the political sphere, neoliberalism has been accused of reversing social changes that
previously helped to promote social justice and limit excessive inequality (Harvey,
2005). If a transnational capitalist class is emerging (Sklair, 2001), then a key question
for international education would be whether it is helping to facilitate such a trend or
whether it is promoting social justice and global equality as some have suggested it
should be. In an era when ordinary workers’ earnings are stagnating relative to the
income of the richest (2010), a critical question is whether is the IB is becoming merely
as a global certification to ease freedom of movement for the world’s wealthy, helping
the global capitalist class to preserve and enhance their position of privilege?
A key related issue is that of cultural processes involved in neoliberalism. A number of
writers contend that neoliberal conceptions of students as potential workers for the
global market cannot easily be reconciled with due regard to the rights of young people
of minority ethnic background or with disabilities or with tackling issues of sexuality or
gender discrimination (Burke, 2013; Rizvi, 2004; Rizvi & Engel, 2009). For Duggan
(2012, p. 16), neoliberalism’s “legitimating discourse, social relations and ideology are
saturated with race, with gender, with sex, with religion, with ethnicity and nationality”
from which it cannot easily be separated. Thus neoliberalism may deprive young people
of a safe space to explore such issues. Keddie and Mills (2009) explore the tension
between gender justice and neoliberalism in subsuming broader goals by market
imperatives and a shift of notions of democracy from political to economic concepts.
They suggest that neoliberal trends lead to diminishing attention to social policy and
welfare services and, in relation to gender, a “homogenised view of women” which
“compounds issues of disadvantage for many women and girls” (2009, p. 115).
In relation to developing intercultural understanding, Harriet Marshall argues that
educational policy emphasis on language learning in the UK can be traced not to a
cosmopolitan goal of promoting international or intercultural understanding but to a
‘logic of consumption’ in which broader benefits of educational initiatives are neglected
in comparison to anticipated economic value. For Penny Jane Burke (2013), the overall
effect of neoliberalism is that it imposes significant obstacles to the success of widening
participation in the educational sector.
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Related issues in the higher education sector
In surveying the issues regarding potential pressures from neoliberalism on international
secondary education and the International Baccalaureate in particular, it is important not
to neglect the factors and dynamics present in the higher education sector. If, as several
writers have argued, neoliberal doctrines and approaches are extending into that sector
at a rapid pace (Burke, 2013; Giroux, 2002; Radice, 2013; Suspitsyna, 2012), then this
also has significant implications for the secondary sector, as university-preparation
programmes have to take into account the needs and requirements (and underling
discourses and ideologies) of universities and higher education institutions generally.
The discourse that has evolved under the guidance of the OECD and other organisations
(Rizvi & Engel, 2009), for example, in secondary education is arguably paralleled by
similar discursive developments in higher education. Hugo Radice, for example, argues
that higher education is “a core component in the reproduction of élite power in
contemporary capitalism” (2013, p. 416).
As with critiques of neoliberalism and schooling, attention has also been directed
towards the tertiary sector. Giroux (2002) bemoans the influence of neoliberalism in
higher education, arguing that civic discourse has been replaced with corporate jargon
and that citizenship is being presented as an increasingly ‘privatised’ notion, leading
individuals to be excessively self-interested. A similar critique is made by Suspitsyna
(2012, p. 53), who suggests that in higher education, “neoliberal discourse subverts the
social functions of universities that are aimed at social justice and redefines individual
agency in terms of economic rationality” and that this “limits the repertoire of causes
that higher education may adopt” (2012, p. 59). If the discourse of higher education is
being reshaped, as Suspitsyna and others have argued, then it is reasonable to anticipate
that this shift will in turn have significant influence over the discourse and practice of
secondary education, particularly insofar as secondary school certification is concerned.
A danger is that this potentially limits and narrows the goals of education, which in turn
threatens the ideals the IB’s founders were seeking to promote. To explore this issue,
policy and other documents produced by the International Baccalaureate are examined
in the Results and Discussion chapter of this thesis. The trends identified in higher
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education provide a focal point in that analysis, which seeks to ascertain the extent to
which this is also evident in IB secondary education. Certainly, scholars of secondary
education and international education have themselves identified comparable neoliberal
turns within those fields (Apple, 2001; Burke, 2013; Duggan, 2012; Nairn & Higgins,
2007; Rizvi & Engel, 2009; Suspitsyna, 2012; Tarc, 2009). The Results and Discussion
chapter of this thesis, therefore, investigates this specifically in relation to the IB. The
next section of this review considers broader issues emerging from links between the
above-discussed themes.
Cosmopolitanism, Neoliberalism and Citizenship: Broader and linking issues
Susan Robertson’s (2011) discussion of citizenship regimes and globalisation provides a
useful bridge between issues confronted in the literature on cosmopolitanism and those
regarding neoliberalism. Her analysis of the manner in which citizenship is socially
constructed in different ways across nation-states helps unearth several questions of
value to this research, namely:
Can the IB articulate a different conception of citizenship from those of national
governments? Should it attempt to do so if possible?
Can it ensure that such a conception does not exclude certain perspectives, such
as non-Western ones, and if so how?
Lai, Shum and Zhang’s (2014) research on international-mindedness in a Hong Kong
international school is highly instructive in responding to the question of the IB and
non-Western perspectives. Their findings suggest that there are considerable differences
in perspective between teachers and students in the school they surveyed. Lai et al. also
argue that strategies for teaching international-mindedness need to be adapted to
different contexts and that, for example, non-Western students may require different
approaches from Western students. In order to address the issues relating to possible
hegemony of Western liberal (or neoliberal) ideas relating to citizenship and
cosmopolitanism, it is necessary that more research is done into these issues.
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Another important concern raised is that neoliberalism, together with privatisation, has
resulted in a cultural and educational dynamic in which diversity is used strategically
(Mitchell (2003). Mitchell argues that diversity acts to position students, and therefore
future workers, and in turn future elements of a national or the wider global economy, in
a way that is more suited to the economic benefits of an elite than true to the idealistic
visions of cosmopolitism, such as that advanced by Nussbaum (1994), Appiah (2010)
and, arguably, the IB’s founders (Peterson, 2003). For Mitchell, in the liberal state,
limits of ‘acceptable’ diversity are set which ensure that multiculturalism and diversity
promotion is only ever able to occur within narrow bounds. Furthermore, this (severely
constrained) cultural diversity is also available as a selling point for the export of
liberalism (and arguably, she suggests, hence capitalism) abroad. As Mitchell writes,
“multicultural education in liberal, Western societies is concerned with the creation of a
certain kind of individual, one who is tolerant of difference, but a difference framed
within certain national parameters and controlled by the institutions of the state” (2003,
p. 392). Such an individual arguably corresponds perfectly to the ideal of the (severely
constrained) ‘citizen’ under neoliberalism.
Harriet Marshall’s (2011) discussion of global citizenship also lends support to
arguments developed by theorists such as Rizvi and Engel who argue that globalisation
and neoliberalism lead to an ‘instrumentalisation’ of education in which the curriculum
and educational priorities are narrowed down to purely being focussed on economic
instrumental goals rather than broader ideals such as social justice, critical reflection,
and more wide-ranging conceptions of human flourishing. On this conception,
education is merely a means to an economic end, and global citizenship and
international-mindedness often simply marketing ploys to appeal to aspirational parents
(Weenink, 2008).
There are, then, a number of writers who have argued that neoliberalism has had a
significant and detrimental impact on education and in particular on international
education. However, it is important to note that there also exist contrary arguments.
Fischman and Haas, for example, suggest that “aspects of global neo-liberal policies
and practices have made, and can make, some positive contributions to school reform”
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(2009, p. 566). They cite in particular the appeal of neoliberal discourses to those who
feel that schools have failed to cope with bureaucratic inefficiencies, and to those who
feel liberated by its emphasis on individualism and its appeal to the aspirational.
Neoliberal discourse can be highly attracted to schools attempting to ‘market’
themselves as catering to those who aim high and work hard. Yet, Fischman and Haas
also acknowledge “the effects of ‘naturalized’ and oppressive dynamics (embedded in
capitalism, racism, sexism, and other forms of oppression) on schooling” (2009, p. 569).
Having examined debate on cosmopolitanism and neoliberalism, a number of questions
for investigation remain, particularly in relation to the IB. These include:
Is the function of education in a neoliberal environment compatible with the IB's
cosmopolitan commitment to being true to all the world's cultures, including
political cultures?
Would the IB in a neoliberal environment thus privilege a particular political
system, contrary to its avowed cosmopolitan aims?
Has the IB been able to avoid this problem successfully?
These critical questions, further explored through analysis of IB documentation, will be
returned to in the Results and Discussion section. Next the issues of policy,
implementation and impact are explored.
IB policies and implementation
In the course of the IB’s development, a significant body of literature has developed
assessing the IB’s impact and degree of success, including many works authored or
commissioned by the IB itself (I. Hill, 2007a, 2007b, 2012b; Mathews & Hill, 2005;
Roberts, 2009a; Walker, 2011). There is also a substantial literature on the formation
and implementation of International Baccalaureate policies in various contexts, some of
which intersects with issues raised by the literature on cosmopolitanism and
neoliberalism. An important point to be noted in this regard is that while the IB is
concerned with international education, the take-up of IB programmes has not been
balanced across regions. In 2012, there were 3,716 schools that implemented at least
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one of the IB’s programmes (known as IB World Schools). 1,490 of these were in the
US, 333 in Canada, 156 in the UK, and 151 in Australia (International Baccalaureate,
2014e). The concentration of the IB in particular localities has led to suggestions that
the IB and its programmes are too oriented to an Anglo-American ‘market’ (Tarc, 2009).
The ongoing evolution and development of the IB’s programmes has occurred at the
same time as a wider increase in focus on a more ‘internationalised’ curriculum
throughout the world (Rizvi, 2007). Much valuable literature addresses questions of a
broader nature, such as tensions within international education as a whole, including at
tertiary level, while several writers have focussed specifically on the IB and its
curriculum, goals, limitations and impacts. Particular attention is now also being paid to
issue of the geographical and cultural global context in light of the rapid growth of the
IB in areas such as China and India (Doherty & Shield, 2012; M. Lee, Hallinger, &
Walker, 2012; Mathews & Hill, 2005; Resnik, 2012). The IB has also begun to fund
research by practitioners through such schemes as its Jeff Thompson Research
Fellowships (ref). It is worth recalling that such commissioned research, though it may
have a high value, can also bring with it a particular agenda and focus which may limit
its applicability. As Bunnell writes, “relatively little critical discourse has occurred
[about the IB], while most of the major authors are IB protagonists, and much of the
more critical literature is contained within the ‘IB World’”. This statement, from 2011,
may perhaps have been somewhat over-exaggerated, as a significant body of critical
literature is now emerging from a number of authors, not least Bunnell himself;
however as a general concern it still stands.
An area of research that is highly relevant for this study relates to the effectiveness of
delivery of the IB’s Mission Statement (Lineham (2013). Richard Lineham has
investigated the IB’s claim to develop “inquiring, knowledgeable and caring young
people” who “help to create a better and more peaceful world” (Lineham, 2013, p. 260).
Lineham observes that within the IB Diploma Programme (IBDP), “both the academic
subjects and the core curriculum are used as a vehicle to help develop the ideals and
values outlined in the IB mission statement” (2013, p. 265). This direct link between
curriculum and overarching principles is highly significant, as captures the means by
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which the IB seeks to transmit its ideological position, that is, directly to students
through the subjects they study. Thus the analysis developed in this thesis of those
documents will be of considerable value in untangling the interconnections between
possibly conflicting, and certainly complex, value frameworks. Lineham’s (2013)
findings in this regard are interesting. His case study research suggests that the principal
reason for students choosing the IBDP was the ‘global currency’ of the diploma rather
than, for example, a desire to broaden their thinking, perhaps gives weight to those who
emphasise neoliberal discursive hegemony in education.
A significant strand of the literature on the IB and international education is relevant to
discussions of cosmopolitanism and neoliberalism. The IB Career-related Certificate is
a significant new development by the IB of considerable relevance to the debate over a
neoliberal turn in secondary and higher education. If, as Fairclough suggests,
educational and related discourse has become “colonized by the economy” (1992, p.
215), or as Rizvi and Engel argue, there has been a large-scale realignment towards
what are seen as the “imperatives for education” of globalisation (2009, p. 532), then
such a certificate would be a fertile ground for analysis of the extent of such a change.
As with the IBDP, the certificate consists of a number of strands. These include a
“community and service programme”, an “approaches to learning” course, and a
reflective project (I. Hill, 2011, p. 133).
Another relevant component of the IB, one that has been part of the Diploma
Programme since its inception (though initially under a different name), is that of
Creativity, Action, Service (CAS). Kulundu and Hayden (2002) found in their research
on this programme that students found the activities involved to be of considerable
benefit to themselves and others. The continued existence and flourishing of such a
programme can be seen as evidence that the IB has been able to resist pressures
diagnosed by authors such as Suspitsyna (2012) for education’s repertoire of causes to
be limited as a consequence of a shift in the discursive terrain towards neoliberalism. It
can be seen as a healthy indication that the IB has preserved some of its founding ideals,
or at least as a corrective to excessively exaggerated fears that neoliberalism might drain
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international education of its idealism and its concern for community and broader
society.
Broader issues in international education
There are a number of issues discussed in the literature on international education that
are relevant to this study. One significant topic is that of the culture and values found in
international schools. Many authors see this as significant (R. Brown, 2002; Drake,
2004; Hayden, 2006; Lai et al., 2014; Williams & Johnson, 2011; Zhang & McGrath,
2009). Drake (2004) argues that there is a danger of ‘cultural dissonance’ occurring if
curricula and teaching practices developed in a particular culture are applied too rigidly
or casually to other cultures. This is of particular significance in the case of the IB, he
suggests, as it could be argued that the IB curriculum remains somewhat Eurocentric
and may be “infused with culturally specific pedagogical expectations” (Drake, 2004, p.
190).
Hayden et al. (2000, p. 91) found in their worldwide survey of international students
that “open mindedness, flexibility of thinking and action” was seen as the most
important characteristic of people with an ‘international’ education. However, the
limitations of this study must be borne in mind: in addition to the fact that it was
conducted well over a decade ago, a further significant issue is that the authors do not
disclose in which countries the survey was conducted (mentioning only that it was
conducted in 28 countries), nor provide raw data in order to determine if any significant
exceptions to their overall conclusions were found. Thus, bearing in mind that the
international education environment has changed significantly since that survey was
conducted, particularly in terms of student distribution across countries, while this
survey is of value in suggesting possible plausible core features of an international
education, it cannot be regarded as definitive across all cultures.
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Conclusion
This Literature Review has identified a number of topics of relevance to this study, to
which this thesis will return in the Results and Discussion chapter. In particular,
conceptual tensions within cosmopolitanism, the range of challenges posed by
escalating neoliberalism, and difficulties in implementing IB policies in practice have
emerged as significant themes. Analysis of IB documents later in this study will provide
evidence of discursive manifestations of these and other issues.
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RESEARCH DESIGN
Significance
The IB and its policies and programmes are situated at the intersection of a number of
contemporary educational issues and global dynamics. The literature review above has
revealed a rich nexus of conceptual and practical issues which clearly merit further
exploration and attest to the significance of research in this area. The IB has had to
respond to increasingly diverse stakeholders and answer a number of challenges, such
as charges of elitism, of promoting ideas from certain parts of the globe in preference to
others, and of failing to live up to its ideals of cosmopolitanism, critical thinking and
respect for diverse points of view. These issues form the central focus of this research.
Neoliberalism is widely recognised as posing a major challenge to educational
programmes across the world (Alcántara, Llomovatte, & Romão, 2013; Giroux, 2002; D.
Hill, 2010; Mitchell, 2003; Nairn & Higgins, 2007; Rizvi & Engel, 2009). This research
provides an opportunity to connect the specific issues faced by the IB to a wider debate,
including questions of how a neoliberal social imaginary is influencing education policy
on a global level (Rizvi & Lingard, 2013) and the general role of cosmopolitan literacy
in an international school (not necessarily IB) setting (Tarc, 2013). Clearly, there are a
number of ways in which the challenges facing the IB in this regard are shared by other
programmes and institutions. On the other hand, the IB case is unique, as there is no
comparable school-based education programme with the IB’s global reach and impact
(Bunnell, 2010; I. Hill, 2012a). This study provides an opportunity to delineate such
issues in detail. Importantly, it also assesses how realistic the ambitious cosmopolitan
aims of the IB are and whether they are likely to succeed in all environments to equal
extents. In addition, the literature on how the IB is being implemented is constantly
evolving and would benefit from an up-to-date evaluation.
Finally, this study provides an opportunity, through analysis of a particular case, to
assess Norman Fairclough’s contention that society is being reconstructed along
neoliberal lines and that critical discourse theory can provide a means of understanding
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and in turn, potentially ‘resisting’ this (2000b). The diversity of stakeholders involved
in the IB—including, for example, countries with very different political and social
systems within which neoliberal discourse and policy may have advanced to
significantly different degrees—suggests that this study can provide fertile ground for
assessment of this ideological stance. The research undertaken in this study thus makes
contributions that are conceptual, practical and methodological.
Methodology
The study adopts a methodological approach that draws primarily on critical discourse
analysis (CDA) (Jørgensen & Phillips, 2002), but is supplemented by both interpretivist
strands of policy and document analysis approaches (Blackmore & Lauder, 2005).
Critical discourse analysis proceeds from the assumption that analysis of the way
different aspects of social life are represented in language can provide means for social
transformation and responding to unequal power relationships (Fairclough, 2005; A.
Lee & Petersen, 2011); it aims to identify the “struggle and transformation in power
relations and the role of language therein” (Fairclough, 1992, p. 2).
There are a number of reasons why critical discourse theory is both ideal as a
methodology for this study and yet also benefits from being used in combination with
another approach. Norman Fairclough, the principal architect of critical discourse theory,
not only articulated a distinct and influential approach to discourse analysis (Fairclough,
2005; Jørgensen & Phillips, 2002; A. Lee & Petersen, 2011), but also, significantly,
called for this theory to be put to use in the critiquing of neoliberalism (2000b). He
suggests that critical discourse analysis can address “the shifting network of practices in
a way which produces both clearer understanding of how language figures in hegemonic
struggles around neo-liberalism, and how struggles against neo-liberalism can be partly
pursued in language” (Fairclough, 2000b, p. 148). It is not, therefore, in any sense
politically neutral (Jørgensen & Phillips, 2002). As Fairclough writes, “discursive
practice, the production, distribution, and consumption (including interpretation) of
texts, is a facet of the hegemonic struggle which contributes in varying degrees to the
reproduction or transformation not only of the existing order of discourse… but also
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through that of existing social and power relations” (1992, p. 93). This can be seen,
writers in this tradition suggest, in a number of discursive phenomena such as
commodification: “the colonization of institutional rules of discourse, and more broadly
of the societal order of discourse, by discourse types associated with commodity
production” (1992, p. 207). Thus this methodology makes a number of strong,
ideologically-positioned, claims about how discourse operates.
However, neoliberalism, despite its key status as a focus for CDA critique, is itself a
highly contested term with numerous facets and interpretations (Mudge, 2008). In order
to provoke greater critical reflection on how it might influence IB policy and
programme implementation, it is fruitful to supplement the primary methodology of this
study, CDA, with other, complementary one. This facilitates the development of more
robust interpretations and at the same time enables reflection on the merits of
Fairclough’s programme of critique, using the issue of the relationship between
neoliberalism and the IB as a case study.
For that reason, the complementary methodology of policy analysis was also employed
in this study. Policy analysis seeks to answer such questions as “On whose authority is
policy produced and disseminated, what are the principles of allocation, whose values
are being promoted, who wins and who loses?” (Blackmore & Lauder, 2005, p. 190).
Ball’s (1993) distinction between policy-as-text and policy-as-discourse is useful here.
Clearly the discourse-focussed aspect of this study can be addressed through the prism
of critical discourse analysis (CDA) and in particular through an investigation of
Fairclough’s contention that CDA can illuminate and resist the creep of neoliberalism.
To set off that approach and provide a means of judging its efficacy and validity a
policy-as-text approach is also employed (Ball, 1993; Blackmore & Lauder, 2005). This
approach still allows for policies and documents under investigation to be interpreted
and seen in context; it does not, however, need to make any potentially contentious
assumptions about particular ideological lenses as CDA does (Jørgensen & Phillips,
2002). It provided a means of complementing CDA and allowing this study to reach
more robust and nuanced conclusions.
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Sources and Method
This thesis took as its focus a number of documents produced by the International
Baccalaureate, employing a range of analytical and critical perspectives in order to
delineate key discursive characteristics of the documents and link ideas found in them to
debates in contemporary international education.
a) Documents analysed
This study considered the following documents issued by the International
Baccalaureate in its analysis:
IB Annual Reviews (2008, 2009, 2010, 2011, 2012, 2013)
IB Learner Profile
IB Mission Statement
IB Career-related Certificate brochure
IB Strategic Plan: Impact through Leadership in International Education (2010)
b) Rationale for document selection
The rationale for the selection of the above documents is as follows. Tarc (2009)
undertook a book-length study of the IB’s policies, their evolution over time, and
tensions inherent in the IB’s development, including deriving from neoliberal trends, up
until the year 2007. Given the importance of his study there is considerable benefit to be
derived conducting research along broadly similar lines that brings his work up-to-date:
thus this thesis considered documents issued from the IB after 2007.
The IB Annual Review documents provide an overview of the IB’s perceptions of itself,
its achievements, challenges and goals for the future. They enable a survey to be made
of the shifting discursive and ideological conditions related to the IB over a period of
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the last five years. The IB Learner Profile is a highly significant document in
determining and assessing the IB’s conceptions of internationally-minded education and
as such will provide a key focus of analysis. It is, according to the IB, “the IB mission
statement translated into a set of learning outcomes for the 21st century” (International
Baccalaureate, 2014d). The IB Mission Statement itself also provides useful
information on the goals of the IB as an organisation and a means of assessing to what
extent they are influenced by factors such as cosmopolitanism and neoliberalism. The
IB Career-related certificate is a new development, and one of significant interest for
this research. Finally the IB Strategic Plan, which covers a period ending in 2015, is
essential for investigating the current goals and aspirations of the IB as an organisation
and to interpreting the ideological assumptions underpinning them.
Assumptions
The study is premised on several assumptions, which are important to acknowledge as
they are implicit in the approach taken to investigate the central research question/s.
Critical methodologies, such as critical discourse analysis, have embedded in them
numerous assumptions, as discussed above and in the literature (Blackmore & Lauder,
2005; Jørgensen & Phillips, 2002). This includes a “commitment to work progressively
towards a more equal and democratic future” (Rizvi & Lingard, 2013) or an aspiration
to provide a means of social transformation through analysis of power relations (A. Lee
& Petersen, 2011). Many writers argue that these assumptions are highly desirable,
indeed essential (Fairclough, 2000b; Rizvi & Lingard, 2013), but it will, as I have
argued above, be beneficial for this study to avoid simply unhesitatingly adopting an
approach that can be very heavily laden with political and ideological baggage. In order
to do so, this study also draws on interpretivist approaches, which allow alternative, yet
complementary insights to be developed.
Interpretivist methodological traditions also make certain assumptions. Yet these differ
from critical methodologies. For example, a broadly constructivist approach, which
informs such frameworks, emphasise the role of people as creators and disseminators of
policy texts (Blackmore & Lauder, 2005; McCulloch, 2011). Such approaches do not
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place the same degree of emphasis on power relationships and inequalities as critical
methodologies do. This study employed such an approach as a means of contrast and to
allow the advantages and disadvantages of critical discourse analysis to emerge with
greater clarity.
An important limitation of the present study is that it did not involve any activity in the
field, but rather took the form of literature and document analysis. This limited the
ability of the study to fill in gaps in the literature or correct imbalances in previous
research. However, research of this kind can still make significant contributions to
policy debate and suggest important changes.
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RESULTS AND DISCUSSION
This study considered a range of documents produced by the IB in the past five years.
Documents such as Annual Reviews are published by the IB to act as publicity material
and also to summarise achievements and future goals for the existing IB community.
Other documents such as the Learner Profile have the function of articulating key IB
curriculum goals and values. This discussion shall first turn to the Annual Review
documents produced during the period under investigation. Consideration will then be
given to new initiatives being launched at the present time and to central value
statements such as the Learner Profile and Mission Statement.
Annual Review documents
The most recent IB Annual Review, from 2013, opens with a general phrase
summarising the IB’s activities, as the IB sees them. It states that 2013 “saw great
advancements in our work with countries around the world.” This statement raises a
number of questions: how is the IB working with those countries? What are the power
dynamics in such work? Is a hegemonic struggle taking place through that work, and, if
so, how is that struggle playing out? The IB, in the production of this text, is attempting
to shape the discourse of international education to present itself in a positive light and
to respond to the interests of its diverse stakeholders. The IB’s ‘work’ with various
countries and the students, teachers, parents and others who are involved in such
practice is complex and multifaceted. How the IB interacts with stakeholders in one
context will not be the same as the manner in which it interacts with others in a different
context. Critical discourse analysis and its approach to ideologies such as neoliberalism
provide a powerful lens through which to examine such work. It suggests, for example,
that a number of significant discursive phenomena may be operating simultaneously and
that it is always important to consider how audiences might receive different texts
(Fairclough, 1992).
The most recent IB Annual Review contains the statement that “the IB philosophy is
being implemented in countries that are seeking to internationalize their curriculums
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and provide rigorous and holistic educational options for their students” (International
Baccalaureate, 2014a). A number of significant questions are suggested by this assertion,
namely: Why are these countries seeking to internationalise their curricula? What kind
of ‘rigorous’ and ‘holistic’ options are being sought? International education is a
competitive marketplace in which ‘products’ like IB programmes compete for attention,
student and school take-up and prestige. Several writers have suggested that neoliberal
dynamics have resulted in school and programme choice taking on the characteristics of
a ‘positional economy’ in which schools and programmes compete to outshine others
(Fiske & Ladd, 2000; Lauder & Hughes, 1999; Nairn & Higgins, 2007). Just as these
writers suggest that neoliberalism may be intensifying the pressure for schools to see
themselves as competitors in a marketplace, so it is reasonable to argue that countries
are also competing in such a marketplace. A neoliberal critique would call into question
whether such a market is in fact desirable and whether the ‘rigour’ that programmes
might seek to provide instead too easily buys into neoliberal discursive inclination
towards shallow educational aspirations and overwhelming emphasis on a ‘human
capital’ conception of educational objectives (Rizvi & Engel, 2009; Spring, 2004).
The prominence of business discourse
An analysis of the IB Annual Reviews suggests that the there is a market logic at work.
Indeed, there are numerous examples of business-influenced discourse, one of the most
significant being evident in the 2012 Review. In that document, there is discussion of a
new approach to conveying IB programmes through visual images of concentric circles.
It states: “the IB brand has provided clarity of purpose and consistency of strategic
positioning with both internal and external audiences” (International Baccalaureate,
2013). Such a remark would certainly not be out of place in any annual review of a large
multinational corporation and reflects the influence on education of business language
(Cambridge, 2002; Sklair, 2001). Such a concern with clarity of the ‘IB brand’ arguably
reflects a general trend towards international education being an international branded
product like many others in a competitive marketplace (Cambridge, 2002). The
influence of business discourse can also be seen in the opening sentence of the 2012
Annual Review, with its reference to “a number of critical initiatives that will help us
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achieve our strategic goals” (International Baccalaureate, 2013). It is perhaps not
surprising that a programme that can be seen as aimed at serving a transnational elite
should adopt the language of the global corporate world. It is certainly, however,
evidence of the influence of a neoliberal market-based discourse on the IB and perhaps,
on international education more broadly. Writers such as Ozga and Lingard (2007)
suggest that this kind of change in educational policy discourse is part of a broader shift
due to globalisation. They argue that
Common-sense assumptions about effective management and modernisation
produce ‘hollowed-out’ terms—like client, consumer, stake-holder, excellence,
leadership and entrepreneurship—that apparently require no further elaboration
or scrutiny. Concepts that were once central to the organisation of public life—
for example equality, justice, professionalism—are removed from use on the
basis that they indicate ideological positions, while modernisation’s vocabulary
of economy, efficiency and entrepreneurship is advocated as if these terms
represented agreed values. (2007, p. 71)
This then, represents the challenge the IB is facing. We have seen that there are a
number of ways in which IB Annual Reviews reflect a neoliberal business discourse.
This discussion shall next turn to other areas of investigation, such as new projects
currently being introduced.
New initiatives
The IB Career-Related Certificate was launched in 2012 after a five-year pilot
programme (International Baccalaureate, 2013). As stated by the IB: “It responds
directly to the weakness in local and national labour markets by providing specific
pathways in order to create a professional and employable workforce” (International
Baccalaureate, 2012). This willingness of the IB to directly tailor a new ‘product’ to the
requirements of global markets can be seen as a clear sign of the broader influence
discussed by writers such as Rizvi and Engel (2009), of neoliberal doctrines in
education. The IBCC is specifically marketed to help students “ensure their success in
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the workforce” (International Baccalaureate, 2014g). The IB also presents the
Certificate as helping to “support the goals of educators and governments seeking to
raise the profile of STEM (science, technology, education, mathematics)” (International
Baccalaureate, 2012). Critics such as Rizvi and Engel would suggest that governments
promoting such an agenda, and giving less prominence to education as a driver of social
welfare and democratic advancement, may be influenced by a neoliberal ideology of
human capital and market-driven education. That is not to say that STEM subjects
should be marginalised or ignored by educators opposed to neoliberalism; rather,
critical writers question whether the emphasis on such an agenda embraces too readily a
conception of education as merely a preparation for a worker to play a compliant role in
the global economy.
The IBCC can also provide schools with an incentive to extend their connection to the
broader ‘IB brand’, as students taking the IBCC have greater flexibility in course choice,
having only to take two IBDP courses in addition to the IBCC core and their career-
related study. The IBCC can be seen as an innovate approach to ‘bridging the academic-
vocational divide; but it also represents the clearest case thus far of the IB watering
down its commitment to cosmopolitanism and embracing a neoliberal conception of
education as “preparing people for the world of work and a life of self-capitalization”
(Rizvi & Engel, 2009, p. 533). Of significance is the IB’s claim that “as the IB’s fourth
programme, the IBCC provides a comprehensive link between the academic challenge
of the Diploma Programme and the international-mindedness of the IB classroom”
(International Baccalaureate, 2014g). The suggestion here is that as the classroom is
already cosmopolitan, there is little need for concern that the IBCC (in which students
will only be exposed to a limited number of IBDP courses) will dilute the IB’s values
and goals. Instead, it advances and optimistic view that the IBCC will open new fronts
for the IB’s cosmopolitan approach and values to spread. The success of this approach
is not yet clear, and the IBCC will require further evaluation and investigation over the
course of its roll-out; further discussion of the issue as to what extent it is reasonable to
expect IB classrooms to effectively deliver cosmopolitan values in all contexts will be
provided later in this section.
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Another interesting new initiative being developed by the IB is the IB Alumni Advisory
Council. It promises to “create a bridge between the IB alumni community and the IB
organization’s staff, activities and programmes” (Baccalaureate, 2014). This joins other
developments such as Education Innovation Services, created in January 2011, aimed at
“facilitating the development and marketing of new high-profile, innovative educational
products and services” (International Baccalaureate, 2012). There has been limited news
of this division of the IB since its creation but as its head, Susan Sexton, formerly
worked for the commercial education company Laureate Education Inc., it may
represent a new move into providing commercial-style education products for the IB.
Ian Hill (2011) suggests that cooperation between the IB and national governments has
been a significant two-way process and contends that national education programmes
have considerable reason to try and reflect the international-mindedness that the IB is
renowned for. There are quite a few examples of national curricula being influenced by
IB ideas, such as in Malta, Singapore, Hong Kong and Lithuania (I. Hill, 2011).
Arguments can be offered both for and against such collaboration. For example, these
developments may reflect a welcome increase in commitment to cosmopolitan values;
on the other hand they could also arguably represent a loss of national sovereignty and
opportunity for the dominance of Western approaches to education to be further
entrenched. These arguments will be reflected on in more depth when considering the
IB’s Mission Statement below.
The IB Learner Profile: Cosmopolitanism par excellence?
It is arguable that the most clear and compelling expression of a cosmopolitan vision in
any IB document is found in the Learner Profile (International Baccalaureate, 2014d).
Developed in 2006, this document articulates and ten desired characteristics of IB
students. Many of those characteristics relate to ethical and moral desiderata, such as the
hopes that learners strive to be “principled”, “caring”, “reflective” and “open-minded”
(International Baccalaureate, 2014d). It is difficult to think of aspirations for young
learners that could be less neoliberal. At the same time, though, a case could be made
that neoliberal discourse has crept in to the Learner Profile. One of the desiderata is that
students be “thinkers” that can “analyse… complex problems” and make reasoned
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decisions (International Baccalaureate, 2014d). Some writers suggest that neoliberalism,
however, is defining its own, narrow, conception of rationality: “Rationality is redefined
as achieving economic success through education or through the cultivation and
application of entrepreneurial qualities” (Suspitsyna, 2012, p. 53).
While there may, then, be no explicit reference to any neoliberal conception of
education in the Learner Profile, it is possible to argue that, in practice, the realisation of
some of its goals may in some cases further a neoliberal agenda. Writers such as Kaščák
and Pupala (2011) and Peters (2009) argue that neoliberalism can involve a shift in
pedagogic approach towards promoting conceptions of rationality based upon the
celebration of the idea of an individual entrepreneur rather than broader aspirations
towards social justice and responsibility. As Peters suggests, educational trends in
recent years have seen “the neoliberal revival of homo economicus, based on
assumptions of individuality, rationality and self-interest, as an all-embracing
redescription of the social as a form of the economic” (2009, p. 68). If the broader
discourse in a school environment is infused with neoliberal ideology, then, this
conception of how to approach problems may shape the thinking students are
encouraged to adopt even if documents such as the IBLP are not explicitly neoliberal.
Consideration of issues emerging from the IBLP leads us naturally to the Mission
Statement, the ultimate source of the Learner Profile’s ideas.
The IB’s Mission Statement: A mission for whom?
The IB Learner Profile is defined as “the IB mission statement translated into a set of
learning outcomes for the 21st century” (International Baccalaureate, 2014d). It is
therefore vital in assessing the values found in the Learner Profile to consider the IB’s
Mission Statement (International Baccalaureate, 2014h), and to try to determine whose
values and priorities it reflects. It is useful at this point to recall the insistence of writers
in the discourse analysis tradition that discourse fundamentally reflects power relations
and the hegemonic struggle that they suggest is continually taking place in the
discursive landscape (Fairclough, 1992, 2000b, 2005; Jørgensen & Phillips, 2002; A.
Lee & Petersen, 2011). It is also valuable to note the concern expressed earlier in this
thesis of the importance of maintaining sufficient critical distance at all times in
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assessing arguments in this area to be alive to the possible dangers of excessive reliance
on one interpretative approach. Consideration of the IB’s mission can provide a useful
moment to consider certain key issues in international education and the discourse
surrounding it. Fazal Rizvi argues that since the events of September 11, 2001, there has
been a transformation of the ‘discursive field’ in which globalisation is discussed,
resulting in a renewed need for education to respond to the growing narrative of ‘global
security’ (2004). This provides further reason to emphasise the importance of
international-mindedness in education and support for greater student understanding of
the complexities of the modern world – support that the IB’s proponents would argue it
is ideally placed to provide.
When recalling that the IB has been, since its foundation, dedicated to building bridges
between the peoples of the world and their cultures, we should also note that its
founders were all largely drawn from a relatively narrow class of people when
considered in a global context. To this day, the vast majority of IB schools are in
Western countries and many IB World Schools in non-Western countries drawn
significant portions of their staff from Western expatriates. Thus it is reasonable to
suggest that the IB’s conception of ‘international-mindedness’ has been developed in a
Western-dominated paradigm of international education. There are some writers who
call into question whether educational trends in the contemporary world adequately
reflect non-Western ideas and indeed suggest that the contemporary discursive terrain of
education may reflect a ‘new imperialism’ of Western dominance (Rizvi, 2004; Tikly,
2004). Wylie suggests that indigenous peoples “have been systematically dehumanised”
and that “globalisation has become a new form of imperialism and post-colonialism has
become a more refined form of colonialism” (2011, p. 29). Tikly (2004) argues that
developing countries are unable to set their own agendas for education as they must fit
within the ‘human capital’ paradigm promoted by the World Bank and other agencies
(see also (Rizvi & Engel, 2009; Spring, 2004). He suggests that this approach has not
resulted in the development that those agencies promised, and has instead lead to their
economies, and hence educational policies, being dependent on Western nations.
Furthermore, the neoliberal individualist model of entrepreneurialism as the salvation of
developing countries has also, Tikly argues, merely entrenched the dominance of a
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Eurocentric perspective and prevented non-Western nations from fashioning their own
indigenous conception of the goal of education and its social role.
This line of argument could reasonably be extended to the educational policies and
programmes of the IB. As suggested earlier in this section, there is reason to argue that
some IB policies and initiatives indicate considerable discursive influence of neoliberal
ideology. There is also reason to question the extent to which the IB’s laudable goals of
cosmopolitanism and the promotion of mutual respect among all cultures can easily be
realised in practice. Lai, Shum and Zhang’s (2014) research at an IB school in China
highlights a number of potential pitfalls in an educational environment where teachers
and curricula may reflect Western values and perspectives that other stakeholders, such
as students, parents and local staff members may have difficulty accepting. They found
that the IBDP’s implementation posed considerable challenges in its implementation,
and that student and parent expectations were only met with difficulty by the teachers.
They further noted that international-mindedness could often be relegated to a
subordinate position in the curriculum as delivered due to the pressure of examinations
(which was derived not just from the IB requirements themselves, but also parent and
other stakeholder expectations). Furthermore, conflicts developed over particular issues
of cultural and political sensitivity. This may reflect a general danger in international
schools: that if local staff are ignored or under-utilized “links with the local community
will be tainted by the hidden, or not so hidden, messages being conveyed to students
(quite possibly in conflict with the explicit claims of the school’s mission statement)
about the superiority of those within the confines of the international school ‘bubble’”
(Hayden, 2006, p. 149).
Can ‘new imperialism’ be avoided?
Tikly (2004) may be too quick in his equation of Western values and practices with
imperialism. His, and other writers’, suggestion that it is necessary to reconstruct
education along totally different lines in order to avoid the hegemony of Western values
is perhaps a step too far. Western values do not necessarily have to be, by their very
nature, dominating. While Tikly and other writers (Fox, 1985; Wylie, 2011) are right
Matthew Newton 613063 EDUC90420
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that many curricula developed with admirable aims of giving voice to multiple cultures
can in practice lead to a privileging of particularly ones, this can be avoided or
minimised with sensitive teaching and pedagogy. There can surely be a coexistence of
Western and non-Western values; however, there will certainly need to be more space
provided for alternatives to Western approaches to develop. Greater attention needs to
be paid to the dangers of certain values being emphasised in teaching and other
perspectives being forgotten. It is possible to speculate that may occur more easily as
non-Western nations, particularly China and India, gain in strength in economic terms
relative to Western nations. The increased prominence of non-Western countries and
cultures can be expected to constrain the hegemony of one value set.
While critical approaches to Western hegemony are vital, there are also dangers in
advancing what some may see as highly ideological arguments. Indeed it may be
counterproductive and perhaps even unfair to be too eager to inextricably link global
hegemony and the ‘West’. While it is clear, as many writers (Apple, 2001; Harvey,
2005; D. Hill, 2010) have suggested, that current trends in globalisation and the rise of
neoliberalism have done much to enhance the dominance of Western countries,
particularly the US, and transnational companies based in them, the key factors in this
phenomenon are arguably economic rather than cultural. It is not inevitable that global
society will remain dominated by the West, nor have these writers provided a clear
argument to suggest that neoliberalism and economic exploitation are uniquely Western
in character. Rather, some theorists such as Harvey (2005) identify significant
neoliberal turns in non-Western countries such as China in addition to the more well-
known cases such as the US and UK. The focus of resistance, then, should be on
unequal power dynamics in general rather than any one culture or part of the world.
This raises questions in relation to how such issues are manifested in the varying
contexts in which the IB operates, to which this discussion shall now turn.
Varied contexts and the hidden curriculum
The hidden curriculum may be defined as “the unstated norms, values and beliefs that
are transmitted to students through the underlying structure of meaning in both the
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formal content as well as the social relations of school and classroom life” (Giroux &
Penna, 1979, p. 22). As Mary Hayden suggests, “individual teachers and administrators,
for instance, may unwittingly either reinforce or undermine through their own
behaviour the school’s mission… and the choice of teaching materials may convey
unintended messages to students as to who or what is values by making those choices”
(2006, p. 137). Further issues may arise due to the wide discretion the IB allows for in
terms of teacher and school choice in the curriculum. As Hayden suggests (2006), a
teacher at an African school may teach British rather than African history because the
teacher may feel more comfortable with that subject having studied it at university.
Teachers may also opt to teach, for example, periods of history that are popular with
colleagues and widely discussed at IB teacher-training workshops. As there are very
large numbers of IB World Schools in the Western world and relatively smaller
numbers in, for example, Africa and Asia, this may lead to a bias in favour of topics
taught in Western countries. (There are, for example only four current IB World
Schools in Nigeria, while there are 155 in the UK, despite the former having a
population more than double the size of the latter (International Baccalaureate, 2014f).)
Additionally, students may favour topics for the Extended Essays that are relatively
‘safe’ such as well-trodden areas of Western history and culture. More research into
student choice of topic in Extended Essays would help to determine to what extent non-
Western cultural paradigms are being explored or employed in such work.
Finally, it is vital to remember that all IB schools are different. Many of them may be
genuine ‘international schools’ with a highly diverse student and teacher makeup
though perhaps, in many cases, skewed towards particular nations and concentrated
with students of high socio-economic status. Weenink highlights the varied motivations
parents may have for enrolling their children in international schools, and distinguishes
between what he terms ‘pragmatic cosmopolitans’ whose goals for their children may
be more career-oriented, and ‘dedicated cosmopolitans’ whose aims may be more
idealistic. In many schools, then, parent and community commitment to
cosmopolitanism may be somewhat superficial. Some may have limited traditions of
internationalism and difficulty recruiting staff with varied backgrounds. Even in schools
with a long-established tradition of promoting international-mindedness, this may not be
equally vibrant with regard to all cultures. A further challenge in many schools may be
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that of combining the IB with other programmes, perhaps competing for attention and
resources. Doherty and Shield (2009) assess the difficulties occurring in some
Australian schools as a result of a neoliberal agenda of ‘choice’ for school ‘consumers’
which, they suggest, leads in many cases to more resources being lavished on the
‘prestigious’ and aspirational IB and less on other competing programmes, often those
taken up by less academically strong students. There is considerable irony, then, in the
way in which a programme (the IB) with noble aspirations of reaching out to learners
around the world to help them achieve their potential may in some cases be creating
obstructions to the progress of some students (those in IB World Schools not pursuing
IB programmes).
In summation, analysis of IB documents has revealed a complex and sometimes
contradictory discursive state in which neoliberal and business-influenced discourse has
made some headway but cosmopolitan values are still to an extent apparent. This study
will therefore next present a range of recommended strategies for the IB to respond to
this state of affairs.
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RECOMMENDATIONS
The IB was conceived and set up in a post-war environment of new potential for
international understanding yet significant threats to that. In an increasingly globalised
world, an expanding class of international diplomats and business people suggested an
opportunity for a standard-setting programme of world-class education capable of
global appeal (I. Hill, 2012a; Tarc, 2009). In terms of educational rigour and prestige,
the IB has largely met its potential. The increasing appeal to elite schools whose
students aspire to attend the world’s top universities is testament to this, as is the
inroads the IB is making in new markets like China and India whose students represent
the largest two national groups of internationally mobile students at the university level
(UNESCO, 2014). On the other hand, as the IB itself acknowledges (Bunnell, 2011), it
has been exceedingly difficult to succeed at the IB’s stated goal of “work[ing] with and
involv[ing] as many people as possible in our work” (International Baccalaureate, 2010).
That is, the world, and certainly not the IB, has not been able to bring an end to vast
global inequities of power and wealth. As many scholars have argued, the rise of
neoliberalism, typically associated with political developments during the 1980s, has
led to an entrenchment of global inequality and a new move towards a market-based
approach to much of national and international policy, including education (Harvey,
2005; D. Hill, 2010; Mitchell, 2003; Radice, 2013). In the 21st century, neoliberalism
continues to have a dominant influence in education and beyond (Alcántara et al., 2013;
Fischman & Haas, 2009; Jones, 2013). In the current era, the world is also being
reshaped by newly powerful developing countries such as China and, to a lesser extent,
India. Yet the IB still remains dominated by schools in the English-speaking and
Western nations, and teachers and administrators drawn, in many cases, from Western
backgrounds.
This study suggests that a number of significant challenges remain for the IB. These
include:
Issues of how best to respond to the global disparity in terms of IB school
location, such as the disproportionate concentration of schools in the
Anglosphere
Matthew Newton 613063 EDUC90420
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Challenges in teacher training to ensure that classrooms can reflect a broad range
of global perspectives, even in those IB schools that may be less diverse in terms
of student or teacher makeup
The seemingly intractable issue of whether the IB as an educational programme
of considerable appeal for the global elite may be strengthening and entrenching
the status of that elite, and thus obstructing the development of educational
initiatives that genuinely meet the needs of and champion the perspectives of
those who are currently economically and socially marginalised in the world
order
Working to ensure that the education it offers is available to the broadest
possible range of students, rather than being concentrated in private and elite
schools, and that IB programmes are open to wide participation within schools
Ensuring that the Career-Related Certificate is able to adequately reflect the IB’s
commitment to cosmopolitanism and international-mindedness
As Tristan Bunnell (2011) suggests, the IB faces considerable challenges due to the
broad diversity of its stakeholders. It must appeal to both elite private schools in
developed nations and new frontiers in developing countries. Furthermore, tensions
remain between its aspirational ideals of developing international understanding and
creating “a better world” on the one hand, and the desire to be seen as a rigorous and
appealing product in the international market on the other. In serving a transnational
elite, the IB may face pressure to ‘water down’ some of its emphasis on international-
mindedness to allow more time and energy to be spent on exams that ensure academic
rigour. While many schools will see the international character of the IB as appealing,
this may not be the case across the board. For some schools, the principle value of the
IB may lie in its role as a passport to entrance at prestigious universities rather than its
cosmopolitan values. This may lead to pressures to dilute these aspects of the IB
programmes, and it is arguable that this is already the case with the IBCC. While the
IBCC may represent a commendable effort to bridge the academic-vocational divide, it
could also be indicative of a new trend of capitulation to a ‘human capital’ agenda
rather than one of cultivating tolerance, international-mindedness and cosmopolitanism.
It is important that the IB consider these issues with regard to the IBCC with care.
Matthew Newton 613063 EDUC90420
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It is also important to note that the IB does not operate in an educational vacuum; it
provides certification for those often seeking to attend globally elite universities and
those institutions are not evenly distributed throughout the world. The dominance of the
English language in higher education has significant effects on the market for university
preparation programmes in which the IB(DP) operates (Tarc, 2009). It is arguable that
the lack of language equality in higher education has a very powerful effect on the
global education environment more broadly and leads to a high degree of inequity.
Methodological concerns
This thesis also sought to consider and evaluate critical discourse analysis (CDA) as a
methodology for addressing topics in international education policy. CDA suggests that
power inequalities in society have considerable deleterious effects, that these
inequalities are reflected in discourse, and that critical analysis of that discourse can
help to remedy such inequities by making their discursive manifestations clear
(Fairclough, 2000b, 2005). A number of examples of documents issued by the IB that
might suggest issues of unequal power relations and hegemonic struggle were discussed.
CDA was effective in teasing out the creeping discursive incorporation of business
phrases, market analogies, and suggestions of a degree of marginalisation of priorities
inconsistent with a neoliberal agenda. On the other hand, a policy-as-text approach was
also fruitful in elucidating key issues involved in some of the documents under
consideration. An approach purely reliant on CDA could have undermined the rigour of
this study’s findings due to that methodology’s explicit aim of serving as a critique of
neoliberalism (Fairclough, 2000b). The analysis developed in this thesis demonstrated
the value of drawing on a combination of analytical tools and remaining alive to the
dangers of excessive or uncritical reliance on one methodological framework.
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CONCLUSIONS
The IB faces a number of challenges in its fifth decade. Many are due to factors outside
its direct control, such as the wider global educational context. Despite this, the IB
cannot afford to regard itself as powerless or without influence. Its prestige and
expanding global footprint mean that it must face up to the imperative to preserve its
ideals and continue to innovate with the goal of providing leadership in the international
education arena.
It is useful at this point to recall the main research question this study sought to answer:
To what extent has the IB been able to preserve its cosmopolitan ideals in a
global education environment increasingly influenced by neoliberalism?
The three sub-questions were:
a) In what ways, and to what extent, is cosmopolitanism embedded in the IB’s
publicity, review and planning documents and in the IB Learner Profile?
b) To what extent is the notion of a neoliberal environment within international
education coherent and applicable to the International Baccalaureate?
c) What does the available evidence suggest, in light of the cosmopolitan-
neoliberal tensions referred to above, about prospects for preservation of the
IB’s cosmopolitan ideals in the current educational environment?
Taking the three sub-questions in turn, it is evident that with regard to sub-question a)
this study has suggested that there are a number of clear links to cosmopolitan
aspirations and ideals in the documents under consideration. In particular, the Learner
Profile and Mission Statement reflect a number of admirable goals in terms of the
promotion of international-mindedness and cosmopolitanism, albeit from an arguably
rather Western perspective. With regard to sub-question b) this study identified a wide
range of phenomena within contemporary education, and international education in
particular, that corroborate claims of a neoliberal environment. In particular, a number
of recent IB review documents show indications of neoliberal shifts in the discursive
terrain of international education, as do the IB’s plans for new initiatives such as the
Career-Related Certificate. With regard to sub-question c) this study has shown that
Matthew Newton 613063 EDUC90420
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there are still significant prospects for preservation of the IB’s founding cosmopolitan
ideals, as long as those issues identified in the previous chapter are addressed.
Education for international-mindedness is a vital project for the 21st century. The
cosmopolitan ideas of the IB, despite being developed by a rather narrow group of
educators not totally representative of the world as a whole, have great potential to
enhance intercultural understanding and global justice. The global neoliberal turn
represents a powerful challenge to many laudable educational goals, including those of
the IB (Giroux, 2002; Rizvi, 2007; Rizvi & Engel, 2009; Tarc, 2009); however, its
significance should not be overestimated. There is reason to be optimistic that the IB
can still play a significant role in promoting cosmopolitanism in 21st century
international education.
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47
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